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STRATEGIC
REVIEW
ASIAN
STRATEGIC
REVIEW
Editors
S.D. MUNI
VIVEK CHADHA
PENTAGON PRESS
Asian Strategic Review / S.D. Muni, Vivek Chadha (Eds)
ISBN 978-81-8274-719-7
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
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Disclaimer: The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily
reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, or the Government of
India.
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Foreword vii
List of Contributors ix
1. Introduction 1
S.D. Muni
SOUTH ASIA
2. Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 11
Laxman Kumar Behera
3. Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 31
Vishal Chandra and Ashok K. Behuria
CHINA
4. Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 53
Rukmani Gupta
5. China’s Military Modernisation and India’s Security 70
Mandip Singh
6. Recent Developments in India-China Relations 94
Rup Narayan Das
7. Emerging Powers: China and India in BRICS 107
Jagannath P. Panda
SOUTHEAST AND EAST ASIA
8. Developments in the South China Sea 125
Sarabjeet Singh Parmar
9. Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 148
Shamshad A. Khan
10. India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 164
Rahul Mishra
WEST ASIA
11. Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 183
Prasanta Kumar Pradhan
vi Asian Strategic Review
Index 375
Foreword
Ashok K. Behuria is a Research Fellow and Coordinator of the South Asia Centre
at IDSA, New Delhi.
Jagannath P. Panda is a Research Fellow at IDSA, New Delhi. His research areas
are: China & Multilateralism, Sino-Indian relations and BRICS.
Laxman Kumar Behera is a Research Fellow at Institute for Defence Studies and
Analyses. He specializes on issues of military spending, defence industry and
arms procurement.
M. Mahtab Alam Rizvi is an Associate Fellow at IDSA. He focuses on political
developments and energy security issues in Iran and the Gulf Region. His
current Project is on Iran-China Relations.
Mandeep Singh is an army officer and a Senior Fellow at IDSA. He specialises
on issues pertaining to China in general and PLA and Tibet in particular.
Nupur Brahma is a researcher with IDSA. She mainly works on nuclear
proliferation and disarmament with a special focus on North Korea’s nuclear
weapons development.
Pranamita Baruah is a researcher at the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses
(IDSA). Her area of focus is Japan and the Korean Peninsula.
Prasanta Kumar Pradhan is an Associate Fellow at IDSA. His areas of interest
include conflict and human rights, politics and foreign policy of Saudi Arabia.
R.N. Das is a Senior Fellow at the IDSA. His areas of research include China-
Hong Kong relations, India-China relations, Chinese foreign policy.
Rajiv Nayan is a Senior Research Associate at the IDSA. He specializes on nuclear
issues and arms control at the Institute.
Rahul Mishra is a researcher at Southeast Asia and Oceania Centre, IDSA. He
specialises on issues related to Asia-Pacific security, Southeast Asia and
Southwest Pacific region.
Rajorshi Roy is a researcher with the Eurasia-West Asia Centre at the IDSA. He
is focusing on Russia’s military modernisation programme and Russia’s Arctic
strategy.
x Asian Strategic Review
Asia is in the process of a radical transformation and appears eager, not only to
take charge of its own destiny, but, to redefine the contours and dynamics of
world politics. In these changes, its strategic parameters are being shaped by a
number of forces and factors; four of which stand out for the depth and extent
of their impact. They are: (i) the economic dynamism of Asia, marked particularly
by the rise of giants like China and India, (ii) the growing perception of a US
decline along with its strategic ‘pivot’ or ‘rebalancing’ towards the Asia-pacific
region, (iii) internal turbulence in the Muslim world sparked by what has come
to be widely known as the ‘Arab Spring’, and (iv) and the challenge of nuclear
proliferation in Asia.
military capabilities in the realms of cyber security and space and by acquiring
submarines and aircraft carriers for its navy. These capabilities have startled its
neighbours, and put other world powers, including the United States of America
on alert. China seems to be developing A2AD (Anti-Access and Area Denial)
capabilities to deter-even-US naval missions in the Asia-Pacific region. A US
Congressional Research Service report analysing China’s naval modernisation and
its implications for the US in December 2012 stated that:
... observers believe that China wants its military to be capable of acting as a
so-called anti-access force—a force that can deter U.S. intervention in a conflict
involving Taiwan, or failing that, delay the arrival or reduce the effectiveness
of intervening U.S. naval and air forces.4
The real problem however, may not be with the pace and formidable dimensions
of China’s military modernisation. After all, a country of China’s size and
dimensions, with a huge economic surplus is expected to enhance its defence
capabilities. China’s military modernisation has become a matter of controversy
and debate because of its unusually fast pace and, even more because of its
unexpected, and to many, incomprehensible, assertiveness and aggressive
behaviour. China’s assertion of territorial claims in the South China Sea,
particularly vis-à-vis Vietnam and the Philippines has taken many in the region
by surprise. These claims have been projected by China as a part of its ‘core
national interests’. The concept of ‘core interests’ implies that if need be, force
can and will be used for the protection of these interests, as in the case of Taiwan
and Tibet. Such assertions are not confined only to South China Sea, but have
also been visible in the East Asia Sea vis-à-vis Japan over the disputed Senkaku
Island which have whipped up emotive nationalism and public protests. China
has stepped up its naval movements in the disputed area. The equally robust
Japanese response has generated sharp tensions between the two neighbours.
China’s territorial claims have also been amply evident in the Himalayan region
in its unresolved border dispute with India. Not only has the military infrastructure
in the Himalayan region been vastly improved and upgraded, but China has gone
back on some of its understandings arrived with India, as in the case of Sikkim
and Arunachal Pradesh, and is also indifferent to any concrete negotiations for
resolution of the border dispute. Besides asserting its territorial claims, China is
also seen to be increasing its access and strategic presence in a number of Indian
Ocean countries. Its support for building and upgrading ports in Pakistan
(Gwadar), Sri Lanka (Hambantota), Bangladesh (Chittagong) and Myanmar
(Sittwe) has been noted by a number of strategic analysts in the region. These
ports are apparently commercial facilities for facilitating China’s growing energy
imports and trade but the possibility of their strategic use in any future eventuality
cannot be ruled out.
China’s rise coupled with the creeping perception of a US decline was one of
the drivers for the US president Obama’s ‘pivot’ or ‘rebalancing’ strategic shift
towards the Asia-Pacific region announced in November 2011.5 The stated
Introduction 3
justification for the shift was based on two developments; (i) the rise of Asia and
the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific region, and (ii) the approaching end
of US engagement in Afghanistan in 2014. However, in view of China’s rise and
assertiveness, the US has equally been concerned about reinforcing its leadership
in Asia and the world. The US was also seeking to extricate itself from the
unwinnable ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan. The killing of the Al Qaeda leader
Osama bin Laden in a covert US operation in May 2011 in Pakistan, had created
a flimsy, though acceptable, justification for the US domestic constituencies to
announce the 2014 disengagement from Afghanistan. The strategic shift from
Central and West Asia to the Asia-Pacific region also provides the US with a face
saver to counter the perception of a ‘declining US’ and prevents the costly military
involvement in the Muslim world from turning into a civilisation war (recall
President Bush’s call for a ‘crusade’ in his first reaction to the 9/11 attacks on the
US) between a Christian US and an Islamic West/Central Asian region. The
strategy has enabled the US to reinforce its presence in the region, as the US is
now being welcomed by regional countries, to counter China’s military
modernisation. This will help the US in protecting, even promoting its traditional
economic interests (also by boosting its arms sales to China’s frightened neighbours)
in the region. As spelt out by President Obama, this strategy will enable the US
to strengthen its traditional alliances with countries like Japan, South Korea,
Australia, the Philippines and Thailand and also build strategic partnerships with
other important players in the region like Vietnam, Singapore, Indonesia and
India. While the revival and augmenting of the US presence in the region has
generally been welcomed, there are doubts if its economic difficulties, and cuts in
defence spending will allow the US new Asia-Pacific strategy to have the desired
effect in the face of unmitigated Chinese growth.
China is irked by the new US strategic shift. It views this shift as a move to
contain China, notwithstanding repeated denials by the US, and blames it for
encouraging countries like Vietnam, the Philippines and Japan to challenge China.
While the US has repeatedly promised to stay neutral on the territorial claims
and counter claims of China and its neighbours in the region, it cannot but assure
security support to its traditional allies. The efforts of both the US and China to
keep their bilateral and multi-dimensional engagement creative and constructive
in the face of conflicting pulls and pressures is raising questions about the ultimate
strategic equation between them in the region. No one in the region is comfortable
about a US-China equation which either takes the shape of a G2 (Group of Two)
domination or degenerates into a new Cold War between the two, with the
possibility of an open conflict. There are strong advocates for both possibilities in
the policy establishments of the US as well as China but both have thus far been
cautious enough to maintain a level of bilateral engagement. China’s periodic
moderation of its assertive stance and the US advice to Japan to lower its pitch
on the territorial dispute with China are indications to this effect.
Internal political turbulence in the Islamic world that started with the so-
4 Asian Strategic Review
called ‘Arab Spring’ in Tunisia and Egypt in December 2010 and January 2011
respectively has engulfed almost the whole of West Asia and North Africa. This
has led to systemic transformations in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Syria is
in the throes of a civil war and Bahrain is still under considerable pressure from
the seemingly suppressed popular revolt for political change. Popular protests
and demonstrations have not spared even traditionally stable regimes like those
in Algeria, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. Situations resulting from
the internal turbulence have not only sucked in the neighbours of the countries
affected, but also the United Nations and the great powers like the US, UK,
France and Germany. The turbulence has disturbed the ethnic and sectarian (Shias/
Sunnis/Arabs/Non-Arabs) balance as well as the peace and stability of the region.
Consequently the region is now a fertile ground for extremist and fundamentalist
forces like Al Qaeda and Muslim Brotherhood to play with popular emotions
and identity assertions. The security of the region has become fragile and strategic
equations are being redefined.
In the midst of all this turmoil, new challenges relating to nuclear non-
proliferation have emerged in Asia. In North Korea, neither diplomatic initiatives
like the Six Party Talks involving great powers like China and the US, nor the
pressure of sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council Resolutions have
succeeded in settling the question of nuclear proliferation. The hopes raised by
the political transition and leadership change following the death of Kim Jong II
at the age of 69 following a long ailment, regarding North Korea’s retreat from
the nuclear path have by now mostly been belied and the security of East Asian
region continues to be a worry. The same is also true of Iran. Neither Israeli threats
of war or UN sanctions, or diplomatic facilitation by Europe and others have
succeeded in resolving the issue of IAEA safeguards and inspections relating to
Iran’s nuclear facilities and enrichment plants. While the Iranian nuclear issue
keeps Israel agitated and itching for war, the Korean nuclear proliferation has
induced possible re-think in the nuclear policies and options of its neighbours
like South Korea and Japan.
The threat of nuclear proliferation in Asia does not come only from the new
proliferators. The established and acknowledged nuclear weapons states in Asia
like China, Pakistan and India are also expanding and upgrading their arsenals
and enhancing the ranges and efficiencies of their delivery systems. The most
frightening prospect of nuclear proliferation and threat is however in relation to
Pakistan where possibility of jihadi extremists getting access to, and even control
of nuclear weapons or material is not ruled out. God forbid, but if and when that
happens, not only South Asia would become a nuclear tinder box but the security
of whole of the world would be threatened.
assertiveness have created a hiatus in its economic and strategic engagement with
several Asian countries. Asian countries have generally been admiring and
emulating China’s growth trajectory as it has benefitted them in terms of their
own trade and investments. This engagement is economically stimulating for the
Asian countries, though it is one sided. This is generating an undercurrent of
unease and discomfort because of the prospects of Chinese dominance in the
areas of trade and investments. China has tried to soften this discomfort by offering
alternatives to reduce the negative trade balance and change its investment pattern
and practices in order to keep up the momentum of economic engagement.
However, in contrast to the economic engagement, there is a marked hesitation
and reservation in the Asian countries’ strategic response towards China.
Strategically, the Asian countries are seeking confidence and reassurance in the
enhanced US presence in the region and a new strategic balance to be created
with greater involvement of other Asian powers like India, Australia and Japan.
Russia and Europe are also looking eastward to participate in the emerging strategic
balance in Asia which will ensure that no single power, surely not China, is able
to dominate the region. There are of course exceptions, such as Iran and Pakistan
who have no problems with a rising and assertive China.
The strategic dilemma of an economic engagement with China and the need
for a multi-polar strategic balance to prevent China’s dominance in the region is
resulting in new strategic equations and partnerships. The changing stance of
Myanmar and Vietnam towards the US, and vice-versa gives a clear strategic
message to China that its rise has to be peaceful and gentle. India’s strategic relations
with Japan have improved remarkably making both countries the “strategic and
global” partners of each other. At the last summit between the two on the sidelines
of the ASEAN summit in Cambodia on November 20, 2012. India and Japan
agreed to enhance their cooperation in the field of maritime security by
strengthening the engagement between Japan’s Maritime Self-Defence Force and
the Indian Navy. India and Japan are also seeking to involve South Korea with
them in a triangular strategic partnership. The strategic partnership between India
and Australia established in 2009 is also being energised as was evident by the
Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard’s state visit to India in 2012 where she
promised to set aside her country’s reservations on selling uranium to India. After
talking to his Australian counterpart in New Delhi on January 21, 2013, India’s
foreign minister Salman Khurshid disclosed that the India-Australia strategic
partnership has “grown in strength and expanded in scope”. The US has been
encouraging the strategic partnerships between India, Japan and Australia. There
exist triangular strategic equations between US, Japan and India as also between
US, Japan and Australia. The quadrilateral equation among the US, Japan Australia
and India, which is based on the coordination between these four countries during
the relief efforts for the Asian Tsunami in December 2004, was initiated in 2007.
There is a strong possibility of institutionalising such a quadrilateral strategic
equation in the near future, which, to begin with, may take up the issues such as
6 Asian Strategic Review
disaster relief, counter-terrorism and maritime security. The US has also floated
the idea of a triangular strategic equation between the US, India and China, but
China may not wish to share its strategic perspectives, specially on regional and
nuclear issues with India and the US.
While crafting their responses to a rising and assertive China and forging
new and multiple strategic equations, the Asian countries have also stepped up
their efforts to enhance their defence capabilities. Asian defence budgets are rising
and Asia has emerged as the world’s largest arms bazaar. China tops the world and
in Asia in its defence spending which has registered an annual double digit growth
over the past five years (17.6 per cent in 2009, 15.1 per cent in 2009, 10.7 per
cent in 2010, 13.05 per cent in 2011 and 11.5 per cent in 2012).6 China is
gradually emerging as an important arms exporter in Asia. India is also seen, by
arms suppliers, as one of the biggest markets for weapons and military technologies
as it is expected to spend $100 billion on its military modernisation in the next
10 years. Besides China and India, the military modernisation spree is also evident
in Pakistan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore. The emphasis
has mainly been on strengthening navies, air forces and missile development in
these countries. The launching of China’s first aircraft carrier in 2012, the US
rebalancing that aims to shift 60 per cent of its naval strength to the Pacific and
the elaborate plans of India to turn its Andaman and Nicobar islands into a
formidable tri-service military base in the Indian Ocean have the potential to
radically restructure the existing balance of forces in the region. Japan is relaxing
its constitutional constraints on military deployments and has given up its
reservations regarding arms spending. This development is not only on account
of economic growth and dynamism in the region but mainly because China’s
assertion and the US rebalancing have given rise to security fears and tensions in
the region.
Regional security implications of the US strategic shift are still evolving and
are being evaluated. Of particular concern in this respect is the situation in
Afghanistan after the draw down of US and NATO forces is completed in 2014.
There are scary scenarios of: the Taliban taking over Kabul; Afghanistan breaking
apart; jihadis and extremists dictating and dominating the political process in
Pakistan and even gaining access to Pakistan’s nuclear assets; Pakistan, India, the
Central Asian Republics and even the western periphery of China in Xinjiang
being threatened by terrorism and de-stabilisation and escalation of terrorist attacks
against Europe and the US.7 No one really seems to be having a satisfactory answer
or a credible clue to the worst-case security challenges emanating from a post-
2014 Afghanistan.
This Volume
Some of the critical Asian security issues arising from the developments identified
in the foregoing paragraphs have been addressed in this volume—18 chapters of
which have been contributed by scholars of IDSA. While writing these chapters,
Introduction 7
their authors have kept in mind possible implications of these developments for
India’s security concerns and strategic priorities. The volume sincerely tries to
present objective, academic analyses of policies, developments and issues which
do not in any way constitute the official position of the Government of India
nor the opinions of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.
China looms large in the volume because the Asian security situation is
revolving around a rising and assertive China. There are several chapters devoted,
not only to China’s rise and military modernisation, but also to its relations with
India and Afghanistan, the turbulence and tensions in South China Sea and the
generally overlooked aspect of the political implications of China’s rise on its
internal system and leadership. The volume also critically examines Russia’s military
modernisation, India’s defence spending in comparison with that of its immediate
neighbours and defence and security policies of Japan. There is a separate chapter
on the US re-balancing strategy in Asia-Pacific region. The growing defence
cooperation between India and the US has been discussed in a full chapter that
takes into account the history of this relationship and the changes that have taken
place in its content and thrust in recent years. For the West Asian region, the
‘Arab Spring’ and its fall out on regional security have been carefully studied. The
role of Iran in the security dynamics of the region around it has been dispassionately
discussed in another chapter. There is also a special focus on nuclear proliferation
in Asia and full length chapters have been devoted to nuclear modernisation in
China and Pakistan, the nuclear defiance of North Korea and the failure of the
international community to restrain Iran from its nuclear quest.
This volume is not intended to be either comprehensive or exhaustive. It
could not have been given the constraints of the scholarship available in IDSA
and the time devoted to the planning and the completion of the volume. It is
however hoped that the volume will be of interest to various sections of strategic
community in India and abroad including scholars, policy analysts and
practitioners, journalists and concerned individuals. The readers may find the
volume worth its effort. The data base added to the volume in the form of maps
and tables will help in understanding the intricacies of the analyses presented in
the volume and also serve for ready reference. Serious efforts will be made in the
next volume to improve upon the shortcoming experienced during the present
effort.
N OTES
1. The Guardian (London), November 09, 2012. http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/nov/
09/china_overtake_us_four_years_.... , accessed on January 21, 2013.
2. The Economist (London), December 27, 2011.
3. Claims by the Chinese news paper The Global Times to this effect were quoted in the British
news paper, The Telegraph (January 09, 2013). http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/china-
business/9789699/China_says_economy_.... , accessed on January 20, 2013.
4. Ronald O’Rourke, “China Naval Modernization: Implications for U.S. Navy Capabilities—
8 Asian Strategic Review
Background and Issues for Congress”, Congressional Research Service 7-5700, RL33513,
December 10, 2012.
5. For a brief discussion of this US strategy see, S.D. Muni, “Obama’s Asia-Pacific Doctrine:
India’s Options”, ISAS Insights, No.144, 22 November 2011.
6. http://www.china.org.cn/china/NCP_CPPCC_2012/2012-03/07/content_24828741,
accessed on January 23, 2013.
7. For a less scary and somewhat balanced prognosis of the end game in Afghanistan see; Vinod
Saighal, “There is No Endgame in Afghanistan”, South Asian Idea, January 22, 2013, http:/
/southasianidea.com/geopolitics/there-is-no-endgame-in-afghanistan/, accessed on January 23,
2013.
South Asia
2
Defence Spending in India and
its Neighbourhood
Laxman Kumar Behera
This chapter examines the military expenditure trends in China, India and
Pakistan. In doing so, it also examines the key drivers of military expenditure
and the military capability that these countries try to achieve.
CHINA
China’s primary security challenges during the Cold War came from the
superpower politics of the US and the Soviet Union. Under the impact of bipolar
politics, survival and security of the physical existence of the state emerged as
predominant concerns. As sovereignty and territorial integrity were the overriding
security goals, the Taiwan issue dominated China’s security imperative. Taiwan
not only represented an incomplete nationalism and divided sovereignty but also
posed a grave security threat owing to the US military support to the Island nation.
Post-Cold War, there has however been a perceptible shift in China’s notion of
security owing to changes in the international system. The end of the Cold War
also ended the Soviet threat on its borders. The US-China rapprochement that
followed neutralised the direct US threat, which in turn, reduced the threat from
Taiwan. Further and more importantly, globalisation and China’s own economic
growth imperative put the onus on Beijing for creating a peaceful external and
internal security environment. However, the favourable security environment of
the post-Cold War era changed with the 9/11 terror attacks on the US. The US
once again emerged as a primary threat owing to its growing unilateralism and
predominant presence around China’s periphery, in Central Asia, South Asia,
North East Asia and South East Asia. China felt itself encircled from all sides. It
also came to believe that the US presence had spurred the security dilemma in
East Asia and that the current turmoil in the South-China Sea is attributable to
the US’ strategy of containment against China. Apart from the external challenges,
China is also facing intense internal challenges emanating primarily from its
12 Asian Strategic Review
minority dominated areas of Xinjiang and Tibet. In fact, Tibet is today a greater
threat to China than Taiwan. Also, with China’s rapid economic growth, its need
for resources and minerals has grown manifold. This has further increased its
security concerns, as now they do not only focus on territorial integrity and
sovereignty but are increasingly focused on securing its energy resources and the
sea lines of communication. Indeed the need for resources for energy security has
entwined China’s security interests with maritime security.
In this expanding notion of security, the current US ‘pivot’ to Asia has further
complicated China’s security environment. China is rapidly enhancing its security
by swift economic development and building up of military capabilities. Also, it
is maintaining an external balance by promoting multilateralism and building
strategic partnerships globally.
In March 2012 China announced an 11.2 per cent increase in its official
defence budget which went up to 670 billion yuan ($106.4 billion).1 The double
digit increase in the latest budget is a continuum of a trend of substantial level of
military spending that has been sustained over a long period. Except for 2010
when defence expenditure went up by 7.5 per cent, there has been a more than
10 per cent increase in Chinese military spending for almost a quarter century.
Consequently, Beijing whose military spending was less than that of major global
military spenders including France, UK and Japan, now has the second-largest
military spend after the US.
0 -20
1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008 2011
Source: China’s Defence White Papers of 2006, 2008 and 2010 (available at official site of
Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, http://
english.gov.cn/official/2005-08/17/content_24165.htm); and China Daily (for figures of
2010, 2011 and 2012).
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 13
phase-III (post-2007). The growth in the first phase is ascribed to the need to
“make up for the inadequacy of defence development (that resulted from relatively
greater focus on economic development in the first decade post liberalisation)
and maintain national security and unity…” The growth in the second phase is
explained as being necessitated to meet the “requirements of RMA”. The post-
2007 growth is mostly attributed to the need to insulate service personnel against
price rise and increase in general living standards, and to “push forward the
RMA”.7
China’s prolonged and sustained economic growth has been the main driver
for sustaining the growth momentum in military expenditure. From around a
trillion dollar economy in the late nineties, China’s GDP increased to $7.3 trillion
by 2011, and in the process it has overtaken Japan to become the biggest Asian
economy and the second biggest in the world.8 With its impressive economic
growth, China has sought a greater role in international affairs, hitherto
underplayed in accordance with the long-held Deng Xiaoping-influenced policy
of low-profile external engagement. The willingness to assert itself in international
affairs is embedded in China’s concept of Comprehensive National Power (CNP),
which supports, among other things, a strong military that is commensurate with
its “great power” status. This has led China to pursue a comprehensive yet very
expensive military transformation from a ‘mass army designed for protracted wars
of attrition on its territory to one capable of fighting and winning short-duration,
high intensity conflicts against high-tech adversaries.’9 China refers to this approach
as preparation for fighting and winning “wars under conditions of
informationisation”.10 Towards this end China has invested hugely in domestic
research and development, modern technology and weapon acquisitions from
abroad.
the technological gap with advanced countries. If the rapid progress made over
the past years continues, China in the next decade or so could well be the third
country (after the US and Russia) to have top-end aviation technological
capability.20
Following the J-20 flight test, China in September 2012 commissioned its
first aircraft carrier, “Liaoning”. Although the carrier is a refitted Soviet era ship
bought from Ukraine, its commissioning nonetheless made Beijing’s rising naval
ambitions clear. It is believed that China has already started working on its
indigenous carrier programme and may eventually build up to four carriers,
including nuclear ones.21
In January 2007, China became the third country after the US and Russia to
conduct a successful anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon test, by destroying a low earth
orbiting satellite. The test, which took place unannounced, raised concerns in
many nations, including the US, Japan and Australia, in view of possible harm
that could be caused to space assets by the debris resulting from the test.22 However,
a far-reaching implication of the successful test is China’s new-found ability to
use space to acquire an asymmetric military advantage against any adversary.
INDIA
India faces multiple threats and challenges to its security from land, sea and air.
India shares approximately 15,000 km of land border with six of its neighbours
and long stretches of these are under dispute. Some neighbours, including nuclear
Pakistan and China have also fought wars with India. The existence of terrorist
camps in Pakistan and continued infiltrations from across the Line of Actual
Control (LOC) remain a source of concern for India. The rise of China, both
economically and militarily, and its growing military footprint in India’s immediate
and extended neighbourhood has created a sense of urgency in New Delhi’s
security establishment. The urgency has further been accentuated by Beijing’s
rapid infrastructure development in Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and
Xinjiang Province which has enhanced China’s force projection and military
capability besides giving it increased strategic and operational flexibility vis-à-vis
India.
The internal security situation too, continues to pose multifarious challenges,
in particular the proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir, insurgencies in the Northeast,
terrorist attacks in the hinterland and the spread of left-wing extremism, each of
which require an effective and coordinated inter-agency response at the national
level. India also has a vital stake in the security of the SLOCs, a concern that will
acquire increasing significance in the times to come. This is more so in view of
the rapid globalisation of Indian economy. In 1990-91, India’s total external trade
accounted for a mere 6 per cent of the GDP; by 2010-11, it had increased to 52
per cent. In view of the finite availability of resources and keeping in view the
security and developmental needs of the country, there would always be a resource
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 17
gap. An analysis of the total resource availability and its utilisation service-wise is
discussed below.
In March 2012 the central government raised the defence budget for 2012-
13 to Rs. 1934.1 billion (or $35.3 billion23).
This amounts to 17.6 per cent increase over the previous year’s allocations.
With the latest budget, India’s defence spending in the 10-year period from 2003-
04 to 2012-13 has increased by a factor of 3.2 (or by 222 per cent) from Rs.
600.7 billion. However, the growth lacks consistency. Unlike China, where there
has been a sustained and rapid growth in defence spending in the past several
years, India has seen growth in excess of 10 per cent in five years in the same
period (see Figure 2). The uneven growth in defence expenditure notwithstanding,
the capital expenditure—most of which is spent on modernisation of armed
forces—has grown at a hefty pace. In a 10-year period, the capital expenditure
has grown by 372 per cent, in comparison to the 163 per cent increase in revenue
expenditure, the bulk of which is spent for the pay and allowances of the armed
forces.
Army
The Indian army, which has an active strength of some 1.1 million, is the third-
largest land force in the world.24 In 2012-13 its budget was Rs. 972.9 billion,
which was 50.3 per cent of the total defence budget.25 Although the army’s budget
is mostly revenue-intensive (around 80 per cent in 2012-13), its capital
expenditure has nonetheless increased by 270.7 per cent over ten years, to reach
Rs. 191.8 billion in 2012-13. The capital budget increase has however not
translated into a comprehensive modernisation of the Indian army. Compared
Fig. 2. Trends in India’s Defence Expenditure, 2003-04 to 2012-13
2200 30
2000
25
1800
Annual Grwoth (%)
1600 20
Billion INR
1400
15
1200
1000 10
800
5
600
400 0
2003-04 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13
(RE) (BE)
to the other services, the Indian army seems to be lagging behind in its
modernisation drive which the outgoing Chief of Army Staff, Gen VK Singh,
described as ‘hollowness’ in his confidential March 2012 letter to the PM which
was leaked to the media and created an uproar both in Parliament and outside.
Among other issues the army chief noted that the tanks are “devoid of critical
ammunition”; the air defence is “97 per cent obsolete”; the special forces are
“woefully short of essential weapons”; and there is a large scale void in critical
surveillance and night-fighting capabilities.26 Although the defence minister has
refuted the claims of the Army Chief, saying “these are all rumours … and India
is in much more strong position as compared to the past”,27 the ground reality
is somewhat different. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence while
examining the 2012-13 budgetary provisions of the defence services has pointed
out key deficiencies in the country’s defence preparedness. The report of the
Committee presented to the Parliament on April 30, 2012, noted “huge gaps
between the sanctioned and the existing machines with Army Aviation”, shortage
of tank ammunition, huge delays in the induction of artillery guns and even
shortages of bullet proof jackets for the troops.28
The above controversy notwithstanding, the Indian army is moving ahead
both in terms of size and modernisation. In an effort to bolster its defence along
the north eastern front, the army has raised two mountain divisions with 15,000
personnel each under the Eastern Command of the Indian army.29 The mountain
divisions will be part of a new mountain strike corps which has been sanctioned
by the MoD at an estimated cost of Rs. 640 billion.
Some of the major ongoing modernisation-driven inductions of the Indian
army are mentioned below:
• Induction of T-90 and MBT Arjun tanks along with capability
enhancement by providing night fighting capability.
• Consolidation and enhancement of long range and precision fire power
through induction of SMERCH, BrahMos and Pinaka rocket systems.
• Induction of camera mounted Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) for
improved battlefield surveillance.
• Induction of medium- and short-range surface to air missiles for air
defence.
• Replacement of Cheetah/Chetak helicopter with advanced light
helicopters.
Air Force
The Indian Air Force (IAF) is the fourth-largest air arm in the world. In 2012-
13 its budget was raised to Rs. 481.9 billion, constituting 24.9 per cent of total
defence budget. Among the three services, the IAF is the most capital-intensive,
accounting for about 38 per cent of total capital expenditure (in 2012-13). During
the period 2003-04 to 2012-13, IAF’s total capital expenditure has increased by
459 per cent to Rs. 304.9 billion.
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 19
The increase in the IAF’s capital expenditure has however not prevented the
depletion of its combat force strength to 34 squadrons, against the government-
authorised number of 42 squadrons. The number of squadrons is further likely
to be reduced to 31 during the 12th Plan period (2012-2017). Nonetheless the
IAF has taken some major initiatives to increase its squadron strength including
the induction of new fighter aircraft, and the up-gradation of the existing ones in
its armoury. The IAF is hopeful that by the 15th Plan (2027-2032) the number
of fighter squadrons will eventually go up to 45.30
In August 2007, the Ministry of Defence issued a Request for Proposal for
the procurement of 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) at an
estimated cost of Rs. 420 billion to six global vendors from five countries: Russia’s
MiG-35 (RAC MiG); Swedish JAS-39 (Gripen); Dassault Rafale (France);
American F-16 Falcon (Lockheed Martin); and Boeing’s F/A-18 Super Hornet
and Eurofighter Typhoon (manufactured by a consortium of British, German,
Spanish and Italian firms).31 The RFP stipulates that the first 18 aircraft will be
bought off-the-shelf, while the remaining 108 will be manufactured locally under
transfer of technology. The procurement process has however been progressing at
a slow pace. Compared to the 2-3 years timeframe (as mandated in the MoD’s
capital procurement manual) for contract signing, the MMRCA has so far taken
more than five years since the RFP was floated in 2007. The delay notwithstanding,
the French Rafale has been chosen over of the Eurofighter which lost out on cost
parameters (both the fighters were qualified after the gruesome flight trials
conducted by the IAF).
Besides the planned induction of new aircraft, the IAF is in the process of
acquiring new platforms, such as early-warning and mid-air refuelling aircraft,
with force multiplier roles. In May 2009, after a delay of nearly one and a half
years,it inducted the first IL-76 based AWACS aircraft, followed by two more in
2010 and 2011.32 Under the option clause, India is also planning to acquire two
more of these planes. The AWACS plane features the advanced Israeli Phalcon
early warning radar and communication suite on the Russia-made IL-76 aircraft,
under a tripartite $1.1 billion deal signed in 2004 among India, Israel and Russia.
Popularly know as the “eye in the sky”, the significance of the AWACS lies in its
surveillance capabilities with regard to troops build-up or aircraft movement deep
inside enemy territory, while flying well within Indian airspace. “It can even listen
to highly confidential communication among enemy frontline units.”33
In addition to the IL-76 based AWACS, India’s Defence Research and
Development Organisation (DRDO) is also developing an Airborne Early Warning
and Control (AEW&C) system—dubbed as ‘mini AWACS—to be mounted on
Brazilian aircraft. In 2008, India and Brazil signed an agreement under which the
latter will supply three of its modified regional jet aircraft, EMB-145 at a cost of
$210 million.34 The first aircraft with several DRDO systems including the Active
Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) antenna was handed over to India in late
August 2012 for further integration. The developmental flight trial of the complete
system is planed in 2013.35
20 Asian Strategic Review
Navy
The Indian Navy (IN), the fifth-largest maritime force in the world, is responsible
for protecting India’s maritime interests along the 7516.6 km coastline, the 2.01
million km2 EEZ, distant islands, and its vast SLOCs. Among the three services
the IN, however, has the lowest budget although its share of the defence budget
is increasing. In 2012-13 its budget was raised to Rs. 373.1 billion. This constitutes
over 19 per cent of the defence budget—a noticeable increase from the less than
15 per cent in early 2000s. Over the years the IN is becoming increasingly capital-
intensive. From less than 50 per cent in 1999-2000, the capital expenditure
amount in IN’s total expenditure has shot up to over 66 per cent in 2012-13. In
2012-13 its total budgeted capital expenditure reached Rs. 247.7 billion,
representing a 362 per cent increase over a 10 year period.
The increases in the IN’s total budgetary resources and particularly the capital
expenditure, has however not enabled it to sustain its force level at the government-
mandated level. In 2003 the government had directed that the IN’s force level
consisting of ships and submarines should not be below 140 ships. However, at
the end of 2011, the number of ships came down to 132 ships.36 Besides the
budgetary constraints, delay in procurement has left the IN struggling to replace
most of its ageing vital maritime assets. The INS Viraat, currently the sole aircraft
carrier with the IN, is nearly 50 years old and was scheduled for decommissioning
in 2008. However, over four years of delay in the induction schedule of the Admiral
Gorshkov (renamed INS Vikramaiditya) to 2013, has once again extended the
operational availability of INS Viraat. The submarine strength of the IN is also
facing depletion, and is at 67 per cent of the force level envisaged in a 1985 plan.
Moreover, the “prolonged refit” schedule has brought down the operational
availability of the submarines to as low as 48 per cent.37
In May 2006 the IN released its Vision Document which stated, among others,
that the navy would “create and sustain a three dimensional, technology enabled
and networked force capable of safeguarding our maritime interests on the high
seas and projecting combat power across the littoral.”38 To realise this vision, the
IN is working towards having three carrier battle groups supported by a host of
supporting ships and the air- and space- based communication/surveillance. Post
the induction of the Vikramaditya, the navy is seeking to induct an Indigenous
Aircraft Carrier (IAC) which is presently being constructed at the state-owned
Cochin Shipyard and is expected to be launched in 2013 and inducted in 2018.39
Besides the Vikramaditya and the IAC, the navy is also reportedly planning for its
third aircraft carrier also most likely to be built at the Cochin shipyard. During
the Tenth Plan the IN had inducted a total of 12 ships and 24 aircrafts including
12 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). In 2012-13, Navy plans to induct 8 ships
including the aircraft carrier (Vikramaditya), frigates, destroyers, and offshore patrol
vessels.40
To further boost the under-water combat capability of the navy, and more
importantly, to provide India with a credible nuclear deterrence through second-
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 21
Nuclear Deterrence
Apart from the nuclear submarine Arihant, India also continues to strengthen
other means of nuclear deterrence, with particular focus on missile delivery system.
Presently, India’s nuclear forces comprises of aircrafts and land- and sea-based
ballistic missiles. According to SIPRI, India’s air based nuclear deterrence revolves
around two types of aircraft of the Indian Air Force—Mirage 2000H Vajra and
Jaguar IS Shamsher, with a range of 1850 KM and 1400 KM, respectively.44 The
land-based missile systems consist of the Prithvi and Agni series of missiles
indigenously developed by the DRDO as part of Integrated Guided Missile
Development Programme which were sanctioned by the Indian government in
1983.45 The sea-based missiles consist of Dhanush (a naval version of the Prithvi
class missile) and K-15 missiles. The Prithvi missile which has three variants with
ranges of 150 KM, 250 KM and 350 KM, is operational with the armed forces.46
The 350 KM range Dhanush was last tested successfully on October 5, 2012
from a naval ship.
India’s nuclear deterrence got a major boost on April 19, 2012 when the
5000 KM plus range ‘new generation strategic missile’ Agni-V was test fired
successfully.47 The test was the result of years of efforts spent in the development
of four other Agni series of missiles, including Agni-IV which has a range of 4000
KM.48 With the Agni-V test, India became only the sixth country in the world
22 Asian Strategic Review
after all the P-5 members of the UN Security Council with the capability to
develop inter continental ballistic missile (ICBM). The Agni-V also gives India
the ability to hit targets anywhere in Asia and parts of Europe and Africa49—a
feat no other Indian missile had achieved so far. The other notable aspect of the
Agni V missile is its ‘booster technology’ which can be used to develop anti satellite
weapons, although the government has so far not given its nod.50
Cyber Security
India has of late stepped up its efforts to counter the growing cyber attacks on its
military and civil infrastructure. The Indian armed forces, which have often come
under attack from neighbouring counties, look set to form an integrated cyber
command to be headed by an officer of the navy which reportedly has greater
expertise in the field. The command, which is expected to draw manpower and
other assets from the three services and other government departments is however
still at the conceptual stage and is yet to get formal government approval.53
Apart from the armed forces-led initiative, The National Security Council
Secretariat (NSCS) under the National Security Advisor (NSA) has taken certain
initiatives to safeguard India’s vast computer networks and systems. As a first
step, a Joint Working Group (JWG) has been set up under the aegis of NSCS
with members drawn from both public and private sector. The report of the JWG
submitted on August 16, 2012, recognises the need for a PPP (public private
partnership) approach for strengthening India’s cyber security. The report also
identifies the guiding principles and objectives of PPP in cyber security besides
providing a roadmap and a permanent JWG to implement the recommendations.
Among others, the report highlights the need for increasing the number of cyber
security professionals on ‘mission mode’.54
PAKISTAN
Historically, Pakistan defence budget is influenced by its perceived ‘existential
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 23
threat’ from India. This continues to be the case till today although in recent
years its attention has been diverted to tackling the growing internal security
challenges, including military operations in areas bordering Afghanistan. The
internal security situation in Pakistan shows no sign of improving. Apart from
the radical threat in the tribal areas where army is deployed along the porous
Durand line with Afghanistan; sectarian violence, the continuing violence in
Karachi and the festering political problem in Balochistan is increasing day-by-
day. Radical infiltration of the Pakistan army seems to be a reality now, as the
recent attacks on GHQ Rawalpindi, Mehran Naval base and Kamra air base
suggest.
Pakistan’s raised its defence budget for 2012-13 by 10.2 per cent to Pakistan
Rupee (PKR) 545.4 billion ($6.1 billion55).56 The budget, however, excludes the
allocations made separately under the classifications of Military Pension, Defence
Division, Defence Production Division for which PKR 98.2 billion, PKR 3.2
billion, PKR 2.0 billion were allocated, respectively (Table 3). The total official
defence-related outlays amount to PKR 648.8 billion, or 20.3 per cent of total
Federal Government budget of 2012-13. Among the armed forces, the army with
an outlay of PKR 264.1 billion accounts for 48.4 per cent of total defence budget,
distantly followed by the air force (PKR 114.2 billion; 20.9 per cent) and navy
(PKR 52.7 billion; 9.7 per cent).
Table 3: Details of Estimates of Pakistan’s Expenditure on Defence Affairs and
Services, 2011-12 and 2012-13 (Rs. in million PKR)
Classification Budget 2011-12 Budget 2012-13
A. Defence Administration 1470 1564
B. Military Defence: 493745 543823
Employees Related Expenses 206488 229577
Operating Expenses 128283 143544
Physical Assets 117591 120522
Civil Works 42638 51356
Less Recoveries -1255 -1178
C. Sub-total (A+B) 495215 545386
Source: Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, Federal Budget 2012-13.
The highest growth was in 2009-10, when the defence expenditure was increased
by 21.5 per cent. Partly this was due to the army’s involvement in counter
insurgency operations, as part of the US-led war on terror, which has imposed a
heavy burden on the Pakistan economy. In her budget speech for the FY 2009-
10 the then financial minister had informed the National Assembly that the “war
on terror has already cost us over $35 billion since 2001-02 in economic costs.”59
Although Pakistan’s defence expenditure in absolute terms is much less than India’s
(about one-fifths to one-sixth), it nonetheless places a much higher burden on
the government budget. Compared to the defence spend of 13 per cent in India’s
total central government expenditure, Pakistan spends nearly 17 per cent.
600 21.5 25
19.8
17.6
14.7 20
500 13.8 12.7 11.5 12.3
9.8 15
400 7.3 6.9
PKR Billion
4.8 10
Per cent
300 5
0
200
-5
100 -12.8
-10
0 -15
2000- 2001- 2002- 2003- 2004- 2005- 2006- 2007- 2008- 2009- 2010- 2011- 2012-
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13
(RE) (BE)
Note: Figures up to 2010-11 are actual expenditure, and for 2011-12 and 2012-13 are revised
estimate and budget estimate, respectively.
Source: Figure prepared by the author based on data obtained from State Bank of Pakistan, Statistical
Bulletin (various years), available at http://www.sbp.org.pk/reports/stat_reviews/Bulletin/
2011/index.htm
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 25
that the plan funds would be used for procurement of JF-17 (Thunder) and J-
10 fighter jets for the air force; Cobra and Apache helicopters for the army, and
German-made U-214 submarines for the navy.62
China and Pakistan have cooperated on a number of high-profile defence
manufacturing projects, including F-22P frigates, the JF-17 Thunder aircraft and
the Al-Khalid MBT. An agreement for serial production of the aircraft in Pakistan
was signed in March 2009. Pakistan intends to produce a total of 42 JF-17s and
expects that by 2013–2015 a fleet of 250 JF-17s would form the backbone of its
combat fighter strength. Cementing their ties further, they signed an agreement
in 2006 for the joint development of an Airborne Early Warning and Control
(AEW&C) aircraft.63 The first of the four reconnaissance aircraft was rolled out
in 2010 during President Zardari’s visit to China. In 2005 Pakistan also signed a
$1.2 billion deal with Sweden for the purchase of Saab 2000 Erieye AEW&C.
The first of the five aircraft was delivered to Pakistan Air Force in 2009.64
capability through “hard and deeply buried storage and launch facilities, road-
mobile missiles, air defences around strategic sites, and concealments measures”,
says a 2008 report of the US Congressional Research Service (CRS).68 The CRS
also states that Pakistan has about 90-110 nuclear warheads.69 In addition, since
the 1990s Pakistan has been developing plutonium-based warheads with Chinese
assistance, which in turn indicates its intention to increase the nuclear arsenal in
the future. Pakistan’s present nuclear delivery system consists primarily of F-16s
purchased from the US (and modified later to carry out nuclear missions) and a
family of surface-to-surface missiles. The operational SSM family with a nuclear
role consists of solid-fuel Hatf-III (Ghaznavi: 300-400 km), solid-fuel Haft-IV
(Shaheen: 450 km), Hatf-V (Ghauri: 1300 km).70 Besides, Shaheen-II (2500 KM),
and Multi Tube Ballistic Missile Haft-IX or NASR (60 KM) two more SAMs are
expected to be operational in the near future. Pakistan is also developing Hatf-
VII (Babur), a nuclear-capable cruise missile with land, sea and air launched
versions.
Conclusion
China, Pakistan and India continue to increase their military expenditure, although
Beijing has been far ahead of the rest two, both in term of absolute spending and
the capacity to sustain it over a long period. Supported by a rapidly growing
economy, China has been able to sustain an annual double digit growth in its
military expenditure for about quarter century. Consequently it has been able to
vastly modernise its armed forces with the development and induction of state-
of-the art weaponry. Compared to China, the military modernisation of India
and Pakistan has been less vigorous but definite progress has been achieved by
these two countries.
The military modernisation by China and Pakistan is bound to have impact
on India. Given the political mistrust and unresolved border problems, India is
likely to continue taking measures to counter any threats from its eastern and
northern neighbours, as is indicated by India raising two mountain divisions along
its north-eastern border; the planned BMD for cities like New Delhi and Mumbai,
and the increased focus on naval modernisation. However it is unlikely that New
Delhi will ever be able to match China’s military modernisation, because of its
relatively smaller economy, resource constraints and delays in procurement.
N OTES
1. “China’s Defense Budget to Grow 11.2 Pct in 2012: Spokesman”, March 04, 2012, http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-03/04/c_131445012.htm, accessed on October 10,
2012.
2. US Department of Defense, Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic
of China 2012, May 2012, p. 41.
3. “China’s Defense Budget to Grow 12.7 Pct in 2011: Spokesman”, March 04 2011, http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-03/04/c_13761030.htm, accessed on October
10, 2012.
28 Asian Strategic Review
4. Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, China’s National
Defense in 2010, March 2011, http://english.gov.cn/official/2011-03/31/
content_1835499.htm, accessed on October 12, 2012.
5. “China Submits 2007 Military Expenditure Report to UN”, http://www.china.org.cn/
international/foreign_ministry/2008-09/05/content_16391269.htm, accessed on October 12,
2012.
6. Based on the UN General Assembly Resolution 35/142 B, member states are required to
voluntarily report military expenditure data by using the UN Standardised Instrument for
Reporting Military expenditure. The original instrument and its simplified version issued
later allow countries to report in two ways, by using the Standardised Reporting Form, or
alternatively a Simplified Reporting Form. The former seeks aggregate as well as detailed
expenditure data on personnel, operations and maintenance, procurement and construction,
and research and development. The latter seeks aggregate data on personnel, operations and
procurement. See http://disarmament.un.org/cab/milex.html#STANDARDIZED
REPORTING FOR, accessed on October 12, 2012.
7. Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, China’s National
Defence in 2008, January 2009, http://english.gov.cn/official/2009-01/20/
content_1210227.htm, accessed on October 12, 2012.
8. International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, April 2012, http://
www.imf.org/external/index.htm, accessed on October 15, 2012.
9. US Department of Defence, Military Power of the People’s Republic of China 2009, Annual
Report to Congress, p. I.
10. Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, China’s National
Defense in 2006 December 2006, http://www.china.org.cn/english/features/book/194421.htm,
accessed on October 15, 2012.
11. US Department of Defence (note 10), p. 29.
12. Ibid, p. 24.
13. US Department of Defence, Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic
of China 2012, Annual Report to Congress, p. 23.
14. Shannon N. Kile, “Nuclear arms control and non-proliferation”, in SIPRI Yearbook 200:
Armaments, Disarmament and International Security (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2008),
p. 387. According to Jane’s, the Type 094, is currently being build at Huludao Shipyard, and
the first SSBM of this type became operational in 2007. See Tim Fish, “Chinese Submarine
Patrols Increases”, Jane’s Defence Weekly, February 06, 2009.
15. Quoted in SIPRI Yearbook 2008: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, 2008, p. 387.
16. According to Jane’s, China did not have a credible nuclear second-strike capability before the
launch of the first 094 in 2004.
17. Richard D. Fisher Jr, “Secret Sanya—China’s new nuclear naval base revealed”, Jane’s Intelligence
Review, April 15 2008.
18. Richard D. Fisher Jr, “China’s Naval Secrets”, The Wall Street Journal, http://online.wsj.com/
article/SB120994205702565995.html?mod=googlewsj, accessed on October 20, 2012.
19. Gurpreet S. Khurana, “China’s ‘String of Pearls’ in the Indian Ocean and its Security
Implications”, Strategic Analysis, 32 (1), January 2008, p. 19.
20. Tai Ming Cheung, ‘What the J-20 Says About China’s Defense Sector’, Wall Street Journal
Blog, January 13, 2011, accessed on October 20, 2012.
21. “China’s First Aircraft Carrier ‘Starts Sea Trials’”, BBC News, August 10 2011, accessed on
October 20, 2012.
22. “Concern over China’s Missile Test”, BBC News, January 2007, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/
asia-pacific/6276543.stm, accessed on November 05, 2012.
23. As per the average exchange rate (1 US$ = Rs 54.76) in the first five months of 2012-13.
Defence Spending in India and its Neighbourhood 29
50. Rajat Pandit, “After Agni-V launch, DRDO’s New Target is Anti-Satellite Weapons”, The
Times of India, April 21, 2012.
51. Press Information Bureau, Government of India “India Acquires Capability for Air Defence
against Incoming Ballistic Missile Threats”, November 27, 2006.
52. “Delhi, Mumbai selected for ballistic missile defence shield”, The Times of India, June 24,
2012.
53. Rajat Pandit, “Indian Armed Forces Mulling Three Joint Commands”, “The Times of India,
September 24, 2012.
54. Press Information Bureau, Government of India, “Recommendations of Joint Working Group
on Cyber Security”, October 16, 2012; Subimal Bhattacharjee, “Managing India’s Cyber
Security Problems”, http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/XIvim27KMgpKffESs11HFL/
Managing-Indias-cyber-security-problems.html, accessed on October 17, 2012.
55. The conversion to US$ is based on average annual exchange rate (1 US$ = PKR 89.2359) of
2011-12. The Pakistan Rupee has depreciated by 53 per cent in a decade since 2002-03.
56. Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, Budget in Brief, Federal Budget 2008-09.
57. International Institute for Strategic Studies, Military Balance 2010, p. 354.
58. International Institute for Strategic Studies, Military Balance 2009, pp. 340–1.
59. Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, Budget Speech for Fiscal Year 2009-10.
60. “PM Gilani Assures Support for $28 B AFDP 2025”, http://forum.pakistanidefence.com/
index.php?showtopic=81552, accessed on October 19, 2012.
61. Jon Grevatt, “Pakistan Reviews Military Modernization”, Jane’s Defence Industry, 24 March
2009.
62. “24 Billion Armed Forces Development Plan 2025 Reviewed”, Balochistan Times, March 21,
2009, http://www.thefreelibrary.com/24+billion+Armed+Forces+Development+Plan+2025+
reviewed.-a0196327631, accessed on October 20, 2012.
63. International Institute for Strategic Studies (note 59), p. 341.
64. See Farhan Bokhari, “Pakistan Plans to Continue Erieye AEW&C Aircraft Purchase”, Jane’s
Defence Weekly, January 15, 2009; “Pakistan to get Air Warning system by October this year:
PAF Chief ”, http://www.app.com.pk/en_/index.php?option=com_content&task=
view&id=77338&Itemid=1.
65. Richard F. Grimmett, “U.S. Arms Sales to Pakistan”, CRS Report for Congress, August 24,
2009, p. 1.
66. K. Alan Kronstadt, “Major U.S. Arms Sales and Grants to Pakistan since 2001”, CRS Report
to Congress, July 25, 2012.
67. Susan B. Epstein and K. Alan Kronstadt, “Pakistan: U.S. Foreign Assistance”, CRS Report for
Congress, October 4, 2012, p.16.
68. See Paul Kerr and Mary Beth Nikitin, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons: Proliferation and Security
Issues”, CRS Report for Congress, 20 June 2008, Jane’s Defence Weekly, 26 December 2007,
reports that Pakistan has “at least 50 uranium-based nuclear warheads and up to 10 plutonium-
based nuclear weapons”; see Farhan Bokhari, “Pakistan allays nuclear fears as Babur is tested”.
69. Paul Kerr and Mary Beth Nikitin, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons: Proliferation and Security
Issues”, CRS Report for Congress, June 26, 2012, p. 3.
70. Ibid.
3
Afghanistan Beyond 2014:
The China Factor
Vishal Chandra and Ashok K. Behuria
Observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities
and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim
leadership.
—Deng Xiaoping
China has long been part of the Afghan maze. While the role of other regional
actors in the three-decade old Afghan conflict has been widely debated and
analysed, China’s role and position remains somewhat ambiguous and under
examined. Interestingly, China is often seen as a minor or distant player in the
Afghan conflict, not only in the Western analyses but in Afghan perceptions as
well. Though China may not have been directly involved, in terms of aiding or
siding with any particular faction in the Afghan civil war, it has, from time to
time, played a significant role in the long-drawn Afghan conflict.
Right from supporting Pakistan in the anti-Soviet ‘jihad’ in the late 1970s to
engaging the Taliban regime in late 1990s; from being a member of the ‘Six-plus-
Two’ Group to supporting the US’ Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) against
the Taliban regime in October-November 2001; and thereafter in the post-Taliban
period, from emerging as the largest foreign direct investor in the Afghan mining
industry to finally concluding a Strategic and Cooperative Partnership1 with
Afghanistan in June 2012, China has all through been involved in the larger politics
of the Afghan war. It is noteworthy that China is the second regional country,
after India, to have institutionalised a supposedly long-term partnership with
Afghanistan. Today, China also has the strongest economic presence ever, in
Afghanistan, since the establishment of full diplomatic ties between the two
countries in 1955.
China’s Afghan engagement has largely been governed by its wider geo-strategic
interests and regional security concerns than by any cultural or historical ties.
Chinese interest and involvement in Afghan affairs has in the past grown during
32 Asian Strategic Review
* The history of China-Afghanistan engagement since the establishment of full diplomatic relations
in 1955, including the engagement in Taliban and post-Taliban period to the present times, is
largely drawn (and modified and updated) from Vishal Chandra’s unpublished seminar
presentation on “China’s Afghan Policy: Trends and Determinants” at IDSA in February 2007,
and his earlier publication on “Sino-Afghan Relations since 2001: An Assessment”, World Focus,
29 (3), March 2008, pp. 106-15.
Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 33
bordering states with which the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established
diplomatic links, the other exceptions being Nepal and Laos. The Chinese premier
Zhou Enlai had visited Kabul on his way back from Moscow in January 1957.
In the 1960s, against the backdrop of Tibetan uprising and non-resolution
of Sino-Indian border dispute, China began warming up to its other neighbours
in the region, including Pakistan and Afghanistan, and tried to settle its borders
with them. The Chinese Vice-Premier and Foreign Minister Chen Yi visited Kabul
and signed a Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Non-Aggression in August 1960. He
also extended an invitation to the Afghan king, Mohammad Zahir, to visit Peking
which he did in late 1964.
In the immediate aftermath of the Sino-Indian war of 1962, China in 1963
moved to settle its borders with both Pakistan and Afghanistan. The nearly 48
mile long boundary with Afghanistan along the Wakhan region was settled through
talks which began in May 1963 and finally led to the signing of the Sino-Afghan
Boundary Treaty in November the same year. The boundary was finally demarcated
in 1964.2 Meanwhile, the China-Afghanistan Friendship Association was formed
in Peking, and an air link agreement was also signed in December 1963. In March
1964, the Chinese Foreign Minister Chen Yi visited Kabul to sign a boundary
protocol, and agreements on cultural and a technical and economic cooperation
agreement between the two countries. The third agreement, under which China
provided an interest free long-term loan equivalent to £10 million to Afghanistan,
signalled the beginning of Chinese involvement in Afghan economy.3 Though no
match for the huge aid and investment being made by the US and the Soviet
Union since mid-1950s, China had reportedly committed aid amounting to nearly
$76.5 million to Afghanistan by 1973—less than 3 per cent of the total foreign
aid Afghanistan received at that point of time.4
The bilateral relations slowed down when former Afghan Prime Minister
Sardar Mohammad Daud Khan, who was regarded by Chinese as the architect of
the special relationship between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, staged a coup
against King Zahir Shah and assumed the presidency of Afghanistan in 1973.
Initially, China perceived the coup as being part of a “Soviet plot” and “another
move in the Soviet drive southward to the Indian Ocean” as well as an attempt
to “encircle China”.5 However, the Chinese soon resumed their economic aid to
Afghanistan until the direct Soviet intervention in 1979 dramatically changed
the geo-political environment.6
According to analysts, China’s relationship with Afghanistan was initially
hampered for various reasons. China did not take the communist movement in
Afghanistan seriously, because it saw tribalism and Islamic religious fanaticism as
potential inhibitors.7 It had its reservations about Soviet influence on Afghanistan
and never endorsed Kabul’s irredentist claims on the Pashtun majority areas of
Pakistan, which also stifled the process of bilateral engagement.8
34 Asian Strategic Review
market, that necessitated its engagement with the Taliban. Uyghur militants were
known to have fought along with the Afghan resistance fighters, at least since
1986. China’s use of the Karakoram Highway to transport assistance to the anti-
Soviet ‘jihad’ had also invariably opened the way for the Uyghur militants to
enter Afghanistan, and especially Pakistan, where they still have a presence in the
Pashtun tribal areas. The prospects of an abiding nexus between Uyghur separatists
and drug mafias to destablise the region further propelled China towards engaging
the Taliban who in turn were desperate for international recognition and legitimacy.
It was probably for the first time since the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 that
Afghanistan had again appeared in China’s security calculus. However, this time
the Sino-Afghan or Sino-Taliban relations do not seem to have been prompted
by any larger geo-strategic calculus or great power politics, but by domestic
considerations. China’s concerns over the Xinjiang arise from the fact that it has
its nuclear testing site at Lop Nor, and the region is also supposed to have about
30 billion tonnes of proven petroleum reserves, with more expected to be found
in the Tarim Basin.
There is no doubt that China’s engagement with the Taliban was facilitated
by Pakistan, which had enormous influence over the Taliban and was one of the
three countries to have recognised the Taliban regime. According to Ahmed Rashid,
Pakistan had been trying “to convince Beijing that the Taliban, to which it gives
substantial military and financial aid, are willing to clamp down on the drug
trade and have no desire to fund or support Islamic Uyghurs in their fight for
independence.”20
Whatever might have been the nature of relationship or the level of interaction
between China and the Taliban, the most notable aspect of it was that China
dealt with the Taliban regime without ever extending official recognition to it.
Interestingly, despite engaging the Taliban, it had endorsed the UN Security
Council’s partial as well as additional sanctions against the Taliban in 1999 and
2000 respectively. Moreover, China did not have any formal diplomatic relationship
with Afghanistan during 1993-2001. China also used the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation (SCO) forum to evolve a detailed plan of action with Afghanistan
to combat “terrorism, illicit drug trafficking and organised crime in the region.”21
However, China was opposed to any military action against the Taliban regime
by external powers. Instead, it advocated a more active role for the UN.22 Perhaps,
China’s Afghan policy preferred accommodation to confrontation, and advocated
non-militaristic means which included a combination of diplomatic coercion and
engagement. In fact, China’s decision to engage the Taliban was driven by caution
and compulsion23 and it was apparently part of its larger efforts to delink the
Uyghur separatists from their external linkages and to deny them support bases
in countries bordering Xinjiang.
Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 37
this visit, China announced a $15 million grant to Afghanistan; another $1 million
in cash to support the Afghan Government budget; resumption of the China-
Afghanistan Friendship Association and inter-college relations between Beijing
University and Kabul University.28
On March 10, 2004, Chinese foreign minister met his Afghan counterpart,
Abdullah, who reiterated Afghanistan’s support for “one-China policy”, and the
former appreciated Afghan Government for its support on the Taiwan issue and
the fight against East Turkistan militants. On December 7, 2004, China sent a
special envoy to attend the inauguration of Hamid Karzai as the elected president
of Afghanistan. It is interesting to note that in most of the meetings between the
senior leaders and officials of the two countries, China always emphasised on
“good neighbourliness”, and appreciated Afghanistan’s support for its “one-China
policy” vis-à-vis Taiwan and the issue of cooperation against the activities of the
East Turkestan militants, which were of prime concern for the Chinese security.
On June 10, 2004, about 11 Chinese workers engaged in a World Bank-
funded road construction project in northern Kunduz Province were killed.29
Though not much was stated about the identity of perpetrators of this attack and
their objectives, it is significant that it did not deter China from bidding for huge
mining contracts in Afghanistan in times to come.
Karzai visited China for the third time as an elected president on June 19,
2006 when the two countries signed the Treaty on Good Neighbourliness and Friendly
Cooperation.30 The Standing Committee of China’s National People’s Congress
and the Afghan Parliament ratified the treaty subsequently. The ceremony for
exchange of instrument of ratification was organised in Beijing on August 14,
2008, the date on which the treaty came into force.
The Uyghur riots of July 2009 heightened Chinese concerns regarding the
impact of an unstable Afghanistan on Xinjiang. The riots came on the heels of
the US decision for a troops surge in Afghanistan in March 2009. In retrospect,
it is quite clear that China accelerated its process of engagement with Karzai
Government thereafter.
Karzai paid his fourth visit to China on March 23-25, 2010, after he was
elected president for the second time. During the visit, he had a meeting with the
Chinese President Hu Jintao on March 24 in the Great Hall of the People, where
Hu identified five priority areas for both the countries to build a “comprehensive
cooperative partnership of good-neighbourliness, mutual trust and friendship for
generations”: (i) strengthen overall bilateral ties by engaging in more regular
meetings and exchanges; (ii) promote further bilateral economic collaboration;
(iii) deepen cooperation in the humanities” in areas “such as personnel training,
education, culture and public health”; (iv) enhance security and police collaboration
by combating “cross-border organised crimes and the three evil forces of terrorism,
extremism and separatism”; and (v) “coordinate with each other in multilateral
affairs.”31
The two presidents oversaw the signing of three bilateral cooperation
Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 39
It was reported in the media that the two sides signed a formal security liaison
agreement which provided for Chinese support for Afghan efforts “to counter
terrorism and maintain national security and is willing to provide help within its
ability to improve Afghanistan’s security capacity-building”.37
Reports quoting diplomatic cables exposed by Wikileaks, show how the US
efforts to gain Chinese cooperation for opening up alternate overland transit supply
routes for US and NATO troops and delivery of non-lethal aid to Afghanistan
were earlier rebuffed by China.38 It is pertinent to mention here that in May
2010, Robert Blake, the US assistant secretary of state for South and Central
Asian Affairs, had visited Beijing and expressed the hope that China would
contribute more to the ongoing process of reconstruction in Afghanistan. In his
meeting with Hu Jintao, the Chinese media reported, Blake “suggested that Beijing
provide more aid in agriculture, education and training of officials”. Hu also agreed
that China should “actively contribute to helping Afghanistan with people’s
livelihood, economic growth and social stability”.39 Thus, the US Government
looked forward to the greater involvement of China in Afghanistan as a stabilising
force during the transition process in Afghanistan.
China provided Afghanistan with aid worth 1.3 billion Yuan ($203 million)
and waived a debt of $19.5 million during 2002-2010. While entering into a
strategic partnership with Afghanistan in June 2012, China pledged an additional
assistance of 150 million Yuan ($23.7 million). Altogether, Chinese assistance is
a small fraction (about 0.60 per cent) of the total global assistance that Afghanistan
has received since 2002. On an average, Chinese assistance to Afghanistan amounts
to approximately $22-23 million per year which is about 1.1-1.47 per cent of the
total assistance China commits annually around the world.42 It has so far built
the state hospital in Kabul, renovated the Parwan irrigation project, and provided
training to Afghan officials and technicians. 43 To encourage trade, it has
progressively withdrawn tariff from about 278 items.44 The volume of trade
between the two countries, however, remains very modest.
Even before the US media reported the findings of US geologists (June 2010)45
about the vast untapped mineral wealth of Afghanistan to the tune of $3 trillion,
China had already become gainfully engaged in the Afghan mining sector. China’s
hunger for resources is well known. One of its senior diplomats speaking in the
context of Chinese investments in a conflict-ridden state like Afghanistan, in
October 2011 was quoted as saying that “a gold mine in one person’s eyes may
be a pile of dirt for another”, stating further that: “You have to take risks in running
a business anywhere. Even if you are running a business selling French fries, you
take the risk of being burned by the hot oil”.46
In late 2007, China emerged as the largest source of foreign direct investment
(FDI) in Afghanistan when state-owned China Metallurgical Group (MCC) in
collaboration with two other Chinese mining groups, Jiangxi Copper, the biggest
copper producer in the country, and Zijin Mining Group, China’s leading gold
mining company, won the contract for exploring the Aynak copper mines in the
Logar Province south of Kabul. The Aynak mine is projected to have some of the
largest untapped reserves of copper in the world. The $3.5 billion copper mining
contract was the first big Chinese investment in Afghanistan.47 This project is
likely to be expanded to involve potential Chinese investment up to $10 billion.48
In late 2008 and early 2009, through additional agreements, China secured a
commitment from the Afghan Government to secure the project area, agreed to
develop an ancillary 400-MW thermal power plant, and in return the Afghan
Government agreed to provide water supply, and other minerals, including coal
and limestone, required as inputs for copper production. Subsequently, in mid-
2010, an agreement for a proposed regional shared-use railroad was finalised.49
According to some estimates this will enable Afghan government to earn about
$808 million from the Chinese as payment for the rights for exploitation of its
resources, and about $70 million per year as taxes over a period of about ten
years.50
In 2010, the total bilateral trade stood at $715.7 million, a rise of 94 per cent
from the previous year, and Chinese imports from Afghanistan were worth just
$7.9 million.51 However, more than trade, it is China’s direct investments which
42 Asian Strategic Review
could be in danger as evident from local media reports suggesting that the Chinese
workers had to withdraw from the Aynak site in September 2012 due to security
reasons.52
In December 2011, the state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation
(CNPC) became the first foreign firm to sign a deal to jointly explore oil blocks
with Afghanistan’s Watan Group in the Amu Darya Basin in the north-western
provinces of Sar-e-Pul and Faryab.53 Under this deal, the Afghan Government
will earn 70 per cent from sales apart from CNPC’s commitment to pay 15 per
cent royalty and other corporate taxes and land-rents. CNPC has also offered to
build an oil refinery which will be a money spinner and may help Afghanistan to
earn about $7 billion over next 25 years.54 All this seems very rosy and reassuring
from Afghanistan’s point of view. However, some analysts suggest that Chinese
bids are sometimes unrealistically generous and often re-negotiated with
governments. Chinese deals are also marked by “a lack of transparency”,
“miscommunication of partnership terms”, “lax environmental standards”, and
“disputes with local communities over working conditions, biased hiring and
procurement practices and inadequate assistance for villages displaced by
mining”.55 In view of this, China has to take its involvement seriously if it wants
to stabilise Afghanistan and immunise itself from the undesirable effects of an
otherwise unstable and radicalised Afghanistan.
Chinese Perspectives
China, in its official communications, regards Afghanistan as a “regional hotspot”,
and aims at an end-state where Afghan people would govern Afghanistan. Even
if China refrains from making any direct linkage between its Xinjiang concerns
and Afghan instability, the prospect of long-term threat emerging from
Afghanistan and Pakistan is too serious for China to ignore. As a Chinese scholar
argues, China maintains an independent but low key policy vis-à-vis Afghanistan
which reflects “the peculiarities of its interests, concerns and priorities”, however,
“domestic concerns about the security and stability of the largely Muslim region
of Xinjiang, overwhelm all others”56 and China views Afghanistan as “an
inseparable part of building Xinjiang’s security”.57
In its position paper presented at the UN General Assembly, in September
2012, without directly establishing the linkage between terrorism and insurgency
in Xinjiang and the situation in Afghanistan, China in the section on “counter
terrorism”, stated that despite the efforts of the international community “the
breeding ground of terrorism has not been removed”, and China has been a victim
of terrorist plots instigated by “Eastern Turkestan” terrorist forces, to fight against
whom “is an important part of the international anti-terrorism campaign”. It
then goes on to state that the “situation in Afghanistan concerns peace and stability
in the region and the world at large and affects the progress of the international
counter-terrorism effort”.58
However, China has taken absolute care not to mention the Taliban as a
Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 43
source of concern. It is, therefore, no surprise that China has not issued any official
reaction on the issue of Taliban resurgence, despite having “friendly” relations
with the Karzai Government in Kabul. There are reports that China has established
indirect contact with the Quetta Shura59 through Pakistan, and its approach towards
the Taliban stems from its larger policy towards Pakistan.
