The rule of these three separate administrative centres began in the early years of the Muslim

rule. In the middle of the fourteenth century Shamsuddin Elias Shah united almost the whole area
of Bengal and introduced the name “Bangala”. Contemporary historian Shams-E-Shiraj defined
Afif Sultan Elias Shah as “Shah-E-Bangala”, “Shah-E-Bangalia” & Sultan-E-Bangala. Thus
began in the hands of Elias Shah, Bengal during the 200 years of independent sultanate. The
history of the thousand years of Bengal is very important during these two centuries. The Sultans
Elias Shahi, later Elias Shahi and Hussein Shahi converted the foreign Islamic into Muslim rule
of Bengal at that time. The transition was due to the liberal politics of the rulers, where equality,
tolerance and the participation of all the administration were insured. Regardless of the land
expansion policy and caste system, all the people got royal patronage. In keeping with
independence against Delhi, the rulers of Bengal gave generous patronage to the diversified
languages, literature and various institutional and informal religions of the local people. Muslim
rulers endorse the tradition of harmony and tolerance that was clearly present in the religious-
cultural process of millennial history. Gradually some new forms of identity developed in
Bengal- ‘Musilms of Bengal’,/ ‘Bengali Muslims’, ‘Hindus of Bengal’/ ‘Bengali Hindu’ and
‘Buddhists of Bengal’/ Bengali Buddhists’ etc.

In addition to these identities, other language speaking people other than Bengali also engaged
themselves in the evolution of the millennial pluralistic history by preserving their own religious
beliefs and cultural traditions .And it would not be an exaggeration to say that almost everyone
in Bengal’s rulers had to govern the ‘state’ by accepting the reality of this plurality. It should be
remembered that a section of the population living in the remote areas of Bengal has long been
excluded from the language, religion and formal customs of the state. The institutional languages
and religions of the state did not hurt in that sense for a long time in their own right. With the
arrival of the Europeans into Bengal, the state gradually began to interfere with the daily living,
customs, beliefs, rituals and economic life of these marginalized people. The conflicts that
emerge from this cultural and economic conflict emerge as manifestations of a resistance
movement- sometimes armed, sometimes peaceful. Throughout the whole of Bengal, revolts
continued in the eighteenth-nineteenth century. The peasant rebellion, the Fakir-Monk uprising,
the mad rebellion, the Faraizi and Wahhabi movements, the Nile mutiny, the plundering of
Chittagong armoury, the resistance of the Nankar revolt, the tank movement and the Tebhaga
movement was the spontaneous protest of the common people in the long history of Bengal and
the struggle to save their own existence, it was their war for liberation. This conflict added a new
dimension in 1947 when religion was created on the basis of two states- India & Pakistan.
Significantly, one of the main contributors to this phenomenon is the fact that many identities
and realities come to the fore in a single geographical entity in Bengal. The entire eastern and
south-eastern part of Bengal is associated with Pakistan in the name of East-Bengal/East
Pakistan, the western and north-western parts are called West Bengal and parts of the eastern part
are called Tripura with India. Further parts of the intact geographical entity of Bengal are
associated with parts of Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and Assam.

Instead of the politics of religious identity formation, new politics and aspirations for
establishing language and cultural identity have prevailed in East Bengal since 1948.The
language movement, the educational movement, the six-point movement, the mass uprising of 69
and the election of 70’s were the names of the “nationalist” movements in actual proposals. In
these movements almost all the people of different religions, religions and paths were supported.
It was in this connection that the 1971 Liberation War took place and Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman was recognized as a ‘nationalist leader’ by the people. Almost all Hindus,
Buddhists, Christians and Muslims of Bengal participated in the War of Liberation. The
indigenous peoples, like all the peoples of the region, joined in the fight to preserve their own
language, culture, economic liberation and survival. One such important step in the evolution of
the millennial history of Bangladesh is the birth of independent Bangladesh.

Four

The presence of pluralism or pluralism in the continuation of the millennial history and culture of
the region can be mentioned as one of the main reasons for the strong presence of various
conflicts in the political history of Independent Bangladesh. A detailed and thorough inquiry into
the equation or the interpretation of this complex contradiction in the political history of
independent Bangladesh has been consciously excluded from today’s discussion. But there will
be brief remarks on the evolution of political history, the tendency to develop small identities in
the Millennial Path, the process of cultural self-identity formation, along with the gradual larger
political or national identity and the existence and influence of pluralism in this part. As I posed
the question at the outset, are the four politics of Independent Bangladesh just brainwashed by
the leaders or are they in line with the long history and traditions of the region? The discussions
we have presented to you this time pointed to some special aspects of the eternal form of the
millennial history of Bangladesh. Significantly in all these aspects are religious tolerance,
harmony, liberal equanimity and a strong tendency towards humanity. Almost all the four
economies of independent Bangladesh are somehow compatible and linked to the
aforementioned characteristics.

