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Critical Notes on Ovid

(Met. 11.86, 11.98, 11.136, 11.165) 1

From a re-reading of the witnesses containing the eleventh book of Ovid’s


Meta­morphoses and an examination of others hitherto largely ignored by the
critics I have located some passages in which I believe we should consider
alternative readings to those presented by the most recent editorial tradition.
I take as my starting point Tarrant’s text of 2004. 2
Met. 11.85-88
Nec satis hoc Baccho est; ipsos quoque deserit agros
cumque choro meliore sui uineta Timoli
Pactolonque petit, quamuis non aureus illo
tempore nec caris erat inuidiosus harenis.

This is the beginning of the second fable of book eleven. Bacchus has just
avenged the killing of Orpheus at the hands of the Maenads and is making for
Mt. Tmolus. It is in this context that the fable of King Midas opens. I would
like to stress the presence of uineta in line 86. Here the manuscript tradition
offers several unobjectionable possibilities for the correct text, in addition to the
majority reading uineta (vineyards): pineta (pinewoods), spineta (thornbush
thickets) or dumeta (bushwood). The last reading appears only in a marginal
note in Bs3 (Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, F.II.28, s. XIII), where the body of
the text has pineta. Out of a total of 124 mss. consulted, 41 read pineta while
eight have spineta. It should be borne in mind that among the manuscripts
which read pineta are some of the oldest preserved. 3
The reading most to be expected here is, logically, uineta. The relationship
between Bacchus and grape-growing and wine is well established and would
explain the close bond Ovid depicts between Bacchus and the woodland, and
hence sui uineta Timoli (v. 86). 4 However, Dionysus was also considered god

1
  I would like to thank Prof. L. Rivero García for his profitable suggestions,
Mr. J. J. Zoltowski for his help with the English translation, and both reviewers, whose
insightful comments led to significant improvement of this paper.
2
  Tarrant (2004).
3
  London, British Library, King’s 26 (s. XI4-XII1); Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Lau-
renziana, San Marco 223 (s. XI-XII); Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli Vittorio
Emanuele III, IV F. 3 (s. XI-XII); Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 866 (s. XII-XIII).
4
  Euripides presents the Bacchantes, in the role of the chorus, descending Mt. Tmolus
as they intone the characteristic evohé! (Bacch. 64-70).

Latomus 77 (2018), 358-364. doi: 10.2143/LAT.77.2.0000000


© 2018 by Société d’études latines de Bruxelles. All rights reserved.

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CRITICAL NOTES ON OVID359

of arboreal vegetation, eventually becoming the husband of Ariadne, goddess


of fertility and vegetation on Crete. 5 The vineyards of Mt. Tmolus are men-
tioned three times by Ovid (Met. 6.15: deseruere sui nymphae dumeta Timoli; 6
Fast. 2.313: iam Bacchi nemus et Tmoli uineta tenebat; Pont. 4.15.9: [numero
tot sunt] quot Tmolia terra racemos). From the testimony of Ovid and other
authors (Verg., Georg. 2.97-98: sunt et Aminneae uites, firmissima uina,  /
Tmolius adsurgit quibus et rex ipse Phanaeus; Vib. Sequest. 17.25: Tmolus
Lydiae uino insignis, uid. Theophrast., Hist. 4.5.5) there can be no doubt that
the mountain was associated with the growing of vines in antiquity. The wine
produced from the Tmolus grape-harvest was so famous that the adjective Tmo-
lites came to be the noun used to refer to it (Plin., Nat. 14.74; Vitr. 8.3.12).
It is reasonable to assume that Mt. Tmolus (modern-day Boz Dağlar) was
covered in vegetation, at least at its foot, and the parallel of Fast. (uid. supra),
as well as another, later reference in Ovid (Met. 11.164: [Tmoli] uultum sua
silua secuta est), certifies the presence of a wood there. The description of
wooded mountains is common from Homer on (e.g. Il. 4.396; 13.12; 21.449).
Today the mountain still has some very thick pine woods on its slopes. 7 Pine
trees are also related to the Dionysian myth (Verg., Georg. 2.388-389: et te,
Bacche, uocant per carmina laeta, tibique / oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia
pinu) and it should be recalled that the thyrsi carried as a phallic symbol by the
Bacchantes are topped by a pine cone.
Pinetum is a term that appears only rarely in ancient poetry. The TLL con-
tains only six citations for it: first in Propertius (2.34.67), with the other exam-
ples coming from Ovid (Epist. 16.107; Met. 1.217; 15.604; Fast. 2.275; 4.273).
The appearance of pineta in Propertius also involves similar textual problems,
with the reading spineta being found in some codices; and some editors have
speculated on whether uineta could replace it. 8 Vinetum is a collective noun that
is also rarely used in the same context (Columella, however, uses it frequently).
It is found in Virgil (Georg. 2.298; 319; 357), Horace (Epist. 1.7.84; 2.1.220)
and Statius (Silu. 2.2.11; 3.5.99; 5.1.147; Theb. 4.160) as well as in Ovid
(Met. 1.298; Fast. 2.313): in all, a total of 11 instances.
As we have seen, sense and usage make it feasible to read both uineta and
pineta here. Many of the early editors opted for the latter. 9 I too believe that we
should make this choice, for two reasons.
The first reason is the suspicion of an “echo-corruption” arising from the
possibility that uineta was interpolated into the manuscripts as the result of