An analysis of Chinese behaviour indicates that like Pakistan, its all-weather
friend, it believes that a long-term international military presence is
counterproductive and inimical to its interests, and it considers the role of the
Taliban as critical for Afghan stability. Moreover, given its long-standing strategic
relationship with Islamabad and latter’s control over the Taliban, China may be
considering a Taliban-inclusive (and perhaps a Taliban-dominated?) dispensation
in Kabul that is favourable to its interests. Driven by its economic interests, and
its investments in the Afghan resources, it may also be interested in the political
stability of Afghanistan; for which, China may not be averse to the idea of the
Taliban being part of a broad coalition in Kabul, as the latter has re-emerged as
a force to reckon with.
Interestingly, like Pakistan, it may not be too comfortable with India’s
continuing presence beyond the withdrawal. China’s increasing stakes in Afghan
future exemplified by its growing investments in Afghan economy, may induce a
sense of intense competition with Indian investors. Therefore, even if some Chinese
observers would grudgingly accept a role for India in post-withdrawal
Afghanistan,60 China has not yet officially commented on India’s engagement in
Afghanistan. It is likely to continue to work closely with Pakistan in future, which
may influence its approach to India’s role in Afghanistan beyond 2014.61
China apparently looks at Afghan conflict in the context of the old geo-political
rivalries in the region. The opinion piece published in the state-owned People’s
Daily Online on February 23, 2009, perhaps the first clear articulation of Chinese
position on the evolving situation in Afghanistan, had stated that ‘the “Afghan
problem”, the “Pakistani problem” and the “Indian-Pakistani problem” are all
related.’ Questioning the Obama administration’s decision to send additional
troops to Afghanistan, the opinion piece argued that first the US “must stabilise
South Asia, especially Pakistan and the India Pakistan relationship” and added
that:
… without Pakistan’s cooperation, the US cannot win the war on terror.
Therefore, to safeguard its own interests in the fight against terrorism in South
Asia, the US must ensure a stable domestic and international environment
for Pakistan and ease the tension between Pakistan and India.62
Despite its efforts to scale up inter-state cooperation through the SCO to ensure
regional security in post-withdrawal Afghanistan, China is extremely shy of
committing either itself or the SCO to any combat role in Afghanistan in future.
The Chinese offer to train Afghan security forces has been pretty minimal, i.e.
about 300 Afghan police officers will be sent to China for training over the next
four years. While China would be happy to see the back of the American troops,
44 Asian Strategic Review
it is mindful of its own limitations to engage militarily in the Afghan theatre and
therefore it understands the necessity of international policing of some sort to
ensure long-term Afghan stability. In the near-term, Beijing might acquiesce to
an extended but reduced Western presence in Afghanistan. Otherwise, it remains
reflexively allergic to continued US presence in the region. Since the US forces
are likely to maintain a minimal presence beyond 2014, the Afghan Government
has not yet articulated its thinking on the prospects of direct military role for any
of the countries in the neighbourhood, including China, in the security sector.
While China continues to support the larger international and multilateral
endeavours in Afghan reconstruction, it has hardly evinced any serious interest in
making common cause with West’s Af-Pak strategy, partly because of Pakistan
factor and partly due to its competitive relationship and conflicting interests with
the US at the wider regional and global levels. Perhaps, the dynamics of US-
Pakistan, China-Pakistan and US-China relations are too intricate and complex
to cause any strategic shift in their respective regional strategies. The same remains
the case with the various trilateral initiatives in the region, including the US-
Pakistan-Afghanistan and Pakistan-Afghanistan-China Trilateral Dialogue which
has started recently.
N OTES
1. “Joint Declaration between the People’s Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of
Afghanistan on Establishing Strategic and Cooperative Partnership,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of the People’s Republic of China, June 8, 2012, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/
t939517.htm, accessed June 9, 2012.
2. It is interesting to note that around this time, China was also able to settle its borders peacefully
with its other south Asian neighbours, especially Pakistan, Nepal, Burma (now Myanmar)
though unsuccessful with Bhutan.
3. Yaacov Vertzberger, “Afghanistan in China’s Policy,” Problems of Communism, Vol. XXXI, May-
June 1982, p. 221.
4. Sreedhar, “Sino-Afghan Economic Relations,” China Report, 12 (5-6), 1976, p. 7. According
to the author, some of the major projects undertaken by China in Afghanistan during the
period were: construction of Bagrami textile, printing & dyeing combined mill near Kabul;
Darunta Experimental Fish-Breeding Centre in Nangarhar Province; development of Parwan
Irrigation Project, including construction of a hydro-electric power station on the Charikar
Canal in the north east and a water storage dam; extension of aid in developing the Farah
Rud River Project; and an experimental tea growing firm in the eastern Kunar Province.
5. Sreedhar, “Sino-Afghan Economic Relations,” China Report, 12 (5-6), 1976, p. 9.
46 Asian Strategic Review
6. Though China recognised the regime of Sardar Daud Mohammad Khan the same year in
July 1973, it remained apprehensive of the new Afghan government as the pro-Soviet Parcham
Party was a partner in the coup. In December 1974, in order to allay China’s apprehensions,
President Daud sent his brother Mohammad Naim Khan as his special ambassador to China
who met ailing Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai and other senior Chinese officials. In return,
China announced a long-term and an interest free loan of $55 million to Afghanistan.
7. Yaacov Vertzberger, “Afghanistan in China’s Policy,” Problems of Communism, Vol. XXXI, May-
June 1982, p. 1.
8. Gerald Segal, “China and Afghanistan,” Asian Survey, 21 (11), November 1981, p. 1161.
9. However, at the request of the Taraki Government, PRC extended recognition to his regime
on May 7, 1978. Soon Kabul received Chinese Foreign Minister Haung Mingta on May 16,
1978.
10. The New York Times, December 30, 1979 as cited in A.Z. Hilali, “China’s response to the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan,” Central Asian Survey, 20 (3), September 2001, p. 328.
11. Gargi Dutt, “China and the development in Afghanistan,” in K. P. Misra, (ed.), Afghanistan
in Crisis, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1981, p. 43.
12. A.Z. Hilali, n.10, p. 334.
13. Far Eastern Economic Review (Hong Kong), May 8, 1981; also see, “Arming Afghan Rebels,”
Foreign Report (London), August 13, 1981, p. 3.
14. Y. Agranov, “The Afghan Revolution and Peking’s Treacherous Course,” Far Eastern Affairs
(Moscow), No. 3, 1980, p. 13.
15. China reportedly supplied nearly 2,000 heavy machine guns, 1,000 anti-tank rockets, Chinese
version of AK-47, nearly half a million rounds of ammunition and also mules to carry the
weapons and armaments. See, S.K. Ramazani, “Weapons can’t replace words,” Newsweek,
September 27, 1980, p. 17.
16. Yaacov Vertzberger, “Afghanistan in China’s Policy,” Problems of Communism, Vol. XXXI, May-
June 1982, p. 14.
17. Surya Gangadharan, “The China-Taliban Equation,” Aakrosh, 3 (6), January 2000, p. 58.
18. Ibid. pp. 67-68.
19. Ahmed Rashid writes that on January 29, 1999, Chinese authorities arrested some 29 Uyghurs
for allegedly masterminding the bloody riots in the city of Yining which went on for two
days in February 1997, before it was suppressed by the Chinese forces. The situation in the
Yining city was reportedly still volatile when the Chinese delegation went to meet the Taliban
in February 1999. See, Ahmed Rashid, “Taliban Temptation,” Far Eastern Economic Review
(Hong Kong), March 11, 1999, p. 22.
20. Ibid, p. 21.
21. The plan of action also spoke of “counter terrorist collaboration for comprehensive measures
to jointly respond to terrorist threats” in the region. For details, see, “Plan of Action of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization Member States and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
on combating terrorism, illicit drug trafficking and organized crime”, SCO Summit,
Yekaterinburg, Russia, March 2009, at http://www.sectsco.org/EN123/show.asp?id=99. Also
see, “Declaration of the special Conference on Afghanistan convened under the auspices of
the Shanghai Cooperation Organization” in the special conference during the same summit
meeting, at http://www.sectsco.org/EN123/show.asp?id=98, both accessed January 11, 2013.
22. Ibid. For example, see the declaration cited above, where emphasis is on “importance of
sustained international efforts to achieve a stable, peaceful, prosperous and democratic
Afghanistan …under the leadership of Afghanistan and the central role of the UN in
coordinating international assistance and based on strict adherence of the UN Charter”.
23. Swaran Singh, “China’s Afghan Policy: Limitations versus Leverages” in K. Warikoo (ed.),
The Afghanistan Crisis: Issues and Perspectives, New Delhi, Bhavna Books, 2002, p. 406.
24. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, hearing, Fiscal Year 2003 Foreign Affairs Budget, February
Afghanistan Beyond 2014: The China Factor 47
5, 2002 as cited in Shirley Kan, “U.S.-China Counter-Terrorism Cooperation: Issues for U.S.
Policy,” CRS Report for Congress, May 12, 2005, p. 2.
25. Pentagon’s June 2002 report on foreign contributions in the counter-terrorism war did not
mention China among the 50 countries in the coalition. See, Department of Defence, “Fact
Sheet: International Contributions to the War Against Terrorism,” June 14, 2002.
26. “Former Afghan King Met with Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of the People’s Republic of China, May 21, 2002, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/
yzs/gjlb/2676/2678/t15831.htm, accessed February 22, 2007.
27. “Chairman of Afghan Interim Administration Met with Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan,”
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, May 20, 2002, at http://
www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/gjlb/2676/2678/t15830.htm, accessed February 2, 2013.
28. “Vice President Zeng Qinghong Holds Talks with Afghan Vice President Nimartullah
Shaharani”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, May 27, 2002, at
http://gr.china-embassy.org/eng/xwdt/xw2003/xw200305/t145713.htm, accessed January 22,
2013.
29. “Mystery Surrounds Attack on Road Workers,” China Daily, June 13, 2004, at http://
www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2004-06/13/content_338972.htm. Also see, Sayed
Salahuddin, “Bodies of Chinese Workers Flown to Afghan Capital,” Reuters, June 11, 2004,
at http://www.afghanistannewscenter.com/news/2004/june/jun122004.html, accessed
February 2, 2013.
30. “Treaty of China-Afghanistan Friendship, Cooperation and Good-neighbourly Relations Takes
Effect,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, August 14, 2008, at http:/
/www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/gjlb/2676/2678/t484518.shtml, accessed January 30,
2013.
31. Richard Weitz, “Karzai’s State Visit Highlights Beijing’s Afghan Priorities,” China Brief, 10
(8), April 16, 2010, at http://www.jamestown.org/uploads/media/cb_010_41.pdf, accessed
November 16, 2012.
32. “Chinese president vows to enhance ties with Afghanistan,” Global Times, March 24, 2010,
at http://www.globaltimes.cn/china/diplomacy/2010-03/515721.html, accessed October 27,
2012.
33. “Hu Jintao Holds Talks with His Afghan Counterpart Karzai,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
the People’s Republic of China, June 8, 2012, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/
xwlb/t941392.htm, accessed November 22, 2012.
34. For details see, “Joint Declaration between The People’s Republic of China and The Islamic
Republic of Afghanistan on Establishing Strategic and Cooperative Partnership,” Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, June 8, 2012, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/
eng/wjb/zzjg/yzs/xwlb/t939517.htm, accessed June 9, 2012.
35. “Chinese president addresses SCO on regional security,” Xinhuanet, June 7, 2012, at http:/
/news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-06/07/c_131637083.htm, accessed November 22,
2012.
36. For details, see, “Vice Foreign Minister Cheng Guoping Attends Vice Foreign Ministerial
Level Consultation on Regional Security of SCO,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s
Republic of China, November 15, 2012, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t991773.htm,
accessed November 22, 2012.
37. “Top Chinese security official makes surprise visit to Afghanistan,” Xinhua, September 23,
2012, at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-09/23/c_131867386.htm, accessed
October 9, 2012; also see, “Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hong Lei’s Regular Press
Conference,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, September 24, 2012,
at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xwfw/s2510/2511/t973835.htm, accessed November 16,
2012.
38. Craig Whitlock, “China rebuffed U.S. request to open route for Afghanistan war supplies,
48 Asian Strategic Review
Afghan government. The Afghan Mines Ministry reportedly stated in October 2011 that
the deal was likely to result in government revenues of US$5 billion over the next 10 years.
See, Mirwais Harooni, “Afghanistan signs oil development deal with China,” December 26,
2011, at http://business.financialpost.com/2011/12/26/afghanistan-signs-oil-development-
deal-with-china/, accessed December 27, 2011.
54. “China, Afghanistan sign first oil contract,” December 29, 2011, at http://english.cntv.cn/
program/newsupdate/20111229/107468.shtm
55. Steven A. Zyck, n. 42, pp. 5-6.
56. Zhao Huasheng, n. 51, p. 1.
57. Ibid. p. 5.
58. “Position Paper of the People’s Republic of China at the 67th Session of the United Nations
General Assembly,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, September 19,
2012, at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t970926.htm, accessed November 16, 2012.
59. Andrew Small, “China’s Afghan Moment,” Foreign Policy, October 3, 2012, at http://
www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/10/03/chinas_afghan_moment, accessed November 22,
2012.
60. For example, during a bilateral track II meeting with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
(IDSA) on November 30, 2012, the visiting delegates from China Institutes of Contemporary
International Relations (CICIR) openly acknowledged India’s contribution to Afghan
reconstruction and were supportive of India’s continued engagement beyond 2014.
61. A perceptive observer from the US argues that despite Chinese concerns about radical Islamic
groups based in Pakistan, “Beijing is too strategically tied to Pakistan—and too timid in its
diplomacy, in any case—to off-load an erstwhile ally”. Evan A. Feigenbaum, “China’s Pakistan
Conundrum: The End of the All-Weather Friendship,” Foreign Affairs, December 4, 2011.
62. “Will adjustments in US anti-terror strategy be successful?” People’s Daily Online, Opinion,
February 23, 2009, at http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90780/91343/6598630.html,
accessed on January 12, 2013.
China
4
Domestic Developments in China:
Issues of Stability
Rukmani Gupta
In view of the 18th Party Congress in November 2012, which formalized the
transition to the fifth generation of leaders in China, the overwhelming concern
for the Chinese state and its leaders has been the maintenance of ‘stability’. Stability
generally encompasses both political and social aspects, but the social aspects of
stability are emphasised even more so in the Chinese context. This has much to
do with the nature of the Chinese state and the discourse on Chinese regime
legitimization, especially in the era of reform and opening up. Deng Xiaoping
was emphatic about the linkages between social and political stability on one
hand; and economic growth on the other. According to Deng, “Without a stable
environment, nothing can be achieved, and what has already been attained will
be lost.”1 China could not develop without economic growth, the precondition
for which was political stability. Social stability was considered the bedrock of
political stability that would in turn facilitate the formulation and implementation
of economic policies engineered for rapid economic growth. Thus, the linkages
between social, political and economic spheres as highlighted by Deng, required
the maintenance of ‘stability’ at all levels. Stability, therefore became the national
priority because it was linked to the national interests of economic growth and
the continuation of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) leadership.
The centrality of ‘stability’ has remained despite the changes that the reform
and opening policy has brought to China over the last three decades. It is the
fourth generation of leadership2 that has witnessed increased challenges to the
accepted notion of stability, mainly as a result of economic restructuring and the
ensuing dismantling of the ‘cradle to grave’ system engendered by the compulsions
of Chinese participation in the global economy. Rising economic inequality and
a concurrent rise in the perception of endemic government corruption have meant
that the sources of instability are growing. These issues are expected to pose
continuing challenges as the new generation of leaders—Xi Jinping and
54 Asian Strategic Review
Social Challenges
Challenges posed to stability in the domestic realm can broadly be classified into
three categories: mass incidents; ethnic unrest/separatism and political
participation via new media.
Mass Incidents
It is believed that quntixing shijian, or mass incidents on Mainland China have
been steadily increasing over the last decade from 8,700 in 1993 to 74,000 in
2004, 87,000 in 2005 and over 90,000 in 2006.6 These estimates are said to be
based on announcements by the Ministry of Public Security7 and are said to
represent the unrest simmering among the Chinese masses. Currently, it is
speculated that as many as 180,000 mass incidents occur in China each year.8
However, the matter of quantification remains problematic as a dilemma of
definition persists because the Ministry of Public Security has used the terms
“public order disturbances” and “mass incidents” interchangeably over the years.
So-called mass incidents therefore can include the following acts:9 (1) Submission
of collective petitions; (2) Illegal demonstrations, assemblies and parades;
(3) Strikes; (4) Disruption of traffic; (5) Law and order disturbances;
(6) Hampering the work of government agencies; (7) Surrounding or attacking
government buildings; (8) Smashing, looting and burning.
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 55
Three causes of mass incidents can be identified as per the available data:
economic grievances; environmental concerns and corruption. Protests related to
economic issues include those caused by land grabs, violation of property rights
and labour protests. Environmental protests are directly linked to the perceived
degradation of the environment because of government plans or policies. Protests
against corruption include those triggered by the perception of collusion between
law breakers and officials as well as subversion of individual rights. Overlap between
these triggers is not uncommon as corruption is often seen as facilitating the
violation of individual rights or environmental laws.
As far as “mass incidents” are concerned, 2011-12 saw the triggers of past
years being reinforced, even as the character of incidents saw changes.
Illegal seizure of land without reasonable compensation had been identified
by Wen Jiabao as one cause of instability in 2005,10 however only after incidents
of self-immolation captured national headlines was the process of revising existing
policies expedited. Following Tang Fuzhen’s death in 2009,11 protesting against
the forced demolition of her house in Chengdu, five professors of Peking University
drafted an open letter to the National People’s Congress Standing Committee to
review and amend the Urban Housing Demolition Management Regulations.
The State Council in January 2010 released revised regulations for the
Expropriation and Compensation of Homes on State Owned Land. This required
compensation to meet market prices. In practice however, this law is seldom
willingly adhered to by local officials.
In September 2011 in Lufeng, Guangdong province, hundreds of people
participated in violent protests over the alleged seizure of villagers’ land for
development.12 September 2011 also saw the outbreak of protests in Wukan which
received world-wide attention. Villagers of the southern Chinese village of Wukan
took to the streets to protest against the encroachment of their land rights by the
village leadership and the local government. According to news reports, over the
past two decades 400 hectares of land had been sold to real estate developers, yet
villagers had not been informed about the deals, nor had they been paid proper
compensation.13 Between 2009 and 2011, the villagers had reported their
grievances to the Bureaus for Letters and Calls at the city and provincial levels
numerous times, yet their complaints had gone unaddressed. The situation
escalated into violent confrontation between the villagers and the police, and later,
a siege of the town in December 2011.14 The incidents ended with the election
of a new leadership by the villagers in February 2012.
July 2012 also saw protests in Renhuai, Guizhou over inadequate compensa-
tion offered to farmers after the local government expropriated their land to make
way for an industrial park that will turn the city into “the Liquor Capital of
China.”15 In July 2012, China’s Ministry of Land and Natural resources released
information stating that a total of 29,000 cases of illegal land use were discovered
till June 2012. As in previous years, the figures recorded were highlighted to indicate
a drop in such illegal activity. Till June 2012, US$ 103.2 million was collected in
56 Asian Strategic Review
fines for these violations and 313 persons were punished.16 The Xinhua report
noted that, “China has been striving to crack down on illegal land grabs to ensure
sufficient arable land to feed its people and protect farmers. However, local
governments rely heavily on land sales for revenue and have been known to give
preferential treatment to property developers.”17 Despite official records that claim
the problem of illegal land-use has been reducing year on year, the fact a report
published by China’s official news agency acknowledges the propensity of local
officials to collude with land developers attests to the depth of the problem.
Apart from incidents related to land acquisition, saw there was a noticeable
increase in incidents involving residents and migrant labour in the past year. In
June 2011, migrant workers in Zengcheng, Guangdong province in southeast
China, torched government offices after security personnel pushed to the ground
a pregnant migrant worker who had been working as a street vendor.18 In June
2012, more than 300 migrant workers from Chongqing attended a meeting of
the Longshan village committee in Shaxi township of Zhongshan in search of
answers after a 15-year-old boy from Chongqing had been tied up and injured by
local villagers. Angered by the attack on the boy, migrant workers threw stones at
the village committee building and vandalized police cars.19
Again in June 2012, a meeting of the officials of Foshan’s Zuotan village was
interrupted by a group of villagers who abducted the head of the village and his
deputy, holding them captive in a minibus without food or water.20 The two
officials were held in the minibus for more than nine hours and were rescued by
police officers the next morning. Two villagers were injured and a police car was
damaged in the incident. Police claimed to have no knowledge of the reason why
the two officials were kidnapped. However, it was widely speculated in the Chinese
media that the disparities in government services provided to resident and migrant
workers were to blame for such clashes.2 With the continuing debate on the reform
of the hukou (residential status), calls for better health and education services for
migrants are on the rise.
Labour protests in Southern China in 2010 involving hundreds of factory
workers employed by Honda and Foxxcon are seen as classic examples of successful
labour negotiations where workers lobbied for increased wages and better working
conditions. Even though these protests were not spearheaded by the state-approved
All China Federation of Trade Unions, the government was pressured to reduce
labour exploitation (the core of Scientific Concept of Development), and called
for a negotiated settlement. In the aftermath of labour protests and shortage of
labour created in part by exploitative conditions, provincial governments led the
way to better labour laws. Twelve provinces and municipalities in Eastern and
Southern China increased the minimum wage by almost 15 per cent.22 Labour
protests in 2011-2012 however, did not seen such happy endings. The shrinking
of the export sector in China has meant that production and profit margins have
also shrunk. The scope for higher wages for labour therefore simply does not
exist. Over 10,000 workers in Shenzhen and Dongguan, two leading export centres
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 57
serious sources of domestic instability since 2008. The problems faced by China
with regard to its peripheral provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang are well known.32
The Chinese state has struggled to establish legitimate authority over these
minority areas and incorporate Tibetan and Uyghur minorities into the
mainstream nationalist discourse. Recent protests have added Inner Mongolia to
the list of provinces affected by ethnic unrest. The project of nation building
that began with the founding of the Chinese republic and continues since, has
found it especially difficult to succeed in the three provinces where ethnic
minorities form majority of the population. In terms of ‘stability’ the outbreak
of ethnic unrest in the form of violence or terrorism related to separatist demands,
belies the failure of the CPC to lead balanced national development and highlights
inefficiencies in its policies. Separatism exposes the dissatisfaction of ‘Chinese
citizens’ with its government. It poses an open challenge to the state, which, if
successful, could conceivably alter the entire discourse on regime legitimacy in
China. The ‘historic mission’ of the CPC as the single competent entity capable
of consolidating China’s national borders and facilitating its international rise
could thus be questioned.
The causes for ethnic unrest can be found in the existence of strong ethnic
identities that rejected China’s statist position on identity formulation. These
cleavages have been deepened by factors that have guided China’s policies in its
Western region: 1) belief in economic development as a cure for all ills; 2)
apprehension of independent organized groups outside the ambit of state control.33
In its search for stability in the borderlands, China has concentrated on economic
development as the means to give minorities a stake in national development.
The opening up of regional economies and their integration with the rest of the
country has enabled the movement of Han Chinese and non-native minorities
into the regions,34 creating urban pockets where the Han population is now in
majority. This along with the influx of Han entrepreneurs, traders and workers
who compete with the minority population for available economic opportunities
has exacerbated ethnic tensions. Another factor has been the wariness of the state
with regard to organised groups, religious groups in this case, as is evident in the
formulation of policies which necessitate state supervision of authorised groups
even while laying claims to safeguarding religious freedoms.35
There are indications that the state is aware of the problems in its minority
regions. In 2010, Jia Qinglin, Standing Committee member and United Front
coordinator, called for a “new chapter” in the CPC’s long-standing efforts to solve
the “nationalities question” (minzu wenti).36 In early 2012, one of the CPC’s leading
spokesmen on ethnic affairs, the United Front Department’s outgoing executive
director Zhu Weiqun, made an admission of serious problems in the Party’s work
in the ethnic and religious spheres, and suggested a range of reforms.38 Yet, the
most explicit call for change has come from Professor Hu Angang of Beijing’s
Tsinghua University who advocated a “second generation of ethnic policies”: one
that would attenuate “minority identity” (minzu rentong) and strengthen a single,
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 59
users. The internet users between the ages of 30-39 increased remarkably, up 2.3
per cent in the course of one year and microblogs developed rapidly, being used
by nearly half of all users, 48.7 per cent of total Internet users.
The internet has become a powerful means for gauging public opinion on
important national developments in China. According to some Chinese scholars,
the internet serves three political functions in the current era: 1) act as a space for
coordination between state and society; 2) maintain social stability and political
participation; and 3) promote deliberative democracy.49
This is borne out by discussions of the Wenzhou train crash in July 2011 and
internet commentary on it. Strong commentary including a critique of the
government’s handling of the accident and speculation of corruption as a cause
for the accident have already ensured the involvement of the top leadership in the
matter.50 As a consequence of internet commentary, that has spilled over into the
print media, the compensation awarded to crash victims has been revised, railway
officials have been forced to apologize for their handling of the event and there
is greater scrutiny of the investigation into the causes of the crash.51
The internet was also the force behind the release of Tang Hui, sentenced to
18 months in a labour camp for “disturbing order in workplaces and society”
while pushing for tougher punishment for those who raped her daughter.52 In
May 2012, the death sentence given to businesswoman Wu Ying was commuted
to a life sentence, it is speculated largely on the basis of the opinions expressed on
the internet.53 The Internet has come to play an important role even in the
organization of strikes and labour movements.54
Apart from the positive aspects of encouraging greater political participation,
internet commentary and rumours originating from online posts have been at
the heart of other mass incidents that used emotive issues to fan public opinion.
Protests against Japan are a good example of this. In 2005 as well as in the wake
of strained bilateral ties over the Senkaku/Diaoyu issue in 2012, the internet has
been the forum through which protests have been organized.55
The state has therefore encouraged participation of government officials in
Internet forums. From the famous internet chats in which Wen Jiabao answered
questions online56 to the adoption of micro-blogging by government officials57
and a White Paper on Internet policy,58 the attempt is to stay engaged with a
section of the population that is more vocal in its criticism of officials and policy.
Political Challenges
The Bo Xilai incident59 can be considered to epitomise all that the Chinese state
fears in terms of political instability. That the Party considers cementing popular
support a priority was highlighted during the CPC’s 90th anniversary celebrations
in July 2011. Hu Jintao had at that time in his keynote address said, “If not
effectively curbed, corruption will cost the Party the trust and support of the
people.”60 Combating corruption and maintaining the image of the Party and its
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 61
leaders was thus an important task in the lead up to the 18th Party Congress. The
unexpected developments related to former Chongqing party chief Bo Xilai, his
wife Gu Kailai and Wang Lijun, the Deputy Mayor of Chongqing and head of
Public Security, whose flight to the American Consulate in Chengdu brought
matters to a head, have engendered debate on issues as wide ranging as ideological
struggle over the future of reforms, factional politics within the CPC and even
relations between the PLA and the Party.
As far as political institutions are concerned, Bo clearly challenged the rules
of elite politics in a significant way. By openly lobbying for popular political
support, Bo was seen as attempting to force Party elders into granting him a seat
in the Politburo Standing Committee. This was clearly a departure from accepted
norms of quiet, behind the scenes bargaining and lobbying within the Party
echelons. Also, in utilizing the ‘New left’ ideology to popularize his policies and
position in Chongqing, Bo consciously went contrary to the centre’s position on
economic development and reform. His opportunistic use of Maoist propaganda
could well have evolved into an ideological challenge to the enterprise of “reform
and opening”.
An indication that Bo’s politics and red-revivalism were seen as a nascent
ideological challenge to the established Party line can be found in Premier Wen’s
remarks at the end of the National People’s Congress in 2012. Wen spoke of the
“pernicious influence” of the Cultural Revolution that continued to plague the
Chinese political system. The only way to avoid the pitfalls of the Cultural
Revolution was through a deep commitment to reform. Unless political reforms
were undertaken, the fruits of economic reform could be lost and it was even
possible that the tragedy of the Cultural Revolution could be repeated.61 Although
Wen did not allude to Bo directly, the reference to the Cultural Revolution was
taken to imply the “red songs” popularized by Bo. The idea that Bo presented an
ideological challenge was however not universally accepted. In the official reports
on Bo and his dismissal, he is charged with ‘serious violations of discipline.’ There
are no references to ideology or ideological struggle.62 This is not entirely
unexpected. Rather than highlighting differences in ideological positions, it is
obvious that the Party would attempt to downplay any speculation on differences.
Bo’s indiscretions thus would be described in the most mundane, narrow terms.
The focus of the Party has been on bolstering its image as the upholder of
law. Rather than factional politics or ideological struggles, the Bo Xilai incident
has been seen in terms of the problem of corruption. Gu Kailai’s indictment on
murder charges and the subsequent speculation regarding the charges against Wang
Lijun all emphasise the primacy of the law despite an individual’s status or wealth.
In a manner then, commentary on events surrounding Bo Xilai have been so
constructed as to further the Party’s rhetoric on clean and responsible government.
By holding one of their own accountable by law, the Party has seemingly
maintained its commitment to the people.
Commentaries in the People’s Daily in the aftermath of Bo’s suspension from
62 Asian Strategic Review
the Party declared that the “dignity and prestige of the law must not be violated”
and that “any violation of Party discipline or state law will be dealt with seriously.”
The political aspect was referred to in the end of the article which called for
“unifying” around the leadership of Hu Jintao.63 In an article published in a Party
magazine Xi Jinping, Hu’s heir apparent, emphasized the need to maintain the
“purity” of the Party and oppose all behaviour that “split the party,” and to expel
party members who had become corrupt.64 The focus on corruption, which was
termed the greatest threat to the Party in the 90th anniversary by both Wen and
Hu, notwithstanding, it is clear from these commentaries that ideological deviations
within the Party echelons will not be tolerated.
Much is often made of the factional divisions within the CPC.65 The
speculation regarding Xi Jinping and his absence from mainstream media and
official engagements for one week in September 2012 is a case in point. Xi’s absence
was seen by some as an indication of factional wrangling over top-jobs in the
party. The Bo Xilai incident however indicates that the divisions between the
“princeling” faction and the Communist Youth league faction (tuanpai) may not
be the most important determinants of political futures. A blue-blooded princeling,
Bo, the son of Party elder Bo Yibo, supposedly had the support of Jiang Zemin’s
Shanghai faction and He Guoqiang. However, this support began to wane in the
face of his populist politics and his blue-blood credentials were not enough to
shield him. Furthermore, Bo, a princeling was replaced not by a member of the
tuanpai but by another princeling, Zhang Dejiang, which was clearly supported
by Xi Jinping, a princeling who enjoys the support of Jiang Zemin’s Shanghai
faction. Bo’s removal then, far from precipitating a factional struggle within the
Party would seem to have support across factional lines.
Speculation has been rife over the impact of the Bo Xilai incident on relations
between the Party and the PLA. It has been suggested in the Hong Kong and
Western media that Bo enjoyed the support of high ranking PLA officers and his
removal could have precipitated a break in the Party’s control of the PLA.66 Bo’s
relations with the PLA should be examined in terms of his ties with other
princelings who held important posts in the military and with military officers in
areas where he had held important positions during the course of his career. Bo
was known to have cultivated ties with local military elites during his tenure in
Liaoning, a trend which continued through his term in Chongqing. Bo is closely
linked with General Liu Yuan, the current political commissar of the General
Logistics Department, who was his contemporary growing up in Zhongnanhai.
Bo is often connected to General Zhang Haiyang, current political commissar of
the Second Artillery whose time as the political commissar of the Chengdu Military
Region (that covers Chongqing) coincided with two years of Bo’s tenure at
Chongqing. Through his marriage to Gu Kailai Bo is believed to have become
well connected to the network of her of her father Gu Jingsheng, a famous PLA
leader in the 1930s and 1940s, a former general in the Vietnam war, and former
head of the Xinjiang Production Brigade.
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 63
In the wake of the Wang Lijun incident, there was much commentary over
Bo’s visit to the museum of the 14th Group Army (founded by his father during
the second Sino-Japanese war) in Kunming and the handshakes Bo received from
military personnel during the NPC in March 2012 were seen as indications of
widespread support he enjoyed within the PLA. However, this alleged support
notwithstanding, Bo was stripped from his positions in the Party. That the Bo
Xilai incident has not resulted in a major party-PLA split is evident from a study
of the activities of alleged Bo “supporters” in the wake of his dismissal. Although
it was rumoured that Zhou Yongkang had supported Bo and was fomenting a
“coup” in Beijing, Zhou has continued in his position as the head of the powerful
Public Security Bureau and even after Bo’s dismissal was reported by official media
as travelling to Xinjiang and quoted as highlighting the need to emphasise “social
stability.”67 Gen Liu Yuan too has carried on his official duties as usual from
Accompanying CMC Vice-Chairman Guo Boxiong on inspection of PLA
universities in Beijing in April to attending a PLA conference on grassroots
construction in June 2012. Zhang Haiyang, the political commissar who had
permitted Bo to stage a show of “red songs” at the headquarters of the Second
Artillery, has also continued in his position.68 In April 2012 he led a PLA delegation
to Finland and Hungary and attended the same PLA grassroots conference as
Gen Liu in June 2012. If Bo’s most ardent backers in the military have not seen
any change in their official schedule, it would seem safe to assume that Bo’s
dismissal has not generated a split between the Party and the PLA.
It has also been suggested that commentaries in military publications in the
aftermath of the Bo Xilai incident be seen as indicators of the need to shore up
the PLA’s loyalty. This is not necessarily the case. For instance a piece in the
Liberation Army Daily instructed the troops to “deeply understand the warning
significance of the incident and the case and firmly support the decisions and
plans of the CCP,” and claimed that the Party’s decision on Bo’s fate was “universally
accepted among officers and men.” Such writings in the military’s publications
do not represent a break in the tradition of political work, rather a continuation
of it. Since Hu Jintao first spoke of the “Core Values of Military Personnel” in
2008, it has become standard practice to emphasise the five most important
components of Hu’s speech: (a) Being loyal to the Party, (b) Deeply cherishing
the people, (c) Serving the country, (d) Showing devotion to missions and (e)
Upholding honour. Therefore commentaries that mirror calls for “ideological
purity” and the need to “resolutely safeguard the CCP discipline and the laws of
the state” are not novel. The motivations for such writings and pronouncements
can be manifold. First, by mirroring the opinions of party leaders, military
commanders can indicate their compliance with the Party line. Second, since
new personnel join the forces in March and April 2012, this presents a good
opportunity to ‘educate’ them regarding the Party position on various issues. Finally,
in the wake of the Bo Xilai affair and the rumours of PLA support for Bo, it
64 Asian Strategic Review
would make sense for commentaries to be published that signalled solidarity with
the Party line.
Thus, on the face of it there is little evidence to suggest that the Bo Xilai
incident impacted Party—PLA relations in any significant way. However, the issue
of maintaining consensus on the progress of reforms and battling corruption in
the Party, as well as the armed forces, will remain a significant political challenge
for the party in the foreseeable future. The smooth leadership transition effected
by the 18th Party Congress indicates that whatever accommodation needed to be
made among the various factions within the CPC, was made successfully. The
reduction of Standing Committee members is particularly pertinent in this regard
because it was expected that power-sharing between the factions would make
reduction in numbers difficult. That this has not been the case suggests that
factional politics is not overwhelming CPC cohesion.
Conclusion
The seeming preoccupation with domestic stability displayed by China’s leaders
in the lead up to the 18th Party Congress, during the Congress and in subsequent
proclamations clearly indicates that for the CPC, domestic challenges remain the
top most priority. Hu Jintao’s report to the 18th Party Congress which encapsulated
the accomplishments of the past five years as well as indicated the immediate
direction of China’s policies contained very little to do with foreign policy. That
the international security environment and China’s foreign policy did not feature
prominently in Hu’s report suggests that: (a) China’s assessments of its external
environment are clearly not positive; and (b) in the current situation, proclamation
of foreign policy goals or aims was considered inopportune.
The emphasis was on fighting corruption and shoring up the legitimacy of
the CPC. It is the goal of forming a “well-off society” by 2020 that was reiterated
by Hu. This would in turn imply that China must continue to take advantage of
the “strategic opportunities” presented by the first two decades of the century
(which may well have been eroded given regional perception on maritime disputes
with China and the United States’ ‘pivot’ to Asia). This means that China’s
development is seen as remaining contingent upon the economic growth afforded
by a peaceful external environment. Despite the escalation of rhetoric on maritime
issues, it is evident that there is continued necessity for maintaining stability in
China’s periphery which is directly linked with domestic stability that is increasingly
precarious due to economic disparities. If China is to follow the “Scientific
Development Concept,” which has now entered the pantheon of guiding thoughts
of the CPC, it needs to promote balanced and sustainable economic development.
This is not possible if China is engaged in hostilities externally.
The emphasis on domestic stability, its relationship with balanced economic
growth and the identification of domestic challenges as the primary concern for
the CPC suggests that China will attempt to maintain the status quo in its external
relations. This is not to suggest that China will abandon its “great power” ambitions
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 65
or roll back military expenditure and reform, but only to highlight the linkages
between domestic stability and China’s foreign relations. Nationalism may
encourage Chinese leaders to adopt strong rhetoric on issues related to territorial
sovereignty. However, this rhetoric may not necessarily indicate a change in policy.
China can be expected to remain cautious in its approach to disputes with other
countries. Domestic challenges, as enumerated in this paper, contain the potential
to undermine the leadership of the CPC, China’s new leaders therefore can be
expected to prioritise these existential challenges and navigate foreign relations
accordingly.
N OTES
1. Deng Xiaoping, ‘The overriding need is for stability’, February 26, 1989 at http://
english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1940.html, accessed August 21, 2011.
2. In the official CPC discourse the first generation of leadership is represented by Mao Zedong
at the core, supported by Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Chen Yun and Peng Dehuai.
The second generation of leadership had Deng Xiaoping at the core supported by important
leaders such as Hua Guofeng, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang. The Third generation of
leadership is represented by Jiang Zemin at the core with the support of Zhu Rongji, Li
Peng, Qiao Shi and Li Ruihuan. The fourth generation of leadership is represented by Hu
Jintao at the core and supported by Wu Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, Jia Qinglin, Zeng Qinghong
and Li Changchun among others.
3. ‘Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 18th Party Congress’, Xinhua, November 17, 2012 at http:/
/news.xinhuanet.com/english/special/18cpcnc/2012-11/17/c_131981259.htm , accessed
December 2, 2012.
4. ‘China boosts domestic security spending by 11.5 pc’, Reuters, March 5 , 2012 at http://
www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/05/china-parliament-security-idUSL4E8E408F20120305,
accessed March 7, 2012.
5. ‘Hu stresses military’s safeguarding social stability’, Xinhua, March 12, 2012 at http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-03/12/c_131462769.htm, accessed March 13, 2012.
6. Wang Weilan, ‘Making sense of mass incidents’, The Global Times, May 30, 2009 at
www.globaltimes.cn/special/2009-05-433271.html, accessed August 25, 2010.
7. M Scott Tanner, ‘China Rethinks Unrest,’ The Washington Quarterly, 27 (3) Summer 2004,
pp. 138-140
8. Sun Liping, ‘Shehui shixu shi dang xia de yanjun tiaozhan (Social disorder is the largest
challenge)’, The Economic Observer, February 28, 2011 at http://www.eeo.com.cn/zt/lhqh/
bza/2011/02/28/194614.shtml, accessed March 2, 2011.
9. The Ministry of Public Security does not give a clear definition of the term ‘mass incidents’.
This definition is based on discussions on online Chinese forums such as Tianya and the
definitions available on Baike (http://baike.baidu.com/view/61543.htm). See also, Will
Freeman, ‘The accuracy of China’s ‘mass incidents’’, Financial Times, 2 March 2010 and Yanqi
Tong and Shaohua Lei, ‘Large-scale mass incidents and Government Response in China’,
International Journal of China Studies, 1 (2), October 2010, pp. 487-508.
10. Joseph Kahn, ‘Chinese Premier Says Seizing Peasants’ Land Provokes Unrest’, New York Times,
January 21, 2006 at http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/21/international/asia/
21china.html?_r=0, accessed December 14, 2011.
11. The Tang Fuzhen self-immolation incident occurred at Chengdu, Sichuan, on November
13, 2009. Tang Fuzhen fought with demolition crew and government authorities in an effort
to save her house which was marked for demolition. State authorities and Tang had been
unable to agree on compensation for the building and the demolition of the building
66 Asian Strategic Review
continued as scheduled. Tang immolated herself on the roof of her building in protest.
12. Tom Orlik, ‘Unrest Grows and Economy Booms’, The Wall Street Journal, September 18,
2011 at http://online.wsj.com/article/SB100014240531119037036045765870706005
04108.html, accessed January 3, 2013.
13. ‘4,000 Villagers Protest Land Grabs, Elections’, Caixin Online, November 22, 2011 at http:/
/english.caixin.com/2011-11-22/100330330.html, accessed November 28, 2011.
14. Andrew Jacobs, ‘Village revolts over inequities of Chinese life’, The New York Times, December
14, 2011 at http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/15/world/asia/chinese-village-locked-in-
rebellion-against-authorities.html?pagewanted=all, accessed January 18, 2012.
15. Liang Chen, ‘Job application fees spark farmer protest’, Global Times, July 23, 2012 at http:
//www.globaltimes.cn/content/722655.shtml, accessed July 23, 2012.
16. ‘Ministry says illegal land grabs still prominent’, Xinhua News Agency, July 25, 2012 at http:
//news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-07/25/c_131738823.htm, accessed July 25, 2012.
17. Ibid.
18. James Pomfret, ‘Police use tear gas to quell riot in southern China’, Reuters, June 13, 2011
at http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/06/13/us-china-labour-unrest-idUSTRE75C0
KM20110613, accessed October 20, 2012.
19. Zheng Caixiong, ‘Officials eye training to handle mass incidents’, China Daily, June 28, 2012
at http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2012-06/28/content_15527702.htm, accessed
October 20, 2012.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. ‘Minimum wage goes up highest in east China’s Zhejiang’, Xinhua, April 12, 2011 at http:
//news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-04/12/c_13824753.htm, accessed April 12,
2011.
23. Rahul Jacob, ‘China labor unrest flares as orders fall’, CNN, November 24, 2011 at http://
edition.cnn.com/2011/11/23/business/china-labor-unrest/index.html, accessed October 20,
2012.
24. ITUC, ‘Internationally Recognised Core Labour Standards in the People’s Republic of China’
at http://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/final_china_tpr_2012_7_june_doc.pdf
25. ‘Xbox assembly workers in China threaten mass suicide over jobs dispute’, The Guardian,
January 12, 2012 at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jan/12/xbox-assembly-workers-
threaten-mass-suicide, accessed October 12, 2012.
26. Tania Branigan, ‘Anti-pollution protesters halt construction of copper plant in China’, The
Guardian, July 3, 2012 at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/03/china-anti-pollution-
protest-copper, accessed July 23, 2012.
27. John Ruwitch, ‘China cancels waste project after protests turn violent’, Reuters, July 8, 2012
at http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/28/us-china-environment-protest-
idUSBRE86R02Y20120728, accessed July 23, 2012.
28. Wang Qingchu, ‘Pollution fear cancels Beijing power plant plan’, Shanghai Daily, February
10, 2011 at http://www.shanghaidaily.com/sp/article/2011/201102/20110210/article_
463408.htm, accessed February 10, 2011.
29. Sui-Lee Wee, ‘China says will shut plant as thousands protest’, Reuters, August 14, 2011 at
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/08/14/us-china-protests-idUSTRE77D0EK20110814,
accessed August 15, 2011.
30. China paper blames poor government decisions for violent protest, Reuters, July 30, 2012 at
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/30/us-china-environment-protest-idUSBRE86T04
N20120730, accessed October 20, 2012.
31. Yan Hao, ‘Lawmakers seek to give public more legal teeth in environmental affairs’, People’s
Daily, August 31, 2012 at http://english.people.com.cn/90785/7931137.html, accessed August
31, 2012.
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 67
32. For a background on the problems faced by China in Tibet and Xinjiang see Melvyn C.
Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet and the Dalai Lama, University of
California Press: Berkeley, 1997 and Arienne M. Dwyer, The Xinjiang Conflict: Uyghur
Identity, Language Policy, and Political Discourse, East-West Center: Washington, 2005. See
also, Robert Barnett, ‘The Tibet Protests of Spring, 2008’, China Perspectives, No.3, 2009,
http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/4836
33. Ibid.
34. Although it has been suggested that the Chinese state is actively encouraging the movement
of Han Chinese into Tibet, there is little evidence to support this claim in recent years. See,
‘Tibet: Seeking Common Ground on the Rooftop of the World: A trip report from staff of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee’, United States Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations at lugar.senate.gov/issues/foreign/china/tibetreport.pdf
For a study of the ethnic composition of the popular in Lhasa till 2005, see ‘Temporary
Migrants in Lhasa in 2005’ at http://www.case.edu/affil/tibet/moreTibetInfo/documents/
Lhasamigrant3.pdf
35. For a comprehensive discussion on policies related to religion in China in the post-Mao era
see Susette Cooke, ‘Religious work: Governing religion in reform-era China’ pp. 125-150 in
Elaine Jeffreys ed. China’s Governmentalities: Governing change, changing government,
Routledge: New York, 2009.
36. Jia Qinglin, ‘Jianding bu yi zou zhongguo tese jiejue minzu wenti de zhengque dao lu
(Unswervingly take the road of Chinese characteristics to solve the ethnic problem),’ Qiushi,
No 24, 2010, December 16, 2010 at http://www.qstheory.cn/zxdk/2010/201024/201012/
t20101214_59512.htm, accessed December 18, 2010.
37. Zhu Weiqun, ‘Dui dangqian minzu lingyu minzu wenti de ji dian sikao (Some reflections
on the current ethnic domain)’, Xuexishibao, No 4069, February 13, 2012 at http://
www.studytimes.com.cn/2012/02/13/01/01_51.htm, accessed February 20, 2012.
38. James Leibold, ‘Toward A Second Generation of Ethnic Policies?’, China Brief, July 6, 2012
at http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%
5D=39590&cHash=f6546cfc679f21c0f476fa77da69f849, accessed July 10, 2012.
39. Jonathan Watts, ‘China raises Xinjiang police station death toll to 18’, The Guardian, July
20, 2011 at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jul/20/china-xinjiang-police-station-
death-toll, accessed July 20, 2011.
40. ‘China: Unrest in Kashgar, Xinjiang, leaves 15 dead’, BBC News, July 31, 2011 at http://
www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-14356532, accessed August 2, 2011.
41. ‘Pledge to stem violence, mass incidents in Xinjiang’, China Daily, January 11, 2012 at http:
//www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2012-01/11/content_14418419.htm, accessed January 11,
2012.
42 ‘China: More Violence in Xinjiang’, New York Times, February 28, 2012 at http://
www.nytimes.com/2012/02/29/world/asia/china-more-violence-in-xinjiang.html, accessed
February 28, 2012.
43. ‘China’s Wild West’, HIS Jane’s Defence Security Report, June 28, 2012 at http://
www.janes.com/products/janes/defence-security-report.aspx?ID=1065969098&channel=
security&subChannel=terrorism, accessed July 15, 2012.
44. ‘100th Self-Immolation Reported Inside Tibet,’ New York Times, February 14, 2013 at http:
//www.nytimes.com/2013/02/15/world/asia/100th-self-immolation-inside-tibet-is-
reported.html?_r=0 accessed March 7, 2013
45. ‘Death sentence over Inner Mongolia herder killing’, BBC News, June 8, 2011 at http://
www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13697612, accessed June 8, 2011.
46. ‘Neimeng zhuang si mumin an yifan bei qisu (Suspect in killing of Inner Mongolian pastoralist
indicted)’, Mingpao, May 30, 2011 at http://inews.mingpao.com/cfm/Print.cfm?Publishdate=
20110530&File=ca/ca11522p.txt, accessed July 15, 2011.
68 Asian Strategic Review
47. ‘China says foreigners stir Inner Mongolia unrest’, BBC News, May 31, 2011 at www.bbc.co.
uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13602589, accessed August 16, 2011.
48. China Internet Network Information Center, Statistical Report on Internet Development in
China (January 2012) http://www.apira.org/data/upload/The29thStatisticalReportonInternet
DevelopmentinChina_hbwnp5.pdf
49. Yan Yiyun and Liu Xiaoguang, ‘Dangdai zhongguo wang ge gong gong ling huo de zhengzhi
li neneg’ (The Political Function of China’s Internet Public Sphere), Journal of Anhui
Agricultural University, 19 (2), 2010, pp- 38-40, 114.
50. ‘Premier Wen vows to punish those responsible for train crash six days after tragedy’, Xinhua,
July 28, 2011 at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-07/28/c_131016280.
htm, accessed July 28, 2011.
51. ‘Wenzhou crash released pent-up conflicts’, Global Times, August 22, 2011 at
www.globaltimes.cn/NEWS/tabid/99/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/672090/Wenzhou-
crash-released-pent-up-conflicts.aspx, accessed August 23, 2011.
52. ‘Mother Freed From Labor Camp After Online Protest’, Wall Street Journal, August 8, 2012
at http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2012/08/10/mother-freed-from-labor-camp-after-
online-protest/, accessed August 12, 2012.
53. ‘After Long Battle, Death Reprieve for Celebrity Convict’, Wall Street Journal, May 21, 2012
at http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2012/05/21/after-long-battle-death-reprieve-for-
celebrity-convict/, accessed May 23, 2012.
54. David Barboza and Keith Bradsher, ‘In China, Labor Movement Enabled by Technology’,
New York Times, June 17, 2012 at http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/17/business/global/
17strike.html, accessed June 17, 2012.
55. Richard McGregor, ‘China web opposition to Japan’s UN hopes targets Beijing’, Financial
Times, April 4, 2005 at http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/2403c06a-a4a6-11d9-9778-
00000e2511c8.html#axzz2EpQF04Oy, accessed April 17, 2005. See also, Sandra Huang,
‘How China’s Mainstream Media Ignored the Anti-Japanese Riots’, The Atlantic, September
26, 2012 at http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/09/how-chinas-
mainstream-media-ignored-the-anti-japanese-riots/262879/, accessed October 3, 2012.
56. ‘Premier Wen talks online with public’, China Daily, February 28, 2009 at 111.chinadaily.
com.cn/china/2009-02/28/content_7522765.htm, accessed March 2, 2010.
57. ‘Government micro-blogs on the rise’, China Daily, July 8, 2011 at www.china.org.cn/china/
2011-07/08/content_22946579.htm, accessed July 8, 2011.
58. ‘China issues white paper on Internet policy’, Xinhua News Agency, June 8 , 2010 at http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2010-06/08/c_13339058.htm, accessed July 13,
2011.
59. Bo Xilai, was the party chief of Chongqing and a member of the CPC politburo, who was
expected to be elected into the politburo standing committee at the 18th Party Congress.
He was stripped of his positions and expelled from the Party when ohis former Chief of
Police, Wang Lijun, allegedly sought refuge in the American Consulate in Chengdu. Wang’s
flight to the American consulate and his subsequent confession exposed Bo’s involvement in
illegal activities and led to the indictment of Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, in the murder of British
national Neil Heywood. For a timeline of the scandal please see “Bo Xilai scandal: Timeline,”
BBC News, 28 September 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-17673505
60. ‘Full Text of Hu Jintao’s Speech at CPC Anniversary Gathering’, Xinhua, July 1, 2011 at
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-07/01/c_13960505_9.htm, accessed July
4, 2011.
61. ‘Wen says China needs political reform, warns of another Cultural Revolution if without’,
Xinhua, March 14, 2012 at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-03/14/
c_131466552.htm, accessed March 20, 2012.
62. ‘Bo Xilai expelled from CPC, public office’, Xinhua, September 28, 2012 at http://
Domestic Developments in China: Issues of Stability 69
is defensive but specifically states: “that a strategic defensive posture is only viable
if mated with an offensive operational posture”.14 The key issue here is that the
first strike that triggers a military response need not necessarily be a military one.
“Actions in the political and strategic realm may also justify a Chinese military
reaction, even if it fires the first shot tactically”, say Cordesman and Yarosh. Active
defence also overwrites the older concept of coastal defence thereby adding the
dimension of the projection of power beyond its coastline and borders.
The above two dictate the military modernisation programme of China.
annual increase in defence expenditure was 14.5 per cent, while from 1998 to
2007, the average annual increase in defence expenditure was 15.9 per cent. In
the last five years alone the defence budget has gone up almost 40 per cent from
417 billion RMB in 2007 to 670.6 billion RMB in 2012.16 It is difficult to
estimate how much of this is for arms imports, weapon procurement, military
aid, indigenous military production and R&D since China does not release these
figures in its details of military spending. The US department of defence estimates
that the actual Chinese defence budget could be more than the disclosed figures
by as much as 50 per cent.17 What is clear is that annual average growth in China’s
defence budget, in inflation adjusted terms, over the last decade is 11.8 per
cent.18 This is by all standards adequate for supporting a robust military
modernisation programme. According to SIPRI, China imported $26.7 billion
worth of arms during the period 2000-11, 85 per cent ($22.8 billion) of which
were from Russia alone. With peak annual average imports of $2.5 billion from
Russia between 2000-06, they have since dropped to an average of under $1
billion (2007-12), indicating a quantum improvement in indigenisation and
development of its military industrial complex.19 Interestingly, imports from
Germany, UK and France have been a recent phenomenon involving cutting edge
technologies like engines for ships and tanks, helicopters and missiles.
According to the defence white papers, issued by China biennially, the defence
budget covers the following three categories:20
• Personnel expenses mainly cover salaries, insurance, food, clothing, and
welfare benefits for officers, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men
as well as for civilian employees;
• Training and maintenance expenses cover troop training, institutional
education, construction and maintenance of installations and facilities,
and other expenses on routine consumables; and
• Equipment expenses mainly cover research on, experimentation with,
and procurement, maintenance, transportation and storage of weaponry
and equipment.
The real percentages vary, but are generally between 31 and 36 per cent for each.21
In 2009, over 96 per cent of the total budget was spent on the active force and
just three per cent and one per cent on the militia and reserve force respectively.
These figures could serve as guidelines for breaking down the budget expenditures
of the future.22 However the budget does not cover; procurement of weapons
from abroad, expenses for paramilitaries, nuclear weapons and strategic rocket
programmes, state subsidies for the military-industrial complex, some military
related research and development, and extra-budget revenue. 23 The US
department of defence estimates that China’s total military-related spending for
2011, based on 2011 prices and exchange rates could be somewhere in the vicinity
of $120-180 billion.24
China’s Military Modernisation and India’s Security 75
The PLA
The PLA has undergone a major restructuring in its organisation, structure,
manpower and equipment. The PLA has established seven Military Area
Commands (MACs) that are akin to theatres of war based on geographical
divisions, strategic and operational direction and operational tasks. The army and
the PLAAF have seven Military Regions (MRs) and Air Commands, that are
contiguous to these locations and placed under these MACs during war. The
PLAN has three fleets—the North Sea Fleet (Beihai), the East Sea Fleet (Donghai)
and the South Sea Fleet (Nanhai) which are also placed under MACs during
war. These were set up as a part of transformation from independent service
campaigns, which were had earlier been the norm, to joint service campaigns
under a joint headquarters. The MAC is responsible for preparation of joint plans,
operational readiness, orchestration of reserves and provision of joint logistics in
a theatre of war.
Map 1
In recent years, the lexicon of joint operations has undergone a change. Earlier
an operation involving two or more services was deemed a joint operation. This
has been redesignated as ‘integrated joint operations’ to emphasise the role of
support services, logistic and civilian forces besides the participating services.25 The
key change is to train jointly and achieve synergy and jointness at lower levels of
command down to the brigade level. The other major joint campaign strategies
include; integrated firepower operations by integrating all platforms (air, ships,
artillery) to bring fire on the battle space simultaneously, integrated network
electronic warfare (INEW) by seizing and dominating the electromagnetic space
and integrated joint logistics to provide the necessary support to all elements of
a campaign.
headquarters may control two to three such groups. This approach finally brings
the operations of divisions and brigades in line with each other so they can work
together seamlessly.29 The PLA’s new mechanised infantry division has been
described as being two generations ahead of the other armies.30 Organised to
fight as independent battle groups, both in mountainous and urban terrain, their
equipment is light and thus reduces the logistical footprint. At the battalion level,
a battalion commander in command of a battle group would have armour, artillery,
infantry, aviation helicopters available to him closely integrated by a robust C4ISR
system for training and operations.
This three monthly rotation of the flotilla is the first prolonged overseas
deployment of the PLAN since its inception.
are underway for the manufacture of heavy lift and commercial aircraft that will
cater to its need for mid-air refuellers, AWACs, cargo and long range equipment
carriers.
of the three services and accomplish other combat missions assigned by the higher
authority.39
It is not the purpose of this paper to furnish the numbers and types of missiles
held by the PLASAF, as these are debatable and cannot be authenticated due to
the opaqueness in the PLA. However, it can be confirmed with some veracity that
the PLASAF is organised into six bases spread across China, and each base has a
number of missile brigades under its command. It is assessed that the PLASAF
has about 16-19 missile brigades, and each brigade has one type of missile system.
The brigades are further divided into a 3-3 configuration (three launch battalions
with three launch companies and three launch platoons) or even a 4-4
configuration. Thus missile brigades may have 9, 27 or 16 launchers. Depending
on the type of missile, it is possible to make a fair estimate of the numbers available
with each brigade. It is important to note that the basic fire unit of the nuclear
missile force is a launch battalion, but that of the conventional missile force, is a
launch platoon.40
The key factor for the SAF is the need for educated, qualified and volunteer
manpower. The PLA has embarked on a major programme to attract talent. MOUs
have been signed with universities, scholarship programmes instituted to recruit
engineering, science and computer literate graduates by providing incentives such
as higher remuneration and better terms and conditions of service. The SAF has
the highest graduates to man power ratio. With the change in conscription policy
from four to two years the SAF has been forced to rely on its NCO cadre which
is undergoing a transition from theoretical training to practical, hands on training
on hi-tech equipment.
Weaponisation Programme
The weaponisation part of the military modernisation programme can be broadly
covered under two main heads:
• Programme for defence of China’s ‘land and sea frontiers’.
• Programme for ‘global power projection’.
Weapon Platforms
Leading the defence of China’s coastline is the PLAN’s submarine arm. The main
aim of the PLAN submarine force is to serve as the primary military instrument
in the event of a confrontation with the US over Taiwan. Heading the pack are
12 Russian built Kilo (RF Type EKM 636 and 877) class diesel submarines
equipped with Klub supersonic Anti Ship Cruise Missile (ASCM—Range 290
km). These are capable of penetrating the Aegis air and missile defence shield
created by the US carrier battle groups. Supporting these are 16 Song (Type 039)
and Yuan (Type 041) class of diesel submarines equipped with YJ-82 ASCM
(Range 180 km). Together these diesel submarines (32 in number) constitute the
sub-sea defence of China’s coastline.41
Among the surface combatants, China relies heavily on four Sovremmeny
Class Russian destroyers, each carrying eight SSN-22 Sunburn ASCM (speed
Mach 3, Range 240 km). The Sovremmeny class was specially designed in the
1970s to “counter the US carriers and escorts equipped with high-tech air
defences”.42 According to Cole, to date the US has been unable to develop effective
counter-weapons against the Sunburn essentially, because of its very high speed
which allows little reaction time and its heavy weight, which generates huge
momentum as it strikes the target. The shortage in numbers is made up by the
indigenously built four Luyang I and II and two Luzhou class destroyers, each
fitted with state of the art anti-air warfare (AAW) and electronic countermeasure
capability (ECM) and SA-20 missile ( range 100 km) which strengthen the PLAN
area air defence (AAD) capability. A major improvement has been the phasing
out of single mission ships and the development of multi-mission surface
combatants.43
The PLAN has a weak anti-submarine warfare capability (ASW). Its ASW
fleet of helicopters is based on the vintage Russian Ka 27/28 Helix series and the
Z9-C, a modified version of the French Dauphin (AS-365) of the 1980s vintage.
The PLAN is now developing the Z9-D, an improved version equipped with two
Hongdu TL-10 lightweight anti-ship missiles with an extended range of 15 kms,
under its weapon pylons, instead of anti-submarine torpedoes. This should give
it an improved ASW capability against the Japanese Soryu class and the Korean
Sohn Won-il class of submarines besides the US SSNs (nuclear powered
submarines).
The PLAN surface fleet is supported by a land based naval aviation arm. The
82 Asian Strategic Review
absence of a long range maritime air fleet is a major weakness in the PLAN. The
fixed wing fighter force of PLAN Air Force (PLANAF) relies on the J7/J8 (MiG
21 variants). The PLAN has 244 fighter aircraft with just 48 (24 J-10 and 24 SU
30 MK2), inducted in 2010-12, amongst its modern fourth generation fighters.
The Russian built SU-30MK2 is the only aircraft with the “capability to strike
ships at longer ranges while retaining a robust air-to-air capability”.44 However it
is the development of the J-20 (also called Chengdu–J XX) which is of major
concern to the US and its allies in the Asia –Pacific. The J-20 is a fifth generation
stealth fighter which is compatible only with the US F-22 Raptor and the T-50
FGFA Russia-India joint development programme. Air Power Australia in a report
has termed the J20 a ‘game changer’ and has noted that: “The emergence of China’s
new J-XX [J-20] stealth fighter will have a profound strategic impact, for both
the United States and its numerous Pacific Rim allies”. It adds: “In any conflict
involving China, a well sized fleet of mature production J-XX [J-20] would have
significant freedom of action to attack and destroy aerial and surface targets
throughout the geography of the Second Island Chain” and the “US Navy CBGs
(Carrier Battle Groups) are at significant risk, adding to the risks posed by the
DF-21D ASBM”.45 The J20 is expected to be inducted into service in by 2018,
although some experts are of the view that with a “gap of more than a decade
between the first flight of the US F-22 fighter and its coming into service … the
J-20 will have at least a decade of testing and evaluation before it is ready for
production”.46
Two projects that were commenced on a war footing soon after the 1996
Taiwan Straits crisis are the ASAT (Anti-Satellite Program) and the DF-21(CSS-
5) ASBM (Anti-Ship Ballistic Missile) ‘carrier killer’ programme. The ASAT was
aimed at crippling the C4ISR system over the CBGs and was demonstrated in
2007 while the DF-21 series was meant for the destruction of ships, particularly
aircraft carriers. These two are a formidable part of China’s ‘counter intervention’
strategy. The DF-21 is a GPS guided, manoeuvrable re-entry (MARV) equipped,
active radar based terminally guided missile with a rated CEP of 10 metres. The
land based version is the DF-21D which has been successfully test fired and
reportedly reached IOC (initial operational capability) status in 2010. The sea
variant is yet to be tested on waters and against mobile targets, but it has the
potential to impose serious caution on the mobility and operational
manoeuvrability of the aircraft carriers and the battle groups.47
The other missiles developed by China are the DF-31( Range 8000 km),
which is a new mobile-type ICBM with a solid propellant system mounted onto
a Transporter Erector Launcher (TEL); and its extended version, the DF-31A(range
12,000 km). The missile can also be transported by rail or deployed in fixed silos.
These have already been inducted into service. Its sea version, the submarine
launched JL-2 (Range 8000km), is believed to be mounted on the Jin (Type 094)
class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBN), two of which are
reported to be in service. Recent reports indicate that the PLASAF also test fired
China’s Military Modernisation and India’s Security 83
the three stage, solid propellant, multiple warhead, Intercontinental Ballistic Missile
(ICBM) DF-41 with a range of 14,000 kms capable of threatening most of
continental United States.48 The DF-31 and the DF-31A have been deployed,
the JL-2 trials on the Jin class submarine have been successful, and the reported
success of DF-41, would make it reasonable to conclude that China’s nuclear
defence procedures and safety measures are firmly in place.49
The PLA Army has had the smallest share of the modernisation pie. The
creation of ‘light infantry’ in keeping with PLA’s doctrinal emphasis on manpower
and machinery, and manoeuvrability is a major change in the ground forces. For
high-altitude operations, the PLA has gone in for the Russian concept of
‘reconnaissance combat operations’. This entails extensive employment of
helicopters and reconnaissance teams to provide intelligence for light infantry,
besides the use of signal intelligence.50 Major improvements have been effected in
the armour, ICVs (infantry combat vehicles) and communications. The Type 99A2,
termed a third generation tank, has been recently inducted into service and is
compatible with the M1A2 Abrams and the Leopard 2.51 The PLAA amphibious
capabilities have been given a fillip in ‘ship-to-shore’ operations by inducting the
modern ZBD05 series of amphibious ICVs. Secure, digitised communications
and data facility have been provided up to regimental headquarters.
exercise in the West Pacific in April 2012.60 These would enhance the ISR range
of the fleet at sea besides being used for hard kill options against enemy ships.
The lack of strategic mobility and strategic airlift is being seriously addressed
by the Chinese aviation industry. Two major projects that are reportedly underway
are: the 80 ton C919 commercial airliner and a 200 ton heavy lift aircraft—called
the Y-20. The programme is shrouded in secrecy and few details are known. The
200 ton Y20 would be somewhere between the 167 ton Russian IL-76 (47 ton
payload,3650 km) and the 265 ton C-17 Globemaster (77 ton payload, 4400 km)
with an estimated payload of 60 tons and endurance of up to 4000 kms. According
to one US estimate it will be comparable to the US C-130 Hercules.61 The C919
COMAC (Commercial Airliner Corporation of China) is a 156 seater commercial
liner with an operating range of 5500 kms and a life of 90,000 hours or 30 calendar
years.62 A recent Farnborough air show report suggests that 280 of the C919 have
already been ordered and the first of these will join the fleet in 2016.63 Both these
aircraft are likely to provide the basic platform for the PLAAFs strategic
requirements like long range refuellers, AWAC, heavy airlift for tanks/ICVs, long
range maritime surveillance and heavy bombers.
Impact on India
In the near term (three-five years), China is likely to be preoccupied with settling
the Taiwan issue, the gathering storm over the Spratlys and Paracels in South
China Sea and the dispute over the Senkaku (Diaoyu) islands with Japan. The
US ‘rebalancing strategy” in the Asia Pacific, the growing US-Japan-South Korea
relations and the discord over the ‘Code of Conduct’ issue with South East Asian
countries appear to be occupying China’s attention. India does not figure in its
near term calculus. The Sino-Indian differences that can trigger a conflict like
situation are the border dispute and the Tibetan refugee issue—other issues though
important may not merit a military confrontation. Strategically, for the PLA, in
the near term, India is a land-air contingency. This implies that operations against
India would essentially be dominated by the PLA ground forces, the PLASAF
and PLAAF. While India has a vast coastline and is vulnerable from the sea,
geographical distance and the inadequate capability to operate in the Indian Ocean
precludes the PLAN from threatening India by sea in the near term.