5
  Nilsson (1950), p. 523-529; Persson (1942), p. 130.
6
  app. crit.: “dumeta EIF2u: uineta (cf. 11.86, F. 2.313) Ω, fort. recte”; Tarrant (2004),
p. 152.
7
  Bengisu (1996), p. 7.
8
  Burman / van Santen (1780), p. 477.
9
  Puteolanus, 1471; the editor of the Venetian edition of 1472; Calphurnius, 1474;
Bonus Accursius, 1480; Glareanus, Longolius 1553; and Bothe 1818.

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360 SAMUEL DÍEZ REBOSO

contamination from the iunctura in book 6 (Met. 6.15, uid. supra), later
becoming established in the manuscript transmission thanks to the fact that its
meaning makes it perfectly plausible. Vineta is clearly the lectio facilior. This
type of interpolation is by no means rare. I have identified a similar case, for
example, in Met. 11.588: somnia ad Alcyonen ueros narrantia (imitantia codd.)
casus, owing to the presence of the almost identical phrase in Pont. 1.2.45:
somnia me terrent ueros imitantia casus. The critical apparatuses at Met. 1.298;
6.15; Fast. 2.313, which include uineta, do not record the variant pineta.
The presence of the letter combination ui in the sui preceding it must also have
had some influence, and in the following line, immediately below, we have
quamuis.
The second reason is the context. Vineta denotes an area of land cultivated
with vineyards and in 11.85 we read: ipsos quoque deserit agros. Now, ager
indicates a field, generally (though not necessarily) worked, as vineyards are.
We can be absolutely certain that the fields Bacchus abandons are tilled because
Ovid himself has stated so previously (11.31-36). Accordingly, I feel that the
reference to elements that grow wild, which is the case of pine trees, would fit
better here. In this eleventh book two fables begin with characters who avoid
the artificial, opting instead for what is natural: ille [Midas] perosus opes siluas
et rura colebat / Panaque montanis habitantem semper in antris (v. 146-147);
oderat hic [Aesacus] urbes nitidaque remotus ab aula / secretos montes et inam-
bitiosa colebat / rura nec Iliacos coetus nisi rarus adibat (v. 764-766). I believe
that Ovid has proceeded here with the selfsame purpose. 10
I therefore propose that the line be read thus: cumque choro meliore sui pineta
Timoli, following the variant of some of the oldest manuscripts and earliest
editors. There is no other way to explain the presence in so many witnesses of
pineta, the lectio difficilior, for uineta.
Met. 11.94-99
qui simul agnouit socium comitemque sacrorum,
hospitis aduentu festum genialiter egit
per bis quinque dies et iunctas ordine noctes;
et iam stellarum sublime coegerat agmen
Lucifer undecimus, Lydos cum laetus in agros
rex uenit et iuueni Silenum reddit alumno.

This scene depicts the encounter between King Midas and the satyr Silenus,
who has been captured and bound in wreaths by some Phrygian country folk
and led into the presence of their sovereign. Midas, who was initiated into the
Bacchic mysteries through Orpheus and Eumolpus, recognizes the old man and
celebrates this reunion by means of a series of festivities in accordance with the
satyr’s status. Once the celebration is over, Midas, accompanied by Silenus,

10
  Vid. Met. 1.217; 15.604; Epist. 16.107; Fast. 2.275; 4.273.

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CRITICAL NOTES ON OVID361

travels to Lydia, where Bacchus is to be found. In this case it is the term laetus
(v. 98) that attracts my attention. Here practically all the codices bear laetus.
There are scarcely any real problems in the transmission, with the exception of
a number of variants easily attributable to copyists’ errors (lectus, leto, latus,
locus, letos, flectus). However, there seem to be two witnesses which have
lentus. 11 Having read one of the two codices mentioned above, Heinsius judged
lentus to be the correct reading. 12
The context allows the reading laetus to be kept with no difficulty, since
going to meet a deity would arouse this emotion in Midas, more so if the king
was in the habit of participating in the orgies consecrated to the god. Ovid him-
self has made this explicit only a few lines above (v. 92-94).
In the case of lentus, the sense here must be “slow” or “tardy”. Heinsius
proposed the following parallel to justify his choice: lentus ab urbe uenis, Cory-
don; uicesima certe / nox fuit, tu nostrae cupiunt te cernere siluae (Calp. Sic.,
Ecl. 7.1). Ovid uses the term less frequently. In Epist. 1.1 (hanc tua Penelope
lento tibi mittit, Ulixe), lento refers to Ulysses’s insensitivity, but also to his tar-
diness in returning. Hope is also delayed in Epist. 2.9 (spes quoque lenta fuit;
tarde, quae credita laedunt). Another use in Ovid Am. 1.13.40 is closer to the
sense we are looking for here: clamares: “lente currite, noctis equi!”.
In my view, Midas arrives in Lydia under the effects of the excesses of the
twelve days and nights of festivities in honour of Silenus, which have gone off
genialiter (v. 95-96). I take lentus as a reinforcement of what is expressed in
the chronotopos (v. 96-98a). The king arrives late for his encounter with Bacchus.
In addition, it should be borne in mind that he could not have arrived in any
other way if he was accompanied by Silenus, whom Ovid has described in these
terms: titubantem annisque meroque (v. 90). I defend the variant chosen by
Heinsius over laetus on two grounds.
The first reason is palaeographical: since the only difference between them
is the nasalisation symbol above the “e”, lentus and laetus are easily confused in
the mss. (e.g. Ov., Am. 3.6.60; Ars 3.452; [Epist. Sapph.] 169; Verg., Ecl. 7.48,
Prop. 3.13.37; Liv. 22.14.7). Moreover, the repetition of laetus within such a
short space is suspicious. In v. 106 laetus again appears with reference to
Midas, when he receives from Bacchus the gift of being able to turn everything
into gold. This may be another example of contamination through “false rec-
ollection”. The air of optimism surrounding the encounter between Bacchus,
Silenus and Midas might have facilitated the change too.

11
  The first witness reported by Heinsius is a codex Argentinensis as yet unidentified
with any contemporary ms.; the second is R2 (Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense, 96,
s. XIV).
12
 “Lentus Argentinensis, quod uerum puto.”, ap. Burman (1727), p. 753. However,
Burman did not actually incorporate into the text the variant proposed by Heinsius.