It is important for the reader to understand the connotation of a ‘local war’
in the Chinese context to realise the threat to India. The Chinese view a local war
as a ‘political’ rather than a major war; their use of military force is ‘more mediated’
and ‘constrained’ by political and democratic factors. According to General Xiong
Guangkai, a former Deputy Chief of the PLA and later member of 16th CPC,
Central Committee:
Victory and defeat are more difficult to distinguish. Final resolution tends to
be achieved through diplomatic negotiation and political compromise. Its
objectives are not annihilation of the enemy, capture territory or conquer
regimes but enhance diplomatic initiatives, intimidate the enemy psychology
and acquire economic resources.64
88 Asian Strategic Review
Local wars are limited in space and time and involve fewer troops, to avoid
escalation in deference to world opinion. Local wars tend to be non nuclear
because of their limited objective, scope and hi-tech orientation. Since local wars
are fought in border regions or territorial waters with limited in-depth defence,
mass mobilisation is not necessary.65 When analysed carefully, this doctrine would
define a Sino-Indian confrontation as a ‘local war’. The question before the
Chinese elite is—would a ‘local war’ with India fulfil the political aims of the
Chinese Communist Party?
Conclusion
The Chinese military modernisation is a very well thought through plan that has
catapulted China on the world stage. It continues to be on schedule as envisaged
in the National Defence Paper 2006. It has also put China on the centre stage of
international politics and is currently the only emerging challenge to US power.
While a large part of the modernisation programme is US centric, its fallout on
the region is unmistakable. Its impact on China’s disputes with Japan, the South
China Sea and Taiwan has been visible in recent years in the form of a growing
arrogance, threatening the use of force, diplomatic assertion and even naval
standoffs. The ‘counter intervention strategy’ underway and would counter balance
the US as it pivots towards Asia-Pacific. In the near future, China’s ambitions to
project power in the Indian Ocean will be a reality and they would pose a direct
challenge the Indian Navy, which is the other most powerful navy in the region.
For India, the Chinese threat is likely to manifest itself in the medium to the
long term. It is necessary that India uses the present to develop its military muscle
and infrastructure to deter China from exercising the military option.
N OTES
1. Report from the US Embassy in China titled, “The Gulf War-Lessons for Chinese Military
S&T”, November 1996 available at http://www.fas.org/nuke/guide/china/doctrine/
stmil14.htm accessed on 13 October 2012. Also see Shirong Chen, BBC China Editor, “China
military modernisation gathers pace”, BBC News, 07 January 2011.
2. Henry Kissinger, “On China”, Penguin Books, 2011, p. 94.
3. “Speech at an Enlarged Meeting of the Military Commission of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China”, Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol 3, June 4, 1985, available
at http://www04.us.archive.org/stream/SelectedWorksOfDengXiaopingVol.3/
Deng03_djvu.txt. The translated text is: “We should also recognize that the new revolution
in science and technology all over the world is developing vigorously and that economic
strength, science and technology play an outstanding role in worldwide competition. Neither
the United States and the Soviet Union, nor the other developed countries, nor the developing
countries can afford to ignore this. Thus we can conclude that it is possible that there will be
no large-scale war for a fairly long time to come and that there is hope of maintaining world
peace. In short, after analysing the general trends in the world and the environment around
us, we have changed our view that the danger of war is imminent.”
4. Tyler J. Moore, “China’s Security Perspective”, Naval Postgraduate School, June 2011, p. 14.
5. Timothy Thomas, “The RMA with Chinese Characteristics in Future Security Environment”,
Global Trends, June 28, 2012.
6. Timothy Thomas, op cit.
7. Tyler J. Moore, op cit.
8. Xiaobing Li, “A History of Modern Chinese Army”, KW Publishers, 2011, p. 272.
9. Brig Vinod Anand, “RMA with Chinese Characterisics”, AIR Power Journal, 3(3) Monsoon,
2006 (July-September). He believes “The concept of limited war under high-tech conditions
was evolved after learning lessons from Operation Desert Storm”.
10. An-Kuo Wang and Shu-Hui Lin, “The External Influencing Factors of the PLA
Modernization” available at http://cgeweb.csu.edu.tw/full_teacher/refereed/data/0221/
2011830103220.pdf accessed on 9 October 2012. The paper looks at the impact of four hi-
tech wars fought by the US in shaping Chinese RMA.
China’s Military Modernisation and India’s Security 91
37. Nicola Horsburgh, “Change and Innovation in Chinese Nuclear Weapons Strategy”, China
Information 26(2), Sage Publication 2012, p. 186.
38. Yao Yunzhu, “Chinese Nuclear Policy and the Future of Minimum Deterrence”, Strategic
Insights, 4(9) September 2005, p. 3.
39. See Kenneth Allen and Maryanne Kivlehan-Wise, op cit, p. 161.
40. Ibid. Also see Office of Secretary Defence, DOD report “Military and Security Developments
Involving the People’s Republic of China”, May 2012 and Air Power Australia, Technical
Report APA-TR-2009-1204, December 2009 on the PLA Second Artillery Force, updated
April 2012 available at http://www.ausairpower.net/APA-PLA-Second-Artillery-Corps.html
accessed on 20 August 2012. Also see Adam Ward, “IISS Strategic Comments”, China’s
Changing Military, 11(6), August 2005.
41. See Anthony H. Cordesman and Nicholas S. Yarosh, op cit, pp 135-140.
42. James B. Cole, “The Peoples Liberation Army-Navy: Taiwan…and Beyond”, thesis submitted
at Naval Postgraduate School, Monterrey, California, December 2011, pp 39. Also see
Shambaugh, “China’s Military Modernisation”, p. 92.
43. See Anthony H. Cordesman and Nicholas S. Yarosh, op cit, p. 124.
44. James B. Cole, op cit, p. 42.
45. Carlo Knopp, “The Strategic Impact of China’s J-XX [J-20] Stealth Fighter”, Air Power
Australia, NOTAM, 09 January 2011 available at http://www.ausairpower.net/APA-NOTAM-
090111-1.html accessed on 08 August 2012.
46. Kathrin Hille, “China: ‘Doing it all yourself has its drawbacks”, China Military News available
at http://www.china-defense-mashup.com/china-doing-it-all-yourself-has-its-drawbacks.html?
utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed:+China
MilitaryPowerMashup+(China+Military+Power) accessed on 04 August 2012.
47. See US-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Research Report,
“Indigenous Weapons Development in China’s Military Modernization”, 05 April, 2012,
Section 2 and 3.
48. Bill Gertz, “China Test Fires New Long Range Missile”, 15 August 2012 available at http:
//forum.china.org.cn/viewthread.php?tid=41016 . Also see http://www.asian-defence.net/
2012/08/china-test-fired-10-mirv-df-41-icbm.html and Voice of Russia at http://
vietnamese.ruvr.ru/2012_08_26/86257569/ and the popular Chinese paper Global times at
http://forum.globaltimes.cn/forum/showthread.php?t=29904, accessed on 08 October 2012.
49. See Jane’s Strategic Weapons Systems, Issue 53, 2010, pp. 26-27 and Defence of Japan 2012
(annual white paper).
50. Maj Gen G.G. Diwedi, op cit.
51. See key data on the ZTZ99, Main battle Tank at http://www.army-technology.com/projects/
type99chinese-main/ accessed on 22 August 2012.
52. Mandip Singh, “China Year Book-2011”, IDSA publication, Chapter 11, p. 125.
53. Office of Secretary Defence, DOD report “Military and Security Developments Involving
the People’s Republic of China”, May 2012.
54. For more details on China’s INEW programme see Desmond Ball, “China and Cyber
Warfare”, Security Challenges, 7(2) (Winter 2011), pp. 81-103.
55. Ibid. Desmond Ball is a Professor in the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian
National University, Canberra. He was Head of the Centre from 1984 to 1991.
56. For more details about the Varyag, See http://www.jeffhead.com/worldwideaircraftcarriers/
varyag.htm.
57. See Anthony H. Cordesman and Nicholas S. Yarosh, op cit, p. 104.
58. China Military News, “PLA Navy Needs 3-5 Carrier Battle Groups?”, August 13, 2012.
59. China Military News, “PLA Navy’s New LPD vessel and Sino-US Pacific Rivalry” cited from
Reuters and by David Lague, 15 February, 2012. Also see Dennis J Blasko, China Brief, 10(17),
August 19, 2010.
China’s Military Modernisation and India’s Security 93
60. J. Michael Cole quoted in Taipei Times, “Experts Puzzled by Mysterious UAVs on Chinese
Frigate”,18 May 2012. Also see China Military News, “China’s UAVs in a “kill chain” to
destroy U.S. aircraft carriers”, 27 June 2012.
61. See Report to Congress of the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission,
November 2010, p. 78 which states “China currently is designing a 200-ton transport aircraft,
which, when completed, is to be comparable to the U.S. Air Force C–130”.
62. See COMAC website available at http://english.comac.cc/products/ca/pi/index.shtml accessed
on 23 August 2012.
63. CNTV Report titled “China’s C919 aircraft draws attention at Farnborough Int’l Airshow
2012” available at http://english.cntv.cn/program/newsupdate/20120711/101856.shtm
accessed on 23 August 2012.
64. General Xiong Guangkai, quoted by Nan Li, ibid.
65. Zhang Zhijian, Ibid. Zhang Zhijian was a PLA General and Vice-Chairman, 10th Internal
and Judicial Affairs Committee of the NPC.
66. For “Three Warfares”, See Office of the Secretary of Defence (DoD), Military and Security
Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2011, Annual Report to Congress
(Washington, DC: DoD, 16 August 2011), p. 26 and Report titled “China’s Three Warfares”
by Timothy A. Walton Delex Consulting, Studies, and Analysis, 18 January 2012, available
at http://delex.com/pub/dsr/Three%20Warfares.pdf accessed on 10 October 2012.
6
Recent Developments in India-China Relations
Rup Narayan Das
As in previous years China maintained its charm offensive towards India in 2012
and continued to puzzle India’s China watchers. New Delhi also reciprocated
these gestures in equal measure. However there were also periods of stress and
strain. In order to put the issues in perspective, this article highlights the major
instances of camaraderie and bonhomie between the two countries. It also
underscores some of the irritants that cast their shadows on the bilateral relations.
It concludes by analysing the nature of such overtures. The relationship between
the two countries needs to be seen in holistic terms because of its complexity and
because of the several extraneous factors that impact bilateral relations between
the two.
the border areas.”6 The Working Mechanism thus established presently headed
by the joint secretary East Asia, in the Ministry of External Affairs on the Indian
side; and a director-general level officer of the Chinese Foreign Ministry along
with diplomatic and military officials of the two countries.
China’s top diplomat Dai Bingguo claimed that Sino-Indian ties had made
“substantial progress” and had “scaled much height” and “produced some results”
on the frame work for settlement of the boundary issue; and that the two countries
“can work miracles” together. India’s Special Representative Shivshankar Menon
was, however, more circumspect and realistic in his assessment. He said: “The
boundary question remains unresolved, and there is no denying that it is a difficult
issue... On the settlement itself, we are in the second stage of the three stage
process of agreed principles, a frame work and finally a boundary line.”7 The
outcome of the talks was more normative and cosmetic than substantive. It is
worthwhile recalling that the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles signed
between the two countries in April 2005 envisaged a package settlement of the
boundary question. Clause V of the agreement stipulated:
The two sides will take into account, inter alia, historical evidence, national
sentiments, practical difficulties and reasonable concerns and sentiments of
both sides, and the actual state of border areas.
Clause VI of the agreement significantly stated: “In reaching a boundary
settlement, the two sides shall safeguard due interests of their settled
populations in the border.”8
The Protocol on the CBMS of 2005 further stipulated that the “two sides
will facilitate the process of early clarification and confirmation of the alignment
of the Line of Actual Control”.9 However the last 13 years have not seen any
significant progress as far as the boundary dispute is concerned.
Be that as it may, the newly constituted border mechanism, held its first
meeting on March 5-6, 2012 in Beijing. Gautam Bambawalle, joint secretary
(East Asia) led the Indian delegation. The two sides reviewed the situation prevailing
in the India-China border areas and noted the adherence by both sides to the
various agreements for maintenance of peace and tranquillity. At the same time
they stressed on continuing efforts towards maintaining peace and the need for
additional confidence building measures between the two sides. They also discussed
the possibility of an alternative route for the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra and the
inclusion of additional items for border trade at Nathu La Pass in Sikkim.10
This clearly demonstrates that nothing very concrete was achieved -except
the maintaining of the status quo. There was, however, no major let up in
transgressions by the Chinese across the LAC. Replying to a question on March
14, in the Lok Sabha, Smt. Preneet Kaur, the minister of state for external affairs
said that on July 13, 2011, a People’s Liberation Army patrol attempted to cross
a 200 feet wall of loose stones, 250 metres on Indian side of the LAC in Yangtse
area of Tawang, which was prevented by Indian troops. The stone wall was partially
Recent Developments in India-China Relations 97
but partners”. Taking this a step further, the state owned China Central Television
described it as “a historic movement for India and that it shows that India has
joined the club of the countries that own ballistic missiles.” It then remarked
that, “it does not pose a threat in reality”.18
China’s discomfort was, however, manifested by the ultra-nationalist Global
Times. The title of the article, “India being swept up by missile delusion” betrayed
China’s consternation. It said that India “is still poor and lags behind in
infrastructure construction, but its society is highly supportive of developing
nuclear and the West chooses to overlook India’s disregard of nuclear and missile
control treaties”, without citing any such instance. The truth however is that India
endured the nuclear apartheid for a fairly long time, in spite of its adherence to
accepted norms and good conduct. In a clear message to India the article asserted
that even if India has missiles that could reach most parts of China, it will not
gain anything by being arrogant in its disputes with China. It further said it would
be “unwise for China and India to seek a balance of power by developing missiles
and that China and India should develop as friendly a relationship as possible”.19
He further added that the US “respects and enforces the international norms
that have governed this region for six decades.” China, however, is not comfortable
with the US reasons for courting India and this discomfort was reflected in its
media. The Global Times in a news report captioned, ‘Panneta seeks larger role
from India’ quoted Wang Dehua, a specialist in South Asian studies at the Shanghai
Institute for International Studies, as saying, “It seems that the US is sparing no
efforts in forging a semicircle of alliance against China from the South.” This was
because Panetta had attended the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore and afterwards
visited Vietnam and India. In keeping with the spirit of the charm offensive Wang
further went on to say, that India however, has its own agenda in the regionand
wants to pursue an independent foreign policy to protect its national interests.
“For example, India has refrained from becoming deeply involved in the South
China Sea rows because it viewed any friction with China as going against its
fundamental national interests.” This is because, “India’s interests lie in wider
economic and cultural cooperation with China. This is China’s opportunity to
break up the US intention to contain China.”21
Naval CBMs
The optimism led to a new set of CBMS for a better relationship between the
navies of the two countries. The idea was given some shape in March 2012 during
the visit of the Chinese foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, to New Delhi prior to the
BRICS Summit. The mechanism seeks to involve the coast guards, the navies
and the air forces of the two countries against pirates. The modalities are being
worked out by a joint group that will involve the two foreign offices, besides the
ministries of defence, shipping and oceanography. Earlier an international
conference of naval officers from 20 countries was organised by the People’s
Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Chinese officials said they were particularly keen
to increase coordination with Indian navy. Geng Yangsheng the spokesperson for
the ministry of defence, singled out India and Japan as the two countries with
whom China wanted to increase exchanges and strengthen escort mission.24 As a
goodwill gesture a Chinese naval ship made a courtesy visit to Kochi in May
2012 which had been last visited by a Chinese ship during the reign of Zamorin.
India reciprocated the gesture by sending an Indian navy ship to Shanghai in
June 2012.
products and engage with hospitals, while Western technology companies had
established a presence in China a decade earlier.28
It was against this backdrop that the skewed balance of trade was discussed
at the ninth round of the Joint Economic Group (JEG) dialogue in New Delhi
on August 27-28, 2012. The Indian team was led by the commerce minister,
Anand Sharma, and the Chinese team by the Chinese commerce minister, Chen
Deming. A decision was taken at the meeting to establish a joint working group
to address all trade related issues, including the widening trade imbalance between
the two countries. The group, which will include officials from both countries,
has been asked to submit its report within 90 days. It will also look into issues
such as the reconciliation and collection of trade data. The seriousness of ballooning
trade deficit was articulated by the Indian ambassador in Beijing. While addressing
the first ever “India Show” to promote Indian companies in China in October
2012, Dr S. Jaishankar very candidly said that it was becoming “difficult to sustain
or defend” the trade deficit between the two countries.29
Conclusion
Various analyses of the developing relationship between the two countries suggest
that Chinese overtures were guided more by tactical manoeuvring rather than
strategic imperatives. Although the border negotiations are confidential, they do
not seem to have made any significant progress. True, it is a very complex issue,
which is described by A.G. Noorani as “a heady cocktail of history, law, morality,
and expediency.”30 Since the border talks are not yielding any concrete results,
the institutional mechanism set up for the management of border affairs
management seems more for ensuring that border transgressions are not allowed
to escalate into a serious confrontation. The infrastructure development by both
the countries across the border and the deployment of missiles, as mentioned
earlier, also reflect the persisting security dilemma and trust deficit. This can be
discerned from the task force report prepared by a high powered Committee on
National Security headed by Ambassador Naresh Chandra, former cabinet
secretary to government of India. The report said that India had to be prepared
militarily to deal with an “assertive” China even as it seeks to build bridges of
cooperation with Beijing. While conceding that there had been some improvement
in China-India relations, the report concludes that they are “still clouded in
mistrust”. The report goes on to say that: “There is concern about China’s policy
of ‘containing’ of India, marked by growing Chinese interest in South Asian
countries. China will continue to utilise Pakistan as part of its strategy for
containing India in ‘South Asian box’.”31
However the fact that China has stopped issuing, the so called stapled visas,
to Indian citizens from Jammu and Kashmir is, a positive gesture so far as the
Pakistan factor in the bilateral relationship is concerned; but here also Beijing
made an issue out of a non-issue and made virtue out of necessity. This also seems
to be a tactical move as the Chinese government has not issued any formal
104 Asian Strategic Review
N OTES
1. http://www.livemint.com/Politics/vaSsPmwvukq6WUXgO7OFVI/China8217s-
postponement-of-talks-unlikely-to-affect-ties.html, accessed on 6 March 2013.
2. “India and China share a robust relationship”, The Hindu, 10 January 2012. http://
www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2788538.ecehttp://www.thehindu.com/news/
national/article2788538.ece, accessed on 6 March 2013.
3. Ibid.
4. Dail Binggou, “A Brighter future when India and China work together”, The Hindu, 16
January, 2012 http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2804184.ece, accessed on 6
March 2013.
5. Sandeep Dikshit, “India China to address irritants in ties”, The Hindu, 14 April. 2011, http:/
/www.thehindu.com/news/national/article1694036.ece, accessed on 6 March 2013.
6. http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2808382.ece, accessed on 6 March 2013.
7. “India-China border talks focus on ‘landmark deal’,” The Pioneer, 16 January, 2012. http://
www.dailypioneer.com/nation/35493-india-china-border-talks-focus-on-landmark-deal.html,
accessed on 6 March 2013.
8. Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the
Republic of China on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of
the India-China Boundary Question, in Brahma Chellaney, Asian Juggernaut, Harper, 2010,
Appendix K, p.329.
9. Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the
People’s Republic of China on Modalities for the Implementation of Confidences-Building
Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border
Areas in op cit, p.323.
10. Lok Sabha Debate, Unstarred Question No. 395, 14 March, 2012, accessed on 6 March
2013.
11. Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 439, accessed on 6 March 2013.
12. Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No.4236, answered on 2 May, 2012, accessed on 6 March
2013.
13. Ananth Krishnan, “Playing down irritants, India and China call for new, ‘flexible’ approach
to ties”, The Hindu, 9 February, 2012. http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/
article2872755.ece, accessed on 6 March 2013.
14. Brahma Chellaney, “A war China won only to lose”, The Mint, 18 October, 2012.
15. Ananth Krishnan, “South China Sea projects ‘risky for India’”, The Hindu, 5 April, 2012.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/article3281437.ece, accessed on 6 March 2013.
16. http://www.timescrest.com/opinion/a-fine-balance-6406, accessed on 6 March 2013.
106 Asian Strategic Review
Introduction
The BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa) construct has been subjected
much scrutiny as to whether it really does have a multilateral foundation and
whether it will become a leading body in global politics. Yet, the emergence of
BRICS as a “premier” economic and political forum for addressing various global
governance issues and politico-security concerns has been one of the principal
multilateral experiments in current global politics. The distinctive aspects of the
BRICS in the current global politics are: it is not only about the spectrum of
“emerging powers”, but also explains a “new wave” of multilateral practice, which
is cross-continental in character and is based on “multipolar” world politics.
Besides, the China-India association within BRICS also suggests that a new mode
of engagement is emerging in world politics, where adversaries can be part of a
multilateral forum for common concerns. This is important when the North-
South divide continues to persist, and the emerging powers still find it difficult
to make their presence count in world politics.
This paper proposes to evaluate the relevance of BRICS as a multilateral entity
within the current global security and political architecture. It discusses the
strengths and weakness of the BRICS as a multilateral entity, as well as how the
emerging powers, mainly China and India, use BRICS as a multilateral platform
to further their common agendas vis-à-vis maximize their individual global strategic
interests. The paper studies the rise of the BRICS in the current North-South
divide, and traces its evolution from a Western investment concept to a strong
Southern representative force in global politics. It traces the on going shift in the
global order, where the US and EU are under immense pressure. The paper argues
that while the rise and progress of BRICS is an interesting political development
of the 21st-century multi-polar world order and indicates the power transition
from North to South, the influence of the BRICS in shaping various global security
108 Asian Strategic Review
and governance phenomena will heavily depend upon the unity of the emerging
powers and their constituent dialogue. This will mainly depend upon how the
two main constituent members—China and India—accommodate each other’s
global interests. Though Russia is also an important country that will remain
central to the rise of the BRICS; still it will be the politics that both China and
India decide to play, that will increasingly shape the future of the BRICS, and the
rest of the global politics.
the record of being the third-largest country in terms of land size, after Russia
and Canada.7 Besides, Russia and China at the global forefront in terms of natural
or energy resources. While China has almost 12 per cent of the global mineral
reserves; Russia holds almost 20 per cent of the global oil and gas reserves.8 Brazil
is the fifth-largest country in world, 9 and India has world’s second-largest
population. India is also a strong services provider with a rising manufacturing
base. South Africa generates almost 45 per cent of Africa’s total electricity.10
However, more than these facts and figures, it is the rise and influence of the
BRICS as an economic and political unit that makes this cross-regional multilateral
grouping so influential. It has representation from almost all continents. According
to the Sanya Declaration (2011) of the BRICS summit in China:
It is the overarching objective and strong shared desire for peace, security,
development and cooperation that bought together BRICS countries with a
total population of nearly 3 billion from different countries. BRICS aims at
contributing significantly to the development of humanity and establishing a
more equitable and fair world.11
BRICS is primarily a multilateral bonding of emerging economies. But what
is really appealing is the level of political influence that makes the BRICS as a
forum to address various global governance and political-security issues. The
collective economic strength of BRICS puts this cross-continental forum in a
different league. Goldman Sachs reported in Dreaming with BRICS: the Path to
2050 (2003) that the “famous four” will outshine the G-7 economies in US dollar
terms in less than 40 years. Since then the BRICS grouping has rapidly evolved
into a tried and tested multilateral grouping; from being BRIC to BRICS with
the inclusion of South Africa to exert immense pressure over the developed
economies in the global financial bodies. The rising pre-eminence of the South,
mainly the BRICS countries, has started to exert pressure on the North and the
Western countries. There is now a stronger call for “better representation of the
Southern values and interests”. Issues of global governance, social justice,
accountability and legitimacy of international financial decision-making call for
massive reform and change.12 One of the main goals of BRICS is to check the
dominance of the USA and the West in global financial institutions like the IMF,
World Bank and the WTO, and seek better voting rights for emerging economies.
BRICS is also taking a strong position on various sensitive global security and
political issues which place this multilateral grouping as a striking one in global
politics.
central issue being the global financial crisis, and how the BRIC countries could
benefit by expanding inter-se trade and financial cooperation. The main slogan
of this summit was the reform of the global financial institutions. The deliberations
at the summit were concentrated on expanding and protecting the interests of
developing countries.13 The summit did not discuss political issues at length.
The discussions at the Yekaterinburg (Russia) were about the: (a) potential role
and importance of the G-20; (b) global financial crisis; (c) sustainable
development; (d) the weight of the UN. The second summit in Brazil however,
discussed global socio-political issues quite comprehensively.14 The Brasilia
Summit in 2010 discussed global governance issues at length and sought the all
inclusive reform of global financial institutions. The 2010 Brasilia summit
discussed the situation in Haiti, but also other sensitive global issues like terrorism
and climate change that has been heavily politicised. Overall, the first two summit
indicated that BRIC(S) as a grouping was moving rapidly towards some sort of
“institutionalisation”.15 Some even called it an “effectively working body, even if
it has not been institutionalised”.16 The third BRICS summit at Sanya and the
fourth summit in New Delhi took BRICS to the next level. After the first two
summits, the mandate of BRICS expanded gradually to three continents after
the formal inclusion of South Africa into this grouping as the fifth member.
The Sanya Summit
The Sanya summit was strategically important because: (a) with South Africa’s
debut as a new member the grouping went from BRIC to BRICS; (b) it gathered
support for Russia’s entry into the WTO; and (c) it also initiated the concept of
strong inter-se trade and the cutting out of unstable globally convertible currencies.
The most significant development during the Sanya summit was the inclusion of
South Africa for which China lobbied hard. Though, it was believed that the
South African economy was not really at par with other BRIC members, but the
Chinese were categorical in bringing this African country into the BRICS to
generate the rise and influence of this multilateral grouping in African continent,
making BRICS a more comprehensive one. Besides, most probably, the Chinese
plan was to bring South Africa into BRICS to offset the importance of IBSA
which links South Africa with Brazil and India. More importantly, the Sanya
summit also underlined the growing Chinese seriousness to project BRICS as a
credible alternative to the Western-dominated global financial system. It also
witnessed Russia’s growing clout in its global posture. Therefore, BRICS
collectively supported Russia’s immediate inclusion into the WTO which it had
been denied by the West for political reasons. There was consensus at the summit
that Russia’s entry into the WTO would enhance the global multilateral trading
system. With Russia’s entry to the WTO, the clout of BRICS vis-à-vis developing
economies in global financial bodies has increased substantially.17
112 Asian Strategic Review
market.25 All these summit outcomes suggest that there are many opportunities
for the BRICS to cooperate.
Role of G-20
The BRICS has consistently emphasised the importance of G-20 in global
economic architecture. While the Yekaterinburg summit acknowledged the central
role of G-20 summits for dealing with the global financial crisis, the Brasilia
Summit highlighted the G-20 members’ contribution to IMF resources. The Sanya
declaration also sought a bigger role and scope for the G-20 countries in global
economic governance. The New Delhi summit too highlighted the “primary role
of the G-20 as a premier forum” for greater global economic cooperation. There
are indications that the cooperation between the BRICS and G-20 will expand
gradually. Just ahead of the G-20 meeting in Los Cabos, the BRICS leaders pointed
out that there is a dire need to increase the resource base for the Multilateral
Development Banks in order to maximise programmes for infrastructural
development and social sector advancements in developing countries.29
The common understanding in BRICS on such issues is a huge political
statement, which has direct implications for global politics. First, it raises the
hope in both Iran and Syria that there are influential groupings and powers, which
support their cause and interests, and favour a non-interventionist approach.
Second, the collective stance by the BRICS indicated that the US should propose
and follow diplomatic procedures and focus on dialogue rather than unilateral
action. Third, the BRICS consensus on Iran and Syria indicates that it is possible
to have convergence on foreign policy issues even if the BRICS members’ foreign
policy objectives and interests may not otherwise be the same. Fourth, that the
BRICS is not entirely an economic entity; it carries a certain political clout that
is central to the current global political outlook.
Note: Figures are approximate. Data and information collected from various sources like China
Daily, Xinhua, The Hindu, Ministry of External Affairs of India, NPR, etc.
among emerging economies but also forming networks across the continents, so
that the prominence of the USA in global politics can be restricted to an extent.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the years has shown great maturity
in its foreign relations strategy, and has gone beyond Asia to achieve its foreign
policy goals and objectives. China has grown rapidly to integrate with the new
global multilateralism. Many Chinese scholars underscore two vital trends in the
rising multi-polar world order: first, integration of the global economy, trade and
finance; second, multi-polarisation in politics and international relations.33 Both
these trends are clearly visible in the BRICS. In the Chinese perspective, the
influence and dominance of the US has relatively decreased with the rise of the
BRICS.34 With the rise of BRICS, the American authoritative control over the
WTO, IMF and the World Bank has also been significantly eroded.35
Recently, the Chinese have been concerned about Obama’s Asia-Pacific policy
and also the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) whereby the Americans are trying to
build their economic clout in Asia.36 The Chinese strategy is to ensure not only
their own supremacy in Asia, but also to establish a range of relationships across
continents which will be beneficial for Chinese economy and China’s global
objectives. As a result, there is a growing seriousness in China’s approach towards
the BRICS. For China, the rise of the BRICS represents a historic opportunity
in the new global multilateral politics. In the view of many Chinese, the BRICS
brings about “issue-based alliances” in the rapidly changing multipolar world
politics. Scholars argue there is broad agreement on issues like climate change,
nuclear security; non-proliferation and global financial reform, in line individual
national interests.37 China plans to use the BRICS as a platform to promote the
116 Asian Strategic Review
Chinese RMB (yuan) as a world currency. No matter how much the Chinese
experts deny this, there is a concentrated attempt by the Chinese global strategists
to promote the RMB as a world currency. Chinese experts believe that, “if the
RMB turns out to be convertible international currency by 2025-2030,
undoubtedly the role of the RMB will grow as a contributor of the global capital
chain”.38 This rising clout of the RMB in world markets will exert pressure on the
Western currencies, particularly the US dollar, to accommodate Chinese global
financial and market interests.39
Besides, data and figures suggest that China is no longer known as a country
of “low-cost labour phenomenon”. Personal consumption in that country has
risen by $1.5 trillion between 2001 and 2011. The Chinese people’s overall income
and spending has also gone up.40 While foreign reserve currency is one of main
strengths of BRICS, China alone held more than $3 trillion in foreign exchange
reserves by mid-2011, which is close to 50 per cent of China’s GDP, a ratio that
no other country is even close to.41 The Chinese economy will continue to
overshadow other economies in BRICS.42 This generates scepticism about China’s
interest in BRICS, whether Beijing would stick with the developing world in the
future.
China is also sure that there can never be any credible alliance with India
within the BRICS, as both China and India differ in their foreign policy strategies,
global aims and objectives. In fact, it is widely believed that the China-India
bonding within the BRICS structure is an ad-hoc multilateral arrangement. The
“Chindia” sentiment remains weak, and is not really credible enough to counter
the Western or European sentiment in global financial bodies. In fact, both China
and India are more interested in engaging with the USA and Europe at the
individual level than with each other.43 At the global level, China and India are
not compatible and both are uncomfortable about each other’s competitive
strategy.44 Therefore, the future of the BRICS will heavily depend upon how
China and India conduct their foreign policy both within the BRICS and outside,
mostly in cross-continental politics where their interests clash with each other.
less of a rival and more as an opportunity, whereas the USA is principally seen as
being adversarial to BRICS global interests. As a result, both the EU and BRICS
are interested in cooperating and interacting with each other in larger terms,
though there are few areas of discomfort that still need to be addressed from
both sides.
Broadly speaking, with almost $4 trillion in joint reserves, BRICS collectively
has the capacity to bail the EU out of the Euro crisis, mainly by helping the
PIIGS countries—Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain.47 Among the BRICS
countries, Brazil has shown much interest in helping the EU to come out of the
crisis for a better share for emerging economies in the World Bank.48 The main
proposition is to increase the emerging markets’ assets in Euros.
Brazil Russia
2% 10%
India
3%
China
13%
South Africa
1%
Others
71%
Source: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113366.pdf
The EU economy is not only the world’s biggest economy, but also has a
huge trade share with both the global economy and individual BRICS countries
(see chart). The EU is China’s largest export market and one of the top contributors
to the IMF. Equally, the EU’s biggest challenge in terms of its trade policy comes
from China. The China-EU trade connection has increased rapidly, and
importantly, China remains the second-largest trading partner of the EU after
the USA. The EU open market economy is one of the largest contributors to
China’s export-led growth. Despite this massive trade and economic engagement,
the prime concern for the EU is to convince the Chinese to trade fairly, accept the
Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regime, and follow WTO norms and regulations.
The EU’s approach to the BRICS consists of a double-track strategy. On the
one hand, it has shown much interest in establishing institutional linkages with
BRICS; while on the other, it has established bilateral contacts with the individual
BRICS countries.49 While many stress on the liberalising of trade with the BRICS
countries, others believe that the EU should carefully monitor the progress and
strength of the BRICS, and enter into a formal dialogue and bonding. In this
118 Asian Strategic Review
process, China and India have been accorded a lot of importance. The whole of
Europe has been welcoming key leaders from the BRICS nations and establishing
relations with the BRICS, for help in its own debt crisis. At the bilateral level, the
EU strategy has been to hold summits with individual BRICS countries. The
EU-South Africa summit and the EU-Brazil summit in 2011, and the EU-India
summit and the EU-China summit of 2012 are clear examples of the EU approach
to individual BRICS countries.
The EU’s “strategic partnership” with the individual BRICS countries is,
however, the most inconsistent of the EU’s approaches towards the BRICS
countries.50 Most of these “strategic partnerships” revolve around annual summits,
joint action plans and other dialogue mechanisms, including the high-level
economic and trade dialogues. Yet, there is no uniformity of approach, and there
are stark differences in EU’s approach to the various BRICS countries.51 For
example, the Russia-EU relationship is based on frequent summits and dialogue,
but the EU’s dialogue with India has taken off only recently. The EU-China
“strategic partnership” has huge differences and political conflicts, but they have
the largest economic dealings with each other. The EU-China summit consists of
the High-Level Economic and Trade Dialogue, the Strategic Dialogue and other
dialogue mechanisms.52
Given the economic clout of the BRICS, the EU needs to urgently decide
whether to adopt an institutional approach or an individual approach to promote
greater EU-BRICS interaction. No matter how much the political and strategic
contradiction between the BRICS members are highlighted by the West or the
EU, the reality is that the BRICS has emerged and is slowly becoming more
institutionalised. Its “Delhi action plan” is quite comprehensive and futuristic,
which signals that the emerging economies are the new vital forces of the global
politics.53
Conclusion
According to critics the BRICS momentum has not really been sustainable. It is
argued that despite of the rise of the BRICS economies, the emerging markets
have not been successful in gaining the momentum for sustaining the growth.54
Yet, these are short term assessments, based only on data and figures. The BRICS
as a grouping has not only been emerging, but most of the BRICS economies are
on the ascendant. Besides, not to forget that most of the world economies still
looks towards the BRICS, as for example the growing Chinese and Indian
economies where both the USA and the European economies and markets are
deeply entrenched. Despite the world economic crisis, the Chinese and Indian
economies did not really struggle like Western economies; but have continued to
grow, and that has been a reference point for many countries. This indicates that
the BRICS is the new flavour of the world structural economy and a shift from
the developed to the developing world is taking place.
Emerging Powers: China and India in BRICS 119
N OTES
1. See “Overview of BRICS” in The BRICS Report: A Study of Brazil, Russia, India, China
and South Africa with special focus on synergies and complementarities, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2012. Also see G. John Ikenberry and Thomas Wright, Rising Powers and
Global Institutions, A Century Foundation Report, New York: The Century Foundation, 2008.
2. Andrew Hurrell and Sandeep Sengupta, “Emerging Powers, North-South Relations and Global
Climate Politics”, International Affairs, 88(3), 2012, pp. 463–7.
3. Though Goldman Sachs is generally credited with first propounding the idea of the BRIC
(excluding South Africa), Russian experts and diplomats argue that President Vladimir Putin
of Russia first suggested forming a “cooperative coalition of developing countries” as the BRIC.
There is no evidence as such to suggest that the Russian President Putin had this kind of
vision originally; but the Russian scholars and diplomats increasing view that Putin had always
advocated for this kind of multilateral dialogue and networking among the emerging
economies. The Russians say that Vladimir Putin had informally made a suggestion for the
creation of the BRIC in the context of Russia-India-China (RIC) triangular politics, where
three mainstream neighbouring countries are clubbed together. This point is made here after
the current author’s interactions with many Russian scholars, experts and diplomats at personal
level.
4. Zheng Xinli, “BRICS has to take up more challenges”, China Daily (online), 14 April 2011,
at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2011-04/14/content_12323057.htm, accessed on
October 29, 2012.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. “Overview of BRICS”, n. 1, p. 3.
120 Asian Strategic Review
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Sanya Declaration, at http://www.bricsindia.in/thirdSummit.html, accessed on November 2,
2012.
12. Fen Osler Hampson and Paul Heinbecker, “The “New” Multilateralism of the Twenty-First
Century”, Global Governance, 17, 2011, pp. 299-310.
13. Alexey Frolov, “The Second BRIC Summit: The Future Remains Cloudy”, New Eastern
Outlook, 6 May 2010, at http://journal-neo.livejournal.com/8874.html, accessed on October
28, 2012.
14. Ibid.
15. Wang Yusheng, “Bright prospects for BRIC”, China Daily, 15 August 2010.
16. Boris Volkhonsky, “South Africa wants to join BRIC”, Global Research, 27 August 2010, at
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=20790, accessed on October 27,
2012.
17. See Deng Shasha, “Full Text of Sanya Declaration of the BRICS Leaders Meeting”, Xinhua,
14 April 2011, at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-04/14/
c_13829453.htm, accessed on October 16, 2012.
18. Jagannath P. Panda, “Delhi Declaration: The Character of the BRICS New Charter”,
Diplomatist, April 2012.
19. “Fourth BRICS Summit”, BRICS Partnership for Global Stability, Security and Prosperity, 29
March 2012, at http://www.bricsindia.in/, accessed on September 30, 2012.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
23. Rama Lakshmi, “BRICS Summit: Emerging Economies condemn military threats against
Iran, Syria”, The Washington Post, 29 March 2012, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/
asia_pacific/brics-summit-emerging-economies-condemn-military-threats-against-iran-syria/
2012/03/29/gIQA48JuiS_story.html, accessed on October 2, 2012.
24. Ibid.
25. Panda, “Delhi Declaration: The Character of the BRICS New Charter”, n. 18.
26. Jagannath P. Panda, “BRICS summit: the charming effect on global politics”, Russia & India
Report, 2 April 2012.
27. Fourth BRICS Summit: Delhi Declaration (New Delhi), March 29, 2012, at http://
www.brics.utoronto.ca/docs/120329-delhi-declaration.html, accessed on September 30, 2012.
28. Fourth BRICS Summit: Delhi Declaration (New Delhi), March 29, 2012, at http://
www.brics.utoronto.ca/docs/120329-delhi-declaration.html, accessed on September 30, 2012.
29. Media Note on the Informal Meeting of BRICS Leaders Ahead of G20 Summit in Los Cabos,
Los Cabos, June 18, 2012, at http://www.brics.utoronto.ca/docs/120618-loscabos-note.html,
accessed on September 15, 2012.
30. Simon Serfaty, “Moving into a Post-Western World”, The Washington Quarterly, 34(2), spring
2011, p. 18.
31. John Ross, “China’s pivotal role in world economy in 2012”, China Daily (online), 27
December 2011, at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2011-12/27/content_14336395.
htm, accessed on September 23, 2012.
32. Ibid.
33. Shen Qiang, “How to Assess Obama Administration’s New Geo-Strategy toward Asia”, Foreign
Affairs Journal, 98, winter 2010, p. 35.
34. Ibid, p.39.
35. Ibid.
36. Qian Wenrong, “On Obama Administration’s Eastward Shift of US Global Strategic Focus”,
Foreign Affairs Journal, Summer 2011, pp. 41-51.
Emerging Powers: China and India in BRICS 121
37. Zheng Xiwen, “Main Features and Development Trends of the International Situation in
2010”, Foreign Affairs Journal, n. 98, winter 2010, p. 19.
38. Huang Renwei, “The Internal Driving Forces Behind China’s Path of Peaceful Development
and its Global Significance”, Foreign Affairs Journal, Winter 2011, p. 23.
39. Jingtao Yi, “The Political Economy of China’s Exchange Rate Policymaking in the Hu-Wen
Era”, China: An International Journal, 9(1), March 2011, p. 175.
40. Jim O’Neill, “BRICs’ rapid growth tips the global balance”, The Telegraph, 20 November
2011, at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/financialcrisis/8902824/Jim-ONeill-BRICs-
rapid-growth-tips-the-global-balance.html, accessed on September 23, 2012.
41. Ibid.
42. Lye Liang Fook and Zhang Yang, “China in the BRICS: Pursuing Closer Cooperation, Not
Hegemony”, East Asian Policy, 2(4), October-December 2010, p. 62.
43. Simon Serfaty, “Moving into a Post-Western World”, The Washington Quarterly, 34(2), spring
2011, p. 16.
44. Ibid, p. 17.
45. Lesley Wroughton and Paul Eckert, “India pledges $10 bln to IMF war chest, China $43
bln”, Reuter, 20 June 2012, at http://in.mobile.reuters.com/article/businessNews/
idINDEE85I03420120619, accessed on September 23, 2012.
46. Catherine Ashton, Speech on EU Foreign Policy Towards the BRICS and Other Emerging
Powers, SPEECH/12/56, European Parliament, Bruxelles, 1 February 2012.
47. Rahul Venkit and Oussama Elbaroudi, “Can BRICS help ease Europe’s debt crisis?”, Xinhua,
5 October 2011, at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/indepth/2011-10/05/
c_131174720.htm, accessed on September 23, 2012.
48. Jennifer Mattson, “Brazil will help ease Europe’s debt crisis in exchange for more power in
IMF”, Global Post, 22 February 2012, at http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/business-
tech/debt-crisis/120226/brazil-will-help-ease-europe-s-debt-crisis-exchange-m, accessed on
September 23, 2012.
49. Giovanni Grevi, “Why EU Strategic Partnerships Matter”, ESPO Working Paper (EGMONT),
FRIDE, No. 1, June 2012, pp. 1-22.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Take the case of India in this regard. The EU-India summit has generated high hopes of
enhancing their trade and economic relations. Officials are optimistic that the much-awaited
India-EU free trade agreement (FTA) may materialise in 2012. The FTA negotiations have
been going on since June 2007, but progress has been slow because of differences over easing
visa regulations for Indian professionals and on the issue of reduction in tariffs on imported
cars and spirits from EU. If the FTA materialises, it will not only lead to trade maximisation
for both sides, but also push the trade figures to the next level. Most of the EU is still ignorant
about India’s geographic depth and economic strength; in addition, social and political
interaction between two sides is minimal. On the other hand, the EU’s strategic partnership
with South Africa is quite substantial. The two sides maintain a healthy dialogue mechanism,
and regularly conduct security dialogue at the COPS-level (Political and Security Committee).
53. Fourth BRICS Summit- Delhi Declaration, “BRICS Partnership for Global Stability, Security
and Prosperity”, Fourth BRICS Summit: New Delhi, March 29, 2012, at http://
www.bricsindia.in/delhi-declaration.html, accessed on September 24, 2012.
54. Ruchir Sharma, “Broken BRICS: Why the Rest Stopped Rising”, Foreign Affairs, November/
December 2012, at http://www.foreignaffairs.com/print/135439, accessed on December 31,
2012.
55. Ashok Malik, “BRICS Alliance Looking for Cement”, Yale Global Online, 2 April 2012, at
http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/print/7727, accessed on December 31, 2012.
Southeast and
East Asia
8
Developments in the South China Sea
Sarabjeet Singh Parmar
Over the past two decades—especially the last two years—the developments in
the South China Sea reflect the growing regional strategic and diplomatic
conundrum. Nationalistic stances on sovereignty issues; China’s rise and growing
assertiveness; the US rebalancing strategy; ASEAN’s inability to forge an acceptable
Code of Conduct and the spurt in military modernisation are issues that are
heightening tensions in the area.
The differing viewpoints on bilateralism and multilateralism and the clashing
claims of China and the South East Asian countries lie at the heart of the disputes.
The US presence which is generally seen as a stabilising factor is viewed by China
as the main impediment to a solution that has to be worked out by the nations
concerned. This paper looks at issues that have impacted the region’s stability and
examines the ASEAN-China relationship with respect to the Code of Conduct;
military developments with a focus on Vietnam and the Philippines and the US-
China equation.
However, the ASEAN has been unable to arrive at an agreement on the South
China Sea issue although the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia
(TAC)2 concluded in 1976 was envisaged as a binding and legal document to
steer the concerned parties towards the peaceful settlement of disputes, This is
mainly due to the ‘non negotiable’ positions taken by the countries involved, over
the issues of sovereignty and national interests. However, the discussions at the
time of forging this treaty could not have foreseen the Chinese approach and the
US involvement as it stands today.
“The TAC has remained relevant in two particular ways. First, it has in recent
years been signed by non-ASEAN members keen to deepen their relations with
the association. Significantly, China became the first non-ASEAN nation to sign
the TAC in 2003, thereby seeking to indicate its accommodative foreign policy
toward the Southeast Asian states. Secondly, the TAC is at the core of ASEANS’s
attempt at establishing a security community in Southeast Asia”. 3
However, the growing assertiveness of nations and the Chinese adoption of
the Law on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone4 on February 25, 1992
could have resulted in ASEAN adopting a joint stance on the South China Sea
dispute in the ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea5 signed in Manila in
July 1992. The 24th meeting of the Standing Committee of the National People’s
Congress passed the Law on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone on February
25, 1992. This law enables China to exercise sovereignty over its territorial sea,
control over its contiguous zone, and safeguard its security as well as its maritime
rights and interests. The ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea signed in
Manila in July 1992 recognised that the South China Sea issue involved the sensitive
issues of sovereignty and jurisdiction of the parties directly concerned and called
on the parties concerned to settle their disputes by peaceful means, exercise restraint
and abide by the principles enshrined in the TAC as a framework for establishing
a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea.
Following the Mischief Reef incident6 in February 1995 in which China
confronted an ASEAN nation for the second time, China and the Philippines
embarked on a series of bilateral dialogues and in August 1995 agreed on an 8
point Code of Conduct (Annexure 1 of this paper7 ) on the South China Sea.8
Subsequently during the fourth bilateral consultative dialogue between Vietnam
and the Philippines in October 1995 a 9 point Code of Conduct based on basic
principles elucidated in the statement post the consultative dialogue (Annexure
2 of this paper) was adopted.9 The reaction of ASEAN to the Mischief Reef
incident apparently took the Chinese by surprise and China clearly had to do a
bit of a back track and considered cooperation with ASEAN on ‘mutually beneficial
projects’.10 Post the Mischief Reef incident ASEAN took the initiative and sought
to put in place a Code of Conduct to prevent disputes from escalating into conflicts.
This was agreed upon at the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting held at Jakarta from
July 21 to 27, 1996 and it sought to establish a basis for better understanding and
stability in the region.11
Developments in the South China Sea 127
ASEAN-China relations and spoke of the enhanced political trust that would
contribute to the region’s peace and stability.22
The DOC covers three main issues; Firstly, the basic norms governing state-
to-state relations based on various treaties and universally recognised principles of
international law; secondly, building up trust and confidence on the basis of
equality and mutual respect; and thirdly, cooperation to resolve territorial and
jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the threat or use
of force.
However the recent incidences in the past have belied this optimism. Events,
especially since 2009, have undermined the very basis and value of the declaration
which is not an encouraging sign for an amicable solution of the on going South
China Sea imbroglio. Some incidents—that are given below—negated the very
treaties and globally accepted international laws that are the backbone of regional
and international understanding and cohesiveness.
• The United States Naval Ship (USNS) Impeccable incident in March
2009 underscored the inherent differences in the interpretation of the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),
specifically the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) clause.
• The joint submission of Vietnam and Malaysia to the UN in May 2009
regarding their claims over the extended continental shelf and China’s
objections.
• China’s ban on fishing north of 12 degree latitude in the Gulf of Tonkin
and detention of Vietnamese fishing vessels in 2010.
• China’s declaration in 2010 that the South China Sea was its ‘core
national interest’. “Concerns about Chinese irredentism and assertiveness
became acute in the spring and early summer (of 2010) when Chinese
officials began expanding the use of their self-defined term, “core national
interest” to include territorial claims in the South China Sea”.23 This
led to vociferous debates and exchanges at various levels where the
Chinese were consistently quizzed about the meaning of the term.
Although there has been some verbal back tracking by China over this
but Chinese interests and activities in the South China Sea support the
argument that the area is of considerable importance to the Chinese.
The verbal back tracking was evident in the ambiguous response of a
Chinese Foreign Affairs spokesperson at a press conference on September
21, 2010:24
Every country has its core interests. Issues involving national
sovereignty, territorial integrity, a major development in the interests
of all countries is crucial. China believes that the South China Sea issue
is the problem of territorial sovereignty and maritime rights disputes
between the countries concerned, not between China and ASEAN,
more than regional or international issues, we can only participate
130 Asian Strategic Review
This tacit understanding could also be because of the growing political economic
and military ties between both the nations.28 Therefore, Indonesia’s initiative for
a Code of Conduct could stem from the fact that the current issues could affect
its interests. Firstly, the basing of four Littoral Combat Ships at Singapore by the
US could alter the balance of power and also drag the Malacca Straits and the
surrounding area into the South China Sea equation. Secondly, the increase in
US presence could affect the growing Indonesian policy towards China; a case in
point being the talks with China to produce C-705 anti-ship missiles on the
Indonesian island of Java in order to become an independent manufacturer of
weapons.29
Whatever the motive, the Indonesian initiative is a step in the right direction.
The changes suggested in the Indonesian Code of Conduct draft are unknown30
and another round of discussions on the new draft in the next ASEAN meeting
could have some sort of a positive outcome. An acceptable Code of Conduct
would lead to greater understanding and also lay the foundation for cooperation
in areas of scientific research, resource exploitation, piracy, cooperative security
and freedom of navigation. An agreement on these issues could reduce the tensions
and may become a path for dispute resolution. Unless an understanding is reached
the ongoing military modernisation also driven by the differences with neighbours,
views of political leadership and varying economies would only lead to an ‘arms
race’, which would affect the economies of nations in the region and could, in the
worst case scenario, lead to an armed conflict.
Military Developments
The Code of Conduct of 2002 had reduced the number of military confrontations
till the recent Chinese skirmishes with Vietnam and Philippines. The flip side is
that all nations have been reinforcing their presence on the islands held by them.
Of the six claimants, China, Vietnam and the Philippines are the most visibly
active in this respect. Brunei is not considered a serious player and Taiwan can be
viewed as standing on the sidelines. The sixth claimant is Malaysia, which along
with Indonesia, China would be wary of, as they are geographically positioned
for effectively controlling the Malacca Straits, a factor that worries the Chinese
strategists. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that China would antagonise them and
would tread cautiously in dealing with them.
Clearly the nations most affected by this imbroglio are Vietnam and the
Philippines. Therefore, both these nations are hardening their stance and have
looked to the US for support, which has become more visible in their joint military
exercises. Both Vietnam and the Philippines have also accused China of hindering
oil exploration in their territorial waters and are therefore, looking to strengthen
military and security relations with other nations. A broad comparison of the
military strengths of China, Vietnam and the Philippines is as follows31:
132 Asian Strategic Review
Given its overwhelming military strength and in order to keep the disputes
at low key; China has been, since 2011, using its non-Peoples Liberation Army
Navy (PLAN) maritime assets from the marine surveillance agency against Vietnam
and the Philippines in the disputed sea areas.
Prior to the Scarborough shoal incident, other incidents led to strained relations
between China and the Philippines. Among the first, was the firing on Filipino
fishermen in February 2011. This followed by the harassment of a civilian vessel
of the Philippine energy department on an oil exploration survey mission at Recto
Bank (Reed Bank) near Palawan, by Chinese ships, in March 2011. Recto Bank
is considered by the Philippines as being well within their territory and not a
disputed area. In June 2011 the Philippines sent its biggest warship32 in response
to the presence of a Chinese patrol vessel in the disputed area of the Spartlys.
China’s actions have been more disturbing with respect to Vietnam. In May
2011 Chinese patrol vessels prevented a Vietnamese vessel in the waters near the
Spratly islands from conducting a seismic survey by cutting the cables being used
for the survey. The Vietnamese vessel was operating in an area which Vietnam
claims as part of its exclusive economic zone. In response, in June 2011, the
Vietnamese Navy undertook live-firing exercises in an area about 40 km off the
central Quang Nam Province, almost 250 kilometres from the Paracels and 1000
kilometres from the Spratlys. The recent announcement by China in July 2012
of establishing a military garrison on Sansha (Paracels) after the establishment of
a civil administration had evoked a strong protest from Vietnam. The military
garrison will be a division-level command under the PLA’s Hainan provincial
sub-command. The PLA’s Sansha Garrison Command will be under the dual
control of the Hainan provincial sub-command and the city’s civilian leaders.33
The Vietnamese response was to declare the action as ‘null and void’ and that:34
These activities go against the common perception of the leaders of the two
countries, violate the agreement on the basic principles guiding settlement of
maritime issues between Viet Nam and China signed October 2011; run
counter to the spirit of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South
China Sea signed in 2002 between ASEAN and China and complicate the
situation in the East Sea.
These are clear indications that all the three nations are determined to make their
presence felt and protect their claimed areas. In addition, China’s aim is quite
clear—that it will not permit regional nations to undertake any natural resource
Developments in the South China Sea 133
Philippines
In September 2011 following his ‘successful’ visit to China, President Aquino
ordered the release of 118 million dollars in order to:
Enhance the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ capability to secure the territory
of the Philippines...including providing a strong security perimeter for the
Malampaya Natural Gas and Power Project (MNGPP).35
This gas-extraction field provides energy for half of the island of Luzon, which
is the principal island of the Philippines. 36 In addition to the $18 million, $1.2
billion had previously been committed for the capability upgrade programme
(CUP), which is a part of the military modernisation programme.37
The money would be utilised to acquire six multipurpose helicopters, upgrade
coastal surveillance systems, and construct an air force hanger in the province
adjacent to Palawan. In addition, two more Hamilton-class cutters are to be
procured from the US over the next two years, which would augment the force
levels. The Philippines already has procured a cutter from the US Coast Guard.38
The Philippines is also looking to other nations for support. In August 2011
Indonesia signed a contract with the Philippines to supply a large consignment
of arms and ammunition including aircraft and a helicopter carrier. The first of
the deliveries was to take place in September 2011. The construction of the
helicopter carrier by an Indonesian company would be carried out in cooperation
with Daewoo of South Korea.39
Although in August 2011 President Benigno Aquino III vowed that the
Philippines would build a stronger military defence for its South China Sea claims,
this promise may have been aspirational rather than grounded in concrete policy-
making or budgetary provision.40 Even with these acquisitions the Philippines
cannot hope to counter China militarily. It would require the support of the US
and this is evident in the annual joint exercises conducted and scheduled, especially
after the Scarborough Shoals incident that include retaking of an island from
militants.41
The Philippines has also been reaching out to Japan as it also has territorial
disputes with China. Issues relating to military and security ties were discussed
during the visit of President Aquino to Japan in September 2011.42 The discussions
also included the possibility of more frequent joint coast-guard exercises, and
consultations between naval officials. A senior official from the Japanese prime
ministers office said that:43
There is room to deepen our ties in terms of promoting such cooperation
and that there is shared view between the Japanese and the Philippine
governments regarding the importance of sharing the peaceful navigation and
peaceful use of the sea.
134 Asian Strategic Review
Vietnam
“Jane’s Information Group has compiled data for Vietnam that suggests the
country is significantly boosting defence spending this year (2011), in large part
because of concerns about China. In January 2011 Defence Minister Phung
Quang Thanh told the 11th National Party Congress that Vietnam’s defence
budget would increase to VND 52 trillion (2.6 billion dollars) in 2011. The
allocated expenditure represents an increase of 70 per cent over 2010 spending”.44
Vietnam has been looking to procure military assets from Russia which has
raised concerns in China.45 The acquisition list can be seen as the corner stone of
Vietnam’s programme to enhance its military strength and will also make Vietnam
the second largest recipient of Russian arms, after India. The list includes:46
• Six Kilo-class submarines with a delivery schedule from 2014 to 2017.
Reports indicate that the deal is valued at around $1.8 billion. However,
as per Russian inputs the deal is now worth over $3.2 billion. The deal
is also likely to include new heavy weight torpedoes and missiles, most
likely of the Klub category. It is considered a comprehensive deal as it
also includes onshore infrastructure and crew training. However, the cost
increase could lead to a reduction in the number of submarines and
associated weaponry and infrastructure.
• Twenty Su-30 fighter jets with a delivery schedule from 2012 to 2013.
Reports indicate that the deal is valued around $1.5 billion. The deal
also includes associated weapons, service and support. Interestingly the
deal was signed a day after the signing of the contract for building
Vietnam’s first nuclear reactor. These 20 fighters would augment its
existing SU 27/30 fleet to 60.
• Assembly kits and components for missile armed fast attack Tarantul V
class crafts for Project 1241.8. Russia has already built two and the plan
involves Vietnam building six with the option for four more. The crafts
are planned to be armed with four Moskit “Sunburn” supersonic anti
ship missiles or eight subsonic Kh 35E anti ship missiles. The delivery
schedule is from 2010 to 2016.
• Four Svetlvak Export Class patrol boats originally designed for KGB
border guards. Vietnam has signed acceptance certificates for the first
two. These patrol boats are armed with short range SA-N-10 shoulder
launched surface to air missiles. As per the deal there is also an option
for two more crafts.
• Two Modified Gepard Class frigates. The second vessel was received in
August 2011 at the Cam Ranh naval port. The deal is reportedly valued
at $300 million. The ship’s design caters for a stealth superstructure and
helicopter deck capable of operating anti submarine helicopters.
Developments in the South China Sea 135
finds hard to swallow. The flurry of visits by top US officials to the region including
the presence of President Obama at the East Asia Summit in November 2011, a
first by a US President, is unlikely to be viewed favourably by China in view of
the statements and counter statements. Although the US has continuously stated
a policy of neutrality on the claims and has repeatedly called for dialogue between
claimant nations, the annual exercise held by the US and Japan in November
2012 that included the ‘recovery of an island held by an enemy’53 was deemed
‘provocative’ by China.54 There have, however, been changes in the US stance
since 2009 from the ‘re-set’ suggested by Hillary Clinton during her first visit to
China in January 2009 to strong statements and bolstering of military presence,
and now recently the invitation extended by Leon Panetta, in his September 2012
visit to China, for the Chinese Navy to participate in a multinational exercise.
This resembles the ‘balancing and engagement’ strategy as the ‘hard’ stances follow
the ‘softer’ stances when it is apparent that a ‘soft’ stance is viewed by China as
an opportunity or weakness and therefore it takes a hard stand. This Chinese
strategy could be seen as a means to continuously strengthen its stance and make
its intentions clear regarding:
• Suzerainty over its claims in the South China Sea.
• Non acceptability of interference by extra-regional nations.
• Bilateral dialogue with other claimant countries in order to counter the
US support and influence.
Although China may view the US presence as necessary for regional nations
and also to internationalise the South China Sea issue, its economic clout backed
by a strong military force is also pushing the regional nations towards the US.
A Simmering Cauldron
It is highly unlikely that China or regional nations such as Vietnam, the Philippines
138 Asian Strategic Review
and other players like the US would want a military conflict in the South China
Sea. As a result, all of them, including China, clearly realise that a peaceful
resolution of the disputes is necessary. However, it is unlikely that such a resolution
will be reached in the near future given that none of the claimant states are willing
to back down on the issue of sovereignty regardless of the sustainability of the
claim. Vietnam and the Philippines are unlikely to scale down their rhetoric and
will continue to stand up to China, dependent on the backing provided by the
US. There could be more military stand offs leading to possible confrontations
and at worst skirmishes or small scale conflicts even as dialogues are going on.
The possibility of these issues escalating into a major conflict is considered remote.
In the meantime rhetoric and sabre rattling would continue. The issue of
bilateralism versus multilateralism will continue to haunt all discussions, especially
where extra-regional powers, specifically the US, are involved. The US presence
and its policy moves will continue to be viewed by China as a governing factor
in the stances adopted by nation’s vis-à-vis China. Finally, it is important to bear
in mind that ASEAN presently lacks the cohesiveness and is therefore unable to
act which is a pre-requisite for achieving a consensus on the Code of Conduct.
Notwithstanding the rhetoric and sabre rattling, a heartening note is that
there is a broad agreement among nations regarding the need for a continuous
dialogue and the need for a Code of Conduct. The Code of Conduct has been
recognised as a means of regulating issues connected directly or indirectly to the
disputes. Apart from attempting to pave a way towards a peaceful resolution of
the disputes the code would also lead to agreements on issues such as cooperation
in areas of scientific research, resource exploitation, piracy, cooperative security
and freedom of navigation. The Indonesian initiative to formulate a Code of
Conduct would be a litmus test for ASEAN to work collectively and strengthen
its standing as an organisation capable of resolving regional disputes.
Developments in the South China Sea 139
ANNEXURE 1
Joint Statement Republic of Philippines-People’s Republic
of China Consultations on the South China Sea and on
Other Areas of Cooperation 9-10 August 1995
Delegations from the Philippines and China met in Manila on 9-10 August 1995
for consideration on the South China Sea and on other areas of cooperation.
The consultations were held in an atmosphere of cordiality and in a frank and
constructive manner.
The two sides reiterated the importance they attach to their bilateral relations.
They recognize that the continued prosperity of their economies depends upon
the peace and stability of the region. They reaffirmed their commitment to regional
peace, stability, and cooperation. Frank discussions on Mischief Reef (“Meiji
Reef ”) were held. The two sides expressed their respective positions on the matter.
They agreed to hold further consultations in order to resolve their differences.
On the South China Sea issues as a whole, they exchanged views on the legal and
historical bases of their respective positions.
Pending the resolution of the dispute, the two sides agreed to abide by the
following principles for a code of conduct in the area:
1. Territorial disputes between the two sides should not affect the normal
development of their relations. Disputes shall be settled in a peaceful
and friendly manner though consultations on the basis of equality and
mutual respect.
2. Efforts must be undertaken to build confidence and trust between the
two parties, to enhance an atmosphere of peace and stability in the
region, and to refrain from using force or threat of force to resolve
disputes.
3. In the spirit of expanding common ground and narrowing differences,
a gradual and progressive process of cooperation shall be adopted with
a view to eventually negotiating a settlement of the bilateral disputes.
4. The two sides agree to settle their bilateral disputes in accordance with
the recognized principles of international law, including the UN
Convention on the Law of the Sea.
5. Both sides shall keep an open-minded attitude on the constructive
initiatives and proposal of regional states to pursue multilateral
cooperation in the South China Sea at the appropriate time.
6. The two sides agree to promote cooperation in fields such as protection
of the marine environment, safety of navigation, prevention of piracy,
marine scientific research, disaster mitigation and control, search and
140 Asian Strategic Review
ANNEXURE 2
Excerpt from the Joint Statement on the Fourth Annual
Bilateral Consultation between the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam and the Republic of the Philippines, Hanoi,
7th November 1995
7. On the territorial dispute in the South China Sea (Eastern Sea), they recalled
the understanding between the leaders of the two countries on the peaceful
settlement of such disputes. They reaffirmed the contents and spirit of the ASEAN
Declaration on the South China Sea of 1992, which has been endorsed by many
countries and organizations around the world and serves as a good basis for the
prevention of conflict, the maintenance of stability, and the promotion of
cooperation in the area. The two sides committed themselves to promote bilateral
and multilateral efforts in the search for a fundamental and long-term solution
to the disputes relating to sovereignty over the Spratlys. They acknowledged that
the growth and development of their respective economies depend greatly on the
sustained peace and stability in the region.
The two sides agreed on the following basic principles for a code of conduct in
the contested areas:
(a) They shall settle all disputes relating to the Spratlys through peaceful
negotiations in the spirit of friendship, equality, mutual understanding
and respect.
(b) They shall solve their disputes on the basis of respect for international
law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea.
(c) While endeavoring to promote negotiations for a fundamental and long-
term solution to the Spratlys dispute, they shall exercise self-restraint,
refrain from using force or threat of force, and desist from any act that
would affect the friendship between the two countries and the stability
in the region.
(d) They shall promote suitable forms of bilateral and multilateral
cooperation in the fields of marine environment protection, safety of
navigation, marine scientific research, meteorological data, disaster
mitigation and control, search and rescue operations, prevention of
piracy, and maritime pollution control.
(e) They shall cooperate in the protection and conservation of marine living
resources in the Spratlys in accordance with the relevant provisions of
the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
142 Asian Strategic Review
(f ) They affirm that shipping and air traffic in the area should be respected,
in conformity with the principles and practice of international law.
(g) They shall continue dialogues and consultations on these principles,
including ways of building confidence and trust between them, pending
resolution of the disputes. They shall promote such dialogues,
consultations and confidence-building measures on a multilateral as well
as bilateral basis.
(h) They support a gradual and progressive process, based on certain targets
and benchmarks, aimed at close cooperation in the Spratlys area and
the eventual settlement of the dispute. Such cooperation shall not
prejudice existing sovereignty claims.
(i) Other parties are encouraged to subscribe to the principles herein stated.
The two Delegations agreed to designate their respective experts to discuss concrete
forms of cooperation in marine scientific research as an initial step towards
implementation of these principles. Future consultations will also consider specific
confidence-building measures.
Developments in the South China Sea 143
ANNEXURE 3
Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the
South China Sea
The Government of the Member States of ASEAN and the Government of the
People’s Republic of China,
Reaffirming their determination to consolidate and develop the friendship and
cooperation existing between their people and governments with the view to
promoting a 21st century-oriented partnership of good neighbourliness and
mutual trust;
Cognizant of the need to promote a peaceful, friendly and harmonious
environment in the South China Sea between ASEAN and China for the
enhancement of peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity in the region;
Committed to enhancing the principles and objectives of the 1997 Joint Statement
of the Meeting of the Heads of State/Government of the Members States of
ASEAN and President of the People’s Republic of China;
Desiring to enhance favourable conditions for a peaceful and durable solution of
differences and disputes among countries concerned;
Hereby declare the following:
1. The Parties reaffirm their commitment to the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations, the 1982 UN Convention on the
Law of the Sea, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in the Southeast
Asia, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and other universally
recognized principles of international law which shall serve as the basic
norms governing state-to-state relations;
2. The Parties are committed to exploring ways for building trust and
confidence in accordance with the above-mentioned principles and on
the basis of equality and mutual respect.
3. The Parties reaffirm their respect for and commitment to the freedom
of navigation in and over flight above the South China Sea as provided
for by the universally recognized principles of international law, including
the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea;
4. The parties concerned undertake to resolve their territorial and
jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the threat
or use of force, through friendly consultations and negotiations by
sovereign states directly concerned, in accordance with universally
recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 UN
Convention on the Law of the Sea;
144 Asian Strategic Review
N OTES
1. Benjamin Ho, “ASEAN at 45: A Case for Principled Realism”, RSIS Commentary 188/2012
dated October 08, 2012, available at http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/Perspective/
RSIS1882012.pdf, accessed on October 09, 2012.