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362 SAMUEL DÍEZ REBOSO

Secondly, the treatment Midas receives from Ovid is not exactly what one
would expect for a king, but one more suited to a servant in comedy. The fable
lists a series of vices that are more characteristic of the comic slave: he is a
lover of lengthy banquets (v. 95-96), foolish and avaricious (v. 100-105), dis-
trustful (v. 107-108), gluttonous (v. 123) and with a penchant for wine (v. 125),
stupid (v. 148-149) and with appalling judgement (v. 174). The donkey’s ears
he will end up wearing as the episode finishes are fully justified in the light of
this portrayal. The reading lentus here would add another “virtue” to this long
list: unpunctuality or tardiness.
Met. 11.136-141
“neue male optato maneas circumlitus auro,
uade” ait “ad magnis uicinum Sardibus amnem
perque iugum ripae labentibus obuius undis
carpe uiam, donec uenias ad fluminis ortus,
spumigeroque tuum fonti, qua plurimus exit,
subde caput corpusque simul, simul elue crimen.”

These lines are the god Bacchus’ reply to Midas in connection with revoking
the power he had previously granted him (that of turning all he touched into
gold). Having experienced the implications of this gift, Midas repents of having
requested this power and the god takes pity on him, deciding to respond favour-
ably to his plea.
The presence of the past participle circumlitus in 136 is suspicious, to say
the least. As Bömer put it, Ovid is using an extreme, comic or vulgar form,
literally “smeared with gold”; 13 but scholars do not agree on whether it is his
skin or his clothing that is “smeared”. 14 In addition, Bömer’s interpretation is
unparalleled: the meaning must be simply “covered in gold”; see Horace
Epist. 1.10.7: circumlita saxa musco (cf. TLL 3.1154.33-70).
A few manuscripts (Lr2, A4, Ds2, R3) 15 give the reading circumdatus. It can
be stated with almost complete certainty that this is a gloss, as is the case in
Ov., Met. 3.373 and other loci (cf. TLL 3.1154.37). I therefore believe that this
option should be ruled out. There is only one other divergence in the transmission.
The critics, except for Magnus, 16 have failed to observe the presence of circum-
fluus in G. 17 This adjective is commonly used figuratively (Stat., Theb. 6.540-541:
at tibi Maeonio fertur circumflua limbo / pro meritis, Admete, chlamys; Claud.
1.40: sed mens circumflua luxu; Claud. 8.139: adclinis genetrix auro, circumflua

13
  “ringsum behaftet”, Bömer (1980), p. 274.
14
  Gierig (1807), p. 142.
15
  Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Strozzi 121 (s. XIIin); Milano, Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, E 54 inf. (s. XIII1); Dessau, Stadtbibliothek, HB Hs. 9 (s. XIII); Roma,
Biblioteca Vallicelliana, B. 48 (1394).
16
  Magnus (1914), p. 418.
17
  Graz, Universitätsbibliothek 1415 (olim 42/101) (s. XII-XIII).

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CRITICAL NOTES ON OVID363

gemmis; Prud. Symm. 1.417-418: spoliisque insigne superbis / attollis caput, et


multo circumfluis auro; Bern. Morlan. de octo uitiis 75: o caro cara nimis
circumflua rebus opimis; cf. TLL 3.1145.73). In these cases Claudian, Prudentius
and Bernard of Morlaix use the adjective from circumfluere as a synonym of
abundans. In a similar way Midas is physically surrounded by gold.
The verb is often used to condemn the avaricious as in Phaedr. app. 5.8-9:
auari describuntur, quos circumfluit / usus bonorum, sed nil possunt tangere.
Although it is easier to find the verb in prose (e.g. Cic., Parad. 1.6.199.6;
[Quint.] Decl. 321.19.5; Curt. 8.12.209.17), Ovid uses it in its most literal sense
(Met. 1.30; 3.74; 13.779; 15.624; 739). On the two occasions on which we
encounter it in the singular masculine nominative form, it occupies the same
metrical position (1.30: et pressa est grauitate sua; circumfluus umor; 15.739:
scinditur in geminas partes circumfluus amnis).
In palaeographical terms, we can see from the glossaries how easy it is for
scribes to omit the “f” in this context, as happens with the variant of circumuenit
in Verg., Aen. 6.132: circumluit > circumfluit (Gloss. Verg. ed. Hagen 202).
As for circumluus and circumlitus, they hardly differ (t versus the second stroke
of a u).
I would opt for circumfluus here. The reading circumlitus, “smeared (on)”,
as in Ov., Met. 3.374-375: non aliter quam cum summis circumlita taedis /
admotas rapiunt uiuacia sulphura flammas, or “covered (in)” as in Horace
(uid. supra), seems excessively vulgar when placed in the mouth of a deity.
Moreover, circumlitus would refer only to the gold adhering to the body, while
circumfluus meaning “surrounded” would apply to all the gold around Midas;
see Ov., Met. 3.74: spumaque pestiferos circumfluit albida rictus. The use of
this participle gives the impression that everything is turned into gold as Midas
moves.
Met. 11.165-168
ille caput flauum lauro Parnaside uinctus
uerrit humum Tyrio saturata murice palla
distinctamque fidem gemmis et dentibus Indis
sustinet a laeua, tenuit manus altera plectrum;