2. See http://www.aseansec.org/1217.htm, accessed on September 15, 2012.
3. Ralf Emmers and Sam Bateman, “ASEAN’S Model of Conflict Management”, RSIS Policy
Paper “ASEAN and the Indian Ocean”, November 2011, p. 25.
4. See http://www.un.org/Depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/
CHN_1992_Law.pdf, accessed on September 15, 2012.
5. See http://www.aseansec.org/1196.htm, accessed on September 15, 2012.
6. This incident occurred between China and the Philippines over structures built on the
Mischief Reef by China, a tiny land feature known locally as Panganiban and situated within
the Philippines’ 200-mile exclusive economic zone as defined by contemporary ocean law.
7. Available at http://www.scribd.com/doc/61125477/Joint-Statement-PRC-and-RP, accessed on
November 08, 2012.
8. See Tran Truong Thoy, “Recent Developments in the South China Sea: From Declaration to
Code of Conduct”, available at http://southchinaseastudies.org/en/conferences-and-seminars-
/second-international-workshop/586-recent-development-in-the-south-china-sea-from-
declaration-to-code-of-conduct-by-tran-truong-thuy, accessed on September 18, 2012.
9. Nguyen Hong Thao, “Vietnam and the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea”, Ocean
Development & International Law, 32(2), 105-130.
10. See http://secondchina.com/Learning_Modules/POL/content/POL_mischief_reef.html,
accessed on September 16, 2012.
11. See Para 11 of joint communiqué issued. Available at http://www.asean.org/communities/
asean-political-security-community/item/joint-communique-of-the-29th-asean-ministerial-
meeting-amm-jakarta-20-21-july-1996, accessed on September 15, 2012.
12. See http://www.un.org/Depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/
CHN_1996_Declaration.pdf, accessed on September 15, 2012.
13. Ibid.
14. See Carlyle A. Thayer, “Challenges to ASEAN’s Cohesion: The Policy of Constructive
Engagement and a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea”, p 33, available at http://
www.scribd.com/doc/103248217/Thayer-Challenges-to-ASEAN%E2%80%99s-Cohesion-
The-Policy-of-Constructive-Engagement-and-a-Code-of-Conduct-for-the-South-China-Sea,
accessed on September 16, 2012.
15. See Yann-huei Song, “Codes of conduct in the South China Sea and Taiwan’s stand”, Marine
Policy, 24, 2000, p 455.
16. See PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs website http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xwfw/s2510/
t950947.htm, accessed on August 7, 2012.
17. See Carlyle A Thayer, “ASEAN’s Code of Conduct in the South China Sea: A Litmus Test
for Community Building?”, Asia Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 10(34), n 4, August 20, 2012,
p 2 and Song, note 15.
18. The US and Philippines had conducted a joint exercise in January 2000.
19. See “China, the Philippines vow to handle disputes through consultations”, available at http:/
/news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-09/01/c_131092290.htm, accessed on
September 17, 2012.
20. See http://www.aseansec.org/13163.htm, accessed on November 08, 2012.
21. See Jim Gomez, “Arroyo says accord on South China Sea eases danger of armed clashes,”
Associated Press, November 5, 2002.
22. See Franceso Sisci, “The Spratlys Pact: Beijing’s Olive Branch,” Asia Times, November 6,
2002.
23. Drew Thomson, “Did Beijing Just Blink?”, available at http://nationalinterest.org/
146 Asian Strategic Review
Japan’s security and defence policy in the post Cold War period is driven by
various regional and external factors. These include the end of Cold War, North
Korean missile and nuclear programme, the rise of China and the territorial disputes
with its neighbours which have resurfaced recently. However, the most noticeable
factor that triggered the change was criticism from the US and its western allies
on the non-commitment of troops by Japan in the 1991 Gulf War. Japan citing
the war-renouncing clause of its Constitution has not deployed its troops in Iraq.
By contributing $13.5 billion to the cost of war, Japan tried to assuage the concern
of its allies. But this was termed as ‘equating blood with money’. Japan was not
acknowledged by Kuwait among the liberator nations in the official thanks-giving
messages through the newspaper advertisements worldwide. This was yet another
“shock” for Japan.
Thus the growing criticism and pressure from the US and other allies for not
doing enough militarily, led to changes in Japan’s pacifist security policy compelling
it into a liberal interpretation of its Constitution in order to play a wider role in
international security. To meet the needs of its ally—the US—as well as to take
its rightful place among the world powers, Japan started to re-examine its pacifist
Constitution.
Before analysing the changes in Japan’s post Cold War security policy it is
necessary to survey Japan’s post-war policies. The US drafted pacifist Constitution1
of Japan, promulgated in 1947, has been one of the main factors in determining
its post-War security policy. The US had included a “war renunciation clause” —
the Article 92—in the new Constitution. When a section of Japanese politicians
following the end of US occupation demanded the revision of the Constitution
including Article 9, Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru aggressively defended the
pacifist Constitution. Yoshida used the pacifist clause of the Constitution to further
his policy of spending less on security and using the resources for Japan’s economic
development. The strategy was later characterised as the Yoshida doctrine which
was also followed by his successors. Michael J. Green describes that “Yoshida
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 149
to tackle it. Japan’s Defence Whitepaper issued in 2003 noted that “Chinese
warships have often navigated in waters near Japan” adding that they seem to be
“engaged in intelligence or maritime research.”8 The white paper spoke of the
need to “monitor Chinese movements and identify Chinese naval strategies.”9
Such reports, however, failed to spur a debate among the public and the policy
planners did not take measures for safeguarding Japanese territory. A real change
was witnessed only after the collision incident between the Chinese fishing trawlers
and Japanese Coast Guard off Senkaku.
Close on the heels of Chinese maritime assertions, territorial disputes
resurfaced with Russia and South Korea. Post-2010, tough posturing both by
Russia and South Korea over territories contested by Japan also increased the
sense of vulnerability in the country. These developments compelled Japan to
revisit its security and defence policies. The volatile security situation in the region
has strengthened the hands of those who had long been advocating for drastic
changes in Japan’s defence and security policy by amending Article 9 of the
Constitution. The measures suggested by them included lifting the ban on Japanese
forces to undertake “Collective Self Defence”, easing of restrictions over the
participation of Japanese forces in international security missions, and relaxing
the ban on export of arms and arms-related technologies. This shift is not merely
reactive. Japan seeks to exploit the recent developments to add muscle to its security
profile and shake off the tag of a “pacifism only” policy10 . Some policy changes
include: sending its troops overseas in UN Peace Keeping Operations (UNPKO)
and the lifting of the ban on the export of arms and arms related technologies. It
has also initiated a debate on other measures such as the easing of restrictions on
use of arms in the UNPKOs and allowing exercise of “collective self-defence” to
empower its defence forces. This paper seeks to trace and analyse the profound
shift in Japanese strategic thinking and its security policy.
Map 1
Source23: Adapted from the map used by Michishita Narushige, “The Future of Sino-Japanese
competition at Sea” available at http://www.nippon.com/en/in-depth/a00504/
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 153
to spend about 17 billion yen from its general reserve fund to procure four state-
of-the-art patrol vessels and other equipment for the Japan Coast Guard (JCG).
Japan will also procure three smaller patrol craft and three helicopters for the
JCG.25
Amid these Chinese naval forays, Tokyo is mulling over the positioning of a
missile defence system in southern Japan closer to China. During US Defence
Secretary Leon Panetta’s visit to Japan in September 2012, both the allies agreed
to install a new missile defence system in southern Japan.26 This would be an
extension of the missile defence system already in place in the north of Japan, and
if it materialises, would help contain military threats from China and North Korea.
Apart from new defence strategies, Japanese security planners have taken a
“multi-layered security cooperation” approach to “complement” existing US-Japan
security cooperation. Japan wants to “strengthen the network of security
cooperation through bilateral and multilateral frameworks in the Asia-Pacific
region.”27 The Japanese planners came to this conclusion following the “relative
change of influence” of the US and its preoccupation in Iraq and Afghanistan
and the rise of China. This clearly shows a perceptible shift in Japan’s defence
policy. During the entire post-World War II period, Japan’s bilateral security alliance
with the US remained under its protective umbrella. Now the defence guidelines,
have broadened the security ambit by identifying other countries with whom it
wants to create multilateral frameworks for its security. The defence guidelines
have identified the Republic of Korea, Australia, ASEAN countries and India as
potential partners for “enhanced security cooperation.”28
To achieve the objectives identified in the defence guidelines, Japan held a
series of discussions to strengthen defence ties with South Korea. Both the countries
created a blueprint for military cooperation to deal with emergency situations in
the region. But this deal could not gain support because of protests by the South
Koreans who still view Japan as an imperial force which had colonised their country
from 1935 to 1946. Also ties between the two remain sketchy at best due to their
spats over the Takeshima/Dokdo territory.29 Thus chances of a military pact
between the two remain bleak. Since the US sees Asia-Pacific as a “pivot” of its
security policy and has announced the deployment of more troops in the region,
Japan may not feel an urgent need to ‘complement’ or diversify US-Japan security
relations. Hence, it is unlikely that Tokyo will aggressively push for an enhancement
of security relations with countries it identified in its defence guidelines.
arguing for the ban to be lifted to cut costs and improve the quality of equipment
used by its defence forces. They want Japan to emulate the collaborative policies
followed by the US and Europe for development and production of high-tech
weapons.31 With the 1 per cent GDP cap on defence spending and given that
the Japanese economy is not performing up to the expectations, the Japanese
defence budget has been decreasing over the years. Since, Japan cannot reduce
mandatory defence expenditures like personnel and food supply costs—roughly
40 per cent of Japan’s defence budget—the financial crunch has affected the
acquisition of new equipments.32 In view of declining defence budget, Japan is
resorting to “cannibalisation”—a process in which components from disabled
aircraft have been used to run functioning aircraft. But this has adversely impacted
the operational capabilities of Japan’s fighter aircrafts.33
Japan has, therefore, eased the restrictions on arms and related expenditure
to enable it to cooperate with other countries for the development and production
of arms.34 The details of Japan’s new arms export policy are not yet available in
the public domain. But the Yomiuri Shimbun, a newspaper that has been
advocating for restrictions on arms export35 has published a gist of the draft
approved by the ministry of defence. The report quotes the draft as stipulating
four principles on arms exports:
1. Exports of finished products to be allowed only to aid peacekeeping and
humanitarian efforts.
2. Even in those cases, products will be restricted to weapons of limited
lethality.
3. Nations permitted to be involved in joint development and production
programmes will be member states of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation, Australia, South Korea and others that have stiff arms
export controls. This includes participation in treaties on the non-
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
4. A legal framework should ensure weapons and weapons-related
technologies are not transferred to third countries.36
The lifting of the ban on arms export clearly indicates that the Japanese
establishment is going ahead with its agenda of freeing itself from the self-
restraining normative policies. A few years ago, Japan diluted the decades-old
principle of “non-military use” of space. In May 2008 the Japanese Diet enacted
the county’s first law on the use of space, thus paving the way for the development
of full-scale spy satellites. The law stipulated that the use and development of
space should be carried out to contribute to Japan’s security.37 The equipment
allowed under the new law includes early warning satellites that can detect a ballistic
missile launch and spy satellites that can view objects as small as 15 cm.38 Japan
has launched series of intelligence-gathering satellites apparently to monitor the
North Korean nuclear and missile programme. In December 2011 Japan launched
yet another intelligence satellite. Japan’s intelligence plan calls for two radar and
two optical satellites.39
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 155
event of a security crisis during which it may allow the US nuclear-armed vessels
to drop anchor at Japanese ports.
A section of the Japanese elite has openly supported the need of maintaining
ambiguity over the nuclear programme. This view persists even after the Fukushima
nuclear meltdown when the Japanese civil groups agitated against their country’s
nuclear power generation programme and wanted the nuclear reactors to be
dismantled. Amid this debate, politicians both from the ruling and opposition
camps want to “retain the possibility of making atomic weapons.”44 Those who
have expressed these views include former Defence Minister Shigeru Ishiba, former
Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara and president of Japan Restoration Party, Liberal
Democratic Party Leader Shinzo Abe,45 who has assumed Prime Ministership
second time after 2012 general election. Morimoto Satoshi, a few months before
assuming office as Defense Minister, spoke in favour of maintaining nuclear power
plants “as a deterrent against foreign attack”. He stated that maintaining nuclear
power plant will serve as a deterrent as the “neighbouring countries believe Japan
could produce atomic weapons in a short duration.”46
A recent amendment to the Japan’s Atomic Energy Basic Law by the Japanese
Diet has also generated anxiety among the public over the usage of nuclear
technology for purposes other than civilian nuclear energy generation. The June
2012 amendment to the 1955 atomic energy law states that: “nuclear safety should
be guaranteed not only to defend lives of people’s health and the environment
but also to contribute to Japan’s national security.”47 Critics contended that the
addition of the phrase- ‘national security’- could pave the way for Japan’s acquisition
of nuclear weapons in future. National dailies in Japan have questioned the motives
behind the inclusion of the national security clause. The Japan Times, opined in
its editorial that: “the word security leaves room for stretching the meaning of the
clause, thus theoretically leaving the possibility of allowing Japan to use nuclear
power for military purposes.”48 Mainichi Daily49 and The Asahi Shimbun also
took similar positions on the issue. All the three dailies suggested that the
government should drop the “national security clause.” Following the declaration
by the Japanese government that it will end nuclear power generation by 2030,
the national security clause would become irrelevant when these reactors cease to
function. But there are contradictions in the new policy since the government
plans to stick to Japan’s policy of reprocessing nuclear fuel to extract plutonium.50,51
Without running nuclear reactors, the reprocessing of spent fuel would be
unnecessary. Critics have raised questions over the Japanese government’s intention
to stockpile plutonium. A Mainichi Shimbun editorial notes that Japan possesses
a “massive amount of plutonium; enough to produce 4000 atomic bombs.”52
The trend suggests that a section of the Japanese establishment wants to
maintain ambiguity about the country’s nuclear future as a deterrent for countries
in the region. However, Japan would find it difficult to go nuclear as a majority
of people remain opposed to the nuclear option.
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 157
and landing aircraft—raising concerns about the safety of this aircraft.68 Two
Osprey aircraft crashed in Morocco and Florida (US) in quick succession. The
Okinawans believe that such an incident in a populated area of Futenma can lead
to the loss of human lives. Analysts believe that apart from safety concerns the
protests are an expression of a deep revulsion against the US. Therefore, it can be
said that without the consent of Okinawans, the problem of hosting US bases in
Japan cannot be resolved. With the rise of China Okinawa has become more
important than ever for Japan’s security. If Japan is unable to resolve Okinawa’s
base relocation problem, it will continue to pose an internal challenge to Japanese
security.
Conclusion
The regional security situation, detailed above, have been capitalised by Japanese
establishment to revisit its normative security policies. With the China threat
looming large, Japan has adopted a dynamic defence force concept to swiftly
deploy forces to its outlying islands. It has relaxed the ban on export of arms and
arms-related technologies. This would have been unthinkable without an external
threat to Japanese security as the Japanese have remained largely opposed to any
move to diminish the pacifist ideals of Japan. The Japanese establishment is
mulling various options to strengthen the capabilities of its defence forces,
including the right to “collective self-defence.” It is also debating how to allow
its defence forces to use arms during international security missions. A consensus
eludes, both among the political parties and the people. But the Japanese
government has been taking a step-by-step approach and keeps pushing its agenda.
In case of a continued external threat, which is quite likely, following Japan’s
nationalisation of the Senkakus, Japan may expedite the process of unshackling
its normative security and defence policies.
N OTES
1. A number of Japanese politicians including former Prime Minister Nakasone believe that
1947 Constitution was imposed on Japan. However, a government commission which
investigated formulation of Constitution from 1957 to 1964 concluded that “Constitution
was enacted under the strong influence of America but Japan’s views were taken into account.”
For details read, Nakasone Yasuhiro, Japan a State Strategy for the Twenty-First Century,
Routledge, 2003, p.116.
2. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution (1947): Aspiring sincerely to an international peace
based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of
the nation and the threat or use of force for settling international disputes.
In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces as well
as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will
not be recognised.
3. Michael J. Green, “Japan’s Reluctant Realism: Foreign Policy Challenges in an Era of Uncertain
Power”, Palgrave Macmillan Publican, New York, 2003, p.12.
4. For a detailed account of Japanese impact of pacifism on Japanese security policy read, Yasuhiro
Izumikawa, “Explaining Japanese Antimilitarism: Normative and Realist Constraints on
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 161
A. Khan, “Japan South Korea diplomatic stand-off over Takeshima/Dokdo”, available online
at http://idsa.in/idsacomments/JapanSouthKoreaDiplomaticStandoffoverTakeshima
Dokdo_sakhan_140812 , accessed on November 6, 2012.
30. In 1967 Japan has adopted ‘three principles’ on arms exports which state that Japan will not
sell arms to communist countries, countries under the UN sanction and countries involved
in armed conflict. In 1976 Japan imposed a complete ban on export of arms and related
technology. However, it relaxed this policy in 1983 to jointly develop a missile shield with
the US on its territory. For details see, Yukari Kubota, “Japan’s new strategy as an arms exporter:
Revising the three principles on Arms export, RIPS Policy Perspective No. 7, November 2008,
Tokyo, Japan.
31. “Noda administration bids farewell to arms export ban”, The Ashai Shimbun, December 28,
2011.
32. “Don’t allow defence budget to fall for 19th straight year” (Editorial), The Yomiuri Shimbun,
October 8, 2011.
33. Ibid.
34. “Japan decides relaxing arms export ban”, Kyodo/Mainichi daily, December 27, 2011.
35. “Review 3 principles on weapons export” (editorial), The Yomiuri Shimbun, October 22, 2010.
36. “Easing arms export ban eyed/ Draft Defence strategy proposes weapons trade with limited
nations”, The Yomiuri Shimbun, November 18, 2010.
37. For a detailed account of Japan’s new space security policy see Kazuo Suzuki, “Space: Japan’s
New Security Agenda”, RIPS Policy Perspectives No.5, Research Institute for Peace and
Security, Tokyo, October 2007, also available online at http://www.rips.or.jp/research/
RIPS_Policy_Perspectives_5.pdf, accessed on November 9, 2012.
38. “Diet enacts law on use of space for defence”, The Japan Times, May 22, 2008.
39. “Intelligence satellite launched into orbit”, The Yomiuri Shimbun, December 13, 2011.
40. For details see “Government view on Article 9 of the Constitution”, Ministry of Defense,
Government of Japan, available online at http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/d_policy/dp01.html,
accessed on November 10, 2012.
41. “Review top law to exercise right of collective self defence” (editorial), The Yomiuri Shimbun,
July 17, 2012.
42. Christopher W.Hughes argues that the DPJ experiences “greater difficulties” on finding an
“intra-party consensus” on Constitutional revision. The DPJ aims to clearly demarcate the
use of military force for self defence and in support of the United States.” See, Christopher
W.Hughes, “Why Japan Could Revise its Constitution and What It Would Mean For Japan”,
Orbis, 50 (Fall), 2006, p.738.
43. Secret accord inevitable in Cold War era, ( Editorial), The Yomiuri Shimbun, December 24,
2009.
44. “Nuclear arms advocates get bolder amid energy debate,” The Japan Times/AP, August 03,
2012.
45. Ibid.
46. “Japan defence chief Morimoto sees nuclear plants as deterrent, favours 25% option for energy
mix”, Kyodo/Japan Times, September 6, 2012.
47. Takao Yamada, “Atomic energy law’s sly alteration is abuse of legislative process”, The Mainichi
Daily, June 26, 2012.
48. “Nuclear laws have serious flaws”, (Editorial), The Japan Times, June 26, 2012.
49. “National Security clause must be deleted from law on nuclear energy”, (Editorial) The
Mainichi Daily, June 23, 2012.
50. “Govt adopts strategy of Zero N-energy reliance”, Jiji Press/Yomiuri Shimbun, September 15,
2012.
51. “Govt to continue N-fuel recycling program”, The Yomiuri Shimbun, September 14, 2012.
52. “Public must back Japan’s goal of ending nuclear power in 2030s” ( Editorial), The Mainichi
Daily, September 15, 2012.
Japan’s Defence and Security Policies 163
Introduction
The year 2012 is of special significance, in terms of the new security dynamics of
the East Asian region. In 2012, while the resident superpower of the region- the
US—came up with the new Pivot to Asia or the Rebalancing to Asia strategy to
safeguard its own interests as well as those of its allies, China consistently faced
criticism from its neighbours because of its assertive posture. The countries of
the region, particularly the Philippines and Vietnam are increasingly standing up
for the cause of their national security and sovereignty in their territorial disputes
with China. So far as India is concerned, 2012 was marked by two substantial
and positive events: First, India completed 20 years of its dialogue relationship
with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations).1 Secondly, at the bilateral
level, the year was significant in terms of India’s relations with Thailand as the
two countries are celebrating 65 years of their bilateral relations this year. It also
marks two decades of the Thai dimension in India’s ‘Look East Policy’, which
was initiated by Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao during his trip to Thailand
in 1993. India celebrated two decades of its ‘Look East Policy’ by inviting the
Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to be the chief guest at the 2012
Republic Day celebrations. While India is keen to widen and deepen its strategic
footprint in East Asia, Thailand regards India as its gateway to South Asia.
Thailand’s ‘Look West Policy’, initiated in 1996, seeks to engage India and the
region in a comprehensive way. Several factors underscore Thailand’s growing
significance in India’s engagement with the East Asian region. For Thailand India
is a safe bet to hedge against rising diplomatic and security related uncertainties
in the region.
This paper provides a detailed account of India’s relations with Thailand.
Situating India-Thailand relations in the emerging East Asian security architecture,
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 165
the paper argues that though it requires substantive bilateral interaction and
nurturing at the policy-making level, the India-Thailand relationship is moving
in the right direction. It also argues that the two countries can step-up ties by
dealing with pressing mutual concerns, which include not only the politico-military
concerns at bilateral, regional and sub-regional levels through the BIMSTEC (Bay
of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral, Technical and Economic Cooperation)
and the MGC (Mekong Ganga Cooperation), but also the non-traditional security
issues such as; refugees, actions of non-state actors, arms, drugs and human
trafficking and natural disasters.
Background
India and Thailand share maritime boundaries in the Andaman Sea. By virtue of
being neighbours, the two countries have developed cultural commonalities and
affinities over centuries. The Thai people generally believe that the Indian king,
Ashoka had dispatched a Buddhist mission led by the Venerables Sona and Uttara
to Chao Phraya River Basin—then known as Suwannaphumi. Buddhism was
firmly established before the Thais settled in the area. Thai communities and
kingdoms, such as, Sukhothai (1237-1350) and Ayudhya (1350-1767) were
influenced by both Buddhism and Hinduism.2 Till date India’s cultural influence
on Thailand is impressive.
In modern times, India and Thailand established diplomatic relations on
August 1, 1947. In fact, when Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao officially flagged
off the ‘Look East Policy’ in 1992, Thailand was among the countries in focus.3
Demonstrating India’s interest in engaging its eastern neighbour, Prime Minister
Rao visited Bangkok in April 1993. He also visited Singapore and Vietnam in the
same year. Evidently, right from the beginning, India has strived to strengthen
ties at both the regional as well as bilateral levels. The maintaining of robust bilateral
ties was indeed a definitive part of the Look East Policy.4 Interestingly, the initial
moves by Thailand to create a separate sub-regional mechanism in the form of,
what was later termed as, BIMSTEC was initially not encouraged by India. One
of the perceived reasons for this was that India was yet to establish itself as an
important partner country of ASEAN.5 However, there are enough reasons to
believe that India’s interest in BIMSTEC was mainly to marginalise Pakistan by
creating a parallel to SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation).6
India was finding it difficult to bolster economic and political ties with neighbours
at regional level, as SAARC was not making any headway. BIMSTEC provided
an opportunity to further regional cooperation and benefit from it, and India did
well to grab it.
Rao’s Thailand visit was path-breaking as it opened up new areas for India’s
relationship with its eastern neighbour. As pointed out by A.N. Ram:
Rao’s vision and crafty diplomatic skills not only impressed the Thais but he
also sent the messages of deep-rooted cultural affinities across. His decision
to pay respect to the supreme patriarch of the Buddhist order in Thailand as
166 Asian Strategic Review
also the announcement that Buddhist monks visiting India would not need
to pay visa fees or wait at the Indian Embassy for a visa were much
appreciated.7
The first India Studies Centre in Southeast Asia was established at Thamasaat
University during this visit.8 Since then, the relationship has only moved forward.
One cannot but agree with Ram’s view that:
Rao was acutely aware of the fact that unless bilateral relations with individual
ASEAN countries improved and acquired mutually beneficial content, the
Look East Policy at the macro level would not amount to much. He saw
mutuality of interest in bilateral relations as key to India’s successful
engagement with ASEAN.9
It is worth noting that not only was Thailand one of the first countries with
whom India tried to revive age-old ties but Thailand also played a key role in
bringing India into the swiftly growing and integrating Southeast Asian region.
For instance, when India tried to get Full Dialogue Partner status within ASEAN,
Thailand along with Singapore played a key role in ensuring India’s entry.
Interestingly, in 1995 when India got this status, Thailand was chairing the
ASEAN.10 Clearly, India was ahead of China in terms of getting the Full Dialogue
Partner status. For China, India’s entry into the East Asian regional mechanism
was a bad omen, as it would lead to China’s diminishing dominance in the region.
Nevertheless, even when the issue of India’s membership to the ASEAN Regional
Forum came up in 1996—Thailand was among the countries, which were at the
forefront of welcoming India, leaving China sulking on the diplomatic margins.
In 1998, Thailand, the Philippines and Japan reacted strongly against India’s nuclear
tests;11 however, later during the ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum) meeting they
moderated their stand.12 The primary concern of Thailand, the Philippines and
Japan was that nuclear tests might lead to an arms race in Asia. Mutual
understanding and appreciation of each others concern helped India and ASEAN
member countries quickly overcome the challenges posed by the nuclear issues.
Additionally, there have been regular visits from both the sides, which have
given a much-needed fillip to the India-Thai ties. There have been seven prime
ministerial visits from Thailand to India during 2001-2012 and three prime
ministerial visits from India to Thailand during this period. The 2007 visit of the
then Thai prime minister Surayud Chulanont and current Prime Minister Yingluck
Shinawatra’s 2012 visit can be considered landmark in the context of top Thai
leader’s visit to India.13 In fact, India was the third major country in Asia, after
China and Japan, that the Thai prime minister Chulanont visited, in addition to
the neighbouring ASEAN member countries, since he took office in October
2006.14 Interestingly, in 2007, India and Thailand also celebrated 60 years of
their relationship. During Chulanont’s visit, the two countries signed a MoU on
Enhanced cooperation in the field of renewable energy, as well as an Executive
programme of Cultural Exchange for 2007-2009.15 Likewise, during Prime Minister
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 167
Yingluck Shinawatra’s 2012 visit six important agreements were signed including
the one for connecting India, Myanmar and Thailand.16
However, it would not be correct to say that the mood and mode of India-
Thailand relations has always been upbeat as it is today. The imperatives of Cold
War strategic dynamics inevitably drew India and Thailand apart. India’s policy
of non-alignment with a tilt towards, the then USSR (The Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics), was in contrast to Thailand’s world view as an alliance partner of the
US and its suspicions of the Socialist block led by the USSR. India’s idealism in
foreign policy went to such an extent that at the end of 1980s, it prohibited the
Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) ‘from delivering two squadrons of Jaguars
to Thailand, citing that the latter was hostile to Vietnam, a traditional friend of
India’.17 Though the power block politics prevented New Delhi and Bangkok
from being close to each other, they still maintained warmth in formal ties. This
was largely due to the fact that no contentious issues existed between them.
In the post-Cold War era, changes at the systemic and sub-systemic levels
prompted India to reorient its foreign and economic policy priorities. SAARC’s
dismal success compounded India’s frustration, prompting it to search for friends
beyond South Asia. As an inward-looking, snail-paced Indian economy attempted
to open up, it naturally looked at ASEAN countries as role models and potential
partners. Thailand did not disappoint India on that count. Both the countries
were very well aware of the fact that their cordial relationship is the gateway to
each other’s region. Economically also, it made much sense for them to join
hands—because while India is the largest economy in South Asia, Thailand has
been the third largest economy in Southeast Asian region.
Unfortunately, the Asian financial crisis of 1997 hit the Thai economy hard,
and it took Bangkok several years to get back to normal. It was only in 2004 that
India signed the EHS (Early Harvest Scheme) with Thailand; which was among
the first few countries with which India had inked such a deal.18 Under the
agreement, signed on August 30, 2004, the two countries signed a protocol to
implement the EHS under the framework agreement on free trade area, which
was flagged off by the commerce ministers of India and Thailand in October
2003 in Bangkok. The key elements of the framework agreement included a Free
Trade Agreement relating to goods, services and investment and other areas of
cooperation. It also provided for an EHS, under which ‘82 items at a six-digit
level of harmonised system of common list to both sides, was agreed on for
complete elimination of tariffs on a fast-track basis’.19
What started as a small step towards a comprehensive trade agreement with
Thailand in 2004, eventually culminated in India’s trade pact at the regional level
with ASEAN and the inking of India-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement in goods in
2009. That trade has become a significant element in bilateral ties is evident from
the point that during the first decade of this century, the total trade volume went
up six times, crossing the US$ 6 billion mark in 2010.20 The two countries are
working to increase it further, which is evident from the discussions on enhancing
168 Asian Strategic Review
cooperation in areas such as energy, food industries and petroleum, and the inking
of six important MoUs during Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s India
visit in January 2012.21 It is hoped that by 2014 bilateral trade will cross the
US$14 billion mark. The proposed Chennai- Dawei corridor project, which aims
to link India, Myanmar and Thailand via the sea route, will be an added advantage
for the relationship.22
As mentioned earlier, India’s Look East Policy, and its engagement with
Thailand, has been complemented by Thailand’s Look West Policy of 1996. On
its part, Thailand regards India as a traditional partner with cultural, linguistic
and religious bonds. As a consequence, bilateral ties have gone from strength to
strength. Today, there are several regional platforms that India and Thailand share.
India is also an integral member of the Asia Cooperation Dialogue—a Thai
initiative.23
1980s at ‘friendly’ prices. In the post-Cold War years, especially during the Asian
financial crisis, China supported the Southeast Asian economies—a move that
further boosted its credibility in the capitals of Southeast Asia, including Bangkok.
At the turn of the century, the relationship became stronger after Thaksin
Shinawatra came to power. This paved the way for the signing of strategic
cooperation agreement in 2007. In May 2007, Chulanont, who was actively
supported by the military, visited China and signed the procès-verbal to launch
the joint Action Plan on Strategic Cooperation between Thailand and China.35
A closer look at Thai foreign policy reveals that the 1997 financial crisis played
a big role in Thailand’s renewed approach towards China. Coupled with this is
Thailand’s flexible foreign policy that is able to deal with unexpected situations.
As Chulacheeb Chinwanno states:
Thailand pursues a “balanced engagement” policy with the major powers:
China; the US; Japan; and India. Thailand tries to manage its relations with
the US in such a way that facilitates closer ties with China. An important
objective of Thai foreign policy is to position the country where it will not
have to choose strategically between the US and China, but remain important
and relevant to both.36
Clearly, Thailand is mindful of the economic benefits of cooperating with
China. Bangkok does not want to become too dependent on the US, and also
wants to reap the benefits of China’s rise. Anthony Smith rightly points out that
in managing its relations with China and the US, Thailand’s core strategic concept
of “bending with the prevailing winds” comes into play.37 Thailand very carefully
‘manages its foreign policy to maintain close relations with both China and the
United States, while also satisfying the perceived demands of the Thai public.
While holding on to the “Strategic Partnership” with China, Thailand never put
the axe to its formal alliance structure with the United States, even if it was
moribund during much of the 1970s.’38 Putting it in perspective one may argue
that Thailand is carefully weighing its strategic options with regard to China’s
rise. While it is certainly not an option for Thailand to go against the ASEAN or
the US over the China issue, it is employing a unique blend of ‘bandwagoning’
with and balancing against China. As Mohan Malik’s suggests, Thailand (as also
South Korea, the Philippines, Malaysia, Laos, East Timor, and Singapore) are
putting their eggs in both American and Chinese baskets.39 A strong relationship
with China is certainly accruing benefits to Thailand. However, the lurking fear
that a too powerful China might be dangerous, has kept the US-Thai alliance
intact despite ups and downs.40
Nevertheless, as China’s rise to global power status is creating apprehensions,
despite its best efforts Thailand is finding it extremely difficult to maintain
flexibility and a harmonious balance in its relations with the US and ASEAN
members on one hand and China on the other. This became evident in July 2012
when Thailand became the new coordinating country for ASEAN-China relations
because it was expected that Thailand, which has cordial ties with China, would
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 171
be able to ensure peace and stability by managing competing claims in the troubled
South China Sea.41 Seemingly, that is not happening and Thailand is finding
itself in a fix. It is also believed that while the Thai military leaders strongly back
China over a wide range of bilateral and regional issues, the Thai foreign ministry
strives to avoid overdependence on China as the country’s foreign policy has to
take myriad factors into account.42 As reported in the media:
…with China and South China Sea, the implications are huge and
multidimensional. Undoubtedly, Thailand remains ambivalent on the current
China-Philippine quagmire even after listening to the presentation in Bangkok
by the Chinese diplomats at the end of April.43
Clearly, Thailand is finding it difficult to be neutral on matters of utmost regional
concern. Unlike the Philippines, Vietnam and many states of maritime Southeast
Asia, Thailand is not involved in the South China Sea dispute. Moreover, over
the years Thai politicians and military have developed closeness to China and
enjoy the comfort of it. For instance, Thaksin Shinawatra was close to China
and was also instrumental in devising pro-China policies during his term of office.
Now that his sister Yingluck Shinawatra is Prime Minister, the possibility of a tilt
towards China cannot be ruled out because of Thaksin’s influence.
Yet, over the past two years, the US has taken extra care to placate Thailand.
The December 2012 visit of President Barack Obama can be seen in that light.
Thailand has traditionally been allied with the US and has benefitted from its ties
with the US. Thus, there are many factions that support a strong alliance with the
US. The division over how to deal with China in the Thai corridors of power
makes it all the more difficult for Thailand to take a firm and clear stand. For
instance, among ASEAN states, Thailand has been most concerned about the
rising Chinese presence in Myanmar deeming it a strategic threat as also a challenge
to its economic cooperation with Myanmar.44 In fact, a closer look at 1994-95
annual report of India’s Ministry of Defence and Thailand’s first ever Defence
White Paper The Defence of Thailand - 1994 raised similar concerns about China’s
forays in Myanmar. The challenges posed by an unstable Myanmar and its strong
ties with China certainly motivated India and Thailand to cooperate.45 One may
argue that in such a scenario, Thailand would like to go along with the prevailing
ASEAN stance and also keep the US on its side, while not trying to annoy China.
Thailand would certainly not like to get caught in such a situation where it has
to choose between China and the US. Bolstering ties with India is helpful for
Thailand in that regard because the involvement of India—as a major power—
in the region would help to make the region multi-polar. Since India has been
respecting ASEAN norms and also that ASEAN should be in ‘the driver’s seat’,
it has been welcomed as a friend by ASEAN countries including Thailand.
Confidence in the Indian navy’s capability and capacity is already on the rise
among Southeast Asian states.
Interestingly, in 2004, while the littoral states of the Malacca Straits strongly
objected to the suggestion made by the US navy for a regional initiative to combat
172 Asian Strategic Review
terrorism, piracy etc, they were open to accepting assistance from India for
improving the maritime safety of the Straits.46 Thailand and other Southeast Asian
countries have welcomed India’s presence in the region. The decision by Indonesia
and Malaysia not to protest against Indian and US naval escort operations in the
Straits of Malacca in 2001 and 2002 testify to India’s growing acceptance in the
region. “As a part of its renewed activism in the wider Asia-Pacific region and its,
‘Look East Policy’ aimed at strengthening its influence in Southeast Asia, India
has also become increasingly involved in Southeast Asian maritime security.”47
Thus, there are better prospects for cooperation between India and its eastern
neighbours, as India too is not in favour of getting dragged into an out and out
balancing of China or into any rivalry with it. However, the responses from China
are certainly not positive for India. For instance, as Mohan Malik points out:
From Beijing’s perspective, India’s Look East Policy and the slew of economic
and defence cooperation agreements signed with ASEAN infringe on China’s
own sphere of influence. Leery of India’s great power pretensions and attempts
to extend its influence in China’s backyard, Beijing sees New Delhi’s “Look
East” Policy as part of a wider “congage (contain and engage) China” strategy
unveiled by the Washington-Tokyo-New Delhi axis. The thrust of Chinese
diplomacy is to confine India to the periphery of a future EAC and foil India’s
efforts to break out of the South Asian straitjacket.”48
Notably, as the year 2012 demonstrates, the security situation in the East Asian
region is not going to improve any time soon and countries and major stakeholders
in the region might even be faced with a few troublesome situations. These include:
China’s military assertiveness which could re-ignite the great power rivalry in the
region; the flaring up of the South China Sea dispute; recurring natural disasters;
non-traditional security threats and the challenge of keeping ASEAN unity intact
in the midst of all these, to list just a few. As Rizal Sukuma’s argues:
Regionally, Southeast Asia’s security environment becomes increasingly
complex when developments in wider East Asian context compel ASEAN to
manage issues such as the rise of China, the indispensable role of the United
States in the region, the importance of Japan to ASEAN states, and the arrival
of India as a major power.49
In view of the above, ASEAN’s goals of realising ‘ASEAN community’ and
maintaining peace in the region seem difficult to achieve.
The US too is not going to let China dominate the countries of the region
or illegally occupy the disputed islands of the South China Sea. During his address
at the Shangri-La dialogue, the US defence secretary Leon Panetta said:
The United States believes it is critical for regional institutions to develop
mutually agreed rules of the road that protect the rights of all nations to free
and open access to the seas. We support the efforts of the ASEAN countries
and China to develop a binding code of conduct that would create a rules-
based framework for regulating the conduct of parties in the South China
Sea, including the prevention and management of disputes.50
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 173
The statement leaves one with no doubt that Panetta was referring to the
South China Sea issue as also to American objections to China’s aggressive posturing
on the issue.
So far as the Rebalancing strategy of the Obama administration is concerned,
Thailand is certainly a part of it. According to SD Muni, the strategy:
... has three clearly defined dimensions, namely, of (i) reinforcing traditional
alliances, (ii) building new partnerships and capabilities, and (iii) shaping a
new regional strategic architecture. On reinforcing traditional alliances, Obama
named Japan, Australia and South Korea in his speech and also mentioned
Philippines and Thailand.51
Clearly, the US is in no mood to let China establish its hegemony in Asia. In
such a scenario, it may be argued that the rapidly changing dynamics of the region
will require a well-crafted vision of peace, failing which the regional balance might
be upset leading to conflicts and instability. For India, the best option in such a
scenario is to wait and watch. Evidently, as SD Muni says, “the tenor and thrust
of India’s response to the US ‘pivot’ will, to a significant extent, also depend upon
how China conducts itself in the region as also in relation to its bilateral issues
with India.”52 Muni suggests:
Chinese undue assertiveness and inclination to dominate the region will
naturally drive all others in the region closer to each other and to the US. If
China leaves India’s sensitivities in its immediate neighbourhood unruffled
and makes concrete moves to stabilise the border region between the two
countries, then India will be calculative and calibrated in its support for the
US initiatives in the Asia-Pacific region.53
Thus, the best bet for both India and Thailand is to hedge against the rising
uncertainties. Interestingly, while both Bangkok and New Delhi are not very keen
on subscribing to the US Pivot or Rebalancing towards Asia strategy, China’s follies
would compel them to side with the US and cause frictions with China, thereby
leading to more instability in the region.
During Rao’s 1993 visit, Thailand had also approached India to support it in
developing nuclear energy and setup a nuclear reactor in Thailand.55 Since 1995,
India has been holding naval exercises with Thailand and other Southeast Asian
countries. Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia have been participating
in ‘Milan’ the biennial gathering of navies hosted by India.56 They have since
then, held intermittent discussions between them on counter-terrorism and
intelligence sharing.57 There has indeed been a steady increase in India- Thailand
bilateral defence ties in the post Cold War years. The Indian Air Force Surya
Kiran Acrobatic Team (SKAT) performed a nine aircraft aerobatic display in
Bangkok in December 2007 to commemorate the 80th birthday of the king of
Thailand.58 In April 2012, the Indian and Thai navies undertook a weeklong
joint exercise in the Andaman Sea for combating terrorism, piracy and arms
smuggling. INS Bangaram of the Andaman & Nicobar Command represented
the joint Coordinated Maritime Patrol (CORPAT) on the Indian side; HTMS
Khamrosin along with the Dornier aircraft of both sides represented the Royal
Thai navy.59 The weeklong joint training programme ended on April 25, 2012.
Coordinated patrolling by the Indian Navy and the Royal Thai Navy
commenced in 2005. These patrols have enhanced mutual confidence levels
between the two defence forces and have contributed to the effective implementa-
tion of the law of the sea to prevent illegal activities. Besides joint maritime patrols,
India-Thailand defence cooperation includes regular joint exercises, officers training
at their respective defence institutions, exchange of visits at various levels, regular
joint working group meetings and staff talks. During Thai Prime Minister Yingluck
Shinawatra’s visit to India in January 2012, the two sides signed a Memorandum
of Understanding on defence cooperation to further streamline and enhance
bilateral defence ties.60
India was among the countries invited to participate in the largest multi-
national military exercise in the Asia-Pacific region held in Thailand from February
7-17, 2012. The multi-nation Cobra Gold joint exercise programme is led by the
US to improve the capability to plan and conduct joint operations and build
relationships. ‘Exercise Cobra Gold 2012’ was designed to advance regional security
by a robust multi-national force of nations sharing common goals and security
commitments in the Asia-Pacific region. Full participating nations for ‘Cobra Gold
12’ included; Thailand, the US, Singapore, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia and
Malaysia. Other countries invited to participate in the multi-national planning
augmentation team included, Australia, France, Canada, the United Kingdom,
Bangladesh, Italy, India, Nepal, the Philippines and Vietnam.61 Military personnel
from these countries participated in training exercises, involving live-fire training
as well as evacuation exercises, command-post exercises, humanitarian and civic
assistance projects. More than 13,000 personnel participated in the exercise. The
stated objectives of the Cobra Gold 2012 were: to improve capability to plan and
conduct combined-joint operations, build relationships between partner nations
and improve interoperability across the range of military operations.62 India’s
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 175
Terrorism has not left any country untouched and this trans-national problem
is giving a hard time to policy makers, both in India and Thailand. India’s
investigating agencies were clear that the February 2012 New Delhi and Bangkok
blasts were closely linked, which means that India and Thailand have to work
together for fighting the menace of terrorism. On March 31, yet another series
of bomb blasts rocked Yala, a city in Southern Thailand.67 Terrorism has once
again put India and Thailand on the same page in terms of finding ways and
means to ensure safety and security of their citizens. The agencies of the two
countries are investigating the 2012 blast that targeted Israeli diplomats in New
Delhi.68
The two countries also share several regional platforms, such as the ASEAN
Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM Plus), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)
and the East Asia Summit (EAS). India is also an integral member of the Asia
Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) initiated by Thailand in 2002. Likewise, Thailand
is a core member of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and
Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the Mekong Ganga Project (MGC)
respectively. Incidentally, BIMSTEC was conceptualised to synergise the Look
East and Look West Policies of India and Thailand respectively.
The growing partnership with Thailand exemplifies India’s recent policy shift
to accord priority to its extended neighbourhood. However, the two countries
still have many challenges that demand their attention. Pre-emptive measures are
needed to prevent a humanitarian crisis along the Myanmar border. Both are
facing daunting challenges of drug trafficking, armed insurgency and separatism.
In Northeastern India and Southern Thailand, these problems are compounded
by Myanmar providing a safe haven for those involved in such activities.
Conclusion
An ancient Siamese proverb likens Thai foreign policy to the ‘bamboo in the
wind’; always solidly rooted, but flexible enough to bend which ever way the
wind blows in order to survive.69 More than mere pragmatism, this proverb reflects
the country’s long-cherished, philosophical approach to international relations,
the canons of which are very much enshrined in the Thai culture and religion.
Throughout its long and frequently turbulent history, Thailand has consistently
crafted a cautious, calculated foreign policy and jealously guarded its
independence.70 India, on the other hand, has equally jealously and meticulously
crafted and followed its policy of non-alignment, autonomy and independence.
With a few exceptions here and there, both India and Thailand have so far stuck
to their cherished goals. If history is any cue to the future, it may be argued that
both India and Thailand will, in all likelihood, not get dragged into any politics
of rivalry in the region in the coming days and will try to benefits from the East
Asian growth. However, as and when the need arises, it will not be difficult for
them to stand up to China’s assertive posturing in the region as both Bangkok
and New Delhi are mindful of the fact that an increasingly assertive China poses
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 177
a challenge to the countries of the East Asian region. While a ‘hedging strategy’
defines both India and Thailand’s policy vis-à-vis China to a great extent, Thailand,
as a non-NATO ally of the United States, might side with the US, in any regional
conflict. India’s growing partnership with the US would help the two countries
stick together in such a scenario.71 The increasing presence of the US in East
Asia is being welcomed by India and Thailand alike for ensuring a multi-polar
region and to prevent hostility in the region. The common vision of ensuring a
peaceful and prosperous East Asia is cherished by India, Thailand and other
member countries of ASEAN, while holding their national interest supreme.
In conclusion it can be said that although it requires substantive bilateral
interaction and nurturing at the policy making levels, the overall state of India-
Thai relations is robust and going from strength to strength.
Focusing more on defence and economic cooperation with Thailand, which
has remained one of the key partners of India and one of the focus countries in
terms of India’s Look East Policy, would further strengthen India-Thailand ties,
making it one of the most robust partnerships for India in the East Asian region.
N OTES
1. A Commemorative Summit is being organised in New Delhi on December 20-21, 2012 to
mark the occasion.
2. Chulacheeb Chinwanno, “Shifting Thai- Indian Relations: From Differing Perceptions to
Bridging Roles?”, RSIS Commentaries, No. 96, September 14, 2007.
3. While it is generally said that Look East Policy was initiated in 1992, there are views that
this is a flawed notion, as it doesn’t take into account India’s historical legacy. For instance,
Prof S.D. Muni argues that there are two popular myths around India’s Look East Policy-
First- about its initiation in the 1990s and second, its focus on economic, trade and investment
relations. He argues, “If one is concerned only with the nomenclature of ‘Look East Policy’
then surely it is a post-1990 expression. However, if one means by this policy, the substance
of India’s engagement with the countries on its east, then both these assumptions, which
have become the integral part of policy and intellectual discourse on the subject, are erroneous
and deserve to be redefined in the interest of a correct and historically rooted perspective.”
For details, please see S.D. Muni “Look East Policy: Beyond Myths”, in A.N. Ram (ed.) Two
Decades of India’s Look East Policy, ISEAS & Manohar, New Delhi, 2012, pp. 205-220.
4. A.N. Ram (ed.), Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, ISEAS & Manohar, New Delhi,
2012, pp. 37-38.
5. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy.
6. Author wishes to thank Prof. S.D. Muni for his comments on this point.
7. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, p. 68.
8. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, p. 69.
9. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, p. 67.
10. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, p. 70.
11. Anindya Batabyal, “Balancing China in Asia: A Realist Assessment of India’s Look East
Strategy”, China Report, 42 (2), 2006, pp. 179-197.
12. Ibid.
13. Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, “Agreements/MoUs signed between India
and Thailand during the State visit of H.E. General Surayud Chulanont (Retd.), Prime
Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand (June 25-27, 2007)”, at http://www.mea.gov.in/press-
178 Asian Strategic Review
releases.htm?dtl/2417/AgreementsMoUs+signed+between+India+and+Thailand+
during+the+State+visit+of+HE+General+ Surayud+Chulanont+Ret+Prime+Minister+of+the+
Kingdom+of+Thailand++2527+June+2007, accessed November 30, 2012.
14. Chinwanno, “Shifting Thai-Indian Relations”.
15. Ibid.
16. “India, Thailand Sign Six Key Accords”, Indian Express, January 25, 2012, at http://
www.indianexpress.com/news/india-thailand-sign-six-6-key-accords/903969, accessed
December 1, 2012.
17. Mezard, Eastward Bound India’s New Positioning in Asia. p. 344.
18. Rahul Mishra, “Growing ties with Thailand: Gains from India’s Look East Policy”, The Tribune,
April 7, 2012.
19. “Protocol to Implement the Early Harvest Scheme Under the Framework”, Press Release of
Ministry of Commerce, Government of India, August 30, 2004, at http://commerce.nic.in/
pressrelease/pressrelease_detail.asp?id=1171, accessed October 29, 2012.
20. Ibid.
21. “India, Thailand Sign Six Key Accords”, Indian Express.
22. Ibid.
23. Rahul Mishra & Sana Hashmi, “India-Thai Relations: Look East, Look West”, RSIS
Commentaries, No. 22, February 7, 2012.
24. Rahul Mishra, “India’s Antipodean Neighbour: Why engaging Australia matters?” Indian
Foreign Affairs Journal, 3 (4), 2008.
25. Rahul Mishra,“Locating Singapore in India’s Strategic Radar”, IDSA Comments, April 1, 2010.
http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/LocatingSingaporeinIndiasStrategicRadar_rmishra_010410,
accessed October 5, 2012.
26. Mohan Malik, China and India: Great Power Rivals, Viva Books, New Delhi, 2012. p. 372.
27. Ibid.
28. Chulacheeb Chinwanno, “Thai-Chinese Relations: Security and Strategic Partnership”, RSIS
Working Papers, 155, March 24, 2008.
29. Chantasasawat Busakorn, “Burgeoning Sino-Thai Relations: Heightening Cooperation,
Sustaining Economic Security”, China: An International Journal, 4 (1), March 2006, pp. 86-
112.
30. Charles E. Morrison & Astri Suhrke, Strategies of Survival, University of Queensland Press,
Brisbane, 1978, pp. 115-118.
31. Daniel A. Lovelace, China and “People’s War” in Thailand, Center for Chinese Studies
Monograph No. 8, University of California, Berkeley, 1971, pp. 218-219.
32. Ibid.
33. Anthony Smith, “Thailand’s Security and the Sino-Thai Relationship”, China Brief, 5(3),
Jamestown Foundation, at http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_
news%5D=3711, accessed December 2, 2012.
34. The Bangkok World, February 5, 1983, p. 1.
35. Chulacheeb Chinwanno, “Thai-Chinese Relations”.
36. Ibid.
37. Chantasasawat Busakorn, “Burgeoning Sino-Thai Relations”
38. Ibid.
39. Malik, China and India: Great Power Rivals, p. 272.
40. One example of the Thai reluctance to blindly align with the US was when Thailand decided
in 2011 to examine NASA’s request to use the U-tapao air base for scientific research. The
members of Thai opposition argued that such a move would affect relations with China.
The US later withdrew its request.
41. “Thailand walks a tightrope on South China Sea”, The Nation, May 7, 2012, at http://
www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Thailand-walks-a-tightrope-on-South-China-Sea-
30181423.html, accessed November 23, 2012.
India-Thailand Relations in East Asian Security Dynamics 179
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. Isabelle Saint-Mezard, Eastward Bound India’s New Positioning in Asia, Manohar, New Delhi,
2006, p. 322.
45. Mezard, Eastward Bound India’s New Positioning in Asia. p. 322.
46. Ram, Two Decades of India’s Look East Policy, p. 77.
47. John Bradford, “Southeast Asian maritime security in the age of terror: threats, opportunity,
and charting the course forward”, IDSS working paper, No. 75, April 2005.
48. Malik, China and India: Great Power Rivals, p 212.
49. Rizal Sukuma, “Southeast Asian Security”, in Sreeradha Datta (ed.), “Changing Security
Dynamics in Southeast Asia”, Magnum Books, New Delhi, 2008, pp. 15-26.
50. “The US Rebalance Towards the Asia-Pacific”, Speech delivered by Leon Panetta, Secretary of
Defence, United States at Shangri-La Dialogue, June 2, 2012, at http://www.iiss.org/conferences/
the-shangri-la-dialogue/shangri-la-dialogue-2012/speeches/first-plenary-session/leon-panetta,
accessed October 1, 2012.
51. Cited in S.D. Muni, “Obama Administration’s Pivot to Asia-Pacific and India’s Role”, ISAS
Working Papers, No. 159, August 29, 2012, at http://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/Attachments/
PublisherAttachment/ISAS_Working_Paper_159_-_Obama’s_Administrations_
31082012100801.pdf, accessed September 14, 2012.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. G.V.C. Naidu, “Whither India’s Look East Policy: India and Southeast Asia,” Strategic Analysis,
28 (2), Apr-Jun 2004, pp. 331-344.
55. Naidu, “India’s Look East Policy”, p. 340. The plans, however, could not be materialised.
56. Praful Kumar Singh, “Multi-nation Exercise Milan Concludes Successfully in Andaman,”
Thaindian News, February 8, 2010, at http://www.thaindian.com/ newsportal/india-news/
multi-nation-exercise-milan-concludes-successfully-in- andaman_100316958.html, accessed
October 5, 2012.
57. Bilveer Singh, “Southeast Asia-India Defence Relations in the Changing Regional Security
Landscape”, IDSA Monograph No. 4, New Delhi, 2011, p 33.
58. “India-Thailand Defence Cooperation”, Embassy of India in Bangkok, at http://
www.indianembassy.in.th/defense_background.php, accessed September 14, 2012.
59. “Indian, Thai Navies perform joint exercise in Andaman sea”, Zee News, April 25, 2012, at
http://zeenews.india.com/news/nation/indian-thai-navies-perform-joint-exercise-in-andaman-
sea_771709.html, accessed December 3, 2012.
60. “India, Thailand Sign Six Key Accords”, The Indian Express.
61. For further details, please see http://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-invited-for-largest-
asiapacific-military-exercise/907880/, accessed October 5, 2012.
62. Ibid.
63. For further details, please see, http://sainiksamachar.nic.in/englisharchives/2007/oct15-07/
h9.htm, accessed January 13, 2013.
64. For further details please see, http://www.india-defence.com/reports-4525, accessed August
15, 2012.
65. “Annual Report, 2011-2012”. Ministry of Defence, Government of India, p. 193.
66. Ibid.
67. Rahul Mishra, “Growing ties with Thailand”.
68. Further details are available at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/03/17/india-bomb-
attack-thailand_n_1355429.html, accessed March 20, 2012.
69. Arne Kislenko, “Bending with the Wind: The Continuity and Flexibility of Thai Foreign
Policy”, International Journal, 57(4), Autumn, 2002, pp. 537-561.
70. Ibid.
71. Mishra & Hashmi, “India-Thai Relations”.
West Asia
11
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security
in West Asia
Prasanta Kumar Pradhan
Throughout the past decades, regional security has remained extremely fragile in
West Asia. The region has witnessed wars between the countries and has remained
tense. The Israel-Palestine conflict, the Syria-Lebanon conflict, the Iran-Iraq war,
the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent landing of the foreign military
forces in the Gulf region are foremost among the issues which have kept the
region immersed in conflict. The drivers of conflicts are also innumerable and
include issues relating to state boundaries, clashes of interest over ideologies, the
race for political influence, financial and business interests etc. The Arab Spring
has further added to instability in the region. This new phenomenon has seen
the protests by people around the Arab world against their rulers, the overthrow
of four of the longest ruling dictators, killings of thousands of people, quick action
by all the countries of the region to protect their interests and the intervention
by the extra-regional powers.
The current wave of popular protests termed as the ‘Arab Spring’ started in
Tunisia where people rose up against their ruler, Ben Ali, who then fled to Saudi
Arabia. This raised the hopes of millions of other citizens in the neighbouring
Arab countries. Thus, within a short span of time the protests spread to other
countries like Algeria, Libya, Jordan, Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen and some
Gulf countries. The demands of the protesters varied from country to country
but in general consisted of demands for political and social freedom, an
independent press, human rights, economic betterment etc. The demands reflected
the desire of the masses, particularly the new generation of the young and educated,
to be liberated from the old and authoritarian leadership and to play a role in the
decision making process of the state. Till date, the protests have overthrown four
dictators—Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Muammar Gaddafi of
Libya and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen while the Bashar Al Assad regime in Syria
is struggling for survival. Other countries have successfully managed to suppress
184 Asian Strategic Review
the protests against their regimes either by using their security forces to harshly
repress the movements or by promising economic and political reforms.
This has added a new dimension to the conflict in the region—a wave of
protests for democratic reforms in an otherwise authoritarian Arab world. Inherent
in a regime change is the potential for changes in policies towards the
neighbourhood and beyond. Throughout the uprisings, the major regional
countries have fought political and diplomatic wars among themselves in an
attempt to assert their influence over the region. The Shia-Sunni war of words
has come to the fore during the protests. The outside powers have taken the
opportunity to strengthen their interests by intervening in the conflicts. On the
whole, the regional security scenario in West Asia has deteriorated because of the
Arab Spring.
Gulf Security
The protests in Bahrain against the ruling, Al Khalifa family turned out to be a
major challenge to Gulf security. The Bahraini government was finding it difficult
to handle the mass uprising. Apart from posing a challenge to the government,
protests in Bahrain also became a political issue in the region .Bahrain’s
demographic factor, where more than 70 percent of the Shia population is being
ruled by a Sunni royal family, is the major political issue for the region. Iran has
maintained good ties with some of the Shia groups in Bahrain and Bahrain and
other countries of the Gulf suspected that the protests were being supported by
Iran. The Shias claimed that these were peaceful protests by citizens irrespective
of their sectarian affiliation. But the ruling family and other rulers of the region
strongly believe that the protests in Bahrain were instigated by Iran as it was seeking
to infiltrate into their areas and expand its influence. In the Gulf region, the
threat perceptions of the countries are based, not only on the military strength of
the unfriendly neighbours, but also on the dangers which emanate from abroad.1
This Arab sensitivity is not limited to the Western interference alone, it also
includes interference by any other non-Arab country; and in the Gulf region this
is the schism between the Arabs and the Persians.2 Thus, the fear of rising
instability in Bahrain and the possibility of Iran carving out a space for itself and
establishing its own area of influence in the Arab Gulf was a major concern of
the Arab rulers. The Gulf Arabs’ concerns regarding the Iranian influence in
Bahrain are further amplified in the past Iran has laid claim on Bahrain as a part
its territory, terming Bahrain as Iran’s fourteenth province. In such a situation,
the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) took the Bahrain turmoil seriously and
decided to intervene militarily to quell the protests. Thus, security forces from
Saudi Arabia and UAE entered Bahrain, upon the request of the later, under the
umbrella of GCC Peninsula Shield Force and successfully suppressed the uprising.
Bahrain also justified the intervention by the Peninsula Shield Force as “the
common responsibility of the GCC countries in maintaining security and
stability.”3
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 185
Arabia has the support of other GCC members in its stand on Iran. In recent
times, the American military presence in GCC countries and the GCC’s strong
opposition to the Iranian nuclear programme have been major contentious issues
between Iran and the GCC countries. The Iranian view of regional security in the
Gulf would encompass only the countries of the region without interference from
any extra-regional powers. But this kind of a regional security structure is not
acceptable to the GCC countries who are under the security umbrella of the USA
and cannot choose to ignore it. The Arab Spring has led to the further deterioration
of the relationship between the two sides.
Proxy Wars
The rivalry between the two regional powers has led to proxy wars in several
places. Iran and Saudi Arabia are two main patrons of the ongoing proxy wars in
the region providing the funding and supporting them politically and ideologically.
Even before the beginning of the popular uprisings, such proxy wars were fought
and the present situation has made them more complex. The Saudi-Iran proxy
war is still continuing in the troubled Yemen. Iran has established good
connections with the Shia groups in the country and has supported them against
the state in their rebellion. In the past, Iran has been accused by the Saleh regime
of providing material and ideological support to the Houthis.10 Saudi Arabia,
on the other hand, is concerned about this Iranian move in its backyard which
may create another area of Iranian influence in the region and thus wants the
movement to be crushed with a heavy hand.
The political, economic and security situation in the country is also very
fragile as it is one of the poorest countries in the region. Yemen is also facing
severe internal political problems with the Houthis and the southerners demanding
separation/autonomy from the state. This has led to severe armed conflict in the
country. Besides, Yemen has become a safe haven for the AQAP who has taken
advantage of the troubled situation to expand its area of influence. The beginning
of the protests in Yemen left the situation wide open for external intervention.
Iran, who supported the Houthis against the Saleh regime, supported the protesters
who were calling for regime change. Saudi Arabia, which has huge stakes in the
stability of its southern neighbourhood and has given millions of dollars to ensure
that, initially supported Saleh. But with situation going out of control and the
protests continuing despite all kinds of promises and the strong security crackdown,
the GCC intervened with a proposal for a regime change which was finally accepted
by Saleh.11 The Saudi dominated GCC initiative has given Riyadh an advantage
over Tehran in the conflict-ridden Yemen.
Like Yemen, Iraq also has been the ground for a proxy war between Iran and
Saudi Arabia. The removal of Saddam Hussain and the subsequent installation of
a Shiite majority government in Baghdad led to a turnaround in Iran’s relationship
with Iraq. The erstwhile enemies began strengthening ties with each other with
the frequent exchange of visits. A shared common sectarian ideology appeared to
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 187
be a major driver for the change of heart both in Tehran and Baghdad.12 This
bonhomie between Iran and Iraq left Riyadh feeling insecure. Thus, in the quest
for its own sphere of influence in Iraq, Saudi Arabia along with other GCC
countries supported Ayad Alawi against Nouri al Maliki in the 2010 elections.
The upsurge of protests in Syria and the regime’s response has been a major
security issue in the Levant. Iran has been protecting its long time ally Bashar al
Assad’s regime. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries have
raised the issue of the killings of civilians and human rights violations by the state
and have asked Assad to go. The UNSC debated the issue and tried to pass a
resolution on Syria which was vetoed by China and Russia. Thus for the time
being Iranian interests remain secure in Syria. Saudi Arabia and other Arab
countries are also mulling over supporting the Syrian opposition groups against
the regime as that is the only alternative left for them in the current situation.
There are reports suggesting countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar are planning
to supply arms and weapons to the Syrian opposition.13 Their position also receives
further boost from the US which has recognised the Syrian opposition coalition
as the legitimate representative of the Syrian people.
The Arab League initiative of appointing former UN Secretary General Kofi
Annan as the envoy to Syria and the six point formula for peace was another
clever diplomatic move. This was subsequently adopted by the UN. Kofi Annan
resigned over the lack of cooperation from the parties involved; and now Lakhdar
Brahimi has been appointed in his place. Thus, while the Syrian conflict remains
unresolved the proxy war between Saudi Arabia and its allies on the one side and
Iran on the other, has certainly heated up.
Rise of Islamists
The rise of Islamists to power in Egypt and Tunisia has added a new dynamic to
the existing complex regional security and yet another dimension to the foreign
policies of the countries of the region over how to deal with the new phenomenon.
Israel has expressed its concern over the rise of Muslim Brotherhood after the fall
of Mubarak regime. It is concerned about the overthrow of the Mubarak regime
as it could lead to the rise of the Islamists to power in Cairo, which has now
turned out to be true. Israel has signed a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979 which
brought it much needed relief. Israel is worried about the possible termination of
the treaty by the Muslim Brotherhood which would adversely impact the ongoing
peace process. Israel is also concerned that the rise of Islamists in Cairo may
contribute to further strengthening the Hamas in Palestine, both politically and
ideologically.14 This was reflected by the Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz when
he stated: “We are worried…(that) Egypt won’t become an extremist Islamist
state, because that would put the whole region in danger.”15 Thus, clearly, a lot
depends upon the policies and activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in the future.
On the other hand, Iran has asserted that the protests are inspired by the
Iranian Islamic Revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini. By citing the Iranian
188 Asian Strategic Review
revolution as an ideal model for the Arabs, Iran has drawn a parallel between the
Iranian revolution of 1979 and the present protests in the Arab streets. They
described the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt as “the final stages of
Islamic awakening”16 and Iran is trying to rebuild ties with Egypt. A revival of
the Iran-Egypt ties would definitely reshape the regional politics. It would give a
further boost to the role of Islam in politics in the region and at the same time
will be a major factor in the ongoing peace process.
For Saudi Arabia the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood does not pose a big
challenge as long as the latter maintains its allegiance to the House of Saud. In the
past Saudi Arabia’s relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood has lacked
consistency. There were differences between the al Saud family and the Muslim
Brotherhood over several issues. 17 But after coming to power, the Muslim
Brotherhood has expressed the desire to strengthen ties with Riyadh as it
understands the importance of the country both as an aid donor and a political
partner in the region. Saudi Arabia has already deposited $1 billion in the Central
Bank of Egypt to support the weak economy. Saudi Arabia has also promised
another aid which includes $500 million in soft loans for development
programmes, a grant of $200 million to finance small and medium-sized enterprises
and other projects and $750 million as a line of credit to finance Saudi exports
to Egypt.18 With Muslim Brotherhood showing an interest in maintaining ties,
Saudi Arabia would take steps to tame the organisation so that it does not have
any impact on the Gulf region.
Spread of Terrorism
The Al Qaeda took the opportunity to spread its activities in Yemen while the
government and the security forces were focusing their energy and attention on
dealing with the protesters. It strengthened its activities and fought against the
security forces and successfully took over cities like Zinjibar, Jaar and Raada etc
by defeating the security forces and capturing the government buildings. This
added to the burden of the government as well as the security forces. The security
forces fought tough battles against Al Qaeda and have been successful in
recapturing major areas from Al Qaeda but the Al Qaeda still remains powerful
and active.
The continuing clashes in Syria between the security forces and the opposition
have led to the rise of Al Qaeda in the country and it has joined hands with the
opposition forces against the Assad regime. This further fuels the already volatile
situation in the country adding the terrorism element to the fight against Assad.
Also, the emergence of Al Qaeda introduces a Sunni radical element against the
Assad regime. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that while the Al Qaeda usually
targets pro-Western regimes, in Syria it is fighting against the Assad regime which
is at odds with the US and the West which highlights the larger Shia-Sunni
differences. Al Qaeda chosen to support the Syrian opposition against the Assad
regime and sees it as a conflict between the Shia and Sunnis in Syria.19 The West
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 189
and the Arabs are turning a blind eye to the infiltration of Al Qaeda into Syria.
The policy of short term gains followed by the West and the Arabs would enable
the Al Qaeda to strengthen its roots in Syria which may prove fatal for the former
in the long run. If Al Qaeda decides to stay put in Syria even after a regime
change, and seek to pursue its larger goal of establishing Islamic state there, it
would become a potential future challenge not only to Syria but also for the West
and the regional countries. The USA and the West along with the powerful Arab
regimes would prefer a Sunni regime in Damascus and would like the Assad regime
to go at any cost—even if it means ignoring the presence and activities of Al
Qaeda in the country
Taking opportunity of the chaotic situation in Syria, Al Qaeda has chalked
out a plan for strengthening its network and operation with more fighters. In
September 2012, the former Yemeni Al Qaeda leader Tareq al-Fadhli said that
terrorists who have withdrawn from the Yemeni cities like Zinjubar and Jaar have
started moving into Syria.20 Similarly, the Jordanian Al Qaeda leader Mohammad
Al Shalabi also vowed to launch ‘deadly attacks’ against the Assad regime.21 Apart
from Yemen and Jordan, militants from Iraq have also reportedly moved into
Syria. This movement of the terrorists into Syria is a dangerous trend as it reflects
the unity and the common political objectives of the various groups in the region.
Asian countries, as a trading hub for its products.23 China enjoys good relationship
with Iran as well and at times has tried to take advantage of Iran’s close ties with
Syria to strengthen its foothold in the region. Thus, strategically, China’s
relationship with regimes like Iran and Syria challenges the traditional American
dominance in the region. It also makes clear the Chinese intention of playing a
role in the troubled region, though the Chinese leaders shy away of making such
statements in public. During the vote on the Syrian issue in the UN Security
Council, China was opposed to the use of force for regime change and had
demanded a political settlement of the conflict through dialogue and consultation,24
which shows that it has a stake in the current regime.
Similarly, Russia has considerable interests in Syria. Russia has been one of
the major arms suppliers for Syria. Russia has been developing the Tartus port in
Syria as a military naval base in the region. Besides, the political warmth between
the two countries has been on rise as the West has been trying to isolate Syria.
Russia vetoed the UNSC resolution on Syria. Russia supported a Syria-led solution
to the conflict instead of any solution imposed by external forces.25 Russia has
condemned the supply of arms and weapons to the opposition forces which
amplifies the conflict thus increasing the chances of a civil war. Russia has also
rejected the imposition of any kind of unilateral sanctions on Syria.
The stands of Russia and China have been at odds with the interests of the
Western powers. In September 2012, France decided to fund the Syrian opposition
groups thus clearly indicating that it can go beyond the political and diplomatic
routes to achieve the ouster of Assad. Similarly, the EU also wants Assad to go
and has imposed restrictive measures on Syria since May 2011. They include,
among others, a ban on arms exports, ban on import of crude oil from Syria, ban
on investment in several key sectors, freezing of assets of the Syrian Central Bank
in EU, trade restrictions etc.26 In view of the rise of Islamists, the increase in
terrorist activities and the ongoing conflict in Syria, some argue that the American
power in the region is shrinking and that its power will now be “limited in the
impact it can have in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.”27 But the reality is that
despite all these alleged American weaknesses, it still remains irreplaceable in the
region. The tough stand adopted by Russia and China stems from their experience
of dealing with the USA and the West in the UNSC with regard to resolutions
on Libya. The Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has stated that Russia will
not allow Syria to become a ‘second Libya’.28 Russia feels let down by the USA
and the West over, both the means adopted, and the final outcome in Libya.
President Medvedev has admitted that what happened in Libya has affected Russia’s
position on Syria stating that: “They (USA and the West) kept telling us there
would be no military operation, no intervention, but eventually they started a
full-blown war that claimed many lives.”29 Likewise, China feels that the Western
intervention in Libya was intended to attack the Gaddafi regime, not to protect
Libyan civilians.30
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 191
a new “zero problem with neighbourhood” policy with the aim of reducing tensions
with the countries of the region. This however faced a dramatic and severe test,
following the onset of the Arab Spring. As one scholar opines, Turkish politics
faced the ‘ethics versus self-interest dilemma’.36 A key dilemma confronting the
Turkish foreign policy elites was whether to encourage reform by putting pressure
on the regimes in power or to support opposition movements.37 The Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Erdogan made an “Arab Spring tour”, visiting Egypt, Tunisia
and Libya and meeting their leaders and people. During his visits, Erdogan
proposed the Turkish model of democracy for the Arab countries, stating that
Islam and democracy can co-exist and that the Turkish model should be followed
by others in the region. Understandably, there were not many takers for this model
in a region where Islam is a dominant force and secularism still a remote concept
in political theory and practice. But Erdogan’s Arab Spring tour has given Turkey
a window of opportunity to prove itself as a potential regional power with its
political stability and unique model of democracy in an otherwise authoritarian
neighbourhood.
Iran has tried to capitalise upon the instability in the Arab streets by supporting
the protesters against their regimes. Iran has called for an “Islamic awakening”
throughout the region. It has asserted that the protests are inspired by the Iranian
Islamic revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini. By citing the Iranian revolution as
an ideal model for the Arabs, Iran has drawn a parallel between the Iranian
revolution of 1979 and the protests in the Arab streets. A senior Iranian official
has stated that what Iran wants to see is “the wave of the Islamic awakening
resonated through the Islamic world as an export of the Islamic Republic of Iran.”38
Iran supported the protesters against the regimes of Mubarak and Gaddafi. By
supporting the people against their rulers, Iran thus sought to question the
credibility of the regimes and attempted to undermine the legitimacy of their rule
in the minds of Arab citizens. However, Iran’s anti-Arab jibe in the wake of the
Arab Spring changed in tone and tenor when protests erupted in Syria against the
regime of its ally Bashar al Assad. Instead of condemning the regime and supporting
the protesters, Iran appealed for a national dialogue between the government and
the protesters. For Iran, Syria under Assad is an important ally to check the Israeli
threat and sustain its own influence in the region. The Russian and Chinese vetoes
in the UN Security Council over the resolution on Syria have come to Iran’s aid
for the time being, but how long Assad’s ouster can be avoided is not clear.
The non-Arab countries are worried about the regional political dynamics
that have been unleashed by the Arab Spring. They have adopted a two-pronged
approach to deal with the ongoing changes: trying to avoid the negative
consequences of the uprisings that may directly affect them, while at the same
time deriving mileage out of the uncertainty and confusion in their neighbourhood.
Coincidentally, all the three non-Arab countries are important powers in the region
and have the potential to influence the regional political dynamics.
Changes in regime that have accompanied the Arab Spring have affected the
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 193
relationship of the region’s non-Arab countries with their major Arab partners.
This has made them restructure their ties with some of the new regimes. For
instance, regime change in Egypt is threatening Israeli interests and security; Israel
is no longer sure about the future of its relationship with Egypt under the Muslim
Brotherhood. Similarly, the relationship between Turkey and Syria has been affected
because of Turkey’s anti-Assad stand. Iran, while trying to rebuild ties with Egypt,
is uncertain about its future ties with Syria in a post-Assad scenario. Such kind
of restructuring of relationships between the countries of the region is bound to
affect the regional security in West Asia.
Conclusion
The Arab Spring has added yet another element of instability to the sensitive
region. It has reignited several old issues with some added flavours. The Saudi/
GCC-Iran relationship has touched a new low and proxy wars between them
have resurfaced in the region. The Islamists have risen to power and terrorist
elements have capitalised on a chaotic political environment to strengthen their
organisations and expand their activities. The involvement of external powers
makes it even more difficult for the countries to move towards peaceful coexistence
without any outside interference. Similarly the three major non-Arab countries
of the region—Israel, Turkey and Iran—have also come forward to play a part in
this critical time. All these developments paint a gloomy picture of the future
security of the region.
The continuing protests and the crackdown by the regimes will prolong the
existing regional insecurity. Usually, the security of the countries of West Asia is
closely interlinked. The surge of protests in the countries one after another further
heightened both, the threat perception and the actual dangers involved, in the
region. Thus, affecting all the countries, the Arab Spring has played a destabilising
role in the volatile region.
The situation appears grim for the foreseeable future because the countries
which successfully overthrew their rulers are experimenting with democracy, while
others are warding off the threats to their regimes. Though violence on the streets
has come down significantly (except in Syria), the internal political changes and
their impact on the regional alliances will affect the regional security of West
Asia. The chaos and confusion created by the uprisings is temporary and may
subside in due course, but the changes they have brought about will have a long
term impact on the security architecture of the region.
N OTES
1. F. Gregory Gause III, “Threats and Threat Perceptions in the Persian Gulf Region”, Middle
East Policy, XIV(2), Summer 2007, p. 119.
2. Peter Jones, “The Arab Spring: Opportunities and implications”, International Journal, Spring
2012, p. 459.
3. “Peninsula Shield Forces enter Bahrain to maintain order”, Asharq Al Awsat, March 15, 2011,
at http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?section=1&id=24509, accessed on October 18, 2012.
4. Jeremy M. Sharp, “Yemen: Background and U.S. Relations”, CRS Report for Congress,
November 1, 2012, available at, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34170.pdf, accessed
on November 8, 2012.
5. For a detailed analyses of the situation in Yemen see, Khaled Fattah, “Yemen: A Social Intifada
in a Republic of Sheikhs”, Middle East Policy, XVIII(3), 2011, pp. 79-85.
6. For an analyses see Nicole Stracke and Mohammad Saif Haidar, “The Southern Movement
in Yemen”, Gulf Research Center, Dubai, April 2012, pp. 1-11, available at, http://www.grc.net/
data/contents/uploads/The_Southern_Movement_in_Yemen_4796.pdf, accessed on
September 10, 2012.
7. Gwenn Okruhlik, “Saudi Arabian-Iranian Relations: External Rapprochement and Internal
Consolidation”, Middle East Policy, 10(2), 2003, p. 116.
Arab Spring: Redefining Regional Security in West Asia 195
8. “GCC warns Iran against meddling”, Arab News, May 14, 2012, available at http://
www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/gcc-warns-iran-against-meddling, accessed on November 8,
2012.
9. “Iran slams Saudi invasion of Bahrain”, Press TV, March 14, 2011, available at http://
www.presstv.ir/detail/169947.html, accessed on November 1, 2012.
10. “An Interview with President Ali Abdullah Saleh”, The New York Times, June 28, 2008,
available at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/28/world/middleeast/28saleh-interview.html?
pagewanted=1&_r=0, accessed on October 11, 2012.
11. For an analysis of the dynamics of the GCC-Yemen relationship see, Edward Burke, “‘One
blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council”, Research
Paper, Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States,
London School of Economics and Political Science, London, 2012, available at http://
www2.lse.ac.uk/government/research/resgroups/kuwait/documents/Yemen-and-the-GCC.pdf,
accessed on November 7, 2012.
12. Kayhan Barzegar, “Iran’s Foreign Policy in Post-invasion Iraq”, Middle East Policy, XV(4),
Winter 2008, pp. 47-58.
13. “Saudi Arabia plans to fund Syria rebel army”, The Guardian, June 22, 2012, available at
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/22/saudi-arabia-syria-rebel-army, accessed on
November 5, 2012.
14. See Daniel Byman, “Israel’s Pessimistic View of the Arab Spring”, The Washington Quarterly,
34(3), Summer 2011, pp. 123-136.
15. “Israel Fears the Force of Arab Spring Power Shift”, The Independent, December 6, 2011,
available at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israel-fears-the-force-of-
arab-spring-power-shift-6272837.html, accessed on August 20, 2012.
16. “Iran hails Islamist Morsy’s Egypt vote victory”, Reuters, June 24, 2012, available at http://
www.reuters.com/article/2012/06/24/us-iran-egypt-morsy-idUSBRE85N0JA20120624,
accessed on November 1, 2012.
17. “Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood: Unexpected Adversaries”, Stratfor, available at
http://www.stratfor.com/sample/analysis/saudi-arabia-and-muslim-brotherhood-unexpected-
adversaries, accessed on October 12, 2012.
18. “Egypt has received sizeable chunk of Saudi aid since 2011: IMF”, Ahram Online, September
19, 2012, available at, http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/3/12/53305/Business/
Economy/Egypt-has-received-sizeable-chunk-of-Saudi-aid-sin.aspx, accessed on November 7,
2012.
19. “Al Qaeda Taking Deadly New Role in Syria’s Conflict”, New York Times, July 24, 2012,
available at http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/25/world/middleeast/al-qaeda-insinuating-its-
way-into-syrias-conflict.html?pagewanted=all, accessed on November 8, 2012.
20. “Al Qaeda militants left Yemen to Syria”, Yemen Observer, September 6, 2012, at http://
www.yobserver.com/local-news/10022255.html
21. “Jordanian Al Qaeda militant chief warns of Syria attacks”, The National, September 10,
2012, at http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/jordanian-al-qaeda-militant-chief-
warns-of-syria-attacks
22. Joel Wuthnow, “Why China Would Intervene in Syria”, The National Interest, July 16, 2012,
available at http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/why-china-would-intervene-syria-7197,
accessed on November 1, 2012.
23. Christina Lin, “Syria in China’s New Silk Road Strategy”, China Brief, 10(8), April 2010,
available at http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news
%5D=36264&cHash=ac6dfc2626, accessed on November 5, 2012.
24. Permanent Mission of the Peoples’ Republic of China to the UN, “Statement by Ambassador
L. Baodong at the Security Council Open Debate on the Situation in the Middle East”,
October 15, 2012, available at http://www.china-un.org/eng/hyyfy/t987026.htm, accessed
on November 5, 2012.
196 Asian Strategic Review
25. “Russia, China veto UN Security Council resolution on Syria”, Russia Today, February 4,
2012, available at http://rt.com/news/syria-resolution-veto-russia-china-515/, accessed on
November 1, 2012.
26. European Union Factsheet, “The European Union and Syria” Brussels, September 7, 2012,
available at, http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/
128379.pdf, accessed on September 30, 2012.
27. Nicholas Kitchen, “After the Arab Spring: power shift in the Middle East?: The contradictions
of hegemony: the United States and the Arab Spring”, LSE Research Online, London School
of Economics and Political Science, London, May 2012, pp. 53-58, at http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/
43467/, accessed on August 12, 2012.
28. “‘We won’t let Syria become 2nd Libya’—Russian FM”, Russia Today, November 1, 2011,
available at http://rt.com/politics/syria-libya-russian-stance-285/, accessed on August 12, 2012.
29. Russian President Medvedev’s Interview with Russia Today, “Medvedev: Libya has influenced
our position on Syria” on July 30, 2012, at http://rt.com/politics/official-word/russia-
medvedev-britain-syria-364/, accessed on September 5, 2012.
30. “China shows no support for Security Council vote on Syria”, Jul 19, 2012, available at http:/
/www.firstpost.com/world/china-shows-no-support-for-security-council-vote-on-syria-
383612.html, cessed on August 13, 2012.
31. Efraim Inbar, “The 2011 Arab Uprisings and Israel’s National Security”, Mideast Security
and Policy Studies, No. 95, The Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies, Ramat Gan, February
2012.
32. “Situation in Syria—Statement by Amb Prosor to the UNGA”, August 3, 2012, at http://
www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign+Relations/Israel+and+the+UN/Speeches+-+statements/
Situation_Syria-Amb_Prosor_UNGA_3-Aug-2012.htm, cessed on September 10, 2012.
33. “Situation in Syria—Statement by Amb Prosor to the UNGA”, August 3, 2012, at http://
www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign+Relations/Israel+and+the+UN/Speeches+-+statements/
Situation_Syria-Amb_Prosor_UNGA_3-Aug-2012.htm, accessed on August 18, 2012.
34. Nathalie Tocci, “Turkey and the Arab Spring: Implications for Turkish Foreign Policy in
Transatlantic Perspective”, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Commentary, September
12, 2011, available at http://carnegieendowment.org/2011/09/12/turkey-and-arab-spring-
implications-for-turkish-foreign-policy-in-transatlantic-perspective, accessed on August 2,
2012.
35. Sebnem Gumuscu, “Turkey’s Reactions to the Arab Spring”, Yale Journal of International
Affairs, May 16, 2012, available at http://yalejournal.org/2012/05/turkeys-reactions-to-the-
arab-spring/, accessed on August 23, 2012.
36. See Ziya Onis, “Turkey and the Arab Spring: Between Ethics and Self-Interest”, Insight Turkey,
14(3), 2012, pp. 45-63.
37. Ibid.
38. Cited by Naysan Rafati in “Iran and the Arab Spring”, available at http://www2.lse.ac.uk/
IDEAS/publications/reports/pdf/SR011/FINAL_LSE_IDEAS__IranAndArabSpring_
Rafati.pdf, accessed on August 23, 2012.
39. “Animosity Grows between Iran and Bahrain in post-Arab Spring”, Inside Iran, September
13, 2012, available at http://www.insideiran.org/news/animosity-grows-between-iran-and-
bahrain-in-post-arab-spring/, accessed on November 6, 2012.
40. “U.N. points finger at Iran over arms supply to Syria”, Reuters, August 22, 2012, available at
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/08/22/us-syria-crisis-un-idUSBRE87L0NC20120822,
accessed on November 3, 2012.
12
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security
M. Mahtab Alam Rizvi
Introduction
Recent developments in West Asia and North Africa (WANA) have drawn the
world’s attention to the region. The socio-political changes in the Arab world
over the past year, which began in Tunisia and spread to the other West Asian
countries including Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen and Bahrain have shaken the
WANA region. In Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, monarchical systems have been
replaced by democracies. And after several decades, people of the WANA region
have directly voted for the formation of new governments. In other countries,
current regimes are still struggling for survival, and clinging on to power. Bahrain
has succeeded in silencing the protesters with the help of Saudi Arabia, but protests
are continuing against the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria even after thousands
of people have died.
The Iranian government is officially and publicly supporting the popular
uprisings in the Arab world. Iran has also taken a pro-people stand and hopes to
reap a rich harvest of good will in the Arab world. The Iranian Supreme Leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khameini quickly seized the opportunity to claim that the Arab
uprising and mass protests in the WANA region were modelled after the Iranian
Revolution of 1979. He urged people not to “back down until the implementation
of a popular regime based on religion”.1 In a self-congratulatory mode, Khamenei
also claimed that the Iranian revolution of 1979, which deposed the United States
(US)-backed Shah, had become an example for the people of the Muslim world,
particularly those living under similar “dictatorships”. Iranian leaders have been
supporting the people’s movement in countries like Bahrain, Tunisia and Egypt.
However no statements supporting the Syrian opposition groups have been
forthcoming and Iran is extending strong support to the Bashar al-Assad
government and extended political, financial and strategic support to it.
It is pertinent to mention here that huge street protests had also taken place
in Iran after the disputed re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in
198 Asian Strategic Review
June 2009. Mir Hossein Mousavi, the leader of the opposition, has even stated
that the peoples’ protests in the region are modelled on the Green Movement
demonstrations of 2009.2 After disputed 2009 presidential election, thousands
of people have come into the streets and protested against the ruling regime
demanding re-election. However, the peoples’ demands were silenced and dozens
of civilians killed by the ruling regime with the help of Islamic Revolutionary
Guards Corps (IRGC). Thousands of protesters were arrested and reformist leaders
like Mir Houssein Mousavi and Mohammad Khatami are still under house arrest.3
The disputed re-election of Ahmadinejad was accepted by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
and supported by the IRGC. However, this alliance did not continue for long
and conflict began between Ahmadinejad and Khamenei.
The fact remains that Iran has nothing to do with Islamic revolution or popular
democracy; the reference to the Iranian revolution is merely to ensure Iranian
leadership in the Islamic world. There are other reasons too. First, Iran hopes that
any regime change in the Arab world, including Egypt, may throw up leaderships
that are less hostile to Iran than the present ones, as both countries have not
enjoyed a cordial relationship since 1979. Second, this will provide new
opportunities for the Islamic Republic to expand its area of influence in the region.
Currently, Iran feels terribly insecure and uncomfortable due to Western backing
for the existing regimes in the Arab countries, which offers little chance for it to
leverage its position in the Arab world. Third, Iran has had better relations with
democratic states in the region and expects popular governments (which may
replace the existing regimes) to be more friendly towards Iran. For example,
presently, Iran has cordial relations with Turkey, Iraq and Afghanistan. Turkey is
even playing a mediatory role between Iran and the West regarding Iran’s nuclear
programme. After decades of tensions, Iran has managed friendly relations with
Iraq. Iran is even maintaining cordial relations with Afghanistan despite Western
support for the country. This may be the reason why Iran is supporting the popular
movements, which it hopes will be opposed to the US, Israel and the West.4
The fact remains that Arab Spring is different from the Islamic Revolution.
Unlike the Iranian revolution, which had a distinct Shia orientation, political
organisation, and an effective and charismatic leadership, the present uprising in
the Arab World appears to lack all these characteristics.
The subsequent coming to power of the first Shia government in Iraq, along
with the political developments in Lebanon post the summer of 2006 and spring
of 2008 have expanded the area of influence of the Shia ideology. Subsequently
these developments have also enhanced the role of Iran from the national to the
regional level.5 Iran has also got the opportunity to advance towards regional
hegemony after the removal of Taliban government in Afghanistan.6 Iran could
also play a decisive role in Afghanistan especially after the withdrawal of Western
troops from the region. Iranian support to the Shia sects in the region is not only
limited to the Hezbollah. But Iran also maintains close relations with Iraqi Shia
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 199
groups and has also extended financial and political support to Herat, the Shia
dominated region of Afghanistan.
The paper seeks to analyse the internal dynamics of Iran after reviewing the
recent developments. In light of the current developments in the region, this paper
also examines Iran’s role in the political dynamics of the region especially in Syria
and Afghanistan.
Ali Larijani, conservative Majlis members like Ahmad Tavakoli and Ali Motahari
have questioned the way Ahmadinejad and his supporters have quoted a
Zoroastrian king like Cyrus instead of referring to the Islamic teachings of Ali the
first Shiite Imam.9 Khamenei also entered the fray in defence of the post-revolution
Islamic political system, and spoke against hardliners who were seeking to “separate
Islam from the clerics” and “promotes secularism” as traitors to the Islamic
Republic.10
Without doubt, recent development in Iranian politics indicates that
Ahmadinejad’s stature is declining. In the recent Majlis (Parliament) elections in
March 2012, conservative forces loyal to the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei, emerged victorious. Ahmadinejad’s hard line faction suffered a big
defeat even in Tehran. The election result has not only pushed Ahmadinejad on
to the back foot, but there is a possibility that his powers could be further curtailed
in the coming months.
Angered by the internal political conflict, Khamenei in October 2011 had
hinted at the abolition of the post of president. Instead, the Majlis could elect a
prime minister from among its 290 members.11 However the abolition of the
post of president requires a constitutional amendment as per Article 177 of the
Iranian Constitution. For the amendment of the constitution, the Supreme Leader
has to issue a decree to the President after consultations with the State Expediency
Council stipulating the amendments or additions required to be made by the
Council for Revision of the Constitution. The Council consists of:
1. Members of the Guardian Council. 2. Heads of the three branches of the
government. 3. Permanent members of the Nation’s Exigency Council. 4. Five
members from the Assembly of Experts. 5. Ten representatives selected by
the Leader. 6. Three representatives from the Council of Ministers. 7. Three
representatives from the judiciary. 8. Ten representatives from among the
members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. 9. Three representatives from
among university professors.
The procedure and the mode of selection of candidates to the Council and
their qualifications are all governed by law. The Council’s decision must then be
confirmed and signed by the Supreme Leader, after which it has to be approved
by an absolute majority of voters participating in a national referendum. Given
that the Supreme Leader has a majority in all these institutions and given that he
continues to enjoy popular support, he can indeed ensure that the constitution
is amended according to his wishes.
Whether the presidency is abolished or not, the question that begs an answer
is why is Ayatollah Ali Khamenei contemplating such a course of action. The
answer lies in the challenge posed to his supreme authority first by the reformers
who were as part of the Green Movement in the aftermath of the June 2009
presidential elections and subsequently by the hardliners led by President
Ahmadinejad. The challenge to the authority of the 32-year old Islamic Republic
has hardly ever been greater than in the aftermath of the disputed presidential
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 201
election of June 2009. For the first time, protesters and supporters of the Green
Movement called for the downfall of the Supreme Leader. Before 2009, Khamenei
had been largely insulated from public criticism by the opposition activists. But
the Green Movement marked a change in this regard. Khamenei and his loyalists
eventually silenced the demonstrators, which was made easier because the
demonstrators were loosely organised. Continuing with the policy of sidelining
the reformists, the recent Majlis elections saw most reformist candidates being
barred by the Guardian Council (which vets all candidates) from contesting
elections. Consequently, reformists were virtually absent from the electoral scene.
At the same time, Khamenei is facing a growing challenge from the hardliners
led by Ahmadinejad. Ahmadinejad challenged the authority of the Supreme Leader
by seeking to remove the intelligence minister, Heider Moslehi, who is a Khamenei
loyalist. In the face of this challenge, conservatives united to curtail the power of
the hardliners. As pointed out above, most reformist candidates were barred from
or were absent in the Majlis elections, which essentially meant that it became a
contest between the conservative coalition of Khamenei supporters and
Ahmadinejad’s hard line followers.12 The allies of the Supreme Leader worked
hard to unite conservatives into a single group, the United Principlist Front
(UPF),13 and used their dominant position to suppress all opposition to the
Supreme Leader’s absolute authority. This group consists of the unofficial
representatives of Khamenei and is fully committed to the system of governance
known as velayat-e-faqih (Guardianship of the Jurisprudent). In theory, the
principlist group is led by Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani, the chairman
of the Assembly of Experts—which has the power to elect the Supreme Leader.
The Assembly of Experts, Iran’s highest-ranking religious and political authority,
was formed in 1983 and consists of 86 Islamic scholars. It has the power to elect,
supervise and remove the supreme leader. Members of the Assembly are religious
scholars who are directly elected for an eight-year term by a nationwide poll. The
Assembly meets twice a year to review major national issues, and every other year
to appoint a new chairman.
The principlists believed that if Ahmadinejad gained a majority in the Majlis,
he would pose an even stronger challenge to Khamenei. Their victory in the March
2012 elections meant that they had achieved their objective and successfully
sidelined Ahmadinejad’s supporters.
Notwithstanding the affirmation of regime legitimacy, the election result is
an indicator of Ahmadinejad’s imminent political downfall because he had dared
to challenge the Supreme Leader’s authority in direct key government affairs such
as foreign policy and intelligence. Ahmadinejad—at one time considered an ideal
son of Iran’s theocracy—has been left politically weakened and he became the
first president to be questioned by the Majlis on March 14, 2012. The questions
directed at him included: the administration’s failure, the failure to achieve
economic growth, poor implementation of the subsidy reform plan, the president’s
alleged resistance to accepting the Supreme Leader’s decree to reinstate the
202 Asian Strategic Review
intelligence minister, the dismissal of the former foreign minister while he was on
a diplomatic mission, and the president’s support for the promotion of the ‘deviant’
Iranian school of thought instead of the Islamic school of thought.14
The biggest gainer of March 2012 election was the Supreme Leader. Khamenei
has pointed out that after the commotion over the presidential election in 2009
and which had dented his authority, “some had predicted that people have lost
their confidence in the Islamic system but this election was a strong and clear-cut
response to that wrong conclusion.”15 Khamenei may view this election as a means
of restoring his authority and of reassuring his followers that he is still firmly in
control and will continue to safeguard the ideology of the Islamic Revolution.
Khamenei has also signalled that he will no longer tolerate any opposition to the
revolutionary ideology, by sidelining the deviant current, sedition (fetneh), and
supporters of the Green Movement. Khamenei has also been able to prove that
Iran is socially and politically united, and that velayat-e-faqih is still a significant
and legitimate institution.16 After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the concept of
the velayat-e-faqih was introduced into the Iranian constitution basically to preserve
the spirit of the revolution. By holding the highest constitutional position in the
Iranian polity, the velayat-e-faqih has wielded considerable power and has been
able to direct the affairs of the state. Article 5 of the Iranian constitution stipulates
that an individual jurist, who is endowed with all the necessary qualities, or a
council of jurists, has the right to rule and exercise leadership in the Islamic
Republic as long as ‘The Lord of Time’, i.e. the Twelfth Imam of the Shias, remains
in occultation.17 Shiite Islamic jurisprudence is built around the authority of Twelve
Imams descended from the Prophet Mohammed.
In case of tension between the velayat-e-faqih and the presidency, the former
has always prevailed in spite of the latter being directly elected by the people. The
Supreme Leader has enough constitutional powers to overcome the executive
assertion through the Guardians Council and the Majlis. The enormous
constitutional powers vested in the velayat-e-faiqh make this position immensely
important in the Iranian political system. Any political step to weaken this
institution may lead to a major socio-political upheaval in Iran. Several factors
have contributed to the strength of the institution of the velayat-e-faqih such as
the charisma of the Supreme Leaders, the inherent bias in the constitution towards
velayat-e-faqih and the vested interests of the clerics to retain this institution because
it is a source of their power in Iranian society. The only nominal limit on its
supreme authority is the constitutionally vested power of the Assembly of Experts
to impeach the Supreme Leader, and the overall public support he commands.
However, in reality, this is hardly likely to happen. If the political system of Iran
continues to be based on the principles as enshrined in the 1979 constitution, the
institution of the velayat-e-faqih is likely to remain the most powerful institution
in Iranian politics in the days to come. One must also not ignore the actions of
institution such as the IRGC or Pasdaran, who seek to exercise influence in a
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 203
much more direct fashion. IRGC is Iran’s most powerful security and military
organisation, responsible for the protection and survival of the regime.
that Iran should continue to pursue its nuclear programme for peaceful purposes.
The divisions are over the approach to be taken in dealing with the international
community. While the hardliners led by Ahmadinejad seem to favour
confrontation, the centrists and reformists support a non-confrontational stance
and may even accept some limits on the programme. The moderate conservatives
also favour a non-confrontational stance. Ahmadinejad’s statements on a number
of occasions antagonised the US and its allies in the region. Ahmadinejad said
“the people of Iran will not give up their right to exploit peaceful nuclear
technology.... They are not intimidated by the arrogant uproar and propaganda
today.”21 Because of Iranian president Ahmadinejad’s determination to pursue
the current confrontationist policy, conservatives have been divided into two
groups—moderate conservatives and neo-conservatives or hardliners headed by
Ahmadinejad (as discussed above).22 However, the president and council of
ministers could not take decision on nuclear issue because the decision was largely
in the hands of the Supreme Leader.
The founding father of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the first Supreme
Leader (1979-89) of the country Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini opposed the
development of nuclear weapons. Even Iran’s first prime minister Mehdi Bazargan
decided that Iran did not need nuclear energy, and therefore work at Bushehr was
halted after the the Revolution in February 1979. Following the death of Khomeini
in 1989, Iran embarked on an effort to expand its civilian nuclear programme.23
Iran’s present Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei in February 2012 during a meeting
in Tehran with the director and officials of the Atomic Energy Organisation of
Iran (AEOI) and nuclear scientists said that Iran will prove to the entire world
that nuclear weapons cannot solidify power. Khamenei also pointed out that
scientific and nuclear achievements are directly linked to the country’s national
interests and its future success. He said: “If nations manage to independently
achieve progress in the fields of nuclear energy, aerospace, science and technology,
there will be no room for the tyrannical hegemony of global powers.” Khamenei
emphasised that the Iranian nation has never sought and will never seek nuclear
weapons. He said “the possession of nuclear weapons as a great sin, in terms of
thought, theory and religious edict, and also believes that holding such weapons
is useless, costly and dangerous.”24 On March 19, 2012, Khamenei stated that
Iran’s success in enriching uranium to 20 per cent and turning it into fuel plates
to operate the Tehran research reactor “surprised the enemies.”25 It is clear that
despite the domestic political realities, the nuclear enrichment programme is a
matter of national pride for all Iranians including the political elites, and they
would not like to compromise on this pride.
As the first nuclear reactor in the West Asian region, the Bushehr Nuclear
Power Plant is being closely monitored by its neighbours. Many other countries
in the region such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Kuwait, UAE, Turkey and Jordan are
keen to pursue nuclear power.26 There is no doubt, despite Russian and Iranian
safety and peaceful assurances; the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant poses a different
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 205
kind of threat in terms of accelerating the region’s nuclear drive. In the coming
years a dozen Gulf States may initiate their own nuclear programmes.
The Iranian nuclear issue may also provoke an Israeli attack on Iran. Though
the Iranian reaction to such an attack is unpredictable, but according to experts
such an attack would not prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear programme atleast
for peaceful purposes but would strengthen the hardliners in the regime.27 It
could also lead to military and covert responses that could destabilise much of the
Gulf and Arab countries, disrupt oil flows, cause Iraq to implode and/or foster a
sectarian divide in the Levant and the Arab Peninsula.
a swift end to the fighting. With or without Bashar, Syria has all the makings of
a bleak and drawn-out civil war because there are evenly matched protagonists
who are not ready for a cease-fire. Outside powers are also trying to push their
own agendas while resolving the crisis. Western powers perceive the developments
in Syria as a humiliating political and strategic defeat for Iran. In the past month,
Assad has lost control of important parts of the country, and a bomb attack in
Damascus killed his key security aides. The shift in balance is important, but it
is not vital. Rather, it sets the point for a prolonged clash that would break up
Syria into warring opposition and pro-Assad enclaves.30 Presently, the Bashar’s
regime has sufficient support and military capability to continue fighting, and it
shows no sign of giving up. Most members of Syria’s Alawite, Christian and Kurdish
minorities, along with a portion of its Sunni Arab population, still prefer Assad
to what they fear will follow his fall; together, these groups constitute perhaps
half of Syria’s population, the rest of which is largely Sunni Muslim. Syrian rebels
are divided into different groups with no clear political leadership unlike Egypt
and Tunisia. Even if Assad were to give up voluntarily, his Alawite military machine
and his sectarian allies are likely to fight on, holding large chunks of territory.
The Iranian government has blamed Western and Arab nations—specifically
Sunni-ruled Saudi Arabia—of fomenting terrorism in Syria by arming opposition
groups. Syria’s opposition groups mostly Sunni Muslim accuse Tehran of sending
military personnel to Syria and of providing arms and ammunitions, as well as
tactical and communications expertise to Assad’s government forces. Iran has also
accepted that a number of IRGC personnel are in the crisis-hit country providing
non-military financial and advisory assistance to Syria,. Recently, in September
2012, the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, Jafari said:
Since the establishment of the IRGC Qods Force, the force has been pursuing
the goal of supporting oppressed nations, particularly Muslim (nations). A
number of Qods personnel are also present in Syria, but that does not mean
that we have a military presence in the country.31
However, there is still time to put an end to the bloodshed in Syria. No doubt it
requires hard and tough decisions and on both sides of proper understandings
and arrangements. The Western powers including their allies in the region are
still relying focusing on international pressure and support for the opposition to
bring down Assad.32 Russia is trying to regain its lost influence in the Arab world,
and Iran is worried about the fate of more than a million Shiite Muslims in Syria.
Presently, Iran is at a crossroads: it cannot dump Assad, nor can it protect him.
However, leaders in Iran are divided. Some want Iran to withdraw its support to
Assad because it could lead to confrontation with the West as well as other regional
countries.
with close links to Iran, was reluctant to share power with Hamid Karzai, a leading
Pashtun tribal leader. Iranian political pressure on Northern Alliance leaders during
negotiations in Bonn (Germany) convinced them to compromise so that a new
government could be established.38
However, it does not mean there are no differences and conflicts between the
two countries. There are several problems along their 600-mile border including
the issue of narcotics. Afghanistan is currently the world’s leading producer of
opium; a 2009 report of the UN Office on Drug and Crime (UNODC) estimated
that 40 per cent of Afghanistan’s opium is trafficked across Iran’s borders.39
Narcotics are a serious issue in Iran and have created a serious social problem for
the country. Iran’s eastern border regions are known for the constant skirmishes
between security forces and the well-armed drug traffickers.
Iran has sizeable ethnic minorities. Prominent among them are Kurds,
Baluchis, and Azeris. They blame the discriminatory policies of the Iranian
Government for their socio-economic backwardness and the lack of development
in areas they inhabit. They have been agitating for equal rights and protection of
their unique cultural identity within the Iranian nation. The grievances of the
Sunni Baluch minority, mainly concentrated in the least-developed Sistan-
Baluchistan province of Iran, have been a lingering issue. Iran has roughly 1.4
million Baluchis, who constitute a mere 2 per cent of the country’s total
population.40 Apart from Iran, a sizeable Baluch population lives in Pakistan’s
Balochistan province and in parts of southern Afghanistan. A militant Iranian
Baluchi group known as Jundullah (the Soldiers of God or People’s Resistance
Movement of Iran) emerged around 2002 to defend the territorial rights and the
cultural identity of the Baluch minority in the poor, remote and lawless region of
south eastern Iran,. One of Jundullah’s sources of funding has been the drug trade.
The IRGC has enlarged its presence in the region’s capital of Zahedan to control
the drug trade and to monitor the border between Iran and Afghanistan. Another
source of conflict between Iran and Afghanistan is the presence of Afghan refugees
in Iran. Around one million illegal Afghan refugees presently dwell in Iran.41
Iran’s efforts to send back these refugees to Afghanistan will lead to huge tensions
between the two countries.
The central government in Kabul is ineffective and incapable of controlling
the insurgency and providing the most rudimentary services to the people of
Afghanistan. However, the long term prospects of development in Afghanistan
seem somewhat better indicated by its current situation.42 There also seems to be
a legitimate demand on the part of ordinary Afghans to bring back some semblance
of normality to their daily lives. Nevertheless, Iran could still play a role in stabilising
the Afghan government, and even restraining the Taliban as US troops start to
pull out from Afghanistan in 2014. After all, a Taliban victory in Afghanistan
would be a defeat not only for the US but for Iran as well.
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 209
Conclusion
Overall, it can be argued that the governmental structure of the Islamic Republic
of Iran is unique and complex. For example, Iran is the lone theological Shiite
state in the community of nations, as well as in the Muslim world. More
specifically, Iran is a theocratic state, and its legal framework is in accordance
with the precepts of religious jurisprudence and Shiite traditions. The 1979
revolution successfully changed the regime and established a governmental
structure as envisaged by Ayatollah Khomeini in his 1970 political treatise, Islamic
Government (Hukumat-e-Islami). The guidelines set forth in this treatise support
a theocratic government structure and its perseverance within the political sphere.
The experience of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the Ayatollah Khomeini to
Ahmadinejad clearly indicates that personalities and their perspectives on Iranian
national interests can exert a unique influence on the domestic and foreign policy
of Iran. This trend is also likely to continue in the future. Divisions among
different political factions in Iran havs a great impact on the decision making
process of the country. Different factions in Iran have dominated political
institutions at different times—the radicals in the 1980s, the pragmatists in the
1990s, the moderates in the late 1990s and the early 2000s, and the hardliners
led by Ahmadinejad since 2005.
Iran’s desire to become the leader of the Shia’s community will not go
unchallenged. Even Shia sects are divided into various branches and subdivisions
of the different sects, who do not support the Iranian ideology. The Lebanese case
indicates that there are serious weaknesses in Shia solidarity, even between the
different twelver groups of Shias. While the Iran-Syria axis may be one of the
more solid ones in the region, Lebanese Shias remain divided between the pro-
Syrians of the Amal party and the pro-Iranians of Hezbollah.
Despite the sectarian divide in the region, some regional countries such as
Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and the Gulf Cooperation Council are trying to establish
a regional cooperation framework. In September 2008 Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed
al-Khalifa, the foreign minister of Bahrain, pressed for the establishment of a
regional organisation that would include the Arab states, Iran and Turkey.43 Turkey
has security agreements with Iran and Iraq on with border security, combating
terrorism, and intelligence cooperation. Iran also has security agreements with
Oman, Qatar, and Kuwait relating to maritime security, smuggling, and other
crime and security matters.
The withdrawal of US forces from Iraq and Afghanistan and the changing
geopolitics of the region will put Iran in a relatively stronger position. Since 9/11,
the two main concerns of international security, the war against Al Qaeda and the
regional crises in Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, and recently Gaza have given Iran
a new role and increased influence in the region. The present developments in the
West Asia region have offered Iran an unprecedented opportunity to leverage its
advantageous geopolitical and cultural position, to strengthen its regional and
consequently, international position.
210 Asian Strategic Review
Iran also believes that the American presence and its involvement in the region
pose the most serious challenge to regional security. The US policy is to control
the regional energy on the one hand and to project itself as the friend of the
region on the other. Iran says that the hegemonic policy of the US has failed.
Therefore, the only comprehensive way of securing regional cooperation is by
means of an indigenous organisation along with extra-regional interaction.
Therefore, it is necessary for all regional and extra-regional powers to forget their
enmity and work together to formulating a cooperative strategy. All regional
countries including Iran should try to form a powerful economic and political
bloc. This bloc can assure the energy demands of the global economy and also
maintain regional stability. Iran also seeks to diversify its foreign policy by actively
involving itself in international organizations and cooperating with j countries
that oppose unilateralism. Towards this end, Iran is enhancing its engagement
with the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), supporting greater
regionalism, utilising the symbolism of the non-aligned movement and the
strengthening its relations with likeminded countries.
Iranians know well that their country is one of the major players in the region,
but cannot be the undisputed hegemonic power. The US military presence simply
makes such an ambition impossible. Therefore, Iran is helping some groups in
the region, opposed to American presence in Iraq, Afghanistan and other countries.
N OTES
1. “Egyptians rising up against servitude to U.S.: Leader”, Tehran Times, 5 February 2011, at
http://old.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=235171, accessed 11 May 2012.
2. “Mousavi First Warning About fall of Egypt”, Rooz Online, 1 February 2011, at http://
www.roozonline.com/english/news3/newsitem/article/mousavis-first-warning-about-fall-of-
regime.html, accessed 17 August 2012.
3. “Where are Iran’s reformists?”, Aljazeera, 1 August 2012, at http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/
features/2012/07/2012721201249368389.html, accessed 2 August 2012.
4. For detail see “Iranian interests in the Egyptian Unrest”, IDSA Strategic Comments, February
14, 2011, IDSA, New Delhi.
5. Kayhan Barzegar, “Iranan, the Middle East, and International Security”, Centre for Middle
Eastern Strategic Studies, 1(1), July 2009, p. 28.
6. John A. Tures, “Rattling the Hesam: International Distractions from Internal Problems in
Iran”, Asian Politics and Policy, 1(1), January/March 2009, p. 14.
7. Mehran, Kamrava, “Iranian National-Security Debates: Factionalism and Lost Opportunities”,
Middle East Policy, 14(2), summer 2007, p. 87.
8. C. Raja Mohan, “Assertive Ahmadinejad”, Indian Express, 29 December 2010, accessed 5
December 2012.
9. “MP criticises vice president for misleading remarks”, Tehran Times, 7 August 2010, at
www.tehrantimes.com, accessed 9 August 2012.
10. Ibid.
11. “Iran will respond to any harmful move by U.S.: Leader”, Mehr News, 16 October 2011, at
http://www.mehrnews.com/en/newsdetail.aspx?NewsID=1434958, accessed 15 December
2012.
12. “Ahmadinejad rivals cement lead in Iran parliament”, Khaleej Times, 5 March 2012, at http:/
/www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticle08.asp?xfile=data/middleeast/2012/March/
Iran and the Emerging Gulf Security 211
33. Ahmad K. Majidyar, “Iran’s hard and soft power in Afghanistan”, American Enterprise Institute,
27 August 2012, at http://www.aei.org/article/foreign-and-defense-policy/regional/india-
pakistan-afghanistan/irans-hard-and-soft-power-in-afghanistan/, accessed 16 December 2012.
34. “Iran says its aid to Afghanistan totals $500 million”, Reuters, 4 November 2010, at http://
www.reuters.com/article/2010/11/04/us-afghanistan-iran-idUSTRE6A34PN20101104,
accessed 16 December 2012.
35. “Karzai Underlines Importance of Consultations with Iran on Regional Issues”, Fars News
Agency, 6 September 2012, at http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9106062030,
accessed 7 September 2012.
36. Ahmad K. Majidyar, n. 33.
37. Alireza Nader, Joya Laha, “Iran’s Balancing Act in Afghanistan”, RAND Report, Washington
DC, 2011, pp. 7-14.
38. Ibid, (It should be noted that Iran and the Northern Alliance initially supported Burhanuddin
Rabbani as president but instead supported Karzai as a compromise and goodwill gesture).
39. UN Office on Drug and Crime (UNODC), 2009.
40. Reza Hosseinbor, “Balochistan People’s Front”, 1 December 2006, at http://
eng.balochpeople.org/oldarchive/eng/2006/Dec/Opinion.htm, accessed 16 December 2012.
41. Alireza Nader, Joya Laha, n. 37.
42. Javad Heirannia, “Iran has played most constructive role in Afghanistan: professor”, Mehr
News Agency, 7 March 2012, at http://www.mehrnews.com/en/newsdetail.aspx?NewsID=
1554087, accessed 8 March 2012.
43. Ian Black, “Bahrain Calls for New Regional Organisation With Israel”, The Guardian,
1 October 2008, accessed 16 December 2012.
United States
13
US Rebalancing Strategy Towards Asia-Pacific:
Understanding Reasons and Implications
Sanjeev K. Shrivastav
Introduction
With the rise of Asian nations, the US defence and foreign policy appears to be
moving towards major changes in the years to come. It is evident from various
policy pronouncements made by the Obama administration that United States
is preparing to enhance its engagement with Asia-Pacific region militarily,
economically as well as through every other possible means of engagement which
include multilateral institutions as well as socio-cultural means etc.
Source: CRS Report. (Including Selected U.S. Troop Deployments and Plans)
attended the East Asia Summit in Bali, Indonesia in November 2011 becoming
the first US president to do so. Obama had also termed himself as first Pacific
president of the United States.10
In this new strategy, efforts have been made by the Obama administration to
rebalance US attention from counter terrorism efforts to focus on closer US
involvement in Asia-Pacific region. According to Douglas Pall, President Obama’s
recent pivot away from protracted conflicts in the Middle East toward deepened
engagement with the Asia Pacific region is a welcome move.11 While, according
to Richard Weitz, the term “re-balancing,” encompasses two separate aspects:
The US military is rebalancing its global assets from other regions to Asia, as
well as rebalancing within the Asia-Pacific region, reducing the concentration
of forces from northeast Asia to a more widely distributed focus throughout
the entire region.12
Earlier, in December 2011, the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, writing in
the Foreign Policy magazine had stated:
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces
from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10
years, we have allocated immense resources to those two theatres. In the next
10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where we invest time and
energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership,
secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks
of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a
substantially increased investment—diplomatic, economic, strategic, and
otherwise—in the Asia-Pacific region.
In recent years, Secretary Clinton has been visiting the Asia-Pacific region
quite regularly and has also been attending the ASEAN meetings. President Obama
made a major effort to build a Trans-Pacific partnership with nations of the region.
It would be worth noting that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) has evolved
out of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPSEP) between
Singapore, Brunei, Chile and New Zealand which was signed in 2005.13 In
September 2008, the United States showed its interest in negotiating a Free Trade
Agreement (FTA) with TPSEP member countries, which was followed by
agreements with other nations like Australia, Peru, Vietnam and Malaysia. Formal
negotiations began in March 2010 and there have since been 10 rounds of
negotiations till January 2012.14 As of December 2012, 11 countries i.e. Australia,
Brunei, Canada, Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru, Singapore, the United States,
Vietnam and New Zealand, are involved in negotiations aimed at formalising a
Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.15
Hillary Clinton in her article in Foreign Policy magazine (2011) had stated:
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic
architecture to promote stability and prosperity, US commitment there is
essential. It will help build that architecture and pay dividends for continued
American leadership well into this century, just as our post-World War II
US Rebalancing Strategy Towards Asia-Pacific 219
Rebalancing Revisited
Meanwhile, it is important to note that previously too the United States’ defence
posture towards the Asia-Pacific region had witnessed a rebalancing. In this regard,
Dr. Brahma Chellaney has noted, “The fundamental US strategic objective in
the Asia-Pacific remains what it has been since 1898 when America took the
Philippines as spoils of the naval war with Spain—the maintenance of a balance
of power.”17
In fact, since the Pearl Harbour attack on America by Japanese forces in
December, 1941, maintaining a balance in the Asia-Pacific has been a part of US
foreign and defence policy. According to Dr. Chellaney, after the Pearl Harbour
attack, “United States clearly signalled that American security begins not off the
coast of California but at the western rim of the Pacific Ocean and beyond.”18
After signing a security treaty with Japan and South Korea after the Second World
War and establishing close ties with Taiwan, it became essential for the United
States to remain strategically engaged in Asia-Pacific affairs. During the Cold
War, the United States remained engaged in countering and balancing the influence
of Soviet Union. The rapprochement with China during the Nixon administration
was viewed by many observers as an attempt to counter Soviet influence in Asia.
However, with the fall of Soviet Union, the Cold War ended and a new geo-
political scenario emerged.
In this new scenario, China gradually emerged as a new global power with its
fast growing economic and military prowess. Although, China had opened up its
economy in late seventies itself but its political system and governance still remained
non-democratic, and guided by communist principles. While, China termed its
rise as peaceful and harmonious but its ambitions make it a formidable and
uncertain global power. The rapid rise of China and its increasingly assertive
behaviour is being viewed as a major challenge by leaders and policy makers in
the United States. This was evident during the recent US presidential elections
2012 debates where both incumbent President Obama and his Republican
challenger Mitt Romney viewed the rise of China and its behaviour as a challenge
for the United States. However, at official diplomatic level, no such direct remarks
have been made by US administration except for concerns related to trade, currency
manipulations or human rights etc.
220 Asian Strategic Review
polity and economy. The values of democracy, freedom and human rights are
underlined by US diplomats in almost every interaction they have with China.
No wonder China is so uneasy and opposed to the “rebalancing strategy”.22
In recent times, several disputes have arisen between China and its neighbours
such as the Senkaku Islands dispute with Japan and aggressive Chinese behaviour
in South China Sea etc. which has generated a sense of apprehension among
these nations regarding their security. With rising Chinese economic and military
capabilities as well as its increasingly assertive behaviour vis-à-vis its neighbours,
it is likely that United States would be seeking closer cooperation with its Asian
allies and partners to successfully implement its rebalancing strategy.
This US rebalancing strategy appears to be a strategic signalling as well to
demonstrate that United States is prepared to contain China’s influence in the
region if it negatively affects its vital interests as well as the security and interests
of its allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific region. So this rebalancing strategy is
an essential step by Obama administration to reassure its allies as well as partners
that United States is there with them as they grow and also when they face any
challenges in future. It also appears to be conveying a message that United States
will be working with its allies and partners with its full resources and commitment
to ensure peace and stability in this region.23
Internal Balancing
Meanwhile, it would be significant to point out that given the rapid rise of Asia,
the success of the rebalancing strategy of the United States would ultimately be
determined by “internal balancing” which has become imperative. This internal
balancing can be ensured by enhancing the economic growth and national
capabilities of the United States. It is essential to point out that while most nations
of Asia-Pacific region are rising, on the other hand, the United States has been
facing major internal challenges such as severe economic crisis, low growth, high
unemployment rate, need to upgrade infrastructure, healthcare reforms etc. It is
now imperative for the United States to enhance its economic growth and
strengthen its key capabilities over the long term which will give it enough
confidence to deal with any future challenges internally or externally such as rise
of china etc. It appears that realising these imperatives for the United States in
years and decades to come, President Obama is focussing his efforts on enhancing
economic growth, job creation in the United States, upgrading key sectors i.e.
education, healthcare, infrastructure.24 The Obama administration is also focussing
its efforts on skill development processes of its youth as well as providing support
for middle class population which will form the backbone of the United States
in the future to unfold.
Therefore, this rebalancing is not merely a military strategy but it is also
economic strategy. In fact, in the long run, the economic component could be a
more significant factor because as applied to any other nation, military capabilities
of the United States will be determined by its economic capabilities. Therefore,
222 Asian Strategic Review
convergence of interests. We believe that India and the United States are
stakeholders in the creation of an inclusive, participatory network of
interdependence, cooperative trade, economic development, security and
stability in the Asia of the Indo-Pacific.26
In view of considerable importance given to India’s role in this rebalancing
strategy, United States might seek closer defence cooperation with India. In such
as case, it may be suggested that any Indian response should be based on the
considerations of its national interest and geo strategic realities and this should be
aimed at ensuring peace, stability and growth in the region. India should continue
its careful observation and in-depth considerations over this evolving strategic
shift of the US and prepare its response accordingly.
It is important to note that India is a rising global power and have the
distinction of being the largest democracy in the world with more than 1.2 billion
people and a rapidly growing economy. At the same time, it is also a fact that
China has risen rapidly as well as other Asian nations are growing. Considering
the shared values as well as shared interests, the United States considers its strategic
partnership with India critical for the success of its rebalancing strategy in Asia-
Pacific. At the same time, the United States is also attempting to forge closer
relations with other South Asian and South East Asian nations as well while
deepening its ties with traditional allies like Japan, South Korea.
It would be worth noting that despite a sense of competition prevailing
between the United States and China, both the nations have been also been
attempting to develop a better relationship with each other given their mutual
economic interests. Meanwhile, clarifying doubts that the US is developing strategic
partnership with India to counter China, Secretary Panetta, in his speech at IDSA,
had clearly stated, “As the United States and India deepen our defence partnership
with each other, both of us will also seek to strengthen our relations with China.
We recognise that China has a critical role to play advancing security and prosperity
in this region.” Secretary Panetta had also noted that the United States welcomes
the “rise of a strong, prosperous and a successful China”.27 It may be suggested
that India should also make efforts to deepen its cooperation with China. This
constructive approach will not only foster prosperity but also be helpful in
maintaining peace and security in the region.
Concluding Observations
As the United States begins implementing its rebalancing strategy by the year
2020, it could give rise to occasional tense situations in the Asia-Pacific region.
However, major conflicts are unlikely because China is also dependent on the
world economy and it is engaging all over the world. In this regard, it would be
worth suggesting that China should not be viewed as a former Soviet Union.
Meanwhile, it is likely that Asia-Pacific region would be a zone of contestation
for influence between the United States and China. It is also worth noting that
224 Asian Strategic Review
N OTES
1. US DoD Strategic Guidance Document, US Department of Defence, January 3, 2012.
2. Ibid.
3. “In Brief: Assessing DOD’s New Strategic Guidance”, Congressional Service Report, January
2012.
4. “Partners in the 21st Century”, Address by Leon E. Panetta, Defence Secretary, United States
on June 6, 2012 at Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi available at http:/
/idsa.in/keyspeeches/LeonEPanettaonPartnersinthe21stcentury, qccessed June 7, 2012.
5. “Remarks by Deputy Secretary of Defence Carter to the Confederation of Indian Industry,”
New Delhi, India, July 23, 2012.
6. “The US Rebalance Towards the Asia-Pacific”, Leon Panetta, Secretary of Defence, United
States, at the 11th IISS Asian Security Summit—the Shangri-la Dialogue, June 2, 2012
available at http://www.iiss.org/conferences/the-shangri-la-dialogue/shangri-la-dialogue-2012/
speeches/first-plenary-session/leon-panetta/, accessed June 7, 2012.
7. “Asia trip to refocus on the most rapidly growing region: US”, The Hindu, November 10,
2012 available at http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/asia-trip-to-refocus-on-the-
most-rapidly-growing-region-us/article4084441.ece, accessed December 14, 2012.
8. “America’s ‘Pacific president’? Obama opens first post-election trip with visit to Thailand”,
NBC News, November 18, 2012 available at http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/
11/18/15252570-americas-pacific-president-obama-opens-first-post-election-trip-with-visit-
to-thailand?lite, accessed November 21, 2012.
9. “Rebalancing” America’s Ties to Asia: An Assessment of the Obama Initiative at http://
carnegieendowment.org/files/120611_transcript_RebalancingAsiaTies.pdf, accessed October
10, 2012.
US Rebalancing Strategy Towards Asia-Pacific 225
10. “Obama calls himself ‘America’s first Pacific president’ & hails expanded US engagement in
Asia”, Daily News, November 14, 2009 available at http://www.nydailynews.com/news/world/
obama-calls-america-pacific-president-hails-expanded-engagement-asia-article-1.414495,
accessed October 11, 2012.
11. Ibid.
12. Richard Weitz, “Pivot Out, Rebalance In”, The Diplomat, May 03, 2012 at http://
thediplomat.com/2012/05/03/pivot-out-rebalance-in/?all=true (Accessed September 6, 2012).
13. “Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement”, 2005, available at http://
www.mfat.govt.nz/downloads/trade-agreement/transpacific/main-agreement.pdf, accessed
December 27, 2012.
14. “On-going Negotiations at a Glance: Singapore Government, available at http://
www.fta.gov.sg/fta_ongoingneg_tpp.asp?hl=16, accessed December 27, 2012.
15. “Protests turn violent at trade talks in New Zealand”, MSN News, December 8, 2012 available
at http://news.malaysia.msn.com/regional/protests-turn-violent-at-trade-talks-in-new-zealand-
2, accessed December 18, 2012.
16. Hillary Clinton, “America’s Pacific Century”, Foreign Policy, November 2011 at http://
www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century?page=full, accessed
August 29, 2012.
17. Brahma Chellaney, “Report: U.S. Strategy in the Asia-Pacific”, Al Jazeera Center for Studies,
February 15, 2012 at http://studies.aljazeera.net/ResourceGallery/media/Documents/2012/
2/15/201221510538465734U.S.%20Strategy%20in%20the%20Asia-Pacific.pdf, accessed
September 15, 2012.
18. Ibid.
19. “Statistical Yearbook for Asia and the Pacific 2011”, United Nations Economic and Social
Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP) at http://www.unescap.org/stat/data/
syb2011/I-People/Population.asp, accessed October 5, 2012.
20. Remarks by Ambassador Nirupama Rao on “America’s ‘Asian Pivot’: The View from India,”
at the opening seminar of the Spring 2013 Brown-India Initiative Seminar Series, February
5, 2013, Embassy of India, Washington D.C. at http://www.indianembassy.org/prdetail2097/
remarks-by-ambassador-nirupama-rao-on-andquot%3Bamericaandrsquo%3Bs-
andlsquo%3Basian-pivotandrsquo%3B%3A-the-view-from-india%2Candquot%3B-at-the-
opening-seminar-of-the-spring-2013-brown-india-initiative-seminar-series, accessed on
February 6, 2013.
21. “Global Trends 2030: Alternative Worlds”, National Intelligence Council, December 2012
available at http://www.fas.org/irp/nic/global_trends_2030.pdf, accessed December 30, 2012.
22. S D Muni, “Rebalancing-Obama 2.0: India’s Democratic Differential”, ISAS Insights No.
191 – 26 November 2012, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore
available at http://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/Attachments/PublisherAttachment/ISAS_Insight_191
_-_Rebalancing-Obama_2.0_26112012164407.pdf, accessed December 2, 2012.
23. Sanjeev Kumar Shrivastav, “US-India strategic partnership set to grow in second Obama
administration”, Reuters, November 14, 2012 available at http://blogs.reuters.com/india-
expertzone/2012/11/14/us-india-strategic-partnership-set-to-grow-in-second-obama-
administration/, accessed November 15, 2012.
24. Ibid.
25. “India and US Hold Defence Talks Asia-Pacific Countries Should Settle Bilateral Disputes
as Per International Law: Antony”, Press Information Bureau (PIB), Release ID: 84715, June
6, 2012 available at http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=84715, accessed August 14,
2012.
26. Remarks by Ambassador Nirupama Rao on “America’s ‘Asian Pivot’: The View from India,”
at the opening seminar of the Spring 2013 Brown-India Initiative Seminar Series, February
5, 2013, Embassy of India, Washington D.C. at http://www.indianembassy.org/prdetail2097/
226 Asian Strategic Review
remarks-by-ambassador-nirupama-rao-on-andquot%3Bamericaandrsquo%3Bs-
andlsquo%3Basian-pivotandrsquo%3B%3A-the-view-from-india%2Candquot%3B-at-the-
opening-seminar-of-the-spring-2013-brown-india-initiative-seminar-series, accessed on
February 6, 2013.
27. See note 4.
28. Sanjeev Kumar Shrivastav, “US-India strategic partnership set to grow in second Obama
administration”, Reuters, November 14, 2012 available at http://blogs.reuters.com/india-
expertzone/2012/11/14/us-india-strategic-partnership-set-to-grow-in-second-obama-
administration/, accessed November 15, 2012.
14
Indo-US Defence Relationship
Vivek Chadha
Introduction
India’s strategic relations with the US have been an important component of its
foreign policy.1 Amongst its critical subsets, defence has been a barometer of this
relationship, and its quality and scope have been rising and falling, along with
the overall relations between the two countries. The Indo-US relationship,
remained shackled by differing foreign policy orientations, economic models and
strategic choices. Despite the initial promise, the limitations of the relationship
soon came to the fore. These, in turn, severely restricted defence trade, training
and operational collaboration until the end of the Cold War.2 It was only after a
paradigm shift in global power equations that India was forced to rethink its
choices and foreign policy equations. This period of rebalancing saw India steadily
increase its defence interaction with the US. However, the shift has been more
evolutionary than revolutionary. As the events of the past few years suggest, this
steady growth in defence relations, is likely to remain incremental, even as both
countries nurture the relationship to further their mutual interests and domestic
realities.3
The paper briefly traces the impact of foreign policy, economic orientation
and the domestic policies of the two countries on their defence ties till the Cold
War and thereafter; it analyses the more recent trajectory of the same, in the light
of the evolving relationship. It is argued that given the lack of strategic convergence
in the past, Indo-US defence relations could not attain critical mass. However,
there has been a substantive change in the recent past, because of the increasing
convergence of interests, common threats, deepening trust and most importantly,
the shedding of shibboleths which constrained ties in the past. In the regional
context, this shift has strengthened India’s strategic and security standing, especially
with relation to China.
228 Asian Strategic Review
approval.”15 However, it was the sale of 200 jet aircrafts worth $150 million,
which was rejected and instead, a package of 54 C-119 transport aircrafts was
approved.16 This was because the US questioned the logic of India’s decision to
purchase costly defence equipment, even as developmental aid was being approved
by the Congress. There was also the factor of strong opposition from Pakistan.
In 1960, came another opportunity for the US to scale up its defence relations
with India. In the May of the same year, the Indian defence minister, Krishna
Menon made a request for the purchase of 29 C-119 aircraft, which was approved.
However, a subsequent request for Sidewinder missiles, which had already been
approved for sale to Pakistan, was rejected, since the US did not want to lose the
intelligence facilities established at Peshawar, clearly illustrating the influence
Pakistan had acquired over the U.S.17
During the 1962 India-China War, Ambassador Galbraith wanted to enhance
the level of defence cooperation with India. He was keen to follow up on the
proposal made by Morarji Desai for an air defence pact. Galbraith wrote:
M.J. Desai raised with me the question of a tacit air defense pact. The Indians
would prepare airstrips and radar; if the Chinese came back, they would
commit their tactical aircraft and we would undertake defense of their cities.
This was a very considerable proposal with very major implications. It would
also completely pattern our long-term relationships with India.18
Despite the Indian initiative, the US did not follow up on the recommendations
of the ambassador. In November 1962, Nehru wrote to Kennedy, asking for 14
squadrons of fighter aircraft and three squadrons of bombers. However, the end
of the Sino-Indian war, did not force a decision on the US administration.19 The
decision was also influenced by strong opposition from Pakistan, which was
apprehensive of the military balance tilting in India’s favour following large scale
arms transfers.20 The decision of the US to limit military aid, could also have
been influenced by the British assessment that the “Chinese have no disagreeable
intentions.”21
The initiatives taken by Galbraith were taken forward by Chester Bowles, his
successor, who realised the short sighted approach of successive US governments.22
The scope of defence supplies under consideration, was $75 million a year for
five years, in addition to the approximately $65 million worth of weapons and
equipment that had already been supplied immediately after the 1962 war. This
was to be supplemented by arms sales worth $15-20 million, annually by the
Commonwealth nations. These figures were in consonance with the defence budget
of $500 million—spread over five years—of the Indian government.23 The transfers
did not represent any substantive shift towards India, since the US had already
supplied weapons worth $850 million to Pakistan, as a grant.24 Following the
untimely death of Kennedy, key officials in Washington delayed approvals so that
“the dust has a chance to settle.”25 The dust did settle, but it led a desperate
Indian delegation to the Soviet Union, which was more than willing to meet the
demands, given the threat from China and the counter balance provided by India.
230 Asian Strategic Review
Despite a preference for US equipment, India was pushed towards the USSR by
the short sighted approach of US officials.26
The ambivalent attitude of the US towards India was influenced to a large
extent by the non aligned policy that India chose to follow. However, the second
defining factor was the US decision to have a robust defence relationship with
Pakistan.27
Pakistan, a newly independent country and one which saw India as a major
threat to its interests, allowed itself to be used as a defensive perimeter against
communist expansionism. It joined the SEATO and CENTO in 1954 and 1955
respectively. The deepening US strategic alliance with Pakistan, manifested in
stronger defence ties.28 However, from the US perspective, while the defence
relationship was aimed at dealing with the challenge of communism, for Pakistan,
the major threat remained India.29 Thus, despite the fact that India and the US
were democracies, communism not only put South Asia at the forefront of US
strategic thinking, it also led it to strengthen its defence ties with Pakistan, at the
cost of India.
The US rewarded Pakistan for the strategic partnership with large scale defence
supplies and arms transfers. It also pressurised India immediately after it’s
humiliating loss against China in 1962, to negotiate with Pakistan on Kashmir.30
These arm twisting tactics troubled Nehru and he conveyed his disillusionment
to Bowles who reported it thus:
But why, Nehru asked, did the United States attempt to use India’s difficulties
with China as a lever to force him to make concessions to Pakistan on Kashmir?
Pakistan, Nehru reminded me, had publically supported the Chinese attacks
on India. Yet at the very moment when Indian emotions against Pakistan were
high, we had attempted to force him to make compromises which the Indian
people and the Indian Parliament would not possibly accept, and which no
Indian Prime Minister could make without being voted out of office.31
Pakistani concerns regarding the arming of India,32 the death of Kennedy33
and Nehru,34 led to a series of half measures by the US to upgrade defence ties.
The subsequent events leading to the 1965 Indo-Pak War finally laid to rest, any
future hopes of a defence relationship between India and the US.
Eventually, the short sighted attempts of the US to build an anti communist
architecture were ended by Pakistan, when it chose to align with China, after the
US decision to arm India in the immediate aftermath of the 1962 Sino-Indian
War.35
After a brief hiatus, the US yet again used Pakistan to broker the detente with
China in 1972, a foreign policy coup, which was rewarded by a generous weapons
transfer programme. In 1979, Pakistan again assumed the role of a frontline state
in the fight against communist Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and thereby virtually
ended any possibility of a major US policy shift towards India, despite the hopes
raised during Carter’s tenure.
Relations with India got a further setback after the atomic test at Pokhran in
Indo-US Defence Relationship 231
Economic Orientation
India’s economy was struggling immediately after independence. The need to feed
millions of poor and simultaneously establish a strong industrial base required
fast and sustained growth. While the economy was labelled socialist, India, in
fact, followed a mixed model with the public sector and market economy shaping
its direction.37 According to Grady, the first US ambassador to India, there was
a fear of “dollar imperialism” amongst Indian leaders who did not want American
economic imperialism to take the place of British political imperialism in the
country.38
On the other hand, capitalism formed the basis of the US economy. It
visualised democratic India as a new member of the capitalist group, as also a
large future market for its goods.39 The decision of India, not to follow the
American model, led to strained relations between the two countries.
Even as India refused to toe the American line on its economic orientation,
it remained one of the largest recipients of food and developmental aid from the
US.40 Along with the Indian insistence on independent foreign policy, there were
many in the US who questioned continued support for a country, which refused
to cooperate on both economic and foreign policy issues. It was possibly the desire
to keep India out of the communist camp, which led to the grudging acceptance
of its non aligned status and sustained economic support. But this support did
not translate into a robust defence partnership. In fact, it did not even reach the
optimum level of a buyer-seller relationship, because of the embargos placed on
strategic arms sales by the US and the Indian refusal to become a US ally.
What Changed?
The shift in Indo-US relations began in the early nineties. This was brought about
by a reversal of policies, which had in the past been responsible for constraining
the defence relationship.41 The first change came after the disintegration of USSR,
which ended the Cold War.42 Despite this landmark event, the US took time to
realign its policy towards India. Support for Pakistan remained a major factor in
232 Asian Strategic Review
the relationship. The US also continued to support Pakistan on the Kashmir issue.