This is the portrait Ovid presents of Apollo Citharoedus. The god Pan has com-
pared his musical gifts to those of the son of Leto, thus giving rise to a contest
between the two in order to substantiate Pan’s claim. All of this unfolds under
the eyes of the personified Mt. Tmolus who agrees to intervene as a judge.
The scene centres on Apollo after Pan has had his say.
I would now like to focus on the term uinctus (v. 165). In this context uinctus
would have the sense “with the head wreathed” (e.g. Ov., Met. 7.429: colla torosa
boum uinctorum tempora uittis; Ars 3.53-54: myrto nam uincta capillos  /
­constiterat; Verg., Aen. 12.120: uerbena tempora uincti). Leaving aside some
isolated readings of recentiores that can easily be interpreted as copyists’ errors

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364 SAMUEL DÍEZ REBOSO

(iunctus, uictus, tectus) 18, we can replace uinctus with cinctus. This term fits
well into the context (e.g. Ov., Met. 1.625: centum luminibus cinctum caput
Argus habebat; 2.26: Verque nouum stabat cinctum florente corona; Ars 3.392:
naualique gener cinctus honore caput). Though both uinctus and cinctus appear
to be plausible here, there is a preference for cinctus when it is the laurel that
is wrapped round (Ov., Met. 1.450-451: nondum laurus erat, longoque decentia
crine / tempora cingebat de qualibet arbore Phoebus; 14.720: et Paeana uoca
nitidaque incingere lauro!; Am. 1.7.36: cinge comam lauro; Trist. 4.2.51: tem-
pora Phoebea lauro cingetur; Epiced. Drusi 459: cingor Apollinea uictricia
tempora lauro; Verg., Aen. 5.539: sic fatus cingit uiridanti tempora lauro;
Hor., Carm. 3.30.16: lauro cinge ... comam; Sen., Ag. 779; Sil. 15.100; 12.639).
In fact, I can find no use of the verb uincio to refer to the laurel except in
­Macrob. 3.12.1 cum ad aram Maximam sola lauro capita et alia fronde non
uinciant. I thus believe that it is preferable to read cinctus, in accordance with
the use of the term in other passages of Ovid as well as in the works of other
authors. The palaeographical similarity between the two terms allows us to con-
clude that the error came about at an early stage in the transmission.

Universidad de Huelva. Samuel Díez Reboso.

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Related Cults: Essays in Memory of M. J. Vermaseren, Leiden, p. 1-37.
F. Bömer (1980), P. Ouidius Naso. Metamorphosen, Buch X-XI, Heidelberg.
P. Burman (1727), P. Ouidii Nasonis Opera omnia, vol. II, Amsterdam.
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H. Magnus (1914), P. Ouidii Nasonis Metamorphoseon libri XV, Berlin.
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A. W. Persson (1942), The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times, Berkeley.
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18
  E.g. Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, E 54 inf. (s. XIII1); Leiden, Bibliotheek der
Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. O.51. (s. XII, XII2 [Tarrant]); Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana, Plut. 36,14 (s. XIIex.); Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Strozzi
120 (s. XIIex.); Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canon Class. Lat. 1 (s. XIII, XII [Ellis]);
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, 1207 (s. XIII); Wien,
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 207 (s. XII-XIII).

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