In a statement, which came under severe criticism in India, Robin Raphael, the
US Assistant Secretary for South Asian Affairs, referred to Kashmir as a “disputed
territory”.43 The possibility of US support for the establishment of the Hurriyat
Conference, also became an issue in the same period.44
After a hesitant and guarded beginning—given the history of US-India
relations—there was a considered foreign policy shift in New Delhi. Over a period
of time, this shift became both perceptible and substantive. It was accompanied,
near simultaneously, by an economic reorientation towards greater openness, closer
global integration and business friendliness. This unleashed the inherent potential
for dramatic growth after decades of lack lustre performance.45 These changes
though substantial, still remained constrained by the nuclear non-proliferation
issue, and the barriers it placed on defence trade. However, 2005, saw the beginning
of the end of a restrictive regime and finally signalled the removal of major
roadblocks between the two countries.46
for cooperation in a number of areas, which when seen in totality, formed the
foundation of a robust defence relationship.
Having ironed out most differences, what developed thereafter, was a strong
defence partnership. Unlike a commercial relationship, a partnership has a much
larger canvas, and incorporates a greater commonality of strategic interests, threats
and the desire to deal with these through collective action. However, India did
not want to be in the same category of other US alliances with NATO countries
like, Australia, Japan and South Korea, amongst others.51 With this reality
becoming apparent, the emerging parameters of the partnership became the basis
for deepening defence ties.
The partnership bloomed in a number of spheres. While the paper focuses
on defence, it is relevant to emphasise that India and the US set out common
threat perceptions, thereby ensuring broad convergence on the same. Both India
and the US saw terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, failing
states and ungoverned spaces, drug trafficking, piracy and freedom of land, sea
and air traffic as some areas of concern.52
Both countries also remained concerned about the rise of China, its increasing
assertiveness and opaque weaponisation programme. A balanced statement by
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh referred to a “certain amount of assertiveness
on part of Chinese”53 even as a US report to the Congress raised concerns regarding
China’s use of its military capability.54
Earlier, in a more candid admission of the China factor, Condoleezza Rice,
in an article in 2000, outlined the future contours of the relationship with India,
as seen through the China prism.
China’s success in controlling the balance of power depends in large part on
America’s reaction to the challenge...It should pay closer attention to India’s
role in the regional balance. There is a strong tendency conceptually to connect
India with Pakistan and to think only of Kashmir or the nuclear competition
between the two states. But India is an element in China’s calculation, and it
should be in America’s, too. India is not a great power yet, but it has the
potential to emerge as one.55
Similarly, George Fernandes, the former Indian defence minister, also bluntly
stated his concerns regarding China:56
Despite warming relationships with China, China is, and is likely to remain
the primary security challenge to India in the medium and long-term. Its
enhancement of missile capability and its immense help to Pakistan in the
missile program are of serious security concerns to India.
Fernandes further asserted that China was India’s “potential threat number one”.
And although, the NDA government practically withdrew the statement, there
have been more subtle references to the sentiment thereafter.
The statements quoted above, raised concerns in the form of subtle indicators
and more forthright assertions. It was not as much the rise of China, but the
234 Asian Strategic Review
uncertainty following from this rise, which created apprehensions in both countries.
This was further confirmed when China adopted coercive measures to deal with
disputes with some of its neighbours like Vietnam, Japan and Philippines.57
Chinese actions, displayed a distinct assertiveness that stemmed from the arrogance
of size and military influence. It was this stance, which led to greater cooperation
and cohesion between like minded countries, adversely impacted by Chinese
muscle flexing. In this context, while the Indo-US defence cooperation is not
explicitly aimed at China, however, the enhanced capability following the stronger
defence ties, could well be an unstated or understated by product of the
relationship. This by product should be seen more in the context of mutually
converging interests, which are presently defined by free flow of trade and energy
supplies, rather than a joint military endeavour to fight territorial infringements.
Areas of Cooperation
Speaking at IDSA on June 6, 2012, the US Secretary of Defence Leon Panetta
described the defence relationship with India as the lynchpin of the US rebalancing
in the Asia-Pacific region.58 While revisiting the core areas of the 2005 Defence
Framework Agreement, Panetta went on to highlight some of its sub sets, which
had witnessed substantive progress. He saw military exercises as a means of
enhancing interoperability, given the record number of military events held in
2011. He also saw joint research and development as the future bulwark of the
defence relationship, which was more than a mere “buyer-seller” relationship. In
order to give defence trade a boost, Panetta deputed Deputy Secretary Ash Carter
to streamline the bureaucratic processes to make trade “more simple, responsive,
and effective.” The improvement of the export control regime was also amongst
the specific goals of the US government, which partially addressed Indian concerns
on import of dual use technology. Yet another critical aspect, that was highlighted,
was the desire to ensure “open and free commerce; to open access by all to our
shared domains of sea, air, space and cyber space.”59
This comprehensive overview of India-US defence relations, not only laid
down a roadmap for the coming years, it re-emphasised the holistic scope of the
relationship, a characteristic, which has been conspicuous by its absence in all
defence relationships that India had entered into during the Cold War years. Given
the fast changing reality of this relationship, a detailed assessment of each area
would highlight the changing profile of the engagement.
Defence Trade
Defence trade remains one of the most important components of India-US
relations, reaching $10 billion over the last decade.60 The purchases made by
India in 2011 alone accounted for $4.5 billion.61 Chandrajit Banerjee, the Director
General of Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), estimates that India would
be procuring anything between $80 to $100 billion worth of defence equipment
during the next five years.62 The increase in orders during the last two years alone,
Indo-US Defence Relationship 235
already indicates a marked change, which can partially be attributed to the signing
of the End User Agreement between the two countries in 2009.63 A further
substantial increase in defence trade seems likely as given in the profile of purchases
given in Table 1.
The growth in defence trade was encouraging, but, it was essentially a buyer-
seller relationship. It was however felt that the defence relationship needed to be
made “more collaborative” through “advanced research and development”, and
by sharing “new technologies”, and through “joint production of defence articles”.65
One of the initial examples of this experiment was the agreement to include 30
per cent offsets in the Poseidon Aircraft deal.66 The private sector has also been
involved in this endeavour, with the Tata Advanced Systems being contracted for
producing parts of the C-130J aircraft, not only for the Indian version, but for
the versions to be sold around the world.67
The decision to take the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and
Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), off the US
Commerce Department Entity List, saw initial forays into joint research in products
like micro UAVs.68 It left the Department of Atomic Energy entities to include,
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Indira Gandhi Atomic Research Centre and
Indian Rare Earths and nuclear reactors not under IAEA safeguards on the Entity
List,69 a substantial improvement over the past and a recognition of India’s
impeccable safety and non-proliferation record.
However, despite the substantial improvement in defence trade, a number of
areas of concern remain.70 First, the inability of the two countries to come to an
understanding on the Communication Interoperability Memorandum of
Agreement (CISMOA), Logistics Support Agreement (LSA) and Basic Exchange
and Cooperation Agreement (BECA)71 constrains trade relations, as has been
indicated by the US. Again from the Indian perspective, the LSA is seen as an
agreement which will benefit the US more than it would help India and it will
also draw India into the US ambit—more than it is presently prepared for. The
Indian side feels that the CISMOA could compromise Indian security since
Pakistan is also a signatory to it. It also disallows modifications of the purchased
equipment, which India is finds unacceptable. Second, while a number of agencies
have been taken off the Entity List, the retention of some as mentioned in the
paragraph above, creates an atmosphere of distrust between the countries.72 Third,
there has been criticism of the offset policy, given the inability of the Indian defence
industry to absorb high technology production. This is further accentuated by
the existing limit on foreign investment in the defence sector, which remains at
26 per cent.73 Fourth, the bureaucratic controls, norms and procedures, both in
India and the US, relating to clearances, trade and handling processes associated
with arms transfers continue to constrain substantive increases in sales. Fifth, Indian
scepticism of US reliability stemming from sanctions after the 1998 nuclear tests,
continues to rankle the military and bureaucratic establishment and strengthens
arguments against any greater reliance on the US for defence trade.74 Sixth, there
Table 1: Indian Purchase of Defence Equipment from the US (2001-11)
236
Counter-terrorism
The India-US Counter-terrorism Initiative was signed on July 23, 2010. Its text
had been initialled earlier during the prime minister’s visit to the US in November
2009. The initiative was meant to strengthen counter-terrorism capabilities,
modernisation of counter-terrorism techniques, sharing best practices, improving
investigative skills, enhancing cooperation in forensic science, assistance in
investigation, action against money laundering, counterfeit currency and terrorism
finance, mass transit security, coast guard and naval security, port and border
security and liaison between counter-terrorism units.76
This initiative was soon followed by the agreement to establish a homeland
security dialogue between the two countries. It was approved during the Obama
visit to India in November 2010, with the aim to further deepen operational
cooperation, counter-terrorism technology transfers and capacity building.77 The
first meeting took place on May 27, 2011. As a prelude to this, the Indian home
minister, P. Chidambaram outlined India’s expectations as, “shared values, the
growth of strategic partnership between our two countries, US expertise and
capabilities and the perception in India that the United States exercises a strong
influence on the country that is the hub of global terror.”78
In the past, counter-terrorism cooperation between India and the US had
been limited due to concerns regarding US-Pakistan counter-terrorism cooperation.
However, increasingly, it is being realised that the US cannot allow its “national
security to be held hostage by unfulfilled expectations in Pakistan.”79
The US support during the 26/11 investigations is an example of the nature
of cooperation, which could become the norm in future. India allowed the FBI
to interview 70 individuals during investigations, including Ajmal Kasab. On the
other hand, Indian investigative agencies were “able to develop critical leads in its
investigation and to understand the command and control of the operation”80
with the help of US agencies. A clear indicator of the quality of information
sharing, was the statement of the US Assistant Secretary for South and Central
Asian Affairs, Robert Blake who said that: “Our partnership has paved way for
real-time information-sharing on terrorist threats…”81 The upgraded and real
time intelligence sharing mechanisms have further been augmented through
capacity building efforts. Under this initiative 24 police officers from India received
training in the US from July 23, to August 10, 2012, which enabled “Indian
investigators to learn post blast investigation techniques using sophisticated
tools.”82 Earlier in April 2011, 39 senior police executives participated in an
exchange programme on megacity policing and crisis response.83
These initiatives have further been augmented by working groups on aviation
security, information and communication technology, the establishment of the
Indo-US Defence Relationship 239
Defence Policy Group and lately the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), thereby
strengthening the fight against money laundering and terrorism finance.84
While the joint counter-terrorism activities have been substantially successful,
yet, areas of dissonance remain. First, it took nine months for the US to give
India access to David Headley, which again raised the issue of the trust deficit
between the two countries.85 Second, despite US attempts to circumvent Pakistan,
worries relating to its influence on any future joint effort to combat terrorism
remain, given the contradictions in Pakistan’s state sponsorship of terrorism and
its central role in the AfPak region.86 Third, there is a dilemma in US policy
circles with regard to the policy best suited for Pakistan. While the country is
undoubtedly the epicentre of terrorism, it is also critical for the US fight against
terror in the region. Fourth, bureaucratic hurdles continue to limit the scope of
the relationship, which Amer Latif attributes to a lack of communication and
coordination. This is further accentuated by dual responsibilities and absence of
lead players to further the existing processes.87
Military Cooperation
Military to military cooperation between India and the US has increased over a
period of time. In 2011 there were “56 cooperative events across all Services—
more than India conducted with any other country.”88 These events which took
place over a period of time encompassed a variety of security scenarios.
Navy. The navy has led the way with four annual exercises. These include Malabar,
a multinational exercise, which is conducted every alternate year, with the navies
of Japan, Australia and Singapore. In the past, this has included aircraft carriers
and nuclear submarines, thereby giving Indian forces an insight into specialised
naval operations. Habu Nag, was an amphibious operations exercise, including
joint Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations under the
Joint Exercise India (JEI) umbrella. The Salvex series focuses on diving and salvage
while Spitting Cobra focussed on explosive ordnance destruction.
Army. The two armies have been conducting a variety of manoeuvres including
Yudh Abhyas since 2004. These commenced with company level training and
have gone up to Brigade level command post exercises.89 The US Marines have
also conducted the Shatrujeet series for amphibious operations at the company
level.90
Air Force. The air forces of the two countries have participated in the bi annual
Cope India exercises. Red Flag Nellis took place in 2008 and is again planned for
2013, and will involve fighters, airborne warning and control system aircraft.91
Special Forces. Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) exercises as part of
Malabar, Yudh Abhyas, Cope India and exclusively in Vajra Prahar have been
undertaken over the past few years. These have included marksmanship, helicopter
insertion and mission planning training.92
240 Asian Strategic Review
Increasing defence cooperation with the US, has also led to closer cooperation
with US allies such as Australia and Japan. This has helped to balance the growing
Chinese assertiveness in South East and East Asia. It has also facilitated defence
cooperation with Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand, given common strategic
interests.
There is a strong, vocal and visible constituency in India, which continues to
see the US through the prism of Cold War and the US sanctions that followed
the 1998 nuclear tests. This is evident in their resistance to the growing defence
ties and is likely to continue until the relationship matures to a degree that its
benefits are become perceptible and acceptable across the political and strategic
divide in the country.
Defence procurement trends indicate India’s preference to broad base its
weapon procurement. However, if the technological lead enjoyed by US remains
well and truly ahead of competition, then US share of the defence trade with
India, is bound to rise over a period of time. An artificial desire to expedite what
is likely to be a gradual shift, could be detrimental to the ongoing progress of
defence trade.
Enhanced inter-operability, could mean a greater role for India in the region
in collaboration with the US. Joint exercises as part of the Malabar series and
training in the South China Sea, reflects the high levels of cooperation. Indian
ships escorted US ships in the Indian Ocean region in the immediate aftermath
of 9/1, which was an early example of security cooperation between the two
countries. The creation of joint capacities will enable them to undertake
collaborative responsibilities in the future as well.
There has been a quantum increase in the footprint of the Indian armed
forces with the induction of specialist equipment from the US. This includes the
INS Jalashwa, formerly the USS Trenton, which can carry approximately 1000
fully equipped troops and enable helicopters to operate helicopters from its deck.98
The C-130J99 and C-17A100 , yet again give the armed forces a heavy lift capability,
beyond the Indian shores. Augmenting these are the Poseidon aircraft101 , which
provide an extensive surveillance capability. An assessment of the combined
capability of this equipment strengthens India’s out of area capabilities and gives
greater credibility to its HADR reach. It also provides an overseas operational
capability, which is likely to be enhanced further in future.
The implication of greater interoperability does not however imply de facto
approval of the US as a preferred defence trade partner, or of India’s blanket
approval of US strategic initiatives. Conversely, recent events clearly indicate that
India’s decision making is driven by enlightened national interest. This is illustrated
by the MMRCA deal and India’s stand on Myanmar over the last decade.102
Counter-terrorism is likely to be one area of cooperation, which could define
the future defence relationship, given the increasing convergence between the
two countries over a period of time and the identification of a common threat.
While the approach towards Pakistan could be the only issue of divergence,
242 Asian Strategic Review
however, recent events indicate shared views at the highest levels in both countries.
The description of Pakistan as a “complicated relationship” for both India and
the US, by Leon Panetta clearly reinforces the trend.103
India’s access to cutting edge defence technology and induction of the same
into the armed forces will bridge the gap with China in the long term, especially
if restrictions on the export of such equipment from the US and EU to China
remain in place. This will provide substantive deterrence against China and will
increase the conventional gap with Pakistan, to the extent of making it irrelevant.
The induction of technology through offsets provides an opportunity for
India to upgrade the threshold level of the Indian defence industry and bridge the
gap with developed weapon manufacturing nations. It can also establish India as
an export base, if the collaborations achieve their envisaged aims.
Conclusion
Indo-US defence relations have evolved over time. The relationship has become
wide-ranging and mature and the two countries have a greater understanding of
each other’s capabilities and limitations. This mature interaction which can lead
to further cooperation in the fields of counter-terrorism, defence trade, operational
exercises and collaborating on cutting edge projects.
The relationship is likely to become more robust in the coming years and is
likely to translate into joint operational manoeuvres for humanitarian assistance
and mutually beneficial operations against common threats like piracy and
terrorism. The collaboration is also likely to lead to partnerships with countries
for maintaining the freedom of seas, air and land mobility. Given the political
consensus in both countries, it is likely that defence relations will continue to
witness an upward swing in the future.
N OTES
1. The US pushed for India’s independence and was accused of “stirring the pot” by the British.
They also had a representative, Thomas Wilson, in India prior to independence and Sir Girija
Shankar Bajpai was nominated as the Agent General in Washington.
2. Brands saw the Cold War as a “sideshow” or “distraction” for India, while it was the “raison
d’être” for the United States. See H.W. Brands, India and the United States: The Cold Peace,
Twayne Publishers, Massachusetts, 1990, p. 37.
3. The US policy to supply weapons not necessarily needed for Pakistan’s counter terrorism
campaign is possibly a function of its overall strategic interests, as is India’s opposition to a
military solution to Syria and Iran and refusal to sign the Communication Interoperability
and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), Logistics Support Agreement (LSA)
and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) (discussed later).
4. See Kenton J. Clymer, Quest for Freedom: The United States and India’s Freedom, Patience
Hall of India, New Delhi, 1997, p. 274. Even as there was broad Indo-US convergence on
these issues, the US diluted its stand in pursuance of its fight against communism.
5. Jawaharlal Nehru, “A United Asia”, as part of Uma Iyengar (ed), The Oxford India Nehru,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2008, p. 515.
6. Jawaharlal Nehru, “Basic Principles”, as part of Uma Iyengar (ed), n 5, pp. 520-521.
Indo-US Defence Relationship 243
the fore, as Pakistan used the weapons supplied for the fight against communism, repeatedly
in every war against India, even as the threat of communism remained both distant and
exaggerated. However, after the ban on supply of defence equipment after the 1965 Indo-
Pak War, it was Pakistan, which suffered more during 1971, even as India established a defence
relationship with the erstwhile USSR. This limited defence relationship also impacted India
adversely during its war with China in 1962. The war gave an opportunity to both countries
to bury the ghost the past and develop closer defence ties.
36. See Dennis Kux, n 15, pp 388-393 and 402.
37. Surendra K. Kaushik, “India’s Evolving Economic Model: A Perspective on Economic and
Financial Reforms”, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 56(1), January 2007, http:/
/onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1997.tb03452.x/abstract, accessed on 09
Jul 2012.
38. Henry Francis Grady, John T. McNay, n 14, p. 131.
39. Kenton J. Clymer, n 4, p. 262.
40. India had received as grants or loans $3.9 billion from the US until 1963. See Chester Bowles,
A View From New Delhi: Selected Speeches and Writings 1963-1969, Allied Publishers, New
Delhi, 1969, p. 125.
41. See Sumit Ganguly, Brian Shoup and Andrew Scobell (ed), US-India Strategic Cooperation:
Into the 21st Century, Routledge, New York, 2006, pp. 2-3.
42. See C. Raja Mohan, Crossing the Rubicon: The Shaping of India’s New Foreign Policy, Viking,
New Delhi, 2003, pp. 29-56.
43. Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict: India Pakistan and the Unending War, I B Tauris and
Company, London, 2003, p. 191.
44. “All Party Hurriyat Conference”, Kashmir Herald, 1(12), May 2002, http://
www.kashmirherald.com/profiles/hurriyat.html, accessed on 05 September 2012.
45. For an assessment of the shift see R. Nicholas Burns, “America’s Strategic Opportunity With
India: The New U.S.-India Partnership”, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2007, http:/
/www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63016/r-nicholas-burns/americas-strategic-opportunity-with-
india?page=show, accessed on 05 September 2012.
46. See C. Raja Mohan, Impossible Allies: Nuclear India, United States, and the Global Order, India
Research Press, New Delhi, 2006, pp 15-26.
47. Daniel Morrow and Michael Carriere, “The Economic Implications of the 1998 Sanctions
on India and Pakistan”, The Non Proliferation Review Fall 1999, p. 3, http://cns.miis.edu/
npr/pdfs/morrow64.pdf, accessed on 14 August 2012, p. 3 and R Ramachandran, “Sanctions:
the bark and the bite”, Frontline, 16(10), May 8-21 1999, http://www.frontlineonnet.com/
fl1610/16101100.htm, accessed on 14 August 2012.
48. See R. Nicholas Burns, “America’s Strategic Opportunity With India: The New U.S.-India
Partnership”, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2007, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/
articles/63016/r-nicholas-burns/americas-strategic-opportunity-with-india?page=show,
accessed on 05 September 2012.
48. C. Raja Mohan, n 46.
49. For an account of the phase of strategic convergence culminating in the civil nuclear deal,
see C. Raja Mohan, n 46.
50. “New Framework for the U.S.-India Defense Relationship”, The Defence Consultants, http:/
/www.indiadefence.com/defpact-txt.htm accessed on 06 Aug 2012.
51. See “Less than allies, more than friends”, The Economist, 16 June 2012, http://
www.economist.com/node/21556935, accessed on 14 August 2012 and “India, US are
‘strategic partners, not military allies: Sen”, Expressindia.com, 5 February 2008, http://
www.expressindia.com/latest-news/India-US-are-strategic-partners-not-militry-allies-Sen/
269358/, accessed on 14 August 2012.
52. For an overview of US perception of threats see Quadrennial Defense Review Report, US
Indo-US Defence Relationship 245
71. See Uday Bhaskar, “The Strategic Context of India-US Defence Relations”, as part of Uma
Purushothaman n 70, p. 4. The CISMOA is the Communication Interoperability and Security
Memorandum of Agreement and non compliance leads to constraints to supply of secrecy
and communication equipment. For the Indian approach to circumvent the limitation, see
Shiv Aroor, “Without CISMOA, The Indian Navy Works the P8I”, Livefist, 26 July 2012,
http://livefist.blogspot.in/2012/07/without-cismoa-indian-navy-works-p-8i.html, accessed on
08 August 2012. LSA is the Logistics Support Agreement, which entails mutual logistics
support on a reciprocal basis and BECA is the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement
on Geospatial Cooperation,
72. Kenneth I. Juster and Ajay Kuntamukkala, n 62, pp. 7-8.
73. Ibid, p. 10.
74. See Samir Advani, “Prospects for Bilateral Cooperation: Co-Development Possibilities with
the US”, as part of Uma Purushothaman (ed), n 70, p. 18.
75. Brad Sherman, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”,
Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 112th Congress, 14 September
2011, Serial No. 112-62, p. 2, foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearings/view/?1349, accessed on 09
August 2012.
76. “IndiaUS Sign Counter Terrorism Cooperation Initiative”, Ministry of Home Affairs, 23 July
2010, http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=63434, accessed on 09 August 2012.
77. P. Chidambaram, quoting the Joint Statement on signing of the Homeland Security Dialogue,
“Opening Remarks of Home Minister at India-US Homeland Security Dialogue”, Ministry
of Home Affairs, New Delhi, 27 May 2011, http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid
=72343, accessed on 09 August 2012.
78. P. Chidambaram, “Opening Remarks of Home Minister at India-US Homeland Security
Dialogue”, n 77.
79. Frank Cilluffo, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”,
Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 112th Congress, 14 September
2011, Serial No. 112-62, p. 16, foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearings/view/?1349, accessed on
09 August 2012.
80. Lisa Curtis, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”, Hearing
Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 112th Congress, 14 September 2011, Serial No.
112-62, p. 11, foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearings/view/?1349, accessed on 09 August 2012.
81. Narayan Lakshman, “Bringing US perpetuators to justice a focus of dialogue: US”, The Hindu,
5 June 2012, http://www.thehindu.com/news/article3493690.ece, accessed on 09 August
2012.
82. Vishwa Mohan, “US offers to train 24 Indian police officers in counter-terrorism operations”,
The Times of India, 13 June 2012, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-06-13/
india/32214535_1_training-programme-home-ministry-police-officers accessed on 09 August
2012.
83. Edward R. Royce, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”,
Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 112th Congress, 14 September
2011, Serial No. 112-62, p. 1, foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearings/view/?1349, accessed on 09
August 2012.
84. P. Chidambaram, n 77.
85. Lisa Curtis, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”, n 80.
86. Ibid.
87. Amer Latif, “US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation: Deepening the Partnership”, Statement
Indo-US Defence Relationship 247
Introduction
A major foreign policy objective of President Putin is to restore, what he believes
is Russia’s rightful place in world affairs, i.e. a strong, secure and independent
Russia which is an equal partner in international affairs. The Georgian military
adventure of 2008 laid bare the inherent contradictions and problems within
Russia’s military, economic and technological set up. The refusal of key allies to
recognise the liberation and declaration of independence of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia glaringly highlighted the limitations of its foreign policy. The global
economic crisis, during the same period, further exposed the weak foundations
of the country’s primarily hydrocarbon export oriented economy. One can argue
that Russia’s international influence is limited on account of its declining military
prowess and lack of global economic competitiveness.
It is in this backdrop that Russia’s massive military modernisation programme
was launched with much fanfare in the year 2010. The programme, a cornerstone
of Russia’s National Security Strategy, aims to completely overhaul the country’s
military capabilities by the year 2020 and provide a stimulus for the nation’s
competitive economic growth.1 This in a way can help project its image worldwide
as a powerful independent nation with a significant say in international affairs.
Meanwhile, with Putin formally taking over the reins of presidency once again,
one can expect Russia to adopt a more hard-line approach towards the West.
Despite entering into modernisation alliances with the West and the ‘Reset’ with
the US during Medvedev’s presidency, the general mistrust between the two persists
for a number of reasons. These include: missile defence negotiations; NATO and
EU expansion ‘eastwards’; perceived subversion of UN and international rules;
unilateral abuse of power as witnessed in Libya and allegations of Western
interference in Russia’s March 2012 presidential elections. Moreover, at a time
when economic growth, especially in Europe, has come to a virtual standstill,
Russia needs new emerging markets to fuel its own growth story.
252 Asian Strategic Review
Most of Russia’s ships were docked at the berths for an indefinite period or scrapped
altogether on account of lack of spares and funds. Even the strategic nuclear
submarines showed signs of state apathy. Russia’s only naval aircraft carrier Admiral
Kuznetsov spent most of its time undergoing repairs rather than undertaking
missions on the high seas. The general technological decline of the MIC meant
that domestic repairs took the time that Western shipyards required to construct
new ships.9 Naval bases outside Russia such as Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam were
closed down and the one in Tartus in Syria scaled down to a mere repair and port
of call base. Long range reconnaissance aircraft and bombers too ground to a
halt.
The general decline in military preparedness was in sharp contrast to President
Putin’s oft stated goal of a strong and resurgent Russia on the back of its military
and economic prowess.10 In this backdrop, the new State Armament Programme
for 2011-2020 (Gosudarstvennaya Programma Vooruzhenii: GPV 2011-2020)
was launched in 2010.11 The GPV aims to completely overhaul Russia’s ailing
military and turn it into one of the world’s most technologically advanced fighting
unit. The defence ministry is expected to spend a staggering 22 trillion roubles
(approx $730 billion) during this ten year period to modernise the armed forces
and its military industrial complex.12 As per the plan, the levels of new armaments
in the armed forces will rise from the current level of 10 per cent to 30 and 70
per cent of the inventory in 2015 and 2020 respectively.13 In terms of the spending
structure, at least 10 per cent will be channelled into research and development
(R&D), 80 per cent into procuring new weapons and the remaining 10 per cent
into the repair and upgrade of existing equipment. The total defence spending
will make up 3.9 per cent of the GDP.14
The enormity of the programme can be gauged from the fact that Russia,
over the next 10 years, is poised to acquire close to, 400 advanced ground and
sea-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, eight nuclear-powered ballistic missile
submarines, 20 multi-purpose submarines, more than 50 combat ships, 100
military spacecraft, 600 advanced aircraft including fifth-generation fighters, 1,000
helicopters, 28 regimental kits of the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system, 38 battalion
kits of the Vityaz air defence system, 10 brigade kits of the Iskander-M ballistic
missile system, more than 2,300 modern tanks, 2,000 self-propelled artillery
vehicles and guns and more than 17,000 military motor vehicles.15 The
modernisation programme is not just confined to building up military capabilities
but also involves the implementation of a new military doctrine and re-organisation
of command and control structures.16
The development of the navy into a formidable force has been accorded top
priority in a move seen as an attempt to project hard power in the Asia-Pacific.17
There are plans to build a modern naval base at Vilyuchinsk in the Pacific Ocean,
where next-generation strategic nuclear submarines of the Borei class will be
based.18 Other significant naval assets specifically earmarked for the Pacific Fleet
include the French made Mistral helicopter and amphibious landing ships and
254 Asian Strategic Review
powerful Russia, both militarily and economically, along with its United Nations
Security Council veto power, emphasis on multi-polarity and association with
multilateral institutions like Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS)
Forum, Russia-India-China (RIC), Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO),
G-8 and G-20 has a lot of international appeal—especially for states that would
like to pursue an independent foreign policy and balance the US and China.
This renewed emphasis on economic reforms is driven by the negative
repercussions of the Georgian crisis of 2008 and the global financial crisis that
followed it. Russia’s GDP fell by 8 per cent in 2009 while the stock market
plummeted by almost 90 per cent from the peak achieved in the summer of 2008.21
During this period, foreign direct investment (FDI) also fell by a whopping 45
per cent and there was a huge outflow of capital.22 Russia’s economy which, till
date, is resource export dependent was not prepared to absorb the sudden fall in
global hydrocarbon prices.
To provide a real impetus to the high technology drive, the Skolkovo
innovation hub was established in 2010 on the outskirts of Moscow. Its aim is to
develop a robust national innovation system and a knowledge based economy
through the convergence of innovative projects and global financial resources.23
Russia is home to some of the best engineers and scientists in the world and
therefore seems to be in a better position to implement radical ideas in collaboration
with foreign capital and technology. Modernisation of the society as a whole, will
be accompanied by a thorough integration of cutting-edge dual use technologies,
maximising the human and intellectual potential of the country, capacity building
and creating entirely new areas of world-class technology. The centre will focus
on research in five priority areas: energy, information technology, communication,
biomedical research and nuclear technology24 apart from the industrial base, which
will be strengthened by the construction of military infrastructure.
The military modernisation is expected to provide an economic stimulus for
the creation of 25 million high-technology jobs by 2020; increase the rate of
investment from the current 10 per cent to 27 per cent of the gross domestic
product (GDP) by 2018; improve labour productivity by 50 per cent; and increase
the high-technology sector’s share of the economy by 30 per cent within six years.25
It is also intended to reduce the share of energy resources in exports from 64 per
cent to 34 per cent by 2030.26
The modernisation agenda will complement Medvedev’s initiative of
‘modernisation alliances’ that sought to partner Russia with the Western states for
high technology collaboration. This is extremely critical for fresh investment and
innovation. The programme blends in seamlessly with the country’s National
Security Strategy 2020, which highlights the need to ensure security through
military, economic and social development.27 With Russia slated to host the Winter
Olympics in Sochi in 2014 and the Soccer World Cup in 2018, the resulting
infrastructure development is also expected to jump start its modernisation drive.
256 Asian Strategic Review
is able to modernise its armed forces and economy, recover the costs of R&D and
be a world leader in science and technology.
Thus, the low cost of weapons, joint development of weapon systems, benefits
of a stable partnership with a nation that sits at the high-table of UNSC and its
past history of supporting colonial struggles appeals to many countries in Asia.
Over the past few years, Russia has continued to export weapons to traditional
recipients like China, India and Vietnam while at the same time has attempted
to sell weapons to the relatively new markets of Indonesia, Malaysia and
Philippines.41 Consequently, defence diplomacy can be seen as an attempt by
Russia to increase its presence in the region.
Development of the Far East
Russia’s Far East, stretching from Lake Baikal to the Pacific coast, continues to
be an enigma for policy makers at the Kremlin. For a region rich in natural
resources and comprising a significant 36 per cent of the country’s territory, it
generates only six per cent of the country’s GDP and is home to a mere 4.4 per
cent of its population (roughly around 6 million).42 The demographic anomaly
is further accentuated by simple statistics; across the Russian Far East there are
280 million Chinese living in China’s border regions; 24 million in North Korea;
nearly 50 million in South Korea; 95 million in the Philippines and 55 million
in Vietnam.43 Vladivostok is 9,000 kilometres from Moscow whereas the major
financial hubs of Beijing, Tokyo and Seoul lie within a 1,400 kilometres radius
of Vladivostok.
Infrastructure development in the region had completely dried up prior to
the APEC summit held in the year 2012. It is estimated that the combined port
capacity of all the cities in the Russian Far East is less than that of the Chinese
port of Dalian.44 Therefore, the development and security of this long neglected
and underdeveloped region has been accorded top priority in the country’s domestic
and foreign policy initiatives.45
The Far East depends on trade with China across the long porous border and
the region has witnessed a rapid increase in the immigration of Chinese labourers
during the last few years.46 The irony of Russia’s declared strong-strategic bilateral
relationship with China lies in the fact that there is a growing fear of being
overwhelmed by Chinese migration which in the long run will alter the very
nature of demographic dynamics of the region.
Accordingly, Russia’s foray into the Asia-Pacific can be seen as an attempt to
develop the region by linking and integrating the economy of its Far East with
the emerging economies of the Asia-Pacific and preventing China from gaining
a free hand in the region.
The government’s determination to develop this area can be gauged from the
fact that a separate ministry has been created specifically for the economic growth
of the region. Russia spent an astounding $21 billion to build new infrastructure
Russia’s Military Modernisation 259
from scratch for the 2012 APEC summit in Vladivostok; its biggest city in the
East.47
Need for New Allies in the Backdrop of Domestic and External Challenges
Russia faces many challenges, both domestic and external, in a globalised world.
Economic growth continues to be sluggish with the growth figure for 2012 pegged
somewhere between 3-4 per cent as compared to 6-7 per cent achieved before
the 2008 economic crisis.48 Moreover, the economy is still primarily dependent
on hydrocarbon exports. The global economic slowdown can have serious
ramifications for the petro-dollar economy and hence become a major hurdle in
the way of the implementation of Putin’s election manifesto, which aimed to
improve the general standard of living in Russia. Consequently, these developments
may further fuel the current domestic discontent and in turn create political
instability in the future.
Moreover, Russia has been plagued by a demographic crisis for more than
two decades and the measures it takes to stop the slide will have national
implications. The country’s population has declined from 148.6 million in 1993,
after the breakup of the Soviet Union, to 143 million today.49 Several factors
including a high death and infant mortality rate, a low birth rate and, an often
inadequate health care system are responsible for the decline.50 This will have a
direct impact on the labour market and also the economic modernisation
programme which is expected to help the economy shift from the dependence on
hydrocarbons to one that is labour intensive manufacturing and high technology.
It has been estimated that the country may face a shortage of 14 million skilled
workers by 2020.51 Moreover, the demographic decline may also threaten Russia’s
conscription programme and stymie its plans to build a modern professional army.
The rise of religious extremism in the North Caucasus regions of Chechnya,
Dagestan and Ingushetia is a matter of grave concern. From the security point of
view, the extremists’ call for separation of these territories on religious grounds
has deep ramifications for unity of the Russian state. Moreover, there are
apprehensions that Western interference in the Arab crisis may further destabilise
this region.52
At the international level, Russia no longer enjoys the status of being one
pole of the world at the height of the Cold War. The primary objective of President
Putin is to make Russia a strong and independent state. A multi-polar world,
with Russia as an important player and international collective decision making
through the UN and other multilateral institutions form pillars of the country’s
foreign policy.53
The United States is looked upon as the main opponent of Russia.54 Many
in the Kremlin detest America’s unilateral initiatives in international diplomacy
which leaves little room for other actors. Refusal of the US in missile defence
negotiations, to guarantee that the shield will never be used against Russia, is
viewed as a deliberate ploy to undermine the strategic balance between the two
260 Asian Strategic Review
be ruled out. Russia does not have the economic, political or military capabilities
to counter the Chinese or American designs in the region. Herein lies a big challenge
to its successfully manoeuvring its foreign policy Eastwards. By being forced to
compete with both China and the US in the APR, Russia’s own leverage in this
area can at best be that of a ‘balancer’ helping to stabilise the region. The fact that
it has no territorial claims here can work in its favour.
The dynamics of Russia’s relationship with China and India and multilateral
institutions of the Asia-Pacific are analysed below.
China
Prime Minister Medvedev, during his state visit in September 2010, declared that
relations with China have ‘reached their highest point’. This in brief sums up the
strength of their bilateral ties. Moreover, President Putin’s 2012 election manifesto
highlighted the need for a strong China to maintain world stability and the
enormous potential for business cooperation between the two countries.60 In a
way, this reflects Russia’s admission that it remains distrustful of the West despite
the perceived rapprochement and that China remains its only strong ally with a
similar world vision. The principles of multi-polarity; the establishment of a just
and stable world order; respect for international laws and prevention of use of
force on the pretext of humanitarian intervention are the hallmark of their foreign
policy.61
Moreover, the border dispute has been fully resolved and the East Siberia
Pacific Ocean (ESPO) pipeline has added a real strategic dimension to the
partnership. The two countries are part of several multilateral institutions such
as: BRICS, RIC and SCO and their armed forces have participated in joint exercises
in Central Asia and the Yellow Sea. China has overtaken Germany to become
Russia’s biggest trading partner62 and their stock exchanges have started the process
of rouble-yuan trading.63
Nevertheless, despite open declarations of a strong relationship, there is an
inherent paradox in the bilateral ties. Russia is apprehensive regarding the rise of
an assertive China.64 This may have significantly prompted Russia to seek new
allies in Asia in order to subtly balance China.
Russia-China ties have undergone a complete transformation from the Cold
War era.65 China’s GDP, military capability and its defence budget is way ahead
of Russia’s, while the reverse was true during the Cold War.66 Subsequently, Russia’s
position in the partnership has been openly debated with many being of the view
that it is now a junior partner to China. The military and economic modernisation
programme is not expected to restore Russia’s parity with it.
There are dissenters within the Kremlin who are opposed to Russia becoming
a mere raw material provider for fuelling China’s growth. China’s infringement of
the intellectual property rights (IPR) of Russian weapons is well documented.67
The fact that their exact replicas have often been exported by China, thereby
causing significant loss to Russia’s own defence economy, remains a key sticking
262 Asian Strategic Review
point.68 That these weapons might be used against Russia in a worst case scenario
can also not be ruled out. Moreover, China’s decision to aggressively explore shale
gas in collaboration with energy giant Shell69 has jeopardised Russia’s plans to
become its principal energy provider and thereby secure a long term hydrocarbon
market. With Europe going through a tumultuous economic phase, wherein its
energy demands may not see an exponential growth in the future, Russia needs
the new energy markets of Asia-Pacific to fuel its own economic growth through
resource exports.
However, the biggest dilemma facing Russia is its resource rich but
underdeveloped Far East and Siberia. The region has long borders with China
and is now enormously dependent on it for its survival.70 Very little investment
has been channelled from Moscow in the last decade and the area is seeing declining
demography, growing unemployment and migration to the European part of
Russia.71 There is a real fear of the Far East being swamped by Chinese migrants
or being completely annexed by it in order to meet its growing energy requirements.
This has been further compounded by illegal fishing and logging that continues
unabated.72 The region’s delicate demography and social balance is at stake and
Chinese threat at the borders perceived to be real.
However, with Putin’s hard line approach towards the West expected to
continue, over fundamental differences of how they perceive the world, any conflict
with China will leave Russia with no major partners on the global stage. Therefore,
his call to China for help in developing its Far East can be seen as an attempt to
intertwine their economic interests to the extent that it becomes impossible to
break the ties. Russia’s willingness to open negotiations for the sale of Sukhoi-35
fighter aircraft to China, despite its history of reverse engineering and own security
concerns, can be construed as part of this line of thinking.
Therefore, the inherent paradoxes, of strengthening ties on one hand and
prevailing apprehensions on the other, represent the current dilemma being faced
by Russian leaders. Nevertheless, there is a growing realisation that while there is
no alternative to China, Russia can attempt to subtly balance it in the Far East by
making new allies (who themselves are apprehensive about China’s growing might)
in the Asia-Pacific.
In the past, Russia has tried to balance China in regions where their strategic
interests have collided, like in Central Asia; a region often referred to as Russia’s
‘Near Abroad’. In order to counter China’s growing engagement in the region,
Russia has tried to strengthen its position by encouraging integration projects in
this post Soviet space through the Collective Security treaty Organisation (CSTO),
Eurasian Economic Union and the Customs Union.
India
Apart from China, Russia also has a traditional and strategic relationship with
India. A convergence and near unanimity of views on practically all global issues,
marks their ties; often described as ‘special and privileged’.73 Over the years, a
Russia’s Military Modernisation 263
strong defence and economic partnership with Russia has helped India overcome
numerous domestic and international crises. The two countries continue to look
at international issues through the prism of multi-polarity as witnessed in their
cooperation in various multilateral institutions such as SCO, BRICS and RIC.
Moreover, they have moved from a mere ‘buyer and seller’ of arms to joint
production of weapons systems; an indication of their trust in each others
capabilities.
While Russia has a strong strategic bond with both India and China, the
reverse is true of India-China ties which have been marked by a long running
border dispute. In the past, Russia has attempted to bring them together through
the multilateral frameworks of RIC, SCO and BRICS. These forums have provided
a good platform for both Russia and India to constructively engage China and
appraise each other of their respective concerns and apprehensions.
The importance of an India-Russia partnership cannot be underestimated in
Russia’s attempts to balance China. India can facilitate Russia’s renewed focus
towards the ‘East’ by exploring its synergies with its own ‘Look East’ policy. It has
close cultural and historical ties with countries of South East Asia and has signed
a Free Trade Agreement with Association of South East Asian (ASEAN) nations.
Russia, which now holds the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
presidency, has advocated India’s membership of the organisation in order to
increase its political weight.74 Similarly, Russia can facilitate India’s ‘Connect
Central Asia’ policy for cementing its ties with the region by building trade,
transportation and economic links.75
However, despite the apparent bonhomie, there are also some irritants in the
India-Russia bilateral partnership, to the extent that President Putin postponed
his proposed October 2012 diplomatic visit to India by close to two months.
Russia has criticised the perceived inability of the Indian government to protect
its huge investment, of $ 3 billion, in Sistema Shyam Tele Services (subsidiary of
Russia’s AFK Sistema group) operations in the country.76 The Supreme Court of
India had cancelled the telecom licences of a number of service providers including
Sistema on the grounds of irregularities in allocation of spectrum. Russia believes
that its bid was in accordance with the rules prevalent at that time and therefore
should not be penalised. Moreover, it feels that India has not done enough to
convince the courts to protect its genuine economic interests. While highlighting
the underlying tensions, Russia has threatened international arbitration and warned
that the case can have negative repercussions for future Russian investments in
the country. 77
Moreover, India’s decision to impose the nuclear liability law on Units 3 and
4 of Kudankulam nuclear plant has caused friction between the two partners.
According to the law, the suppliers of nuclear equipment are responsible for any
faulty parts or design and therefore liable for penalties in event of any mishap.
This will substantially push up the cost of constructing new nuclear reactors in
terms of higher insurance premiums and risk taking capabilities. Russia has
264 Asian Strategic Review
maintained that the law does not apply to the new units since they are part of the
original contract or else India must pay more for these reactors.78
India’s weapons diversification programme involving high profile arms
purchases from the West, often at the expense of Russian suppliers, is also a matter
of concern for Russia. This comes at a time when Russia’s Libyan weapons market
is down, the Syrian market remains uncertain and China continues to steam ahead
with its own indigenous arms production programme. For a country which has
been the principal arms supplier to India for more than three decades, there is a
perception that India now prefers Western weapons following its general drift
towards the West and especially the US. This perception may have been further
strengthened by India voting in favour of the West sponsored United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) resolution on Syria which Russia opposed.79
On the Indian side, the postponement of delivery of aircraft carrier
Vikramaditya to the end of 201380 once again highlighted the inherent problems
in India’s defence partnership with Russia. The repeated delay in deliveries, cost
escalation and the inferior quality of Russian weapons systems, have time and
again, strained the relationship.
Moreover, it is believed that ONGC Videsh Limited’s (OVL) overseas
acquisition of Imperial Energy, one of its biggest worth $ 2.12 billion,81 has run
into rough waters. Russia had facilitated this deal. OVL has been accused of
overestimating the potential hydrocarbon output and thereby over-valuing the
company, which resulted in significant losses to the exchequer. The current level
of output is between 17,000 and 18,000 barrels of oil per day (bpd), much lower
than the projected output of 40,000 bpd.82 Moreover, frequent changes in Russian
tax rates have also been an obstacle to increased productivity. Imperial’s profit
after paying all taxes is just $ 15-16 per barrel.83
Russia’s growing engagement with Pakistan has also been a source of concern
for India. The perceived rapprochement has involved high level political
interactions including President Zardari’s official visit to Moscow; the first such
visit in 37 years. Russia is not averse to Pakistan’s entry to the SCO even though
it can be interpreted as an attempt to engage it over Afghanistan, since Pakistan
is key to future stability of the country. Any development in the war stricken
country will have repercussions in Russia’s own neighbourhood. However, Russia
has tried to assuage India’s fears by stating that it has no plans to sell weapons to
India’s enemies (in reference to Pakistan).84 Moreover, it was widely reported that
Putin had called off the first ever visit by a Russian President’s to Pakistan due to
India’s sensitivities on this delicate issue. However, Russia did send Foreign Minister
Lavrov to Pakistan instead, thereby highlighting Russia’s desire to mend ties with
Pakistan. Consequently, Russia has shown that as part of geopolitical necessity, if
India can improve and strengthen its ties with the West, Russia can do the same
with Pakistan.85
However, the two strategic allies, who practically agree on most matters of
international concern, can be expected to resolve these issues. Russia’s ambassador
Russia’s Military Modernisation 265
to India, Alexander Kadakin, has gone on record to assert that despite Russia’s
increasing ties with China and Pakistan, New Delhi remains Moscow’s closest
strategic partner.86
Vietnam, on the basis of its historical economic and defence ties, is one
of Russia’s closest partners in the Asia-Pacific. They have agreed to jointly
build weapons and Vietnam has given Russia the option to set up a ship
maintenance base in the Cam Ranh Bay port. 106 The Kilo class
submarines, which Russia has agreed to sell to Vietnam, will give the
country the largest submarine fleet in the region between China and
Australia.107
l) Russia has also stepped up its multilateral engagement with the ASEAN
by inking a comprehensive cooperation programme with it. Both sides
have agreed to work together to develop a new regional security
architecture for the Asia-Pacific region and collaborate on tackling issues
of food security, pandemic diseases and disaster management.108 Apart
from being a dialogue partner of the bloc, Russia also participates in
various consultative meetings of ASEAN. These include ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF), the Post Ministerial Conferences (PMCs) 10+1,
ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting and the East Asia Summit.109
Opportunities for India
Russia’s military and economic modernisation programme has opened up
opportunities for India. India can leverage its 65 years of strategic bilateral
partnership to be an integral part of this mutually beneficial programme. Russia
has some of the world’s best scientists and is still a major scientific and
technological power while India’s information technology (IT) sector is comparable
to the best in the world. The two countries can look to further explore synergies
in the field of research and development (R&D) and innovation in high
technology which can give a boost to their modernisation programmes.110
Russia is one of the world’s principal weapons producer and exporter. The
finesse and legacy of cutting edge Soviet arms technology continues in the present
day military industrial complex. Herein lies a great opportunity for India to take
the relationship to the next level. It can explore more joint weapons projects
involving sophisticated technology: which will be a win-win for both the parties.
India gets access to advanced technology while Russia benefits economically from
developing and exporting new weapons systems, modernising its own armed forces
while at the same time consolidating its scientific expertise and research
programmes. This can also help to cut down on the delays in upgrading and
providing new weapons platforms (as witnessed in the repeated postponement of
the delivery of aircraft carrier Vikramaditya) since both countries will have a joint
stake instead of being just a buyer and a seller.
The two countries can attempt to implement diffusion of military and civilian
technology and not just rely on exchange of high technology in the defence sector.
This may not only help to increase productivity and efficiency but also ensure a
competitive advantage for their economies.111
The economic modernisation programme will lead to massive infrastructure
268 Asian Strategic Review
Conclusion
Russia stands at an important threshold given Putin’s endeavour to restore, what
he perceives is, the country’s rightful place in global affairs. Relations with both
the West and China are an integral part of its foreign policy discourse. Even then
it is difficult to imagine Russia viewing the world primarily through the prism of
ideology. Putin has in the past displayed elements of pragmatism regarding the
rapprochement with the West because of Russia’s need to modernise the economy.
Russia’s Military Modernisation 269
N OTES
1. Andrey Frolov, “State Armament Program 2020: Progress and Lessons of 2011”, Moscow
Defence Brief, http://mdb.cast.ru/mdb/1-2012/item2/article3/, accessed on 10 November,
2012.
2. “Russia’s APEC Integration ‘Just Beginning—Experts’,” Rianovosti, 2 September 2012, http:/
/en.rian.ru/analysis/20120902/175545911.html, accessed on 1 December, 2012.
3. Ibid.
4. An objective of the military modernisation programme is to simultaneously develop Russia’s
industrial base by focusing on building dual use high technologies.
5. Nottingham and Thornton, “Military reform in Russia”, Russian Analytical Digest, No 116,
9 July 2012 http://www.res.ethz.ch/kb/search/details.cfm?lng=en&id=146477, accessed on
7 September, 2012.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Dmitry Boltenkov, “Reform of the Russian Navy in 2008-2011”, Moscow Defence Brief, http:/
/www.mdb.cast.ru/mdb/2-2011/item5/article1/, accessed on 29 August, 2012.
270 Asian Strategic Review
9. Ibid.
10. Election manifesto of President Vladimir Putin, “Russia and the changing world”, Russia
Today, 27 February, 2012 http://rt.com/politics/official-word/putin-russia-changing-world-
263/, accessed on 9 September, 2012.
11. “Russia to prioritize modern weaponry in new arms acquisition programme”, Rianovosti, 11
March, 2011, http://en.rian.ru/mlitary_news/20110311/162956743.html, accessed 4
September 2012.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Election manifesto of President Vladimir Putin, “Being strong: National security guarantees
for Russia”, Russia Today, 20 February, 2012, http://rt.com/politics/official-word/strong-putin-
military-russia-711/n, accessed on 1 September 2012.
16. Ibid.
17. Dmitry Boltenkov, “Reform of the Russian Navy in 2008-2011”, Moscow Defence Brief, http:/
/www.mdb.cast.ru/mdb/2-2011/item5/article1/, accessed on 29 August, 2012.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Election manifesto of President Vladimir Putin, “We need a new economy”, Russia Today, 16
February, 2012, http://rt.com/politics/official-word/putin-article-economy-competitiveness-
011/, accessed on 16 September, 2012.
21. Jeffrey Mankoff, “Changing course in Moscow, is Medvedev serious about a new vision for
Russian foreign policy”, Foreign Affairs, 7 September 2010, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/
ARTICLES/66743/jeffrey-mankoff/changing-co, accessed on 1 September, 2012.
22. Ibid.
23. “Russia sets up its own Silicon Valley”, Rianovosti, 14 September, 2009, http://en.rian.ru/
analysis/20100914/160582944.html, accessed on 10 September, 2012.
24. Ibid.
25. Dmitri Trenin, Maria Lipman, Alexey Malashenko and Nikolay Petrov, “Russia on the move”,
Carnegie Endowment Policy Outlook, June 2012, http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/06/01/
russia-on-move/b14p#, accessed on 21 September, 2012.
26. Ibid.
27. Government of the Russian Federation, “National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation”,
12 May 2009, http://www.scrf.gov.ru/documents/99.html, accessed on 16 September 2012.
28. Mikhail Barabanov, “New Russian national security strategy to 2020”, Moscow Defence Brief,
http://www.mdb.cast.ru/mdb/2-2009/item2/article1/, accessed on 12 September 2012.
29. K. Brutents, “Russia and Asia”, International Affairs (Moscow), 57 (3), 2011, pp. 84-99.
30. Robert H. Donaldson and Joseph L Nogee, The Foreign Policy of Russia: Changing Systems,
Enduring Interests, ME Sharpe, New York, 2009, pp. 107-162.
31. Dmitri Trenin, Maria Lipman, Alexey Malashenko and Nikolay Petrov, “Russia on the move”,
Carnegie Endowment Policy Outlook, June 2012, http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/06/01/
russia-on-move/b14p#, accessed on 21 September, 2012.
32. “Putin says Eurozone crisis could hurt Russian economy”, Radio Free Europe, 4 June, 2012,
http://www.rferl.org/content/russia-ruble-oil-slump/24603021.html, accessed on 1 September,
2012 and Paul Hannon, ‘European crisis seen spreading to Russia’, The Wall Street Journal,
25 July 2012, http://blogs.wsj.com/eurocrisis/2012/07/25/european-crisis-seen-spreading-to-
russia/, accessed on 10 September 2012.
33. “Building justice: A social policy for Russia”, Russia Today, 13 February 2012, http://rt.com/
politics/official-word/putin-building-justice-russia-133/, accessed on 12 September 2012.
34. In a special 2010 research paper titled “Russian Trade and Foreign Direct Investment Policy
at the Crossroads”, Natalya Volchkova of the New Economic School and David Tarr of the
Russia’s Military Modernisation 271
World Bank estimated that Russia would gain $53 billion in the medium term and $177
billion in the long term from WTO membership. About 10 per cent of this windfall is
expected to come from Russian exporters’ improved access to international markets. The
remaining 90 per cent is expected to result from the government’s new obligations to
implement reforms and lower trade barriers.
35. “European Exclave’ Residents Skeptical”, Rianovosti, 7 September 2012, http://en.ria.ru/russia/
20120907/175832195.html, accessed on 22 September 2012.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
38. “Russia’s trade with Asia-Pacific region to be more than with EU in 10 years”, Russia Today,
7 September, 2012, http://rt.com/business/news/shuvalov-trade-eu-asia-pacific-582/, accessed
on 1 January 2013.
39. “Putin releases manifesto for economic revival”, Russia Today, 30 January 2012, http://rt.com/
politics/putin-russia-new-economy-005/, accessed on 21 December 2012.
40. Pavel Salin, “Russia and Asia, or Russia within Asia?”, Russia in Global Affairs, 9 (3), July-
September 2011, pp. 72-83.
41. Erlinda F. Basilio, “The Way Forward in a Profound Era of Change”, International Affairs
(Moscow), 57 (5), 2011, pp. 148-153.
42. Vladimir Radyuhin, “For Russia, a new port of call”, The Hindu, 6 September 2012, http:/
/www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3863092.ece, accessed on 9 September 2012.
43. Roundtable Discussions, “The Year 2010: Was Russia Looking to the East?,” International
Affairs (Moscow), 57 (2), 2011, pp. 168-187.
44. “Russia’s APEC Integration ‘Just Beginning’—Experts”, Rianovosti, 2 September 2012, http:/
/en.rian.ru/analysis/20120902/175545911.html, accessed on 14 September 2012.
45. In the “National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation to 2020” endorsed by President
Medvedev in May 2009, point No. 62 directs the government to ensure “in the interest of
ensuring national security in the medium term, competitive sectors are being developed and
markets for Russian products are being expanded, the effectiveness of fuel energy complex is
being enhanced, instruments of public private partnership being used to resolve strategic
challenges to economic development and to the completion of a basic transport, energy,
information and military infrastructure, especially in the Arctic zone, Eastern Siberia and
the Far East of Russian Federation.
46. Natasha Kuhrt, “The Russian Far East in Russia’s Asia Policy: Dual Integration or Double
Periphery?,” Europe-Asia Studies, 64 (3), pp. 471-493.
47. “APEC summit leaves European exclave residents sceptical”, Rianovosti, 7 September 2012,
http://en.ria.ru/russia/20120907/175832195.html, accessed on 9 September 2012.
48. “News conference of Vladimir Putin”, President of Russia, 20 December 2012, http://
eng.kremlin.ru/news/4779#sel=19:1,19:26;20:1,20:57, accessed on 21 December 2012.
49. Heineman, Ben, “In Russia, a Demographic Crisis and Worries for Nation’s Future”, The
Atlantic, 11 October 2011, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/10/in-
russia-a-demographic-crisis-and-worries-for-nations-future/246277/, accessed on 11 December
2012.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Vladimir Radyuhin, “Russia warns the West against interference”, The Hindu, 11 March 2011,
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/article1526408.ece?homepage=true, accessed on 11
December 2012.
53. Aleksey Nikolsky, “Russia and the Changing World”, Russia Today, 27 February 2012, http:/
/rt.com/politics/official-word/putin-russia-changing-world-263/, accessed on 22 December
2012.
54. Lipman, Malashenko, Petrov and Trenin, “Russia on the Move”, Carnegie Policy Outlook,
272 Asian Strategic Review
and-policy/follow-investment-rules-till-the-game-is-over-says-russia/
article3998970.ece?ref=wl_industry-and-economy, accessed on 18 December 2012.
78. Sandeep Dikshit, “Russia alone proposed a way out of tightened NSG rules, says envoy”,
The Hindu, 8 December 2011, http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2696022.ece,
accessed on 16 December 2012.
79. Vladimir Radyuhin, “The cold wind from Russia”, The Hindu, 3 March 2012, http://
www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2954867.ece, accessed on 16 December 2012.
80. The project has seen repeated delays and huge cost over-runs. During the sea trials, seven
out of eight steam boilers of the propulsion machinery were out of order. The project signed
in 2005 for US$947 million has been delayed twice and will now cost US$ 2.3 billion. ‘India’s
Russian Carrier on Rocks Again After Sea Trial Snags’, Rianovosti, 17 September 2012, http:/
/en.rian.ru/military_news/20120917/176004107.html, accessed on 16 December 2012.
81. “OVL’s Imperial Energy production less than 50% of projected level”, The Hindu, 29 July
2012, http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/companies/article2305182.ece, accessed on 16
December 2012.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid.
84. Sandeep Dikshit, “We will not sell arms to Pakistan, says Russia”, The Hindu, 14 October
2012, http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/we-will-not-sell-arms-to-pakistan-says-
russia/article3996891.ece, accessed on 7 November 2012.
85. Foreign Minister Lavrov during his visit to Pakistan in October 2012 signed three MoUs
including possibility of expansion of a metalurgical plant near Karachi that was set up with
Soviet assistance in the 1970s, modernisation of Pakistan’s railways and renovation of two
thermal and electric power stations. General Kayani had also visited Moscow in October
2012 in Vladimir Skosyrev, ‘Moscow and Islamabad meet each other half-way’, Nezavisimaya
Gazeta, Moscow, 9 October 2012, p. 7.
86. “India remains Russia’s closest strategic partner: Alexander Kadakin”, Embassy of the Russian
Federation in the Republic of India, 30 November 2012, http://rusembassy.in/
index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5403%3Aindia-remains-russias-closest-
strategic-partner-alexander-kadakin&catid=16%3Apress-on-bilateral-relations&
directory=155&lang=en, accessed on 19 December 2012.
87. Natasha Kuhrt, “The Russian Far East in Russia’s Asia Policy: Dual Integration or Double
Periphery?”, Europe-Asia Studies, 64 (3), pp. 471-493.
88. V. Fydorov, “Russia to launch 2nd stage of ESPO pipeline by year-end”, India-Russia Report,
December 19, 2012, http://indrus.in/articles/2012/12/19/russia_to_launch_2nd_
stage_of_espo_pipeline_by_year-end_21139.html, accessed on 21 December 2012
89. “Russia, South Korea to discuss gas supplies via North Korea”, Rianovosti, 24 October 2011,
http://en.rian.ru/business/20111024/168057566.html, accessed on 1 September 2012.
90. Ibid.
91. Ibid.
92. Ibid.
93. “Russia and Japan to create brotherhood of Asian Super Ring”, Pravda, 13 November 2012,
http://english.pravda.ru/russia/economics/13-11-2012/122794-russia_japan-0/, accessed on
21 December 2012.
94. Bagot and Wilson, “The Russian Far East Gateway to Asia”, The School of Russian and Asian
Studies, http://www.sras.org/russian_far_east, accessed on 21 December 2012.
95. “Russia, Japan Bolster Ties”, Rianovosti, 8 September 2012, http://en.rian.ru/business/
20120908/175842855.html, accessed on 21 December 2012.
96. G. Ivashenstov, “APEC 2012 Summit: Russia’s Pacific Horizons”, International Affairs
(Moscow), No. 2, 2012, pp: 23-34, http://dlib.eastview.com/browse/doc/27075326, accessed
on 1 December 2012.
274 Asian Strategic Review
97. Vladimir Radyuhin, “For Russia, a new port of call”, The Hindu, 6 September 2012, http:/
/www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3863092.ece, accessed on 9 September 2012.
98. “Putin: Eurasian Economic Union by 2013”, The Moscow Times, 13 July 2011, http://
www.themoscowtimes.com/business/article/putin-eurasian-economic-union-by-2013/
440422.html, accessed on 25 November 2012.
99. “Minister of Transportation: Use of the Northern Sea Route is our speciality”, Arctic Info, 5
September 2012, http://www.arctic-info.com/News/Page/minister-of-transportation—use-of-
the-northern-sea-route-is-our-speciality, accessed on 2 October 2012.
100. Vladimir Radyuhin, “For Russia, a new port of call”, The Hindu, 6 September 2012, http:/
/www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3863092.ece, accessed on 21 September 2012.
101. “Russia to double grain exports by 2020-Putin”, Rianovosti, 7 September 2012, http://
en.rian.ru/business/20120907/175823130.html, accessed on 21 November 2012.
102. G. Ivashenstov, “APEC 2012 Summit: Russia’s Pacific Horizons”, International Affairs
(Moscow), No 2, 2012, pp: 23-34, http://dlib.eastview.com/browse/doc/27075326, accessed
on 1 December 2012.
103. “New Zealand-Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan Free Trade Agreement (FTA)”, New Zealand
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, http://www.mfat.govt.nz/Trade-and-Economic-Relations/
2-Trade-Relationships-and-Agreements/Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan/index.php, accessed on 21
December 2012.
104. “Vietnam Considers Joining Customs Union”, Rianovosti, 29 July 2012, http://en.rian.ru/
russia/20120729/174844893.html, accessed on 22 December 2012.
105. Russia has provided a US$ one billion line of credit, payable over 15 years, to Indonesia to
buy six Sukhoi fighter jets, T90S tanks, BMP-3 armoured vehicles and Smerch rockets in
“Russia to sell six Su-30 fighter jets to Indonesia—paper”, Rianovosti, 7 December 2011,
http://en.rian.ru/world/20111207/169441067.html, accessed on 20 September 2012.
Malaysia too has received a significant number of Russian weapons with the two sides in
advanced talks for the purchase of 16 MiG-29N Fulcrum and 18 Su-30MKM Flanker fighters.
Russia has also agreed to provide RVV-AE air-to-air missiles for the Malaysian air force in a
deal estimated to be US$ 35 million in “Russia signs $35-mln missile contract with Malaysia”,
Rianovosti, 19 April 2012, http://en.rian.ru/world/20120419/172915744.html, accessed on
20 September 2012 and Dmitry Vasiliev, “Russian arms trade in 2011”, Moscow Defence Brief,
http://www.mdb.cast.ru/mdb/1-2012/item3/article1/, accessed on 21 September 2012.
106. “Russia, Vietnam to Jointly Manufacture Anti-Ship Missiles”, Rianovosti, 15 February 2012,
http://en.rian.ru/world/20120215/171330093.html, accessed on 1 December 2012.
107. Mikhail Barabanov, “New Russian National Security Strategy to 2020”, Moscow Defence Brief,
http://www.mdb.cast.ru/mdb/2-2009/item2/article1/, accessed on 12 September 2012.
108. ASEAN http://www.aseansec.org/5921.htm, accessed on 20 September 2012.
109. Ibid.
110. Rajorshi Roy, “Skolkovo Initiative: Russia’s Drive Towards Modernization”, IDSA Commentary,
26 November 2010, http://idsa.in/idsacomments/SkolkovoInitiativeRussiasDriveTowards
Modernization_rroy_261110, accessed on 23 September 2012.
111. Ibid.
112. Olga Razumovskaya, “Government Allocates $10Bln for World Cup”; The Moscow Times, 3
December 2010 http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/government-allocates-10bln-
for-world-cup/425710.html, accessed on 1 September 2012.
113. “India-ASEAN Relations”, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, http://
meaindia.nic.in/mystart.php?id=8901, accessed on 22 September 2012.
114. “India, ASEAN finalise terms of free trade in services”, The Hindu, 20 December 2012, http:/
/www.thehindubusinessline.com/industry-and-economy/india-asean-finalise-terms-of-free-
trade-in-services/article4222537.ece?css=print, accessed on 31 December 2012.
115. “Russia Calls for Talks in Sino-Japanese Dispute”, The Journal of Turkish Weekly, 14 September
2012, http://www.turkishweekly.net/news/141951/russia-calls-for-talks-in-sino-japanese-
dispute.html, accessed on September 21, 2012.
Nuclear Issues
16
Nuclear Modernisation in India’s
Neighbourhood
Rajiv Nayan
Introduction
India, has traditionally, been placed in South Asia. This conventional categorisation
may have been accepted by India, but it has always resented being boxed in South
Asia when it comes to its security. When, of all the countries, a nuclear China,
that borders India, and with which it has territorial issues, is not considered as
being a part of this region, India’s scepticism regarding South Asia as a security
category seems valid. Moreover, India’s basic discomfort at being placed in South
Asia is its own size, geography, culture and history. It maintains that because of
its sheer size it is faced with security challenges that are not faced by other South
Asian countries. Moreover, India is located in a fast militarising and dangerous
neighbourhood.
A very refreshing formulation of the security region vis-à-vis India was made
by an Indian official. He described it in terms of concentric circles. According to
him, the first regional circle around India consists of its immediate neighbourhood
or region that includes countries of the South Asian Association of Regional
Cooperation (SAARC) as well as Afghanistan and China. The ‘next circle’:
...extends to much of the Indian Ocean littoral. From the west to the east it
stretches from Aden to Singapore—from Iran to central Asian Republics, from
the Gulf countries to the countries of ASEAN [Association of South East
Asian Nations]. It stretches, in the north, from Russia, as a Eurasian part, to
Seychelles, Mauritius and Indonesia in the South.1
The last circle “encompasses Turkey, the countries of the East African seaboard,
stretching from the Horn of Africa, the Koreas, Japan and Australia.”2
However, this paper will confine itself to two of India’s immediate
neighbours—China and Pakistan. Of all the countries in India’s neighbourhood,
the Indian strategic community is most concerned about the military
modernisation in China and Pakistan. For many years, China has been on the
278 Asian Strategic Review
path of consistently high economic growth. Ever since 1978, when it initiated the
process of economic reform, its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown at
annual average of 10 percent. China has emerged as the second largest economy
of the world. Even at present, it is projected to grow at 7.5 percent in 2012. The
burgeoning economy and the rising global stature of China have fuelled its military
spending. On March 4, 2012, China’s annual military budget went up to roughly
$106 billion. Its particular area for modernisation is its nuclear arsenal.
However, Pakistan, which is in the midst of political turmoil and an economic
downturn is also modernising its nuclear arsenal. In contrast to China, Pakistan’s
economy has been struggling at around 3 percent over the past five years.3 In one
of these five years, the growth rate was less than 2 percent. The International
Monetary Fund4 is painting an alarming and gloomy picture of its economy. The
inflation is in double digit in fact, in some months, the inflation was even more
than double digit. The only saving grace for the Pakistan economy is the US aid.
Between 2002 and 2011, the US gave Pakistan $8.8 billion in the name of fighting
Insurgency. In 2012, the US Congress again approved an impressive $1.1 billion
in aid to Pakistan for fighting insurgency.5
Of the five Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear weapons member
countries, four are in the process of reducing their nuclear arsenals. China- the
only NPT nuclear weapon country with an opaque policy - is increasing the
number of its nuclear weapons. China was the first state in Asia to acquire nuclear
capability. It was followed by Israel, though it does not officially acknowledge its
nuclear weapon status. India and Pakistan joined the nuclear club in 1998. The
international strategic community has been reporting nuclear modernisation in
Pakistan as well. This modernisation in China and Pakistan is not only adding to
their offensive military capabilities but is also poised to create a new strategic
environment. The question that emerges is: What is the trend of nuclear weapons
modernisation and delivery platforms in both countries? Is it the same in either
countries or does it differ? What are strategic implications of this for India and
the world?
the northwestern Shanxi province, about 267 miles southwest of Beijing”, was
detected by American military sensors.22 Some believe that it was a test of basically
DF-5B, which was actually in the Chinese arsenals for a long period. This test of
DF-5 negated yet another dominant trend—missile possessing countries are
shifting away from the silo-based ballistic missile systems to the mobile systems.
The reason for this selection to the mobile system arguably is to enable nuclear
assets survives a conventional or nuclear attack and thus, increases the striking
power of missiles.
China has also developed the capability for manoeuvring re-entry vehicles,
and the Multiple Independently Targeted Re-entry Vehicle (MIRV). The MIRV
technology allows a ballistic missile to carry many warheads. It can be fired
separately and independently at different targets in succession. It is freed from the
front end at different speeds and at different trajectories. China, apparently, is
capable of mounting a MIRV on a DF-5. In the 2012 test firing of the DF-41,
China yet again demonstrated its growing expertise in the MIRV technology.
Besides, China is also refining its cruise missiles. It is developing air-and ground-
launched cruise missiles—the YJ-63 and DH-10 systems - for stand-off, precision
strikes. It also has the modern Russian-made SS-N-22 and SS-N-27B anti-ship
cruise missiles. It has also upgraded the ground-launched YJ-62 ASCM. China is
the only country which is believed to have developed anti-ship ballistic missiles.
China will also miniaturise its nuclear warheads to suit the new generation
of ballistic missiles. Besides, the Chinese are also designing stealth warheads to
deceive the US radar system. This need may necessitate another round of nuclear
tests of the Chinese arsenal. China has conducted 45 nuclear tests so far. China
nuclear weapons modernisation apparently involves developing ‘low collateral
damage and precision low-yield nuclear weapons’23 and possible ‘low-yield nuclear
tests’.24
China may use advanced Global Positioning Systems for precision attacks.
Recently, it has appended two more satellites to its global navigation network
which may ultimately match the American GPS. According to the Chinese state
media: “The14th and 15th satellites in the Beidou system were launched aboard
a single Long March 3B rocket. The Chinese system may have 35 satellites in
total by its 2020 completion date.”25
Pakistan
Pakistan is also undertaking nuclear and ballistic missile modernisation. Although
like China Pakistan has not declared the number of its warheads or the size of its
fissile materials stockpile, yet the country’s nuclear weapon capability is being
assessed by the research community from time to time. There is also talk in the
international community that Pakistan has revived the plutonium route to build
up its nuclear stockpile.26 The two-track approach of the Pakistani nuclear weapons
development programme has not puzzled those who are following the nuclear
weapon programme of the country. However, what we have at this moment are
indicators—not definite information.
282 Asian Strategic Review
Strategic Implications
China and Pakistan both may argue that the modernisation is being undertaken
for facing the emerging strategic challenges. Yet the world is concerned about the
strategic implications of this for the global strategic community in general and
the Indian strategic community in particular. The modernisation drive, in Chinese
thinking, is for developing ‘capabilities in protection, rapid reaction, penetration,
damage and precision strike.’35 A stronger and more credible nuclear deterrent is
the “cornerstone of China’s ability to safeguard its national security within a
complex international environment.”36 Pakistan links it to its survival. According
to its foreign ministry, “Pakistan’s strategic programme was modest aimed at
maintaining a credible minimum deterrence to ensure national security”.37
China, formally, denies any intention of power projection. For example, after
successful landing of the J-15 carrier-borne fighter on China’s aircraft carrier
Liaoning on November 29, 2012, Geng Yansheng, the director of the
Information Office and spokesman of the ministry of national defence, said that
the development and construction, of aircraft carriers is neither aimed at any
other country nor is China in an arms race but is in accordance with its national
economic and social development as well as the practical requirements of its
national defence. China’s legitimate and rational national defence and military
modernisation drive should not be over interpreted.38 Quite interestingly, he
projected the public takeoff and landing training of the J-15 fighter39 as an example
of military transparency.
Extra-regional Ambitions
China and Pakistan both were seen as regional players. Nuclear China complicated
the definition and security scenarios of at least four security regions: East Asia,
South-East Asia, South Asia and Eurasia. China’s nuclear weapons were seen as
posing a challenge or threat to countries that did not have friendly relations with
it. With its rise China began, by and large, to be perceived as a principal player
in the Asian region. Similarly, Pakistan is traditionally perceived as a South Asian
nuclear weapon country, though Indian analysts keep challenging the concept of
South Asia as a regional security category on multiple grounds. On the one hand,
they objected to the South Asian category because of China and on the other,
because of Pakistani activities outside South Asia.
The increase in the Pakistani and Chinese arsenals is raising questions such
Nuclear Modernisation in India’s Neighbourhood 285
as: Are China and Pakistan modernising and developing their nuclear arsenals to
move beyond their traditional regional status and role? Will China emerge as a
global power or is it content with its regional role in Asia? What is the objective
of the Pakistani nuclear weapons and missile acquisition? Does it want to remain
focused on India or on new adversaries?
For sure, China is sending a message that it has a different plan for its
neighbourhood, but its security strategy is going well beyond that. Though China
has never denied its global ambition, yet with its new status, it is seeking a new
role for itself. According to an author based in China: ‘Without authentic and
reliable strategic deterrent forces, China’s peaceful rise can only be a theoretical
pursuit’.40 As for Pakistan, officially, it will continue to maintain that its nuclear
weapons programme is still India focused. But deceit and deception have been
hallmarks of both Pakistan and China; Pakistan, too, has extra-regional ambitions.
So, it is necessary to examine implications of these modernisation drives for global,
Asian, and regional security.
As per the conventional wisdom, the modernisation of ballistic missiles may
be with the purpose of bolstering nuclear deterrence, yet China has projected a
conventional role for its missiles that are capable of carrying nuclear weapons.
The DF-21 C is considered is most ideal for conventional purposes. But China
is developing several ranges of solid and liquid—both fuelled medium-and short-
range ballistic missiles as well as cruise missiles—for conventional purposes.
According to the Chinese government: “The conventional missile force of the
Second Artillery Force is charged mainly of the task of conducting medium- and
long-range precision strikes against key strategic and operational targets of the
enemy.”41 Before deploying a ballistic missile, China conducts experimental flight
tests, finalisation flight tests, and batch production inspection flight tests. It is
also raising new missile units and imparting advanced training to its personnel
for handling sophisticated strategic forces efficiently and effectively.
As China is highlighting a conventional role for its ballistic and cruise missiles,
it is creating complications for analysts and countries that face a security challenge
from China. A commonly held view is that China is developing the modern
strategic systems for ‘anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) missions’.42 Xi Jinping, the
new Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of
China, stressed that the PLA’s core task is ‘improving its abilities to wage regional
wars in the Information.’43 Reports indicate that recent ballistic and cruise missile
tests ‘simulated salvos of attacks on Taiwan’44
A media report claims that “China has between 1,000 and 1,600 DF-16
medium-range missiles and DF-11 and DF-15 short-range missiles within range
of Taiwan.”45 The Taiwanese media46 also reported deployment of advanced Dong
Feng-16 (DF-16) missiles in addition to the DF-11 and DF-15 short-range
missiles, which have been targeting Taiwan for several years. The report indicated
that China is adding 200 missiles each year.47 The National Security Bureau
Director Tsai Der-sheng had also informed Taiwanese lawmakers that the ‘Chinese
286 Asian Strategic Review
military had completed developing the new DF-16’.48 The Chinese deployment
of DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missiles is to ensure area-denial objective of the
Second Artillery.
However, the international strategic community is divided on China’s
projection of conventional warhead carrying ballistic missiles. A section believes
that this undermines the idea of deterrence and the entire war plan of China. As
per this line of thinking China seems unsure of its nuclear deterrence capability.
Another section fears war escalation if China decides to use conventional warheads
in any missile that is capable of carrying nuclear warhead. The misperception
may increase the possibility of nuclear weapons being used in an otherwise
conventional war.
However, nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, especially ballistic
missiles may help China in achieving both strategic and tactical objectives. The
Jin-class missile submarine capable of carrying 12 JL-2 is expected to signal China’s
activism in the sea. The sea-based deterrence will be changed. Submarine power
will definitely strengthen its second strike capability. China has refined its
submarines, and included nuclear submarines. The old noisy submarines are
making way for a new generation of submarines, and are going to increase the
Chinese deception and attacking power. China is using force multipliers to
augment its maritime capabilities. A US analyst has termed them as ‘forced-entry
countermeasures’.49 According to him, the Chinese government seems to have
been influenced by the thinking of Mahan and it is using the “command of the
sea as ‘overbearing power’ that expels the enemy’s flag from vital expanses or at
most allows it to appear as a fugitive.”50 It would like to dominate the sea lines
of communication for which purpose it is developing the Type 081 amphibious
assault ship to carry eight helicopters and around 1,000 marines. By 2015, it
plans to use unmanned drones for marine surveillance.
The Chinese sea-based nuclear modernisation is seen as the part of its design
to deny its adversaries access to its neighbourhood; dominate its smaller neighbours
and as a strategic deterrent vis-à-vis the great powers operating in Asia. This
reinforces the idea that China is interested in acquiring a second strike capability.
However, the benign and somewhat official explanation is that: China imports
oil and other resources apart from conducting its trade by sea shipping goods
which necessitates a nuclear and powerful force.
China has been keen to demonstrate that it is a big power in the region. In
2012, the world witnessed only a more assertive posture. Its recent assertion in its
neighbourhood, especially, with regard to neighbours with whom it has boundary
problems, is being explained as the action of a militarily and economically strong
China. At present, the international community is focusing on the South China
Sea. In the future, it may see a more tense and aggressive China. The development
and testing of DF-31, DF-41 and JL-2 are demonstrating that China has extra-
regional objectives. These extra-regional objectives may be signalled only through
long range missiles. Xi Jinping, directed the PLA to build ‘a powerful and
Nuclear Modernisation in India’s Neighbourhood 287
or more. Though nuclear China has several unnamed countries in its sights, yet,
as discussed, the US and its Asian allies could be the main focus. Pakistan, too,
seems to be moving towards multi-targeting. As discussed, it is now seeking to
cover the area from Afghanistan to the US. Earlier, its nuclear arsenal was India-
specific.
However, the most salient feature of the nuclear doctrines of both the countries
is the undeclared extended deterrence. Pakistan has been enjoying the extended
deterrence of China, though there was no formal pact for this. Some fundamental
questions regarding the nature of this extended deterrence, and the need for the
much publicised statements to convey to the adversary that the Chinese nuclear
weapons may be used for the defence of Pakistan. Moreover, many writers on
deterrence are of the view that there is no need to over publicise the nuclear
relationship between the two.
In fact, during the Cold War, ‘alliances and other linkages for extended
deterrence often gave superpower clients resources’64 for engaging in other activities.
In a classical sense, an alliance is ‘a formal agreement between two or more nations
to collaborate on national security issues.’65 However, a number of tacit and ad
hoc alliances have existed in history. Through the transaction of nuclear weapons
goods, ballistic missiles and their technologies China and Pakistan have behaved
as allies, but have not entered into any formal alliance. But Pakistan, by any
established standards, appears as a secondary power in the alliance.
Conclusion
The Indian government or the Indian strategic community does not react strongly
to nuclear modernisation in these countries. However, the modernisation of
nuclear arsenals and delivery platforms by China and Pakistan is indeed disturbing.
China is focusing on increasing its influence in Asia and denying others the access
to the region. As a result, it has to face the US as its principal adversary. Pakistan
is also enhancing the reach of its nuclear weapons especially missiles. It is seemingly
diluting its stand on the centrality of India. Pakistan is directing its nuclear
weapons towards other countries as well. India is in a dangerous neighbourhood.
It cannot afford to ignore these developments.
India too is strengthening its security and defence preparedness and the
development of ballistic missiles is an important step in this direction. On April
19, 2012, at 8.07 AM, India tested its long range ballistic missile (LRBM), the
Agni-5. The Agni-5 is going to use the systems which have been developed over
the years and have been used and tested in different versions of the Agni and even
the Prithvi, so, it may not have to undergo many experimental trials. After a
couple of user trials it will be inducted into armed forces. The core message of the
Agni-5 is that India wants to develop its independent and autonomous nuclear
deterrence in the emerging strategic scenario in Asia which is characterised by
multilateral deterrence.
Apart from the Agni-5 India also launched other the Agni missiles with a
Nuclear Modernisation in India’s Neighbourhood 291
shorter range, the Prithvi and the Dhanush. All the Agni missiles are road mobile
and solid fuel. Three versions of the Agni have already been inducted and the
other two versions may be inducted soon. Initially, there was no plan to develop
many versions of the Agni. The missile was to be developed in the intermediate
range. Quite interestingly, this missile was first developed in a higher category
and then in the lower version. The Agni-4 was tested after the April test of the
Agni-5. The Agni-4 differs from the Agni-5 basically in terms of range, and the
different stages of its rockets. Till 2011 the range of the Agni-4 was around 3,500,
but when it was tested on September 19, 2012, the government claimed that its
range was around 4,000 km.
On September 21, 2012, India once again tested the Agni-3. However, this
was a user test conducted by Strategic Forces Command (SFC). This missile has
already been inducted into the Indian armed forces. It has a range of more than
3,500 kms and is capable of carrying a payload of 1.5 kilo tons. On August 9,
2012, the SFC conducted the user trial of the Agni-2 ballistic missile. The Agni-
2 has 2-stage rocket motor and a range of 2000 kms. The SFC had already
conducted a few user trial tests after the experimental tests. The Agni-1, yet another
version but with a lesser range (700 kms) was tested on July 13, 2012. Like the
Agni-2 and Agni-3, this test was also conducted by the SFC.
India also conducted user tests of the Prithvi-2 on October 4, 2012. This
liquid fuel missile has a range of 350 kms and is deployed with the army and air
force. This missile is also armed with an advanced high accuracy navigation system,
innovative guidance system, and a pre-fragmented and composite warhead. Its
naval version—the Dhanush was also launched a day after from a naval ship. On
October 5, the SFC launched the Dhanush with a reach of upto 350 kms. The
Dhanush is capable of carrying nuclear and non-nuclear warheads both. Besides,
the India also has nuclear capable supersonic the Brahmos missiles being developed
in collaboration with Russia. This missile is in operation in two regiments of the
Indian army.
N OTES
1. Jayant Prasad, “Security Systems and Institutions: Regional Perspectives”, the 8th IISS Global
Strategic Review, Global Security Governance and the Emerging Distribution of Power, September
11, 2010, http://www.iiss.org/conferences/global-strategic-review/global-strategic-review-2010/
plenary-sessions-and-speeches-2010/second-plenary-session/jayant-prasad/, accessed on
September 13, 2012.
2. Ibid.
3. Asian Development Bank, “Pakistan: Economy”, http://www.adb.org/countries/pakistan/
economy, accessed on January 21, 2013; World Bank, “Pakistan Overview”, http://
www.worldbank.org/en/country/pakistan/overview, accessed on January 21, 2013.
4. International Monetary Fund, “IMF Concludes Staff Mission to Pakistan”, Press Release No.
12/379, October 4, 2012, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2012/pr12379.htm, accessed
on October 12, 2012.
5. Embassy of the Republic of Pakistan, “Pakistan-US Relations”, Embassy Newsletter, June-July
2012, p.2, http://embassyofpakistanusa.org/Newsletter/PE-August-Newsletter-21.pdf, accessed
on October 3, 2012.
292 Asian Strategic Review
6. United States Department of Defence, Office of the Secretary of Defence, Annual Report to
Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2012,
May 2012, accessed on June 3, 2012, http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2012_CMPR_
Final.pdf, accessed on June 3, 2012.
7. Ibid.
8. Hans M. Kristensen, “China’s Nuclear Forces and Potential Vulnerabilities: Potential
Implications for Posture and Strategy”, Presentation to Woodrow Wilson School of Public
and International Affairs Workshop on Mitigating U.S. and Chinese Concerns About Each
Other’s Nuclear Offensive and Defensive Programmes, Princeton University, September 24,
2012, http://www.fas.org/programs/ssp/nukes/publications1/Brief2012_China-Princeton.pdf,
accessed on October 3, 2012.
9. James N Miller, “Statement Before The House Committee on Armed Services”, November
2, 2011, http://armedservices.house.gov/index.cfm/files/serve?File_id=faad05df-9016-42c5-
86bc-b83144c635c9 accessed, on November 13, 2012.
10. “Republic of China’s Ministry of Defence, PRC Military Capabilities and Threats”, http://
2011mndreport.mnd.gov.tw/en/info04.html, accessed on November 13, 2012.
11. “International Panel on Fissile Materials”, China, http://fissilematerials.org/countries/
china.html, accessed on January 29, 2013.
12. Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Chinese Nuclear Forces, 2011,” http://
bos.sagepub.com/content/67/6/81.full, accessed on November 27, 2012.
13. Philip A. Karber, “Strategic Implications of China’s Underground Great Wall”, September
11, 2011, http://www.fas.org/nuke/guide/china/Karber_UndergroundFacilities-Full_2011_
reduced.pdf, accessed on September 21, 2012
14. Hui Zhang, “The defensive nature of China’s ‘underground great wall’,” Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists, January 16, 2012, http://thebulletin.org/web-edition/features/the-defensive-nature-
of-chinas-underground-great-wall, accessed on February 3, 2012.
15. “Nuclear Threat Initiative”, China, http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/china/delivery-systems/
, accessed on January 9, 2013.
16. Keith Bradsher, “China Is Said to Be Bolstering Missile Capabilities”, the New York Times,
August 24, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/25/world/asia/chinas-missile-advances-
aimed-at-thwarting-us-defenses-analysts-say.html?pagewanted=print, accessed on September
3, 2012
17. Xinhuanet, “Five types of missiles to debut on National Day”, September 2, 2009, http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-09/02/content_11982723.htm, accessed on September 3,
2012.
18. J. Michael Cole, “MND closely monitoring Chinese missile tests”, January 10, 2012, http:/
/www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2012/01/10/2003522879, accessed on January
13, 2012.
19. Xinhuanet, “Five types of missiles to debut on National Day”, September 2, 2009, http://
news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-09/02/content_11982723.htm, accessed on October 12,
2012.
20. Bill Gertz, “Inside the Ring”, January 4, 2012, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/
jan/4/inside-the-ring-215329133/?page=all; Cole no.18, accessed on January 9, 2012.
21. No.18 Cole.
22. Bill Gertz, “Chinese Missile Tests Continue”, August 23, 2012, http://freebeacon.com/chinese-
missile-tests-continue/?print=1, accessed on August 29, 2012.
23. The US House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, First Session, Committee
on Armed Forces, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, “Nuclear Weapons Modernization in
Russia and China: Understanding Impacts to the United States,” Hearing, H.A.S.C. No. 112–
78, October 14, 2011,http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-112hhrg71449/pdf/CHRG-
112hhrg71449.pdf, accessed on October 21, 2012.
Nuclear Modernisation in India’s Neighbourhood 293
24. Ibid.
25. http://article.wn.com/view/2012/09/19/China_adds_2_more_satellites_to_ global_
positioning_network_s/
26. Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Pakistan’s nuclear forces, 2011”, Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists, Vol. 67, No. 4, July 2011, http://bos.sagepub.com/content/67/4/91.full.pdf+html
accessed on August 7, 2012; Institute for Science and International Security, “Analysis of
IKONOS Imagery of the Plutonium Production Reactor at Khushab, Pakistan”, March 16,
2000, http://isis-online.org/isis-reports/detail/analysis-of-ikonos-imagery-of-the-plutonium-
production-reactor-at-khushab-p/12#images, accessed on August 7, 2012.
27. Paul Brannan, “Steam Emitted From Second Khushab Reactor Cooling Towers; Pakistan
May Be Operating Second Reactor”, March 24, 2010, http://isis-online.org/isis-reports/detail/
steam-emitted-from-second-khushab-reactor-cooling-towers-pakistan-may-be-op/12#images,
accessed on March 25, 2012.
28. Ibid.
29. International Panel on Fissile Materials, Global Fissile Material Report 2011: Nuclear Weapon
and Fissile Material Stockpiles and Production, Sixth annual report of the International Panel
on Fissile Materials, January 2012, http://fissilematerials.org/library/gfmr11.pdf, accessed on
February 2012.
30. Robert S. Norris & Hans Kristensen, “Nuclear Notebook: Pakistani Nuclear forces, 2009”,
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September-October 2009, http://bos.sagepub.com/content/
65/5/82.full.pdf+html, accessed on December 1, 2009.
31. International Panel on Fissile Materials, Global Fissile Material Report 2011: Nuclear Weapon
and Fissile Material Stockpiles and Production, Sixth annual report of the International Panel
on Fissile Materials, January 2012, http://fissilematerials.org/library/gfmr11.pdf, accessed on
February 1, 2012.
32. Usman Ansari, “Pakistani Ballistic Missile Test Failed,” Defense News, December 3, 2012,
http://www.defensenews.com/article/20121203/DEFREG03/312030008/Pakistani-Ballistic-
Missile-Test-Failed?odyssey=nav|head, accessed on December 8, 2012.
33. Foxnews.com, ‘“A.Q. Khan’s Thirteen-Page Confession”’, September 15, 2011, http://
www.foxnews.com/world/2011/09/15/aq-khans-thirteen-page-confession/, accessed on
September 19, 2011.
34. The US House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, Second Session,
Committee on Armed Forces, “Recent Developments in the Middle East: the Security
Situation in the Syrian Arab Republic”, Hearing held April 19, 2012, US Government Printing
Office, Washington:2012, p.19, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-112hhrg74473/pdf/
CHRG-112hhrg74473.pdf, accessed on April 21, 2012.
35. People’s Republic of China’s Ministry of Defence, “The Second Artillery Force of the PLA”,
http://eng.mod.gov.cn/ArmedForces/second.htm, accessed on January 4, 2013.
36. Global Times, “Time to upgrade China’s nuclear capabilities”, September 7, 2012, http://
www.globaltimes.cn/content/731670.shtml, accessed on September 17, 2012.
37. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Pakistan, “Pakistan Refutes International Campaign
to Abolish Nuclear Weapons Report,” March 7, 2012, http://www.mofa.gov.pk/mfa/pages/
article.aspx?id=1102&type=1, accessed on March 9, 2012.
38. People’s Republic of China’s Ministry of Defence, “MND: It is expected to remain unbiased
towards China’s national defence and military modernization drive”, November 30,
2012,http://eng.mod.gov.cn/Press/2012-11/30/content_4415732.htm, accessed on November
30, 2012.
39. Ibid.
40. Sun Peisong, “Nuke deterrent ensures long-term security”, Global Times, December 12, 2012,
http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/750893.shtml, accessed on December 13, 2012.
41. People’s Republic of China’s Ministry of Defence, “The Second Artillery Force of the PLA”,
http://eng.mod.gov.cn/ArmedForces/second.htm, accessed on January 6, 2013.
294 Asian Strategic Review
‘America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and I will
take no options off the table to achieve that goal’.1
—Barack Obama
Remarks by the President on the State of the Union, January 24, 2012.
The Obama administration like its predecessor Bush administration has been
insisting that ‘no options (are) off the table’ in the event that the Iranian nuclear
issue has to be dealt with militarily. Even as it has taken increasingly tough
unilateral punitive measures targeting the Iranian energy sector, it has been
cautious—at the political level—about endorsing the military option. This has
been especially so in the face of the clamour and rhetoric for more muscular
measures including the exercise of a military option by Israel, America’s close ally
in the region.
At the same time however, the US has been buttressing its military capabilities
in the Persian Gulf region to prevent and/or contain the possible negative effects
of Iranian brinkmanship on account of the rising international pressure. The latter
specifically relate to Iranian threats of closing the vital energy corridors of the
Gulf, the Straits of Hormuz, or retaliate against US assets and/or interests in the
region as well as those of its allies in case its nuclear installations are attacked or
it is subject to even harsher punitive measures.
The chapter discusses the pertinent aspects related to the above dynamics,
including joint military exercises with key allies like Israel, to enhance inter-
operability as well as to signal military resolve, and the continued vigorous pursuit
of missile defence in order to hedge against the growing Iranian missile capabilities.
It goes on to examine the responses and consequences of the efforts generated
during the year. It begins firstly by delineating the various aspects of the current
impasse between Iran and the international community over its nuclear
programme.
296 Asian Strategic Review
the 12 IAEA resolutions since September 2005 as well as the six UN Security
Council (UNSC) resolutions and four rounds of sanctions since June 2006. The
last instance of UNSC-imposed sanctions was in June 2010, when Resolution
1929 was passed by an overwhelming majority, with only Turkey and Brazil
opposing the move and Lebanon abstaining. Since then, while no multi-lateral
sanctions have been imposed, the US has instead vigorously pursued the unilateral
sanctions route targeting the Iranian energy sector as well key entities and
individuals allegedly associated with its strategic pursuits. This was part of its
‘dual-track’ policy of applying ‘sanctions in pursuit of constructive engagement,
and a negotiated solution’.8
The US designated Iran as a ‘jurisdiction of primary money laundering
concern’ in November 2011. Secretary Clinton stated that the measure was the
‘strongest official warning we can give that any transaction with Iran poses serious
risks of deception or diversion’.9 These were over and above the provisions of the
Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act (CISADA),
signed into law by Obama in July 2010. CISADA restricted investments in Iran’s
petro-chemical sector (limited to $20 million over a 12-month period), imposed
restrictions on provision of loans by US financial institutions ($10 million in any
12-month period), among other requirements.10 Provisions in the 2012 National
Defence Authorisation Act signed by President Barack Obama into law on
December 31, 2011 targeted the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) making it difficult
for financial institutions in other countries to do business with it.
The above law also had provisions for imposing sanctions on countries if
they did not ‘significantly’ reduce the import of Iranian crude. The US has given
sanctions exemptions to 20 countries for a period of 180 days, initially since
March 2012, on the basis that they have indeed reduced their imports. These
countries include Belgium, China, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece,
India, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Poland, Singapore, Spain, South
Africa, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. The
US on September 15, 2012 further renewed these exemptions for the initial set
of 11 countries for another 180 days.
Complementing the tough US sanctions of the US, the EU too announced
a fresh round of sanctions on October 15 banning import of Iranian gas and
targeting trade and other sectors.11 These were over and above the EU sanctions
announced in January for banning import of Iranian crude which had come into
effect in July 2012. The EU oil embargo included measures like banning insurance
coverage for Iranian crude-carrying ships. It was reported that these measures
were having a negative effect on Iran’s economic situation. Iran’s oil revenues which
were about $100 billion during 2011 have decreased dramatically, by almost 40
per cent. Its currency (the rial) depreciated by almost 60 per cent over the past
year, leading to rising food prices among other repercussions which sparked riots
in the suburbs of Tehran in early October.12 It is pertinent to note that Iran imports
large quantities of its staple food items like rice and other agricultural produce.
In 2010, it had imported food items worth over $8 billion.13
298 Asian Strategic Review
Stalemated Engagement
The second track of the US (and EU) diplomatic strategy vis-à-vis Iran i.e.
‘engagement’—was re-started in April 2012 in Istanbul when the P5+1 (permanent
members of the UNSC and Germany) met with Iranian representatives after a
gap of 15 months. The US believed that this proved the success of its ‘dual-track’
strategy. Addressing a press conference with India’s external affairs minister S.M.
Krishna on May 8, 2012 in New Delhi, the US secretary of state Hillary Clinton
affirmed that Iran would not have come back to the negotiating table ‘unless
there had been the unrelenting pressure of the international sanctions’.14
During the three rounds of talks at Istanbul (April 14), Baghdad (May 23)
and Moscow (June 18-19) however, the ‘pressure’ widely held by its interlocutors
to have brought Iran to the negotiating table did not translate into a ‘negotiated
solution’, the ideal end-state that such a ‘dual-track’ strategy envisages. In the
aftermath of the Moscow talks, the Iranian nuclear issue is at an uncertain
crossroads. No further ‘political-level’ talks have been held as of October 2012,
though the number twos of both sides—Ali Bagheri, under secretary of the Iranian
Supreme National Security Council and Helga Schimd, representative of European
Union (EU) foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton, met in Istanbul on July 24.
Ashton and the chief Iranian negotiator Saeed Jalili however did meet informally
again in September in Istanbul.
Though subsequent IAEA reports regarding Iran’s activities have fed into the
Israeli clamour for more forceful measures, the US has continued to insist that
options other than the exercise of military power should still be employed to
influence Iranian behaviour. This was because Iran’s decision-making according
to the Director for National Intelligence (DNI) James Clapper in his testimony
to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in January 2012 was ‘guided by
a cost-benefit approach, which offers the international community opportunities
to influence Tehran’.16 Clapper went on to note that Iran’s leaders would consider
aspects like prestige, status, as well as ‘international political and security
environment, when making decisions about its nuclear programme’.
The Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Martin Dempsey declared
that ‘it would be premature to exclusively decide that the time for a military
option was upon us.’17 In the view of the Director of the US Defence Intelligence
Agency (DIA) Lt. Gen. Ronald Burgess Iran was also ‘unlikely to initiate or
intentionally provoke a conflict or launch a pre-emptive attack.18
President Obama on his part criticised what he termed ‘too much loose talk
of war’. It is important to note that he made these comments while addressing
the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in March 2012.19 Obama
later reminded the visiting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that his
administration has ‘worked so diligently to set up the most crippling sanctions
ever with respect to Iran’. He added that ‘we do believe that there is still a window
that allows for a diplomatic resolution to this issue ...’20
Co-terminus with the above expressed policy positions, a steady stream of
high-level US officials has been visiting Israel through the year. These visits included
those by: Gen. Dempsey (January and October), National Security Adviser (NSA)
Tom Donilon (February and July), Secretary Clinton (July) and Defence Secretary
Leon Panetta (August). Reports indicated that these visits were not only for further
consultations regarding Israeli thinking on the evolving situation but also to
ostensibly urge Israel to let the increasingly punitive sanctions force a change in
Iranian behaviour.21 Speaking after the three-day visit of NSA Donilon which
ended on February 20, 2012 an Israeli official said that ‘they became convinced
the Americans would neither take military action, nor go along with unilateral
action by Israel against Iran’.22
However despite these consultations, the Israeli defence minister Ehud Barak
in July 2012 continued to insist on ‘a swift and definite stop to the Iranian nuclear
project’ failing which a future course of action if Iranian capabilities mature would
be ‘vastly more complicated, dangerous and exacting in human lives and
resources’.23 Gen. Dempsey on his part in August 2012 admitted to the differences
in the US and Israel interpretation of the Iran threat when he stated that:
Israel sees the Iranian threat more seriously than the US sees it, because a
nuclear Iran poses a threat to Israel’s very existence. You can take two countries,
give them the same intelligence and reach two different conclusions. I think
that’s what’s happening here.24
300 Asian Strategic Review
The tensions between Israel and the US over the exercise of the military option
became more prominent in September (in the aftermath of the August 30, 2012
IAEA report) when Secretary Clinton stated that the US was not “setting any
deadlines” for Iran to fulfil its international obligations. She insisted that pursuing
the negotiations track remained the ‘best approach’ to convince Iran to desist
from developing nuclear capabilities.25 Netanyahu reacted sharply to Clinton’s
comments and charged that ‘those in the international community who refuse to
put red lines before Iran don’t have a moral right to place a red light before Israel’.26
The increasing divergence between the two allies over the issue of Iran,
exacerbated when President Obama refused to meet Netanyahu on the sidelines
of the UN General Assembly session in New York in September 2012. Obama’s
critics and Republican senators John McCain and Lindsay Graham on their part
charged that the ‘White House’s decision sends a troubling signal to our ally Israel
about America’s commitment at this dangerous and challenging time’.27
It can be argued that despite the strong Republican criticism of the Obama
administration’s handling of the issue, there has largely been a bi-partisan consensus
on the issue of military action against Iran. This was most evident during the US
presidential elections in November 2012. During the third presidential debate on
October 22, 2012, while insisting that Iran remained the ‘greatest national security
threat’ to the US, the Republican candidate Mitt Romney stated that ‘a military
action is the last resort. It is something one would only, only consider if all of the
other avenues had been tried to their full extent’.28 In a major intervention on the
situation in West Asia at the Virginia Military Institute earlier on October 8,
Romney had said that he:
... will not hesitate to impose new sanctions on Iran, and will tighten the
sanctions we currently have. I will restore the permanent presence of aircraft
carrier task forces in both the Eastern Mediterranean and the Gulf region—
and work with Israel to increase our military assistance and coordination.29
Buttressing Capabilities
Even as the Obama administration has exercised considerable military restraint
at the political level and tried to convince Israel to let sanctions do their work, it
has not stopped buttressing its military capabilities to face any eventuality and
counter Iranian brinkmanship. While the US state department spokesperson
played down the Iranian threats to close the 21-mile wide Strait of Hormuz as
‘rhetoric’, the Pentagon spokesperson asserted that ‘interference with the transit
or passage of vessels through the Strait of Hormuz will not be tolerated’.30
Secretary Clinton, on her part, during a visit to Israel in July 2012 insisted that
the administration ‘will use all elements of American power to prevent Iran from
developing a nuclear weapon’.31 The various aspects of the American effort to
strengthen its military power in the Persian Gulf during the year will be delineated
below.
Options on the Table: Iranian Nuclear Imbroglio and US Military Moves 301
The USS Abraham Lincoln reached the port of Bahrain in February 2012,
as part of its year-long deployment from its homeport in the US after visiting
Pattaya, in Thailand. The carrier strike group was to assist theatre security
operations in the Fifth Fleet AOR. The USS Enterprise strike group meanwhile
reached the Fifth Fleet AOR in April and made a port visit to the Jebel Ali port,
Dubai. This was slated to be the Enterprise’s final deployment before the oldest
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier in the US arsenal gets de-commissioned.36
While the Abraham Lincoln and the Enterprise operated out of the Arabian
Sea and the Gulf of Aden, in July 2012 it was announced that another aircraft
carrier USS John C. Stennis—part of the Fifth Fleet at Bahrain—would replace
one of the above carriers sooner than expected. The Stennis eventually replaced
the Enterprise in August 2012 while the Lincoln was itself replaced by the USS
Eisenhower in July 2012.
In effect, the region saw the presence of five US nuclear-powered aircraft
carrier battle groups from January till October 2012 for varying durations (with
two carriers on station throughout the period), an unprecedented deployment in
a single combatant command region. The Pentagon however in January 2012
affirmed that ‘the fact that there are two carriers in that AOR (Vinson and Stennis)
is not an indication of anything specific with respect to Iran. … This is just prudent
force posture requirements set by the combatant commander.’37
The two on-station carriers as of September 2012 (Eisenhower and Stennis)
with their complement of more than 100 F-18 Hornets and Super Hornet fighter
jets, apart from surveillance and transport aircraft, present a formidable force for
any eventuality. According to reports the US has deployed an unspecified number
of its advanced F-22 Raptors as well as F-15C fighter jets to the Al Dhafra and
the Al Udeid air bases near Abu Dhabi and Qatar respectively.38 Analysts like
Anthony Cordesman have also noted that in case the US does decide to strike
Iranian nuclear facilities by shedding its current restraint, heavy bombers like the
B-2 could fly in from Diego Garcia.39
Since June 2012, four mine counter measure (MCM) ships have been deployed
at the Fifth Fleet AOR for about 7 months.40 These include the USS Sentry,
Devastator, Pioneer, and the Warrior. These are in addition to the four MCM
ships (Scout, Gladiator, Ardent and Dextrous) already forward deployed out of
Manama, for a total of 8 such ships. It is reported that Iran possesses more than
8,000 mines, which could be used to stem the flow of maritime traffic through
Hormuz.41
US Carrier Strike Group Assets
• US has total of 11 carrier strike groups; 2 have been deployed in Persian
Gulf region since January 2012
• 7500 personnel in each group
• One nuclear-powered aircraft carrier
• One/two guided missile cruisers (multi-mission; carry Tomahawk cruise
missiles for long-range strike capability)
304 Asian Strategic Review
The USS Ponce, an amphibious transport ship (termed the Afloat Forward
Staging Base-AFSB) which can operate as a base for US Special Forces reached
Manama in July. Reports also noted that the US Coast Guard has deployed five
ships for coastal patrol purposes near Iranian waters and that the number of such
ships would double by next year.42 Other elite units like the Mobile Diving and
Salvage Unit-I (MDSU-1) based in Hawaii have been deployed to the Fifth Fleet
AOR. Innovative assets like underwater robots for anti-mine warfare sourced from
Germany have also been deployed.
in Syria unfolded. Despite this however, some even noted that the Arabic name
chosen for the exercise referred to the name of Syria’s leader (‘Assad’—Lion).48
Other analysts pointed out that it was important for the US to take an active part
in such exercises, not just to enhance inter-operability with friendly forces, but to
counter the propaganda of America’s enemies that the US is gradually withdrawing
from the region in the aftermath of the Iraq ‘defeat’ as well as the Arab ‘Spring’.49
Other land-based exercises included ‘Eager Mace’ conducted with Kuwaiti forces
in November 2012. These involved training in artillery gunnery, military operations
in the urban terrain among other aspects.50
Missile Defence
Joint exercises by the US and its allies in the region like Israel, aimed at fine
tuning inter-operability in possible crisis situations as well for reaffirming their
close cooperation on key security issues, have also included exercises pertaining
to missile defence. The October 2012 ‘Austere Challenge’ exercise is one such
pertinent example. The exercise was slated to be the largest ever missile defence
joint exercise undertaken by the two countries. While over 1,000 US and Israeli
personnel had participated in the 2010 exercises, over 5,000 personnel were
initially meant to participate in the 2012 version.51
However, reports in August noted that the US has decided to scale back the
volume of the exercises, to involve only 1,500 personnel, one Aegis-equipped
ballistic missile defence (BMD)-capable ship instead of the two envisioned earlier
and two Patriot missile batteries but without their complement of crew. Analysts
noted that the move was to send a strong message that the US and Israel were not
planning military activities against Iran in a surcharged environment.52 The US
Air Force general overseeing the exercises Lt. Gen. Craig A. Franklin insisted that
the exercises were:
... purely about improving our combined US-Israeli capabilities. … It is not
related to national elections nor any perceived tensions in the Middle East.
We are military professionals coming together to train for a defensive mission
[emphasis added].53
In the ‘downgraded’ exercises, both countries tested the Arrow-2 high altitude
theatre missile defence system, the short-range ‘Iron Dome’ system as well as the
currently under-development ‘David’s Sling’ (a short-range missile defence system)
against a simulated Iranian ballistic and cruise missile attack. Israel currently has
deployed three ‘Iron Dome’ systems and is reported to be seeking close to $700
million to deploy four more such short-range missile defence systems through
2015.54 The Block 4 version of the Arrow (expected to be inducted in 2014) was
successfully tested in February 2012.55
The Obama administration has vigorously pursued regional missile defence
measures not only along with Israel but also with the countries of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) to counter the growing Iranian missile threat.
306 Asian Strategic Review
Secretary Clinton in March 2012 stated that apart from bilateral military
cooperation, the US ‘can do even more to defend the Gulf through cooperation
on ballistic missile defence’.56
While Patriot anti-missile systems have already been deployed in Qatar, the
UAE, Bahrain and Kuwait since 2010, reports in July noted that Kuwait would
be buying more such systems in a deal worth $4 billion.57 The UAE became the
first international partner of the US to buy two terminal high altitude area defence
(THAAD) batteries along with 96 interceptor missiles from the US in December
2011, in a deal worth close to $2 billion. Lockheed Martin, the company which
produces the THAAD batteries, stated that ‘as long as the threat (of Iran) continues
to evolve, there will be many opportunities to provide the capabilities’.58
Qatar is also slated to host the third X-band radar site in 2012, apart from
two such operational sites in Israel and Turkey. This powerful radar is an important
part of Obama’s land-based missile defence system (‘Aegis Ashore’). The US will
also maintain the permanent presence of an Aegis-equipped BMD ship (‘Aegis
Afloat’) in the waters of the Persian Gulf. The USS Monterey was first deployed
in March 2011 to provide this capability, while the USS Milius provided this
capability till September 2012 having been deployed there since January.
Review (QDR) 2010 for instance had noted that Iran has ‘fielded large numbers
of small, fast attack craft designed to support “swarming” tactics that seek to
overwhelm the layers of defences deployed by US and other nations’ naval vessels’.64
The commander of the IRGC Navy in May 2012 asserted that Iran had deployed
thousands of speed boats ‘that can launch missiles at the speed of over 60 kilometres
per hour’.65
The Mehrab (‘Altar’) short-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) with anti-radar
and anti-jamming systems was tested for the first time in December 2011 during
the Velayat 90 war games.66 The Ghader (‘Capable’) cruise missile with a range
of 200 km and backed by ‘improved range and radar-evading capabilities’ was
test-fired in January 2012 in the backdrop of rising tensions with the Western
powers.67 The missile reportedly entered into service in September 2011. Unveiling
the fourth generation 300-km range Fateh 110 missile in August 2012, President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad affirmed that such ‘defensive capabilities can stand up
to bullying and put a halt to their plans’.68
Iran also continued to develop its missile capabilities. The Pentagon’s 2012
‘Annual Report on Military Power of Iran’ highlighted the ‘regular Iranian ballistic
missile training’ in order to fine tune its ability to pose a serious challenge to US
forces in the region.69 Iran has test-fired what it claimed to be new missiles or
advanced versions of its existing short- and medium-range missiles to showcase
its prowess. During the ‘Great Prophet-VII’ exercises conducted in July 2012,
medium-range Shahab-1, -2, and -3 missiles were test-fired from locations in
Kavir desert in central Iran. Iranian military commanders highlighted the fact
that US troop locations, apart from targets in Israel, would be legitimate targets
in case hostilities break out.70 An important aspect of the latest series of exercises
was the demonstration of Iran’s ability to fire multiple missiles from different
locations at a single target. Iranian reports noted that the ‘high firing density’
displayed ‘makes it impossible for anti-missile systems to intercept and destroy
them’.71
In November 2012, large-scale air defence exercises ‘Velayat-4’ were held and
involved the upgraded S-200 air defence system, and indigenously developed
missile defence systems like Mersad 3 which uses the domestically produced Shahin
missiles along with ‘sophisticated radar signal processing technology, an advanced
launcher, and electronic equipment for guidance and target acquisition’.72 The
capabilities of such missile defence systems against various types of unmanned
aerial vehicles (UAV’s) were also tested.73 This assumed significance in the light
of the November 1, 2012 revelation by the US Defence Department that an
Iranian Su-25 fighter jet fired at an American UAV (MQ-1 Predator) near the
Iranian coastline but in international waters. The US drone however was unharmed
and returned to base. The Pentagon said that it will ‘continue to do surveillance
flights over international waters over the Arabian Gulf ’.74
308 Asian Strategic Review
ministry on its part hoped that the humanitarian gesture ‘does not prejudice the
final outcome of the ongoing investigation which is currently under way in the
United States’.83
Conclusion
Despite showing military restraint at the political level—specifically in
discouraging a muscular Israeli response, the US has not only made efforts to
shore up its military profile in the Persian Gulf but has also strengthened the
capabilities of its key allies in the region. These enhanced US military moves
have had some unintended consequences (positive and negative) as well.
Iran has on its part, kept up its efforts to increase the robustness of its response,
by inducting and unveiling new short-range and medium-range missiles, and fine-
tuning its capabilities through innovative military exercises and deploying high
capability air defence assets specifically designed to showcase Iranian ability to
counter US military moves. Some of these as pointed above have demonstrated
‘high firing density’ to negate the efficacy of deployed US missile defence assets
among other efforts.
Iran’s threat to close the all-important Straits of Hormuz in the event of
hostilities even for shorter time periods meanwhile cannot be ignored aside as it
would have serious repercussions for the movement of oil tankers. The continued
acquisition of sophisticated military assets by the Persian Gulf countries has led
to the increased militarisation of a region that is of vital strategic and economic
significance to India.
A possible military action against Iranian nuclear facilities would have negative
implication for India’s ability to source Iranian crude. The regional strategic
situation could take a further turn for the worse if Iran can carry out retaliatory
strikes against US and Israeli assets which it has been consistently threatening in
case of a US and/or Israeli attack.
The enhanced US force presence has largely been driven by the need to counter
and/or contain possible Iranian brinkmanship. However, given the magnitude of
the US forces deployed in the region with clear offensive intent, these moves can
also be read as US efforts to reassure Israel, its key ally. Israel’s clamour for more
muscular measures however has not reduced but in fact has grown. The Iranian
engagement with the international community over its nuclear programme has
meanwhile plateaued. India’s extended neighbourhood seems to be entering more
choppy waters, which is not a good sign for regional strategic stability.
N OTES
1. The speech is available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/01/24/remarks-
president-state-union-address, accessed September 15, 2012.
2. The report is available at http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2011/gov2011-
65.pdf, accessed February 24, 2012.
3. See for instance Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech at the UN General Assembly,
310 Asian Strategic Review
20. See “Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel”, March 5, 2012,
at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/03/05/remarks-president-obama-and-
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35. See “Carl Vinson Strike Group Arrives in US Navy 5th Fleet”, January 9, 2012, at http://
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38. “US Beefs up Persian Gulf forces”, June 26, 2012, at http://www.upi.com/Top_News/Special/
312 Asian Strategic Review
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from-bahrain, accessed September 15, 2012.
314 Asian Strategic Review
76. Emile Nakhleh, “America should pull its fleet out of Bahrain”, April 23, 2012, at http://
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http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/backing-up-rhetoric-with-action-in-bahrain/2012/
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78. See Hillary Clinton, “Keynote Address at the National Democratic Institute’s 2011 Democracy
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176750.htm, accessed November 14, 2012.
79. See “Vice Adm. Miller Takes Helm of US Navy in Middle East”, May 24, 2012, at http://
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80. See for instance “Dewey Aids Sinking Iranian Fishing Dhow”, January 18, 2012, at http://
www.cusnc.navy.mil/articles/2012/014.html, (accessed September 15, 2012)’ See also “US
Naval Assets Conduct Search and Rescue for Iranian Mariners”, March 4, 2012, at http://
www.cusnc.navy.mil/articles/2012/027.html, accessed September 15, 2012.
81. “USNS Rappahannock Fires after Vessel Ignores Warnings”, July 16, 2012, at http://
www.cusnc.navy.mil/articles/2012/102.html, accessed September 15, 2012.
82. Amena Bakr, “Indian fishermen say US boat fired without warning”, Reuters, July 17, 2012,
at http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/17/us-usa-uae-ship-idUSBRE86G0AX20120717,
accessed October 30, 2012), .
83. “US announces ex-gratia to kin of Tamil Nadu fisherman killed in Dubai”, PTI, August 6,
2012, at http://www.ndtv.com/article/south/us-announces-ex-gratia-to-kin-of-tamil-nadu-
fisherman-killed-in-dubai-251970?h_related_also_see, accessed October 30, 2012.
18
North Korean Nuclear Surge and
East Asian Security
Pranamita Baruah
North Korea’s nuclear weapon and ballistic missile programme and its non-
compliance with the NPT obligations since the 1990s have been and remain a
major security threat to the world in general and the East Asian region in particular.
The persistent efforts made by the international community to make the North
see the futility of aspiring for a nuclear goal has not borne much fruit so far. The
demise of Kim Jong-il in December 2011 and the assumption of power by his
young and Western educated son Kim Jong-un raised some hopes regarding the
possibility of a nuclear weapon free North Korea. However those hopes have faded
away fast as the new leadership does not appear to be keen to give up the nuclear
option. Over the years, the situation seems to have deteriorated further with the
North’s alleged involvement in the proliferation of nuclear technology and ballistic
missiles to several countries in the Middle East and South Asia.
Multilateral efforts to engage North Korea through the Six Party Talks (SPT)
have failed to prevent Pyongyang from developing nuclear weapons. The North
has walked out of the talks without any convincing reason, leaving the future of
the SPT in a state of uncertainty. In the meantime, to deal with their own security
vulnerability from the North Korean nuclear threat, the regional states in East
Asia, especially Japan and South Korea, have taken measures—both unilaterally
and multilaterally-to denuclearise the North.
As alliance partners of the US, both Japan and South Korea have been provided
with the US extended nuclear deterrence. So far, this has primarily been responsible
for ensuring security of both the countries from a possible North Korean nuclear
attack. However, in recent years, the rightist elements within these two countries
have increasingly raised questions regarding the credibility of the US alliance
systems and emphasised the necessity of exploring the possibility of both of them
going nuclear to deal with the growing nuclear threat from North Korea. In the
316 Asian Strategic Review
meantime, China, being a patron and ally of North Korea, has also been trying
to use its leverage to influence the latter on the matter of denuclearisation.
This paper examines North Korea’s primary motivations for pursuing nuclear
weapon and missile programmes; the nuclear crisis; the SPT talks on
denuclearisation and Pyongyang’s role in nuclear proliferation. It will also discuss
China’s role in North Korea’s denuclearisation and the implications of North
Korean nuclear aspirations for Japan and South Korea.
Historical Background
Primary Motivations
The Kim Il Sung regime in the North initiated the quest for nuclear arms partly
to counter nuclear threats from the US.1 Since the 1950s, North Korea has been
engaged in a nuclear development programme primarily with the assistance of
the former Soviet Union and China. In 1961, the North built its major nuclear
development facility at Yongbyon.2
However, in the following years, certain developments including rift in the
Sino-Soviet relations compelled North Korea to maintain equidistance from both
its socialist allies and to initiate the concept of ‘juche’ idea to proclaim self-reliance,
North Korea’s growing comparative disadvantage vis-à-vis South Korea on the
military and economic fronts, the growing concern over the reliability of the Soviet
Union as a security ally because of Moscow’s normalisation of relations with Seoul,
etc., intensified Pyongyang’s striving for nuclear weapons.
After the end of the Cold War, there emerged as number of new factors which
further motivated Pyongyang to continue its pursuit of nuclear weapons. In this
context, factors like North Korea’s economic crisis which compelled Pyongyang
to invest only a minimum amount on defence; the North’s growing sense of
insecurity with the withdrawal of the Soviet nuclear umbrella from North Korea
and refusal of both Beijing as well as Moscow to supply sophisticated arms to the
North; the increasing perception of nuclear weapons as being a ‘strategic equaliser’
in its military competition vis-à-vis South Korea, etc. Well aware of the
international concerns regarding its nuclear programme, Pyongyang has, since
the 1990s, consistently used the ‘nuclear card’ to achieve its two-fold policy goals:
gaining the time for the further development of nuclear weapons and securing
concessions from the US.3
Evolution of Nuclear and Missile Programme
As mentioned earlier, North Korea initiated its nuclear programme with the help
of its allies-the former Soviet Union and China. With the Soviet, North Korea
signed two nuclear cooperation agreements on March 26 and September 7, 1956.
Both these pacts enabled North Korea to acquire the basic technologies necessary
for the production and separation of plutonium, which Pyongyang later on
employed in its nuclear weapon programme. In accordance with those agreements,
North Korean Nuclear Surge and East Asian Security 317
North Korean scientists were trained in nuclear physics at the Soviet Dubna
Nuclear Research Centre.4 Later, in the early 1960s, North Korea, with Soviet
assistance, began the construction of the Yongbyon Nuclear Research Centre which
subsequently became the centrepiece of its nuclear programme.5
By the end of 1950s, as the Soviet-China relations started deteriorating, North
Korea persuaded China to sign a nuclear cooperation agreement with it, in 1959.6
In accordance with that agreement, China offered to train North Korean nuclear
scientists at Chinese nuclear facilities.7
However, since the late 1960s, as both China and the former Soviet Union
stopped assisting North Korea in nuclear matters, Pyongyang decided on the
indigenous development of its nuclear programme. Soon afterwards, North Korea
began to engage in a major expansion of the Yongbyon nuclear research complex
and the establishment of facilities throughout the country.8 By 1980, North Korea,
had constructed key facilities at Yongbyon, including a 5-megawatt electric MW(e)
nuclear power reactor; a large scale reprocessing plant for plutonium extraction
(which was partially completed); a number of radio chemistry laboratories that
could be used for plutonium extraction; a high-explosive testing facility and a
fuel fabrication plant.9
As far as North Korea’s missile programme is concerned, both the Soviet Union
and China provided the initial assistance for it. However, from mid-1980s onwards,
the North started producing missiles of Scud-B model indigenously and reportedly
conducted tests during 1984-1986 in the Sea of Japan.10 Over the years, North
Korea has developed several other forms of Scud missiles. In fact, the Nodong-I
missile (test fired on August 31, 1998) was an improved version of Scud-C
missiles.11 North Korea successfully developed certain intermediate range ballistic
missiles and also acquired long-range ballistic missile capabilities. The Taepodong I
(test fired on August 31, 1998) and Taepodong II (initially test fired on July 4,
2006 and later on April 5, 2009) had estimated ranges of 2500 kilometres and
4,000-10,000 kilometres respectively.12
In the 1990s, Pakistan’s assistance to North Korea in missile technology came
to light. In fact, in 1993, in an interview to the Japanese press, former Pakistani
prime minister Benazir Bhutto, herself acknowledged that she was able to “obtain
technology for a long-range missile” from North Korea in exchange of Pakistan’s
uranium enrichment technology.13 Pakistan reportedly transferred the guidance
systems technology to the North, which was the same technology that China had
assisted Pakistan in acquiring to improve accuracy of its Ghauri missile.14
Accession to the NPT
In 1968, when the NPT was opened for signature, North Korea refused to sign
the treaty primarily on three grounds: refusal of South Korea to join the treaty;
the North’s view that the NPT was an unequal treaty that imposed more stringent
inspection as well as disarmament obligations on non-nuclear states than on
318 Asian Strategic Review
nuclear weapon states15 and Moscow’s refusal to provide nuclear power assistance
to Pyongyang.16
However, South Korea’s ratification of the NPT (1975) and its pledge not to
go nuclear in the future; the Soviet Union’s decision to assist North Korea in
developing a nuclear power programme in return for Pyongyang agreeing to sign
the treaty; Japan’s decision to improve its bilateral relationship with the North if
the latter signed the treaty, etc. motivated North Korea to accede to the NPT in
December 1985.17
Under the terms of the NPT, Pyongyang was required to ratify and implement
a ‘full scope safeguards’ agreement with the IAEA within 18 months. However,
it refused to do so citing the alleged presence of US tactical nuclear weapons on
the Korean Peninsula and the security threat posed by the joint US-South Korea
annual military exercise ‘Operation Team Spirit’ held just south of the
Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) between the two Koreas.18
Signing of the IAEA Safeguards Agreement
After the end of the Cold War, following the US decision to withdraw its tactical
weapons deployed in South Korea; South Korean president Roh Tae Woo’s
unilateral declaration not to manufacture, possess, store, deploy or use nuclear
weapons; 19 and the signing of the non-aggression pact as well as the
Denuclearisation Declaration between the two Koreas; the temporary suspension
of the South Korea-US joint ‘Team Spirit’ exercise in 1992, etc. led Pyongyang
to sign the IAEA safeguards agreement on January 30, 1992 and ratify it on April
9 the same year.
The First Nuclear Crisis (1992-93) and the Agreed Framework
Under the terms of the IAEA safeguards agreement, Pyongyang submitted its
first report to the IAEA on May 4, 1992 declaring its nuclear materials and
facilities. In June 1992, when the IAEA inspectors went to North Korea to verify
the accuracy of the initial declaration, they found serious discrepancies in
Pyongyang’s report. This subsequently led the IAEA to adopt a resolution calling
for a special inspection. The North however denied the IAEA inspectors access
to two suspected nuclear waste sites and warned that any attempt to impose
inspections could plunge the peninsula into ‘a holocaust of war’. The situation
deteriorated further with North Korea’s announcement of its intention to withdraw
from the NPT, claiming that it was ‘self defensive measure’ in view of the country’s
‘supreme interests’.20 All these developments, along with the total impasse in the
nuclear talks between the two Koreas by the end of 1992 and Pyongyang’s
Rodong-1 missile test (1993) dashed all hopes for a nuclear-weapon-free Korean
Peninsula and pushed the region into a crisis situation.
The unprecedented withdrawal announcement was clearly an indication that
Pyongyang might renege on its international legal obligation not to acquire nuclear
arms. That possibility soon emerged as a major issue of concern among the
North Korean Nuclear Surge and East Asian Security 319
international community, especially the East Asian region. To resolve the issue,
the US held talks with North Korea and the protracted negotiations led to the
signing of an Agreed Framework on October 22, 1994 in Geneva. Under that
agreement, Pyongyang agreed to freeze the operation and construction of the
suspected nuclear reactors; allow the IAEA to monitor that freeze; take steps towards
implementing the 1991 Denuclearisation Declaration and remain party to the
NPT.
In return, the US committed to construct two-proliferation-resistant nuclear
power reactors in North Korea and provide the North with 500,000 tons of heavy
fuel oil per year until the first reactor became operational around 2003. The US
also pledged not to threaten or attack North Korea with nuclear arms.21 On March
9, 1995, an international consortium—the Korean Peninsula Energy Development
Organisation (KEDO)—was set up to implement the provisions of the Agreed
Framework and thus the 18-month long nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula
seemed to finally come to an end.
Developments Since mid-1990s
North Korea’s launch of the Taepodong 1 missile on August 31, 1998 over Japan
created a strong international furore. A CIA report released on September 1999
warned that North Korea might decide to launch “at any time” a ballistic missile
that could be up graded into an intercontinental–range weapon capable of striking
US territory.22
To deal with the looming threat of the North Korean missile programmes
the US and North Korea entered into a discussion on September 7, 1999. During
that discussion, while the North agreed to freeze its missile-testing programme,
the US agreed to start the process of normalising their bilateral relationship and
removing the array of decades-old sanctions imposed on North Korea.23 However,
the North’s alleged missile exports to Pakistan and Middle East emerged as a major
stumbling block in the implementation of the agreement.
Recent Developments
North Korea’s Withdrawal from the NPT
Since 2001, the bilateral relationship between North Korea-US deteriorated
because of the Bush Administration’s policy towards the North. After the 9/11
terrorist attack, the US named North Korea as part of the ‘Axis of Evil’.24
Pyongyang retaliated in October 2002 by publicly declaring in October 2002
that it was engaged in a clandestine nuclear programme based on HEU. Later
on, in January 2003, North Korea declared its “automatic and immediate”
withdrawal from the NPT, thus becoming the first state, ever, to terminate its
membership from the NPT.
320 Asian Strategic Review
into the Pacific Ocean along with the payload. North Korea however asserted
that it was successful in launching the satellite into the orbit.28 Such claims and
counter claims precipitated a nuclear crisis in East Asia.
Restarting the SPT
As the nuclear crisis came to a head, China persuaded North Korea to rejoin the
talks. North Korea ultimately agreed to do so possibly in the hope of acquiring
some concessions from other members of the SPT to deal with its economic
distress.29 The SPT finally restarted in December 2006 after a hiatus of more
than a year. The talks resulted in the denuclearisation plan of February 2007
under which Pyongyang pledged to freeze its nuclear programme within two
months, rejoin the NPT and the IAEA safeguards regime, in exchange for aid,
energy assistance and the unfreezing of $25 million of North Korean money in
the Banco Delta Asia.
However, hopes for a denuclearized North Korea were dashed once again as
the last round of the SPT came to an end in December 2008 without an agreement,
particularly due to differences between Pyongyang and Washington over a
verification protocol. While the North demanded appropriate compensation for
giving up its nuclear goal, the US kept insisting that Complete Verifiable and
Irreversible Dismantlement (CVID) of the North’s nuclear weapon programme
was essential before any kind of compensation could be given to North Korea.30
The failure of the SPT was a major disappointment. Those in favour of the
SPT however argued that the talks were still relevant as they gave the US additional
leverage while negotiating with Pyongyang. Moreover the SPT ensured that the
regional powers remained engaged in the diplomacy on denuclearising North
Korea.31 The sceptics however insisted that the SPT failed to offer any viable
solution to North Korea’s denuclearisation as the participant states placed their
own immediate priorities and concerns above the collective need to halt North
Korea’s nuclear programme. While both Japan and the US were insistent on
imposing strong sanctions in response to the North’s weapon testing, the other
three states—China, South Korea and Russia—supported less stringent sanctions.
The Second Nuclear Test
The situation in the Korean Peninsula became more complicated with North
Korea’s launching of the long-range Taepodong-2 missile on April 5, 2009 followed
by a second nuclear test on May 25, 2009. The UN Security Council, on June
12, 2009, passed Resolution 1874 condemning North Korea’s action and paving
the way for further sanctions on the North. However, Pyongyang remained
undeterred by those sanctions and asserted that the SPT was dead forever and it
had no intention of participating in the talks in the future.32 The North also
insisted that it would no longer be bound by the earlier agreements made in the
SPT.
322 Asian Strategic Review
Current Status
After North Korea’s second nuclear test, the situation in East Asia turned even
more volatile with Pyongyang taking increasingly belligerent attitude towards
South Korea (the sinking of South Korean naval ship Cheonan and the shelling
of South Korean border island Yeonpyeong in 2010), Pyongyang’s its decision to
build a light water reactor (LWR) for uranium enrichment (March 2010) and
the revelation that it had a sophisticated highly enriched uranium (HEU) facility
(November 2010). It is argued by many that Pyongyang might have decided to
reveal its long-held clandestine enrichment programme at that time in the hopes
of acquiring more economic assistance from the SPT member states.33
However, even though North Korea and the US held bilateral talks twice (in
July and October 2011), the resumption of the SPT seemed difficult as Pyongyang
insisted that it would return to the talks only if they were held without prior
conditions. However both the US and South Korea opposed this and instead
demanded that North Korea demonstrate its commitment to abandon its nuclear
weapon programme before the SPT is resumed. Although Pyongyang’s agreement
in February 2012 to suspend nuclear tests and allow the IAEA to monitor its
activities at Yongbyon brought some relief to East Asia, the SPT has not yet been
resumed.
and causing socio-economic instability within China. For long, China was also
concerned that the abrupt collapse of the Kim-Jong-il regime might lead to a
sudden Korean unification and an uncertain geopolitical realignment, including
US troop presence on the Chinese border. To prevent all these ‘undesirable’
possibilities, Beijing has insisted on resolving the North Korean nuclear issue by
peaceful means.41
Over the years, China has played the role of a faithful ally, and has not joined
other countries in imposing sanctions against North Korea, as it believes that
such a move would make Beijing lose its leverage over Pyongyang as an ally, or
even incur the latter’s hostility.42 So, while seeking a peaceful resolution to the
nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula (1992-93), China took the initiative to
mediate between North Korea and the US. In 2003, as North Korea announced
its withdrawal from the NPT, Beijing once again tried to mediate between the
parties and initiated the SPT. During the SPT, China acted not only as the host,
but also as mediator and a constructive participant.
Despite the current stalemate in the SPT, Beijing continues to profess its
commitment towards the talks. In its attempt to prevent provocative actions by
both North Korea and the US, China has also refused to participate in the US-
led Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) that was intended to deter trade in WMDs
and missiles by states like North Korea and Iran. Beijing has also been reluctant
to support any UN Security Council resolution imposing sanctions against North
Korea. So far, China has basically followed the policy of non-conditionality in its
relationship with the North. It has abstained from cutting aid to North Korea
and scrapping bilateral economic ties to compel Pyongyang to take a certain stance
on the nuclear issue.
Japan
The geographic proximity of North Korea to Japan has made it exceptionally
vulnerable to a North Korean nuclear attack. So far, Japan has been by and large
supportive of the US policy aimed at restraining the North’s nuclear-weapon
related activities. When as part of the 1994 agreed framework, the US pledged
to provide North Korea with two LWRs, Tokyo even decided to contribute $1
billion for the construction of those reactors.
However, in the wake of the North’s missile launches over the Japanese territory
and its second nuclear test in May 2009, Tokyo hardened its stance towards
Pyongyang. In fact, after the North Korean nuclear test in 2006, many policy
makers and security analysts were vigorously debating whether Japan would go
nuclear on its own to deter North Korea’s nuclear threat. While Japanese Prime
Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone suggested that Japan needed to consider the option
of acquiring nuclear weapons (September 5, 2006),43 the chairman of the ruling
LDP’s policy research council-Shoichi Nakagawa (October 15, 2006) and the
then Japanese foreign minister Taro Aso (October 18, 2006), called for a renewed
public debate on the nuclear issue.44
North Korean Nuclear Surge and East Asian Security 325
Conclusion
North Korea’s nuclear threat is currently regarded as one of the major security
challenges in East Asia. There has been increasing concern in the international
community that the North’s continued pursuit of nuclear arms might push
neighbouring countries like Japan and South Korea to go nuclear as well, leading
to a nuclear arms race in the region and thus intensifying the global nuclear
proliferation threat. So far, multilateral forums like the SPT have not proved very
fruitful in denuclearising North Korea.
The divergent approaches of East Asian states on the North Korean nuclear
issue have been a major stumbling block in denuclearizing North Korea. While
China and Russia seem to advocate the policy of engagement, the other participants
of the SPT- the US, Japan and to a large extent South Korea- prefer a stronger
approach. The lack of coordination between China, Japan and South Korea became
evident during the tripartite summit in Beijing in May 2012, when the three
countries, in the Joint Declaration, failed to condemn North Korea’s launch of
the long-range ballistic missile in April. While both Seoul and Tokyo insisted that
the Declaration should urge Pyongyang not to conduct a nuclear test or take any
other provocative action, Beijing was extremely reluctant to do so fearing that
such a move might damage the China-North Korea relationship. However it
remains undeniably true that as long as the East Asian countries do not coordinate
their policies on North Korea and leave aside their own selfish national interests,
a peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear dilemma would remain a distant
dream.
N OTES
1. Walter C. Clemens Jr., “North Korea’s Quest for Nuclear Weapons: New Historical Evidence”,
Journal of East Asian Studies, 10(1), 2010, p. 129.
2. Tae Hwan Kwak, “Designing the Non-Nuclear Korean Peninsula: Problems and Prospects”,
Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 4(1), 1992, p. 226.
3. Han S. Park, “The Conundrum of the North Korean Bomb: An Unconventional Perspective”,
in Gary K. Bertsch, Richard T. Cupitt and Takehiko Yamamoto (eds.), US and Japanese Non-
proliferation Export Controls: Theory, Description and Analysis, University Press of America,
Inc., Lanham, 1996, p. 196.
4. Alexandre Y. Mansourav, “The Origins, Evolution and Current Politics of the North Korean
Nuclear Program”, The Nonproliferation Review, 2(3), Spring/Summer 1995, pp. 25-26.
5. Siegfried S. Hecker and Willam Liou, “Dangerous Dealings: North Korea’s Nuclear
Capabilities and the Threat of Export to Iran” at http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2007_03/
heckerliou, accessed on October 4, 2012.
6. Walter C. Clemens Jr., n. 1.
7. Alexandre Y. Mansourav, n. 4.
8. Joseph S. Bermudez Jr., “Exposing North Korea’s Secret Nuclear infrastructure-Part One”,
Jane’s Intelligence Review, July 1999, 7(1), p. 41.
9. Kalpana Chittaranjan, “North Korea: Nuclear Issues”, Strategic Analysis, 23(8), November
1999.
10. Kathleen C. Bailey, “The Nuclear deal with North Korea: Is the Glass Half Empty or Half
full?”, Comparative Strategy, 14(2), April-June 1995, p. 144.
328 Asian Strategic Review
11. Ibid.
12. “North Korean Nuclear and Missile Programme” in Arvind Gupta and K.D. Kapur (eds.),
“Emerging Asian Nuclear Environment: Implications for India”, Lancer’s Books, New Delhi,
2012, p. 247.
13. Yoichi Funabashi, “The Peninsula Question: A Chronicle of the Second Korean Nuclear
Crisis”, Brookings Institution Press, Washington D.C., 2007, p. 119.
14. Rajesh Mishra, “Nuclear Collaboration between North Korea and Pakistan”, Journal of Peace
Studies, 59(5), September-October 2002, p. 57.
15. James Bayer and Robert E. Bedeski, “North Korea’s Nuclear Option: Observations and
Reflections on the Recent NPT Crisis”, The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 5(2), 1993,
p. 100.
16. Walter C. Clemens Jr., n. 1.
17. James Bayer and Robert E. Bedeski, n. 15.
18. Ibid.
19. Yong-Sup Han, “Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation in Northeast Asia’, UNIDIR
Research Paper, No. 33, New York, 1995, p. 34.
20. Andrew Mack, “The Nuclear Crisis on the Korean Peninsula”, Asian Survey, 33(4), April
1993, p. 344.
21. http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/north-korea/nuclear/, accessed on October 1, 2012.
22. Kalpana Chittaranjan, n. 9.
23. William Drozdiak, “N. Korean Pledges Eases Fears of Missile Test,” Washington Post, September
13, 1999.
24. Christoph Bluth, “Between a Rock and an Incomprehensible Place: The United States and
the Second North Korean Nuclear Crisis”, The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 17(2), Fall
2005, p. 89.
25. “North Korea’s Weapons Programmes: A Net Assessment”, IISS Strategic Dossier, No. 5,
November 2006, at http://www.iiss.org/publications/strategic-dossiers/north-korean-dossier/
north-koreas-weapons-programmes-a-net-asses/history/#capabilities, accessed on July 24, 2012.
26. Christoph Bluth, n. 24.
27. Jayshree Bajoria, “The Six Party Talks on North Korea’s Nuclear Program”, at http://
www.cfr.org/proliferation/six-party-talks-north-koreas-nuclear-program/p13593, accessed on
March 15, 2012.
28. Arvind Gupta and K.D. Kapur, n. 12.
29. Semoong Chang, “Why Has North Korea Responded Positively to the Nuclear Talks in
2007?”, North Korean Review, 4(2), Fall 2008, p. 1.
30. Jayshree Bajoria, n. 27.
31. Michael J. Green, “Nuclear Shockwaves: Making the best of bad options”, Arms Control Today,
November 2006.
32. Rajaram Panda, “North Korean Conundrum Continues”, at http://globalpolitician.com/
print.asp?id=5794, accessed on May 26, 2010.
33. Seongwhun Cheon, “New Developments in Nuclear Non-Proliferation and North Korea’s
Nuclear Programme”, at http://gsis.korea.ac.kr/gri/contents/2010_2/13-2-
03_Seongwhun_Cheon.pdf, accessed on October 3, 2012.
34. Leonard S. Spector and Jacqueline R. Smith, “Nuclear Ambitions: The Spread of Nuclear
Weapons 1989-1990”, p. 127.
35. Bruce E. Bechtol Jr., “Creating Instability in Dangerous Global Regions: North Korean
Proliferation and Support to Terrorism in the Middle East and South Asia”, Comparative
Strategy, 28(2), 2009, p. 103.
36. Ibid.
37. Arvind Gupta and K.D. Kapur, n. 12.
38. Bruce E. Bechtol Jr., n. 36.
North Korean Nuclear Surge and East Asian Security 329
39. Moon Chung-in, “[Outlook]: The Syrian Nuke Connections”, Joongang Ilbo, November 26,
2007.
40. Bruce E. Bechtol Jr., n. 36.
41. Hui Zhang, “North Koran Denuclearization: A Chinese View of the Way Forward”,
Disarmament Diplomacy, Issue 82, May 2006.
42. Ibid.
43. “Nakasone proposes Japan consider Nuclear weapons”, The Japan Times, September 6, 2006.
44. Christopher W. Hughes, “North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons: Implications for the Nuclear
Ambitions of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan”, Asia Policy, No. 3, (January 2007), p. 77.
45. Sun-Won Park, “Strategic Posture Review: South Korea”, at http://www.worldpoliticsreview.
com/articles/5322/strategic-posture-review-south-korea (accessed on October 20, 2012).
46. Zhiqun Zhu, “Small Power, Big Ambition: South Korea’s Role in Northeast Asian Security
under President Roh Moo-hyun”, Asian Affairs: An American Review, 34(2), Summer 2007,
p. 76.
47. Rajaram Panda, “North Korea’s Nuclear Issue: Security Implications for Asia”, Journal of
Defence Studies, 4(2), April 2010, p. 101.
48. “North Korea and the Problem of the PSI”, Los Angeles Times, May 29, 2009.
19
A Method in Madness: North Korea’s
Nuclear Weapons
Nupur Brahma
The threat that North Korea poses to the world stems from the dogged belief
that the survival and prosperity of the Kim family regime depends on the
possession of nuclear weapons and no amount of cajoling, threats or
admonishment has made North Korea waver from this belief. North Korea’s
pursuit of nuclear weapons arises from several factors: ranging from the personal
predilections of its leadership, to the insecurities arising from the alliance between
the Republic of Korea and the United States and the need to ensure the survival
of their regime. However with the change of regime in December 2011 and
widespread hopes being expressed of a change in its nuclear policy, this paper
poses the question-Whether under the new dispensation there would be
meaningful denuclearisation and answers in the negative largely due to the reasons
given in the pages that follow.
building up its own official ideology of juche or “self-reliance” and also borrowed
from practices from Korea’s past—for instance Kim used the term “Great Leader”
or “Suryong”, which was used during the Koguryo dynasty to imply supreme
leadership. The ideology of juche in the context of North Korean beliefs means
that as a small country surrounded by hostile powers, it had to be self-reliant, in
its internal and external policies. In its ideological context, juche encompasses
four tenets: (1) Man is the master of his fate; (2) The master of the revolution is
the people; (3) The revolution must be pursued in a self-reliant manner; and
(4) The key to revolution is loyalty to the supreme leader, Kim Il-sung.2 The
emphasis was on showing unflinching loyalty to the leader so that the Korean
peninsula could be unified under the leadership of Kim Il-Sung. Inspiration was
also drawn from Japanese wartime slogans to serve Kim’s political purpose: charyok
gaengsaeng (self-reliance) and juchesong (autonomy or subjectivity).3
Kim Il-Sung’s relegation to a by stander role during the course of the Korean
War, as he was forced to yield operational command of his forces to Marshal Peng
Dehuai, the commander of the Chinese People’s Volunteers (CPV) made him
keenly aware of being surrounded by powerful forces, while raising the issue of
tackling the country’s economic and security needs without bartering away its
independence of decision making.4 This issue remains relevant even today.
The importance of nuclear weapons was drilled deep into the psyche of the
North Korean leadership as a result of the Korean War. During the war, American
forces had carried out exercises with nuclear armed aircraft near the conflict zone—
an implicit threat to employ the them at a time when General MacArthur and
American lawmakers were openly arguing for using nuclear weapons in the
conflict.5 In addition, the American decision to station tactical nuclear weapons
in Korea, including nuclear armed artillery and short range nuclear armed missiles,
as also longer range missiles in 1959 heightened North Korean vulnerabilities
which led to the initiating of discussions on nuclear weapons.6 Kim in order to
counter American military power on the peninsula sought a formal security
guarantee from the Soviet Union which was signed in July 1961, after considerable
dithering on the part of the Soviet Union. This only served to heighten Kim’s
insecurities regarding Moscow’s intentions to honour its commitments.
The rushed accession to power of Kim Jong-un has seen the revival of Neojuche
ideology which is a much more rigid and all pervasive ideology and is sought to
be implemented through propagation of collectivist thought and mass mobilisation
campaigns. The ideology emphasises political control above anything else and
denigrates the attempts at reform carried out between the mid-1990s to the mid
2000s. It also prioritises songun politics (“military-first”) and associates the
development of nuclear weapons with achieving the goal of “kangsong tae’guk”
(“rich nation, strong army”).7
appeared for the first time after Kim Jong-Il’s formal accession to power in 1998,
and the military was given high priority, with the slogan that ‘guns give birth to
power’. Kim Jong-Il realised that the Korean People’s Army formed a bulwark
against the forces that had engulfed other socialist states and placed greater reliance
on it and the state security apparatus for preservation of power.8 Consequently,
the need to retain the support of hardliners precluded the prospects of nuclear
roll back.
Until the 1960s, North Korea received massive assistance for building up its
military, which could not be sustained in the decades that followed. Unlike South
Korea, North Korea’s early obsession with the military buildup compromised its
economic growth. South Korea on the other hand, not only developed sophisticated
military hardware on its own but rapid economic growth enabled it to procure
the equipment it needed from other countries. While Kim Jong-Il’s regime tried
to overcome its handicaps by the military first, in accordance with the ‘Songun’
policy, it could not sustain the relative sophistication it once had. As things stood,
by the mid-1990s, North Korea’s armed forces were equipped with obsolescent/
obsolete equipment of Soviet or Chinese origin. Even the deterrence offered by
its massive numbers of tube artillery and rocket artillery assets was degraded due
to their vintage and poor maintenance.9
Going into the 21st century, the capabilities of North Korea’s assets can only
be presumed to have decreased in relative terms. The performance of its latest
fighter aircraft, the MiG-29A when measured against modern Western aircraft
has been poor. Although North Korea acquired Sukhoi 25 combat support aircraft
in the mid-1990s, these are again of limited utility without air superiority and
ineffective against strong air defences. Similarly, its naval assets are negligible in
terms of capital ships. Its navy has three frigates of 1960 vintage and about 400
patrol craft and fast attack craft. Its anti ship missile inventory consists of antiquated
Styx, Silkworm and Seersucker missiles that are vulnerable to the modern close-
in defences being employed by allied forces. While experts often cite the size of
the North Korean submarine fleet, consisting of, an estimated 22 Romeo class
submarines and about 100 midget submarines, but given the age of their
technology, they are likely to be vulnerable to detection by the South Korean
navy and US naval forces in particular. The navy may be able to execute hit-and-
run actions and ambushes such as that by the Cheonan, but the survivability of
its assets in a full-fledged conflict is doubtful. Its utility therefore, will be greatest
if DPRK forces decide to strike first and use it for ambushes and insertion of
Special Forces. Again, this is not a likely scenario, given that the DPRK has so far
followed the course of a ‘rational actor’ and that deterrence has held when its
position has been stronger.
On paper, perhaps the Korean People’s Army is strongest of the three services.
The terrain of the Korean peninsula affords little space for armoured operations
of the kind envisaged in a NATO versus Warsaw Pact conflict. While analyses of
the two sides have applied the criteria used for Cold War opposing forces and the
A Method in Madness: North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons 333
wars in West Asia, the specific conditions of the Korean peninsula also need to be
taken into account. The disparity between armoured forces may seem to be have
been overcome, to some extent, from the North’s point of view, because of these
conditions. Even so, the Korean People’s Army is faced with serious problems.
On paper, its artillery park is extensive and equipped with fairly advanced
munitions. The terrain and nature of the Demilitarised Zone (DMZ) seems to
suggest a substantial role for infantry operations with massive engineering and
artillery support, and with tanks being used for direct fire support and in limited
anti tank engagements. This seems more in sync with the strength and equipment
of the KPA. However, as noted above, these capabilities have been stunted by
years of low maintenance and lack of training due to fuel shortages. Even the
soldiers are impoverished—army units have to rear livestock and raise crops in
order to take care of their food requirements; conscripts are actually shorter in
height than they were two decades ago.10
In addition to these issues, the armed forces of the DPRK are faced with an
enemy whose superiority in battlefield Intelligence Surveillance Reconnaissance
(ISR), command and control and network centric warfare is overwhelming. They
thus face significant challenges: poorly trained personnel, aging equipment, low
morale and above all, an operating environment which would prove very difficult
to cope with. From the perspective of DPRK decision makers, these factors
reinforce the country’s increasing need for a demonstrable and deployable nuclear
weapons capability to deter aggression of the type that could result in regime
change. The new ruler, Kim Jong -un has made greater efforts to be seen with
troops and has made a number of highly publicised trips to different units of the
armed forces. Presumably this is to garner support among the armed forces and
to cultivate them as a political constituency.
which entailed measures such as: to arm the entire population; to fortify the entire
country; to train the entire army as a “cadre army”; and to modernise weaponry,
doctrine and tactics.13 Thus one can see the roots of Kim Jong-Il’s ‘military first’
policy of 1998, in the equal emphasis policy (equal attention to be devoted to
economic development and military enhancement) of Kim Il Sung. In 1990, the
Russians normalised their relationship with South Korea and terminated aid and
military cooperation to the North further embittering relations.
North Korea’s animosity towards Japan arises from Japan’s colonization of
the country in the past and it being an important ally of the United States in East
Asia. In fact the large number of North Korean Nodong and Scud missiles pose
a greater threat to Japan’s security than a rising China. The 1998 ballistic missile
tests carried out by North Korea over Japanese territory made it aware of the
threat from North Korea.14 Japan has also taken a tougher line in recent years, as
the issue of abducted Japanese citizens, first admitted to by the North Koreans in
2002, is still to be resolved. Japan has recently signed an agreement, under the
terms of which Japan will host a second X band radar to counter ballistic missile
threats from North Korea.
North Korea’s relationship with China is often described with the help of the
adage “as close as lips and teeth.” China has provided unstinting support to the
regime in North Korea and was among the first to recognise Kim Jong-un and to
extend an invitation to him to visit China, without setting a deadline. The reasons
for this support are: China’s propping up of the regime ensures that there would
be no unification of the Korean Peninsula under a strong South Korean regime
friendly with the United States; it prevents the flood of refugees from crossing the
border; helps in the development of China’s north east provinces of Jilin and
Liaoning, as these are the entry and exit points for DPRK-China trade and a
source for minerals like coal, iron ore, copper and rare earths. North Korea uses
China’s support for its regime to fulfil its wish list and gain valuable foreign aid.
The relationship though described usually in glowing terms is not indeed so.
While China views North Korea as a huge albatross around its neck which taints
its reputation but which it needs to support; North Korea sees its northern
neighbour as an economic predator, patronising in its attitude but whose support
is necessary for it to survive.
Economic Challenges
It is pertinent, at this point, to also mention that it is North Korea’s dysfunctional
economy that leads to an excessive reliance on strategic and military capabilities
to ensure regime survival. The shrinking of Soviet and Chinese patron aid and
military cooperation led to severe economic difficulties in North Korea.15 By the
mid-1990s, there was an industrial collapse in North Korea and a famine that
resulted in the deaths of over two million people. This has variously been referred
to as the North Korean de-industrialisation. Outdated infrastructure, poor
agricultural practices, a growing trade deficit, food shortages, out moded disaster
A Method in Madness: North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons 335
tons of food aid in exchange for a North Korean moratorium on long range missile
launches, nuclear tests and enrichment of uranium at the Yongbyon nuclear facility.
The deal however unravelled due to the April 13, 2012 launch of an earth
observation satellite/long range ballistic missile. After the failure of this deal, the
chances of the six party talks resuming in the near future are bleak. The Obama
administration approached the United Nations Security Council which issued a
UNSC presidential statement that strongly condemned the launch and also
tightened existing sanctions.16 With Kim Jong Un calling for the development of
more powerful rockets and satellites post the successful rocket launch of December
12, 2012, Korea looks set to continue on the belligerent path.17
Regime Stability
Kim Jong-un presides over a system consisting of party officials, generals and
bureaucrats who are isolated from the people and paranoid after the dramatic
fall of four dictatorships in the Arab Spring. This paranoia is exhibited by the
regime banning gatherings and describing the protests that toppled the Mubarak
government as being carried out by anti-American demonstrators. Kim Jong-un
lacks the experience and revolutionary credentials of his grandfather and as he is
still in the process of consolidating his fragile power base, he is unlikely to make
any major changes in state policy and therefore the emphasis on the ‘military
first’ policy that includes possession of nuclear weapons will continue. The goal
of becoming a ‘strong and prosperous great nation’ would presumably be well
served by such military capabilities. With the regime unable to provide for the
peoples’ well being and its ideological control fraying as information barriers
increasingly break down, Kim Jong-un is likely to continue his dependence on
the military to maintain social stability. Thus it can be argued that the regime’s
dependence on nuclear weapons as the primary guarantor of its survival is likely
to continue for the foreseeable future.
and there is always the possibility that Kim Jong-un may take provocative action
to appease hardline elements within the KPA or bolster his own credentials. These
policies make for an unstable situation in the peninsula and the fear that these
incidents will escalate to full fledged hostilities is ever present.
Conclusion
Given the magnitude and the range of problems faced by Kim Jong-un, he would
need to rely on hard power in order to ensure his survival and social stability.
Kim Jong Un is not the poster boy for reforms, in spite of what the recent talk
of economic reform and attending Walt Disney themed events might suggest.
With the US unwilling to give concessions to the DPRK unless it undertakes
irreversible de-nuclearisation and North Korea insisting on being recognised as a
nuclear weapon state, the talks seem stalemated for the immediate future. The
efforts to achieve “complete verifiable and irreversible” removal of North Korean
nuclear program would be an extremely difficult if not impossible.
N OTES
1. For a detailed overview of the rise of Kim Il-Sung see Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North
Korea, Past and Future (The Bodley Head, 2012) pp. 65-77
2. Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future (The Bodley Head, 2012) p
37
3. Charles Armstrong, Necessary Enemies: Anti-Americanism, Juche Ideology, and the Tortuous
Path to Normalization (Washington DC: US-Korea Institute at SAIS, Working Paper Series,
WP 08-3, September 2008.
4. Jonathan D. Pollack, No Exit: North Korea, Nuclear Weapons and International Security
(IISS, 2011), p. 33.
5. Roger Dingman, ‘Atomic Diplomacy during the Korean War’, International Security, 13(3),
Winter 1988/1989, pp. 50-91.
6. Stephen I Schwartz, Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of US Nuclear Weapons Since
1940 (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1998), pp.151-61.
7. Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future (The Bodley Head, 2012),
pp. 13-14, 58-63.
8. Byung Chul Koh, Military First Politics and Building A Powerful and Prosperous Nation in
North Korea (Nautilus Institute: Policy Forum Online, No. 05-32 A, 14 April 2005), pp. 2-3.
9. North Korean Security Challenges: A Net Assessment (The International Institute for Strategic
Studies, July 2011), pp. 47-63.
10. See www.iiss.org/publications/strategic-dossiers/north-korean-dossier/north-koreas-weapons-
program
11. Record of a conversation with the Soviet Ambassador in the DPRK Comrade V.P. Moskovsky
about the negotiations between the Soviet delegation, led by the USSR Council of Ministers
Chairman Kosygin and the governing body of the Korean Workers Party, 16 February 1965,
Czech Foreign Ministry Archive in the NKIDP e-dossier no.12, James Person, “The Cuban
Missile Crisis and the Origins of North Korea’s Policy of Self-Reliance in National Defense”
(Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, North Korea
International Documentation Project, October 2012).
12. Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future (The Bodley Head, 2012),
pp. 112-113.
A Method in Madness: North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons 339
13. James Person, “The Cuban Missile Crisis and the Origins of North Korea’s Policy of Self-
Reliance in National Defense” (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars, North Korea International Documentation Project, October 2012).
14. See www.guardian.co.uk/world/1998/sept/01/northkorea
15. For an economic overview see Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future
(The Bodley Head, 2012), pp. 110-161.
16. See http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2012/sc10610.doc.htm.
17. See http://ajw.asahi.com/article/asia/korean_peninsula/AJ201212220054.
18. B.R. Myers, “North Korea’s Race Problem: What I Learned in Eight Years Reading Propaganda
from Inside the Hermit Kingdom,” Foreign Policy Magazine, March/ April 2010, pp. 100-
101.
19. Victor Cha, The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future (The Bodley Head, 2012),
pp. 241-42.
20
Conclusion
Vivek Chadha
It would not be a cliche to describe the strategic contours of Asia as being at the
crossroads of history. A number of significant events are influencing the likely
course that the collective destiny of the region could possibly take in the future.
Some of the key issues and trends have been analysed in this year’s Asian Strategic
Review. The assessment of the authors collectively highlights certain overarching
trends, which are likely to shape the future of Asia and the world. Some of these
trends have been evident in the past, however, with time, their impact on the
security of the region has become more pronounced. These include the emergence
of China, upheaval in West Asia, instability in the AfPak region and the continuing
threat of nuclear proliferation.
Emergence of China
The Middle Kingdom, which is often clubbed with India as a rising power, can
safely be moved to a higher pedestal and be described as a power which has already
risen. Its substantial economic influence was already being felt for a number of
years. Today, it is seen as one of the primary engines of not only Asian but also
world growth.1 However, the recent past has also witnessed its strategic muscle
flexing, which has raised concerns regarding its ability to complete this ongoing
transition, without causing an international upheaval in Asia.
The impact of China’s growing assertiveness is already visible. The US pivot
to Asia has been interpreted in many ways. Amongst the commonly held beliefs
is the possibility of the US finally deciding to answer Chinese assertiveness with
its own brand of assertive diplomacy. The US move comes in the wake of increasing
uneasiness amongst its allies and partners in Southeast and East Asia, which has
become the playground of Chinese muscle flexing. In light of the US move, its
enhanced role and presence in Asia is a foregone conclusion. It needs to be seen
how much will the US leverage its presence to reverse the tilt in its favour vis-a-
vis China and to what extent will it go to influence the ongoing disputes if and
when differences threaten to unravel the status quo in the region.
Conclusion 341
Territorial disputes are not new in this region. However, what is new, is the
increasing bellicosity of China to resolve them to its advantage. This has given a
new framework to Sino-Japan competition and China’s territorial disputes with
Philippines and Vietnam. The Chinese decision to cartographically link over 130
islands in the South China Sea and the islands in vicinity of Japan with its mainland
has raised alarm in countries like Vietnam and Philippines.2 These events have
been captured in this years Asian Strategic Review (ASR) in detail. It remains to
be emphasised that the looming shadow of growing Chinese influence has already
begun and could further accelerate cooperation amongst lesser military powers.
While this is unlikely to witness any form of military alliance against China,
however, the growing proximity amongst powers in the region is evident.3
The ongoing territorial disputes with China could throw up a number of
possibilities for the future. Japan, which has preferred to remain a pacifist power
after the Second World War, could finally decide to reinterpret its constitutional
mandate and undertake a more proactive stance. Countries like Japan, Vietnam
or Philippines could become the test case of China’s message to the world that it
would protect its interests in the region irrespective of the costs involved. There
is also a possibility of China, in an attempt to limit opposition to its interests in
the region, offering a favourable settlement to one or more of the contentious
issues to limit the increasing opposition. Amongst the factors influencing China’s
policy towards its neighbours and the region, is its own domestic churning and
its resultant influence on foreign policy. The next few months will therefore be
crucial, in light of the shift in power in China and the direction likely to be taken
by the leadership.
Nuclear Proliferation
Asia continues to face the challenge of nuclear proliferation. Amongst the countries
under the non proliferation radar, Iran, North Korea and Pakistan have
increasingly been under focus. Israel, sees Iran’s suspected move towards
weaponisation as a threat to regional security.5 There is growing international
concern regarding Iran’s nuclearisation and its impact on regional peace.6 The
looming threat of Iran’s nuclearisation has given a fillip to militarisation of West
Asia and has substantially increased the threat of war.
The transfer of power in North Korea has until now proved to be uneventful.
However, the past record of nuclear sabre rattling7 by the country and proliferation
to Pakistan8 will continue to raise international concerns. Kim Jong Un’s desire
to establish himself in power and the fear of strikes against the country’s nuclear
assets, could lead to a security challenge in the region. The possibility of trading
Conclusion 343
nuclear technology by North Korea, given its isolation, also remains a serious
threat.
Pakistan has in the past been at the forefront of peddling nuclear technology.9
The threat of proliferation from Pakistan was limited to state and state sponsored
activities in the past. However, the country faces the additional challenge of non
state actors getting access to nuclear material.10 While India has been the target
of nuclear threats in the past, however, the inherent instability within Pakistan is
an issue of global concern.11
Thailand, Indonesia and India have been influenced by the rise of China.17 The
establishment of the US-India-Japan-Australia Quadrilateral Initiative was a step
in the direction of attaining balance in the region. The Indian stand on critical
issues like freedom of navigation and peaceful settlement of disputes resonated in
line with ASEAN views on the subject. Speaking at the India-ASEAN
Commemorative Summit, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said: “As maritime
nations, India and ASEAN nations should intensify their engagement for maritime
security and safety, for freedom of navigation and for peaceful settlement of
maritime disputes in accordance with international law.”18
Fourth, instability and socio-political upheavals have forced nations to attempt
preservation of status quo at the domestic level and seek improved strategic
positioning after the dust has settled over popular uprisings. This, as events of the
recent past in West Asia have proved, will continue to be influenced in large
measure through military power and partnerships. Early indicators of these
partnerships are visible as Egypt attempts to reinforce its position given the change
of power equations in the country. Iran, isolated amongst Arab states and in the
West, is supporting the Assad regime in Syria to retain influence.19 Reports also
indicate supply of weapons and equipment by anti Assad countries like Jordan20
and the US, with Russia, accusing the US of coordinating supply of arms to
rebels in Syria.21 Preservation of status quo has until now been attempted through
force in countries like Syria and Egypt and through appeasement of popular anger
in Jordan and Saudi Arabia. The possibility of greater reliance on military hardware
in future is therefore a distinct possibility. This is reinforced by a jump in arms
sales to the region by the US, which is the largest weapons supplier in the world.
During the year 2008-11, the Near Eastern countries22 accounted for 56.2 per
cent of US weapon sale agreements at $ billion 116.6 at current prices.23
Fifth, there was a growing impression with the emergence of non state actors
that conventional threats have given way to sub conventional ones. However,
events of the recent past reinforce that even as sub-conventional threats remain
distinct, conventional conflict is very much a reality. Therefore, military
preparations have entered a phase of duality of purpose, intent and weaponisation.24
This trend is also evident from the mixed purchases by India.25
The 21st century is often seen as an Asian century. This is based on the premise
that the engines of world economy will shift from Europe and in comparative
terms from the US to Asia. However, along with the economic shift, the focus on
militarisation and conflict will also remain on Asia. And this is likely to be fueled
by sub-conventional as well as conventional conflicts, as evident from the analysis
in the publication.
N OTES
1. Tracy Withers, “China is Cause for Optimism on World Economic Pickup, Swan Says”,
Bloomberg, 13 January 2013, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-01-13/china-outlook-
is-cause-for-optimism-on-world-economy-swan-says.html, accessed on 15 January 2013.
Conclusion 345
2. “Beijing claims disputed islands on its own map”, The Times of India, 13 January 2013, http:/
/articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-01-13/china/36310978_1_diaoyu-islands-
senkaku-islands-south-china-sea-islands, accessed on 15 January 2013.
3. Brahma Chellaney, “China pushes natural allies India, Japan closer to US”, The Sunday
Guardian, 14 January 2013, http://www.sunday-guardian.com/analysis/china-pushes-natural-
allies-india-japan-closer-to-us, accessed on 15 January 2013.
4. See “Jehad in Kashmir and Sharia rule in India: Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan”, India Today, 9
January 2012, http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/jihad-in-kashmir-and-sharia-rule-in-india-
tehrik-e-taliban-pakistan/1/241389.html, accessed on 10 January 2013.
5. “Israel’s premier says Iran’s nuclear program is the real threat to region, not settlements”, The
Washington Post, 20 January 2013, http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/israels-
netanyahu-says-irans-nuclear-program-is-the-problem-not-settlements/2013/01/20/9753f764-
62f9-11e2-889b-f23c246aa446_story.html, accessed on 22 January 2013.
6. Peter Crail, “IAEA Lays Out Iran Weapon Suspicions”, Arms Control, http://
www.armscontrol.org/act/2011_12/IAEA_Lays_Out_Iran_Weapons_Suspicions, accessed on
22 January 2013.
7. Bill Powell, “North Korea’s Nuclear Sabre Rattling: A Test for Obama”, 10 March 2009,
Time, http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1883998,00.html, accessed on 22
January 2013.
8. “Pakistan”, NTI, http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/pakistan/delivery-systems/, accessed on
22 January 2013.
9. Selig S. Harrison, “What A.Q. Khan Knows” The Washington Post, 31 January 2008, http:/
/www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/30/AR2008013003214.html,
accessed on 22 January 2013.
10. See Mark Thompson, “Does Pakistan’s Taliban Surge Raise a Nuclear Threat”, Time, 24 April
2009, http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1893685,00.html, accessed on 22
January 2013.
11. Gideon Rachman, “Our obsession with Iran obscures the bigger threat”, Financial Times, 25
June 2012, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/8c7bc24c-bc8f-11e1-a111-00144feabdc0.
html#axzz2IgfnHtLj, accessed on 22 January 2013.
12. Brian Spegele, “China Adds Aircraft Carrier to its Navy”, Wall Street Journal, 26 September
2012, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390444358804578017481172611110.
html, accessed on 22 January 2013.
13. The islands in the East China Sea are called Diaoyu in China.
14. Marianne Lavelle and Jeff Smith, “Why Are China and Japan Sparring Over Eight Tiny,
Uninhabited Islands”, National Geographic, http://news.nationalgeographic.co.in/news/energy/
2012/10/121026-east-china-sea-dispute/, accessed on 22 January 2013.
15. Jason J. Blazevic, “Defensive Realism in the Indian Ocean: Oil, Sea Lanes and the Security
Dilemma”, China Security, http://www.chinasecurity.us/index.php?option=com_content
&view=article&id=304&Itemid=8, accessed on 22 January 2013.
16. “Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear Security”, IAEA, http://www.iaea.org/
Publications/Booklets/Safeguards3/safeguards0806.pdf, accessed on 22 January 2013.
17. For an assessment on US Defence Partnerships in the region see, “Xenia Dormandy, “Prepared
for Future Threats: US Defence Partnerships in Asia-Pacific Region” Chatham House, June
2012, http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/Americas/
pr0612dormandy.pdf, accessed on 22 January 2013.
18. Manmohan Singh, “Closing Remarks by Prime Minister at India-ASEAN Commemorative
Summit 2012”, http://www.aseanindia.com/speeches-and-statements/2012/12/20/closing-
remarks-by-prime-minister-at-india-asean-commemorative-summit-2012, accessed on 22
January 2013.
19. Louis Charbonneau, “Exclusive: Western report—Iran ships arms, personnel to Syria via Iraq”,
346 Asian Strategic Review
Bushmaster LFV 101 US$127m AUS Thales 2011 n.k. includes 31 to replace lost and damaged
Australia veh from previous orders
Hobart-class DDGHM 3 US$8bn AUS/ AWD 2007 2014 Aka Air Warfare Destroyer (AWD). Second
ESP Alliance to be delivered 2016, third 2017. Option
on fourth. All to be fitted with Aegis system
Canberra-class LHD 2 A$3.5bn AUS/ Navantia 2007 2012 To replace HMAS Tobruk and one
(US$3.5bn) ESP Kanimbla-class amphib tpt. To be named
Canberra and Adelaide. First vessel launched
Feb 2011
B-737 AEW AEW&C ac 6 A$3.6bn US Boeing 2000 2010 First two delivered 2010; 6th ac due by end
Wedgetail (US$3.4bn) 2011
A330-200(MRTT) Tkr/Tpt ac 5 A$1.5bn Int’l EADS 2004 2011 (KC-30B). First aircraft handed over to
(US$1.4 bn) RAAF Jun 2011, all to be delivered within
18–24 months
MH-60R Seahawk ASW Hel 24 US$3bn+ US Sikorsky 2011 2014 Will replace navy’s S-70Bs
NH90 Tpt Hel 46 A$2bn AUS/ NH 2005- 2007 Replacement programme. Six for navy;
(US$1.47bn) Int’l Industries 2006 40 for army. AUS variant of NH90.
First four built in Europe; remainder in AUS.
Option for a further 26. Deliveries ongoing
CH-47F Tpt Hel 7 A$755m US Boeing 2010 2014 All to be operational by 2017. To replace
Chinook (US$670m) CH-47Ds
Bangladesh (BGD)
MBT-2000 MBT 44 Tk 1,201
crore PRC NORINCO 2011 n.k. Order also includes three ARVs
n.k. PCC 5 US$42m BGD Khulna 2010 2012 First vessel expected ISD Dec 2012; all
Shipyard vessels to be delivered by Dec 2013.
Programme includes technology agreement
with China Shipbuilding and Offshore
Appendices
International Corporation
Do-228NG Tpt ac 2 n.k. GER RUAG 2011 2013 –
Aviation
China, People’s Republic of (PRC)
JL-2 (CSS-NX-5) SLBM n.k. n.k. PRC Academy 1985 n.k. In development; range 8,000km.
of Rocket Reportedly to equip new Type 094 SSBN.
Motor ISD uncertain
Technology
Type-96G MBT n.k. n.k. PRC NORINCO n.k. n.k. Delivery in progress
Type-99A/A2 MBT n.k. n.k. PRC NORINCO n.k. n.k. In limited production
Type-04 (ZBD-04) AIFV n.k. n.k. PRC n.k. n.k. n.k. Delivery in progress; being issued to
inf bn in Type-96/Type-99 armd regt
(Contd.)
355
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
356
Jin-class (Type 094) SSBN 5 n.k. PRC n.k. 1985 2008 Commissioning status unclear; two vessels
believed to be in service; three more awaiting
commissioning
Shang-class (Type 093) SSN 2 n.k. PRC Bohai 1994 2006 Production status unclear. Second boat
Shipyard commissioned, with third reportedly laid
down in 2003, but no confirmation of
launch. Probable cancellation of programme
Yuan-class SSK 7 n.k. PRC Wuchang n.k. 2006 Four boats commissioned. Unclear status
(Type 039A/B) Shipyard/ on future hulls
Jiangnan
Shipyard
Admiral Kuznetsov- CV 1 n.k. PRC Dalian 1998 2012 Refit of ex-RUS Varyag. Sea trials begun Aug
class (Varyag) Shipyard 2011; re-entered dry dock late 2011 for
resurfacing; possible ISD as test platform
2012
Luyang II-class DDGHM 4 n.k. PRC Jiangnan 2002 2004 Third vessel launched 2010, sea trials begun
(Type 052C) Shipyard Oct 2011; expected ISD 2012. Fourth and
fifth units under construction; probable
launch in 2012
Jiangkai II-class FFGHM 16 n.k. PRC Huangpu 2005 2008 Tenth and 11th vessels launched 2011;
(Type 054A) Shipyard/ expected ISD for both 2012
Hudong
Shipyard
Houbei-class PCFG 60+ n.k. PRC n.k. n.k. 2004 Production status unclear. Likely planned
(Type 022) total of 85+ boats
Yuzhao-class LPD 3 n.k. PRC Hudong 2006 2008 Second vessel launched 2010; sea trials begun
(Type 071) Shipyard Sep 2011; ISD 2012. Third launched 2011
Zubr-class
Appendices
hovercraft LCAC 4 US$315m PRC/ PLAN/Morye 2009 n.k. Deal finalised in July 2010; two to be
UKR Shipyard constructed in Ukraine, two in China, with
blueprints also transferred to China
J-10A/S FGA ac n.k. n.k. PRC AVIC (CAC) n.k. 2004 In service with PLAAF and PLANAF.
Improved J-10B variant currently in flight test
J-11B/BS FGA ac n.k. n.k. PRC AVIC (SAC) n.k. 2007 Upgraded J-11, now fitted with indigenous
WS-10 engines. In service with PLAAF and
PLANAF
JH-7A FGA ac n.k. n.k. PRC AVIC (XAC) n.k. 2004 Low rate production may continue
JL-9 Trg ac n.k. n.k. PRC GAIC n.k. n.k. Delivery in progress. In service with
PLANAF 7th div
Z-10 Atk Hel n.k. n.k. PRC Harbin n.k. n.k. In production; deployed with 5th army
aviation regt
(Contd.)
357
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
358
Arjun II MBT 124 n.k. IND ICVRDE 2010 2014 Upgraded variant. Currently in trials
Akash SAM 36 INR12bn IND DRDO 2009 2009 To equip two squadrons. Final delivery due
(US$244m) 2012
Akash SAM 12 bty INR125 bn IND DRDO 2009 2009 To equip three army regiments
(US$2.77bn)
Akash SAM 96 INR42.7bn IND DRDO 2010 n.k. To equip six squadrons. For the IAF
Medium-range SAM SAM/AD 18 units US$1.4bn ISR IAI 2009 2016 For air force. Development and procure-
ment contract for a medium range version of
the Barak long range naval AD system
Advanced SSBN 5 n.k. IND DRDO n.k. 2012 SSBN development programme. INS Arihant
Technology launched Jul 2009; expected ISD 2012.
Vessel (ATV) Second keel laid mid-2011
Scorpene SSK 6 INR235.62bn FRA/IND DCNS 2005 2015 First delivery delayed until 2015. Cost
increases owing to three-year delay currently
unclear. Option for a further six SSK
Kiev-class CV 1 US$2.5bn RUS Rosoboronexport 1999 2012-3 Incl 16 MiG 29 K. To be renamed INS
Admiral Vikramaditya. Sea trials delayed by six
months
Gorshkov until 2012. Expected to be commissioned
late 2012, but delay to 2013 possible
Project 71/ CV 1 US$730m IND Cochin 2001 2012 To be named Vikrant. Formerly known as
Indigenous Shipyard Air Defence Ship (ADS). Expected ISD has
Aircraft Carrier slipped to 2015. Second vessel of class
anticipated
Project 17 DDGHM 3 INR69bn IND Mazagon 1999 2010 Lead vessel commissioned Apr 2010.
(Shivalik-class) Dockyard INS Satpura commissioned Aug 2011.
INS Sahyadri launched 2005; expected
Appendices
commissioning 2012
Project 15A DDGHM 3 US$1.75bn IND Mazagon 2000 2013 All three vessels launched by 2010.
(Kolkata-class) Dockyard Deliveries delayed, first commission expected
in 2013
Project 15B DDGHM 4 US$6.5bn IND Mazagon 2011 2017 Follow-on from Kolkata class, with increased
Dockyard stealth capabilties
Project 17A DDGHM 7 INR450bn IND Mazagon 2009 2014 Follow-on to Project 17. Requires shipyard
(Shivalik-class) (US$9.24 bn) Dockyard/GRSE upgrade
Advanced FFGHM 3 US$1.5bn RUS Yantar 2006 2011 Option exercised 2006. Expected to be
Talwar shipyard commissioned from 2012, but delays
reported at shipyard
Project 28 FFGHM 4 INR70bn IND GRSE 2003 n.k. ASW role. First of class launched Apr 2010;
(Kamorta-class) second launched Oct 2011. ISD expected
from 2012-16
359
(Contd.)
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
360
Crystal Maze ASM n.k. US$60m ISR Rafael 2010 n.k. Delivery status unclear
AGM-84 Harpoon AShM 24 US$170m US Boeing 2010 n.k. For integration on Jaguar maritime strike
Block II aircraft. Possible additional purchase of
AGM-84L Block II for P-8I MPA
Indonesia (IDN)
Satellite Sat 1 n.k. PRC n.k. 2009 n.k. Remote-sensing sat, to monitor IDN seas
K21 AIFV 22 US$70m ROK Doosan DST 2010 n.k. Delivery to be complete 2014
CN-235 Tpt ac 2 n.k. IDN PT 2008 n.k. Delivery status unclear
Dirgantara
CN-235-220 MP ac 3 US$80m IDN PT 2009 n.k. To be delivered by 2012
MPA Dirgantara
(Contd.)
361
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
362
Industries 2012
Hiroshima-class MSO 2 n.k. JPN Universal n.k. 2012 –
(improved) Shipbuilding
Standard SAM 9 US$458m US Raytheon 2006 – Part of Aegis BMD System for Kongou class
Missile 3 (SM-3) DDGH
AH-64D Apache Atk Hel 13 n.k. JPN Boeing 2001 2006 Up to six in Longbow config. Original
ambition for 62 abandoned on cost grounds.
Three airframes remain to complete
AW101 Merlin/ ASW/MCM 14 n.k. ITA/ Agusta 2003 2006 For JMSDF to replace MH-53E and S-61
MCH-101 Hel JPN/UK Westland/KHI hel under MCH-X programme.
Deliveries ongoing
Enstrom 480B Trg Hel 30 n.k. US Enstrom 2010 2010 Delivery to be complete by 2014. For
Helicopter JGSDF
Corporation
Kazakhstan (KAZ)
S-300 AD 40 n.k. RUS Rosoboronexport 2009 2009 To equip each of up to ten battalions with
four missile launchers and support systems.
Delivery thought to be under way
MiG-31 Ftr ac 20+ US$60m RUS Rosoboronexport 2007 2007 Upgrade to MiG-31BM configuration. At
Upgrade least 20 aircraft thought to have been upgraded
Korea, Republic of (ROK)
K2 MBT up to n.k. ROK Hyundai 2007 2013 Production delayed due to problems with
400 Rotem engine and transmission. Due to enter
operational testing Mar 2012
K21 AIFV å500 US$3.5m per ROK Doosan 2008 2009 Delivery resumed after accident investigation
unit Infracore
M-SAM (Multifunction SAM n.k. n.k. ROK n.k. 1998 2009 In development. To replace current army
Surface to Air Missile) HAWK SAMs
Appendices
KSS-II (Type 214) SSK 6 eUS$3bn ROK DSME 2008 2014 A second batch of six KSS-II (with AIP);
three keels laid down. Expected ISD of first
boat 2014
KSS-III SSK 3 eUS$800m ROK n.k. 2006 2015 Construction due to start 2012. Further
three or six SSK to follow in a second phase.
To replace Chang Bogo-class (Type 209) KSS-
I SSK
Sejong CGHM 3 n.k. ROK DSME 2002 2008 Two vessels commissioned; third launched
Daewang-class Mar 2011. Final delivery due 2012. Three
KDX-3 additional vessels may be ordered
Ulsan-1-class FFX FFGHM 6 KRW1.7bn ROK Hyundai 2006 2015 To replace current lsan-class FFG. First vessel
(US$1.8bn) Heavy (Incheon) launched May 2011. ISD by
Industries 2015. Up to 15 vessels may be built
(Contd.)
363
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
364
Pars APC (W) 257 US$559m MYS/TUR FNSS 2010 2012 Letter of intent signed Apr 2010
/UK/US
A400M Tpt ac 4 MYR907m Int EADS 2006 2013 In development. First delivery possible late
(US$246m) (Airbus) 2014
EC 725 Cougar Tpt Hel 12 MYR1.6bn FRA Eurocopter 2010 2012 Initial contract scrapped Oct 2008. Contract
(US$500m) reinstated Apr 2010. Eight for air force,
four for army. To be delivered 2012-13
Myanmar (MMR)
MiG-29 Fulcrum Ftr ac 20 US$570m RUS Rosoboronexport 2009 2010 Variant/s of aircraft delivered remains to be
determined
K-8 Trg ac 50 n.k. PRC Hongdu 2009 2010 Delivery likely under way
Pakistan (PAK)
Hatf 8 (Raad) ALCM n.k. n.k. PAK n.k. n.k. n.k. In development. Successfully test fired
Al Khalid (MBT 2000) MBT 460 n.k. PAK Heavy 1999 2001 Delivery status uncertain
Industries Taxila
Spada 2000 AD system 10 • 415m ITA MBDA 2007 2009 Delivery in progress. Final delivery due
2013
Zulfiquar-class FFGHM 4 See notes PAK/ Hudong 2005 2009 Improved version of Jiangwei II FF. Fourth
(F-22P) PRC Zhonghua ship to be built at Karachi. Deal worth
Shipyard eUS$750m, incl six Z-9EC hels. Three
vessels in service; final delivery due 2013
Azmat-class FSG 2 n.k. PAK/ Xinggang 2010 2012 First vessel built in PRC and launched
PRC Shipyard/ Sep 2011; ISD 2012. Second to be built
KS&EW in PAK
JF-17 (FC-1) FGA ac 150- n.k. PAK/ PAC 2006 2008 Contract signed for 42 production ac in
200 PRC early 2009
F-16 Block 15 FGA ac 42 US$75m TUR TAI 2009 2014 Upgrade to Block 40 standard. Initial ac
Fighting Falcon Upgrade upgraded in TUR; remainder to be
Appendices
upgraded in PAK
P-3C Orion ASW ac 8 US$970m US n.k. 2004 2007 Ex-US stock. Final delivery due 2011. One
for spares – two destroyed in terrorist attack
Saab 2000 AEW&C ac 4 SEK8.3bn SWE SAAB 2006 2009 Plus one tpt ac for trg. Order reduced from
Erieye (US$1.05bn) six ac. Second ac delivered Apr 2010
ZDK-03 (KJ-200) AEW&C ac 4 n.k. PAK/PRC n.k. 2008 2011 First ac delivered
Il-78 Midas Tkr/Tpt ac 4 n.k. UKR n.k. 2008 2010 Last aircraft reportedly due Nov 2011
Philippines (PHL)
SF-260F/PAF Trg ac 18 US$13.1m ITA Alenia 2008 2010 Contract renegotiated. First eight delivered
Aermacchi 2010. Final delivery due 2012
W-3 Sokol Tpt Hel 8 PHP2.8bn POL Agusta 2010 2011 First four now due for delivery in 2011;
(US$59.8m) Westland remainder to be delivered 2012
(PZL Swidnik)
365
(Contd.)
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
366
Gripen C/D FGA ac 6 See notes SWE SAAB 2010 2013 THB14.8bn (US$415.5m) incl one 340
Erieye
Saab 340 Erieye AEW ac 1 See notes SWE SAAB 2010 n.k. THB14.8bn (US$415.5m) incl six Gripen
Timor Leste (TLS)
n.k. PBF 2 n.k. IDN PT PAL 2011 n.k. –
Turkmenistan (TKM)
T-90S MBT 10 US$30m RUS Rosoboronexport 2009 2009 Delivery in progress
Project 12418 FSM 2 n.k. RUS JSC Sredne 2008 2011 First vessel (Edermen) delivered Sep 2011;
Nevsky Shipyard second (Gayratly) launched May 2011
New Type PCC 2 n.k. TUR Dearsan 2010 2012 –
Patrol Boat Shipyard
(Contd.)
367
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
368
Morozov
Swiftships 35m PB 15 US$181m US Swiftships 2009 2012 For navy. Initial order was for nine vessels.
Option for further three exercised with
another option for three more. First vessel
commissioned Sep 2010. As of Oct 2011, six
had arrived in Iraq
F-16C/D Fighting FGA ac 18 åUS$3bn US Lockheed 2011 n.k. –
Falcon Block 52 Martin
Beech 350ER Tpt ac 6 US$10.5m US Hawker 2008 2010 Five Extended Range (ER) ISR ac; one lt tpt
King Air Beechcraft ac, plus spares and spt
C-130J Super Hercules Tpt ac 4 US$292.8m US Lockheed 2009 2012 Delivery to begin late 2012 and
Martin continue through 2013
C-130J-30 Tpt ac 2 US$140.3m US Lockheed 2009 n.k. For air force
Martin
An-32 Tpt ac 6 US$2.5bn UKR Antonov 2010 2011 Three aircraft complete, further two near
ASTC/Aviant completion. As of late 2011 delivery delayed
by row between purchaser and manufacturer.
Contract value includes 420 BTR-4 APC
Lasta-95 Trg ac 20 see notes SER UTVA 2007 2010 Option for further 16. Part of US$230m
deal. First 3 delivered Aug 2010
EC635 Tpt Hel 24 • 360m FRA Eurocopter 2009 n.k. Cost incl training and maintenance
(US$490m)
Bell 407 Tpt Hel 24 US$60.3m US Bell 2009 n.k. For air force. FMS contract
Israel
Arrow 2 ATBM/BMD n.k. n.k. ISR/US IAI 2008 n.k. Number and cost not known
Merkava Mk IV MBT up to 400 n.k. ISR n.k. 2001 2004 Estimated 50–60 tk per year over four years
Appendices
Dolphin (Type SSK 3 • 1bn GER HDW 2006 2012 With Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP)
800) class (US$1.21bn) system. Third boat confirmed by German
defence minister in July 2011; contract not
yet signed
F-35 Lightning II FGA ac 20 US$2.75bn US Lockheed 2010 2016 Option for a further 75
Martin
C-130J Hercules Tpt ac 1 US$98.6m US Lockheed 2010 2013 –
Martin
C-130J-30 Tpt ac 1 US$76.2m US Lockheed 2011 n.k. Contract includes long-lead items for
Hercules Martin additional C-130J-30 ac
Skylark I-LE ISR UAV 100 n.k. ISR Elbit 2008 n.k. Delivery in progress. Part of Sky Rider
Systems programme
Hermes 900 ISR UAV n.k. US$50m ISR Elbit 2010 2010 Price includes additional Hermes 450 UAVs.
Systems Deliveries to occur 2010-13
369
(Contd.)
Designation Type Quantity Contract Supplier Prime Order First Notes
370
Project Khareef FFGHM 3 GB£400m UK BAE Systems 2007 2011 First vessel (Al-Shamikh) launched Jul 2009;
(US$785m) delivered 2011. Second vessel (Al-Rahmani)
launched Jul 2010
C-130J-30 Tpt ac 1 n.k. US Lockheed 2009 2012 –
Hercules Martin
C-130J-30 Tpt ac 2 n.k. US Lockheed 2010 2013 Delivery due in 2013 and 2014
Hercules Martin
NH90 TTH Tpt Hel 20 n.k. NLD EADS 2003 2010 First delivered Jun 2010
Qatar
AW139 MRH Hel 18 • 260m ITA/UK Agusta 2008 2010 Twelve delivered by end 2011
(US$413m) Westland
AW139 MRH Hel 3 n.k. ITA/UK Agusta 2011 n.k. –
Westland
Saudi Arabia (SAU)
LAV II APC (W) 724 US$2.2bn CAN General 2009 2011 For national guard
Dynamics
(GDLS)
M113 APC (T) 300 US$200m TUR FNSS 2007 2008 Upgrade. Follow-on contract could upgrade
Upgrade entire fleet of 2,000 M113.
Delivery status unclear
CAESAR 155mm 155mm 100 n.k. FRA Nexter 2006 2009 For national guard; to replace M198.
SP arty Systems First four delivered March 2010.
Deliveries to be completed by 2011
Eurofighter FGA ac 72 GB£4.43bn Int’l Eurofighter 2005 2008 Project Salam. First 24 delivered by Sept
Typhoon (US$8.9bn) 2011. Orignal plan to final assemble
remaining 48 in SAU dropped
Saab 2000 Erieye AEW&C ac 1 US$670m SWE Saab 2010 n.k. -
A330 MRTT Tkr/Tpt ac 6 US$600m FRA EADS 2008 2011 Three more purchased July 2009 for un-
Appendices
frigate/with AShM/with hangar/with SAM; FGA—fighter ground attack; FS/G/H/M—corvette/with AShM/with hangar/with SAM; Ftr—
fighter; IRBM—intermediate-range ballistic missile; ISR—intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance; LACM—land-attack cruise missile; LC/
A/AC/D/H/M/PA/PL/T/U/VP— landing craft/assault/air cushion/dock/heavy/ medium/personnel air cushion/ personnel large/tank/utility/vehicles
and personnel; LHD—amphibious assault ship; LP/D/H—landing platform/dock/helicopter; MANPATS—man portable anti-tank system; MBT—
main battle tank; MCM—mine countermeasures; MP—maritime patrol/military police; MR-maritime reconnaissance/motor rifle; LFV—light forces
vehicles; LP/D/H—landing platform/dock/helicopter; PB/C/F/I/R—patrol boat/coastal/fast/inshore/riverine; PSO/H—offshore patrol vessel over
1,500 tonnes/with hangar; SAM—surface-to-air missile; Sat—satellite; SLBM—submarine-launched ballistic missile; SLCM—submarine-launched
cruise missile; SP—self propelled; SPAAGM—Self-propelled anti-aircraft gun and missile system; SRBM—short-range ballistic missile; SSBN—
nuclear-powered ballistic-missile; SSK—attack submarine with ASW; tkr—tanker; tpt—Transport; trg— Training; UAV—unmanned aerial vehicle.
373
Index
A2AD (Anti-Access and Area Denial), 2, 81, 285 and China, 128
Active Defence, 72 Code of Conduct, 127
Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA), 19, community, 172
85 ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus
Admiral Zheng He, 70 (ADMM Plus), 176
Afghanistan ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), 176, 267
Beyond 2014 in Hanoi, 130
China Factor, 31 ASEAN-China
China’s Role in since 2001, 37 and Code of Conduct, 125
civil war in, 32 relation, 170
Taliban government in, 198 Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD), 168, 176
AfPak region, 239, 342 Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies (APCSS),
240
Ahmadinejad and the IRGC, 203
Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), 252,
Airborne Early Warning (AEW), 86 263
Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C), Asia’s Strategic Parameters, 1
19
Asian Tsunami, 5
Al Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), 185
Asia-Pacific Region (APR), 2, 3, 7, 99, 172, 215,
Al Qaeda, 185, 188-89, 209 220, 223, 257, 266
Ambassador Galbraith, 229 Asia-Pacific, 252
American Israel Public Affairs Committee Nations: Rise of, 220
(AIPAC), 299 Dynamics of Russia’s Foray into, 260
Annan, Kofi, UN Secretary General, 187 Projection of Russia as an Important Player
Anti Ship Cruise Missile (ASCM), 81 in, 265
Anti-air warfare (AAW), 81 Atomic Energy Organisation of Iran (AEOI), 204
Anti-satellite (ASAT), 16
Anti-submarine warfare (ASW), 81, 85 Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD), 22, 288
capability, 81 Bambawalle, Gautam, 96
Antony, A K, India’s Defence Minister, 97, 222 Bangladesh, 2
Arab Baruah, Pranamita, 315
League, 113 Bashar al-Assad regime, 197
Peninsula, 205 Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement
Spring, 1 (BECA), 235
World, 198 Behera, Laxman Kumar, 11
Area air defence (AAD), 81 Behuria, Ashok K., 31
Area of responsibility (AOR), 301 Benigno Aquino III, Philippines President, 133
ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum), 166 Bhutto, Benazir, 283
Armed Forces Development Plan (AFDP), 24 Bilateral exercise (BIMEX), 136
ASBM (Anti-Ship Ballistic Missile), 82 BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), Sectoral, Technical and Economic
164, 171, 263, 277 Cooperation), 165, 176
376 Asian Strategic Review
Blake, Robert, US Assistant Secretary for South National Defence Paper 2006, 73, 76
and Central Asian Affairs, 238 Nuclear Growth, 278
Bo Xilai incident, 60 Social Challenges, 54
Brahma, Nupur, 330 The Liquor Capital of, 55
BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa), Transparency in Military Spending, 12
107-119, 255, 263 White Paper on Internet policy, 60
Approaching Conflict Resolution, 113 China’s ‘second island chain’ strategy, 151
China and India in, 107 China-Afghanistan Friendship Association, 38
Sanya Summit, 111 China-Afghanistan Relation, Evolution of, 32
New Delhi Summit, 112 China-EU trade, 117
Position on Iran, 113 China-India relations, 102
Dreaming with: Path to 2050, 108 China-Russian relations, 85
New Delhi summit, 100 Chinese Communist Party (CCP), 88, 115
Partnership for Global Stability, Security and Chinese maritime assertions, 150
Prosperity, 112
Chinese mining groups, 41
Role of G-20, 114
Chinese People’s Volunteers (CPV), 331
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, 279, 282
Chulacheeb Chinwanno, 170
Burgess, Lt. Gen. Ronald, Director of the US Clapper, James, Director for National
Defence Intelligence Agency, 299 Intelligence, 299
Clinton, Hillary, US secretary of state, 218, 135,
Cai Yingting, Chinese Lt. Gen., 287 136
Capability Upgrade Programme (CUP), 133 Coalition Support Funds (CSF), 25
Carrier Strike Battle Groups (CSBGs), 85 Cold War, 3, 11, 79, 148, 153, 155, 167, 228,
Carter, Aston B., US Deputy Secretary of 259, 261, 290, 325, 232-33, 343
Defence, 216 Collective Security treaty Organisation (CSTO),
Central Asian Republics (CARs), 35 262
Central Military Commission (CMC), 71 Collective Self Defence, 150
Century of Humiliation, 71 COMAC (Commercial Airliner Corporation of
Chadha, Vivek, 227, 340 China), 87
Chandra, Vishal, 31 Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), 304
Chen Yi, Chinese Foreign Minister, 33 Combined Task Force-150 (CTF-150), 304
Chidambaram, P., Indian Home Minister, 238 Combined Task Forces (CTF), 301
China Internet Network Information Center, 59 Communication Interoperability Memorandum
China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), of Agreement (CISMOA), 235
42, 189 Communist Party of China (CPC), 55, 62, 64,
China, 1, 6, 129, 132, 151, 242, 255, 261 72
after 2014, 45 Complete Verifiable and Irreversible
ballistic missiles, 280-81 Dismantlement (CVID), 321
developed fighter aircrafts, 279 Comprehensive National Power (CNP), 14
domestic developments in, 53 Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), 216,
emergence of, 340 234
Explaining Rising Military Expenditure, 13 Confidence Building Measure (CBM), 101
Military Modernisation, 70 Congressional Research Service (CRS), 27
Defence Budget, 73 Connect Central Asia, 263
Implications of a Local War, 88 Coordinated Maritime Patrol (CORPAT), 174
Cyber Network Operations (CNOs), 84
Information Warfare (IW), 84
Programme, 73, 80
Dai Bingguo, 94, 95, 96, 97
for ‘Global Power Projection’, 85
Space and Counter Space Technologies, 83 Das, Rup Narayan, 94
Weapon Platforms, 81 Dassault Rafale, 19
Index 377
Defence and Security Policies, 148 Light Water Reactor (LWR), 322
Strategic Shift in Defence Planning, 150 Line of Actual Control (LOC), 16
National Security: Nuclear Options in, 155 Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) plant, 265
Opposition from Domestic Constituencies, Liu Wemin, 98
158 Local war, 88
Quest for a New International Security Role, Logistics Support Agreement (LSA), 235
157 Look East Policy, 136, 164-65, 172
Unshackling the Pacifist Security Norms, 153
Japanese Communist Party (JCP), 155 Mainichi Daily, 156
Japanese Maritime Self Defence Force (JMSDF), Malampaya Natural Gas and Power Project
86, 136 (MNGPP), 133
Japanese Socialist Party (JSP), 155 Malaysia, 127, 129
Jaswal, Lt. General B.S., Northern Command, Malik, Mohan, 168, 170, 172
104 Manoeuvrable re-entry (MARV), 82
Jia Qinglin, 58 McCain, John, Republican senators, 300
Jiangxi Copper, 41
Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft
Jim Yong Kim, World Bank President, 116 (MMRCA), 19
Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET), 239 Medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM), 14
Joint Commission meeting (JCM), 137 Mekong Ganga Project (MGC), 165, 176
Joint Economic Group (JEG), 103 Menon, Shivshankar, 95, 96
Joint Exercise India (JEI) umbrella, 239 Merchant of death, 158
Joint Working Group (JWG), 22, 104 Military Area Commands (MACs), 75
Jundullah, 208 Military Industrial Complex (MIC), 252
Mine Counter Measure (MCM), 303
Kabul University, 38 Minority identity, 58
Karakoram Highway, 36 Mischief Reef incident, 126
Karzai, Hamid, Afghanistan President, 38, 208 Mishra, Rahul, 164
visited China, 38 Mobile Diving and Salvage Unit-I (MDSU-1),
Khamenei, Ali, 204 304
Khan, A.Q., Pakistani nuclear scientist, 283, 323 Moore, Tyler J., 71
Khan, Sardar Mohammad Daud, former Afghan Mrs Gandhi, 231
Prime Minister, 33
Multi-layered security cooperation, 153
Khan, Shamshad A., 148
Multiple Independently Targeted Re-entry
Khomeini, Ayatollah, 187, 204, 209 Vehicle (MIRV), 281
Kim Il-Sung, 331 Muni, S.D., 1, 173
Kim Jong-Il, 4, 332 Myanmar, 2
King Zahir Shah, 33
Korean Peninsula Energy Development National Defence Paper, 78, 90
Organisation (KEDO), 319 National Defence Programme Guidelines
Korean War, 76, 149 (NDPG), 149, 158
Krishna, S.M. External Affairs Minister of India, National identity, 59
97 National liberation struggle, 34
Kudankulam nuclear plant, 263 National Security Advisor (NSA), 22
National Security Bureau Director Tsai Der-
Landing Platform Dock (LPD), 86 sheng, 285
Law on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone, National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS), 22
126, 127
National Security Strategy, 325
Leap Forward, 71
NATO, 6, 233, 251, 256
Li Keqiang, 54 Nayan, Rajiv, 277
Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), 231
380 Asian Strategic Review
Nehru, former Prime Minister of India, 228 Panetta, Leon E., US secretary of defence, 99,
Non-alignment, 228 216, 172, 234
Netanyahu, Benjamin, Israeli Prime Minister, 299 Parmar, Sarabjeet Singh, 125
New York Times, 280 Passage exercises (PASSEX), 136
Next Steps in Strategic Partnership (NSSP), 232 People’s Armed Police (PAP), 54
Noorani, A.G., 103 People’s Daily Online, 43
North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons, 330 People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan
Bargaining Chip, 335 (PDPA), 34
Deep Distrust of its Neighbours, 333 People’s Liberation Army (PLA), 54, 62, 63, 70,
Economic Challenges, 334 75, 89
Legacy of Kim Jong-il, 336 People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), 75, 77-
Need to Project itself as the Stronger Power 78, 81-82, 85-89, 101, 130, 132, 136
in the Korean Peninsula, 335 missile frigates, 86
Regime Stability, 337 Blue Water Programme, 85
second nuclear test, 326 People’s Republic of China (PRC), 33
Songun: The ‘Military First’ Strategy, 331 People’s war, 34
Strategic Autonomy and Juche Ideology, 330 Philippines, 2, 127, 130, 132-33
Tool to Bolster its Claims of Legitimacy, 336 PLA Air Force (PLAAF), 75, 78, 86-88
North Korean Nuclear Surge and East Asian PLA Army (PLAA), 76, 83, 88
Security, 315 PLA Second Artillery Force (PLASAF), 79, 80,
Proliferation Challenge, 322 82, 88
Recent Developments, 319 Plunder Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs),
Current status, 322 98
First Nuclear Test (2006), 320 Post Ministerial Conferences (PMCs), 267
North Korea’s withdrawal from the NPT, Powell, Colin, 37
319 PPP (public private partnership) approach, 22
Restarting the SPT, 321 Pradhan, Prasanta Kumar, 183
Second Nuclear Test, 321 Premier Wen Jiabao, 95
Six Party Talks, 4, 315, 320 President Hu Jintao, 96, 100
North Sea Fleet, 75 President Putin, 251, 254
Nuclear Proliferation, 342 Professor Hu Angang of Beijing’s Tsinghua
University, 58
Prophet Mohammed, 202
Obama, President Barack, 217, 219, 295, 297,
300
One-China policy, 38 Qinghai-Tibet railway line, 97
ONGC Videsh Limited’s (OVL), 264
Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), 35 Rajiv, S. Samuel C., 295
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Ram, A.N., 165
Development (OECD), 1 Rao, P.V. Narasimha, former Prime Minister of
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), India, 165
210 Rapid Reaction Units (RRUs), 76, 88
Osama-bin-Laden, Al Qaeda leader, 289 Recto Bank, 132
killing of, 3 Regional security implications, 6
Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), 13, 71
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), 32, 98 push forward, 14
Pakistan, 2, 281 requirements of, 14
ballistic missiles, 281 Rizvi, M. Mahtab Alam, 197
US Military Aid/Sales to, 25 Roy, Rajorshi, 251
Growing Nuclear Weapon Programme, 26 Royal Thai Navy, 174
Panda, Jagannath P., 107 Russia, 150, 249
Index 381
UN Office on Drug and Crime (UNODC), 208 US-led War on Terror, 24, 32, 37
UN Peace Keeping Operations (UNPKO), 150 US-Pakistan counter terrorism cooperation, 238
policy, 157 USS Trenton, 241
UN Security Council (UNSC), 37, 297 USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics), 167
Resolutions, 4
United Nations (UN), 13, 32, 129 Vietnam, 2, 127, 129, 130, 134
United Nations Convention on the Law of the War, 149, 169
Sea (UNCLOS), 129 Vikramaditya, 20
United Nations Security Council (UNSC), 114, Vision 3000, Denuclearisation, Openness, 326
264
United Principlist Front (UPF), 201 Wang Haiyun, Major General, 85
United States Naval Ship (USNS), 129 Wang Lijun incident, 63
Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), 18, 86, 307 Washington-Tokyo-New Delhi axis, 172
Uranium hexa-fluoride (UF6), 296 Weitz, Richard, 218
US ‘Pivot to Asia’ policy, 164, 288 Wen Jiabao, 55, 60, 100
US Central Command (CENTCOM), 301
West Asia and North Africa (WANA), 197
US Congressional Research Service Report, 2
West Asia
US department of defence (DoD), 216
Gulf Security, 184
US National Intelligence Council Report 2012, Involvement of External Powers, 189
220
Non-Arab Players: Israel, Turkey and Iran,
US, 5, 6, 115, 116, 117, 185, 189, 208, 210, 191
242, 255, 256
Proxy Wars, 186
9/11 attacks, 3
Redefining Regional Security in, 183
Asian Pivot, 222
Rise of Islamists, 187
‘Back to Asia’ strategy, 135
Shia-Sunni Sectarian Politics, 193
Cold War adventure, 149
Spread of Terrorism, 188
Obama Administration
West Asian Upheaval, 341
Rebalancing strategy, 7, 125, 173, 215,
220-23 West Pacific, 87
Implications and India’s Response, 222 Wikileaks, 40
Internal Balancing, 221 World Bank, 112, 115, 117, 119
Revisited, 219 World Trade Organisation (WTO), 111, 115,
117, 119, 252, 257
Understanding Rationale of, 216
World War II, 153, 157, 218, 341
Rebalancing to Asia, 164, 168
US-China, 135
equation, 3 Xi Jinping, 55, 285
Mutual Defence Treaty between, 80 Xinjiang, 12, 58
relations, 37, 45 Autonomous Region, 16, 59
rivalry, 260
US-India relations, 232 Zhong Xing Telecommunication Equipment
US-Japan Company Limited (ZTE), 40
security arrangement, 149 Zhou Yongkang, 39
security cooperation, 153 Zhu Rongji, Chinese Premier, 128
security relations, 153 Zhu Weiqun, 58
security treaty, 135 Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
US-Japan-South Korea relations, 87 (ZOPFAN), 125