The proposal of the constitution adopted in the year 1972 declared nationalism, socialism,
democracy and secularism as the four ideologies of Independent Bangladesh or the four ideals of
state governance. From 16 December of the same year, when the Constitution came into force,
such ideals would be recognized as the main pillars of Bangladesh’s politics or state. In the
context of nationalism while defining the four principles mentioned in the proposal of the
constitution, it is said that the unity and solidarity of Bengali nationalism is at the root of the
uniformity of language and culture and the achievement of national independence through a
determined struggle (Paragraph-9). Ending the exploitation of the people, ensuring a just society
and establishing economic and social justice are referred to as socialism (Paragraph-10).
Democracy has been referred to as a system where basic human rights, human dignity and
independence are guaranteed and the active participation of the people will be ensured with
elected representatives at all levels of administration (Paragraph-11). Any kind of sectarianism,
the use of religion for political purposes and the avoidance of all forms of religious
discrimination have been consolidated into secularism (Paragraph-12).

One of the surprising things is that the Indian constitution, written in the year 1949, did not
include the ideal of socialism and secularism. It was included in the twenty-third Amendment to
the Constitution in 1977. The ‘Objective Resolution’ that Liaquat Ali Khan presented to the
People’s Council of Pakistan in 1949, in which sovereignty of the world was transmitted to
Allah, not the state. This was repeated in the report of the committee on Principles of the
Constitution in 1950, and in the constitution adopted in 1956, Pakistan was declared an “Islamic
Republic”. However, in the first constitution of 1972 in independent Bangladesh, Bangladesh
was called ‘People’s Republic’ and its principle was socialism, democracy, nationalism and
secularism. Not only the direct or indirect indications on millennial history, the political struggle
of the people of East Bengal over 24-year history of Pakistan also shows evidence of deep
confusion of people with these ideals or aspirations.
In 1955, the Muslim word was dropped in the name of the East-Pakistan Awami Muslim League.
In drafting the constitution in 1956, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman strongly objected to the name of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan. In 1969, he took a firm stand against the use of religion in politics.
When Pakistan was declared as “Islamic Republic” by a special order in 1970, Sheikh Mujib
insisted on cancelling it. Student Union unanimously proposes that ‘The state will be secular
democratic republic’. In the Declaration of Independence presented on 10 April 1971,
Bangladesh was identified as the “People’s Republic”.

In the early part of today’s discussion, I have tried to highlight some underlying tones of
socialism that have been prevalent in the millennial cultural life-cycle of Bangladesh. But in the
political arena of Bangladesh, the word of modern socialism as the “political aspiration” was first
pronounced at the first national convention on the constitution of Pakistan held in Dhaka in
February 1950. It is said that Pakistan will be a sovereign socialist republic. Demand for the
seizure of foreign becomes high and nationalization of big industries, banks and insurance
companies has grown. In 1949, the Awami Muslim League wanted to nationalize major
industries. The 21 points of the United Front promises to nationalize the jute industry. The
Awami League first spoke of socialism probably in the 1966 party declaration. The ‘Policy and
Program’, promoted in 1969, is described as the goal of the party to “establish socialism for the
establishment of economic justice”. In the 1970’s election speech, Bangabandhu also
highlighted the need for nationalization, and in an interview published in “Dawn” magazine on 7
March 1971 in Karachi, he said that he was determined to establish a socialist economy in the
country.

The signs of liberal thinking that were evident in the millennium’s history and culture-building in
Bangladesh became significant in the post 1947 political movement. So the idea of secularism
and socialism has been adopted as a reward for cooperation between India and the Soviet Union
during the Liberation War- such criticism does not seem to have any basis.

It would not be an exaggeration to say about democracy and nationalism, that their underlying
tune has always been echoed in the multitude of millennia’s history and culture. In the modern
definition, it can be argued that all such fantasies existed in Bangladesh, arguing that indigenous
phenomenon are an inherent vitality in the religion, cultural and social life of Bengal, which have
an eternal form. Therefore, in the constitution of independent Bangladesh, many claim that their
place is ‘history-agreeable’.

The history of Bangla and Bengali is long, however, commenting on the recent emergence of its
national consciousness according to historian Mamtazur Rahman Tarafdar, regionalism based on
linguistic regionalism and religious extremism the majority of Bengali Muslims are a hesitant
entity in the midst of conflict. The emergence of a sectarian-sheltered, religious unitary state in
1947 and the formation of a linguistic, nationalistic promise, regional state on the demolition of
that state in 1971 prove this. In addition, the national movement of the year 1948 and 1952
clearly shows the shoots of nationalist ideology. East Bengal was gradually leaning towards
language, culture and heritage. And go hand in hand during cultural and political movements.
Gradually, the demand for East Bengal’s autonomy demanded that East Bengal be called
Bangladesh and the reality of the struggle for democracy and nationalism in the six-points of the
Awami League was clearly manifested. Therefore, it can be said that the 4 principles adopted in
the 1972 constitution are the official recognition of the long experience of a large number of
people who are part of the millennial history of Bangladesh and the evolution of that history. In
1975, Bangabandhu and his family members were assassinated and those who became powerless
in Bangladesh were the first to make a big change in these four states principles. Secularism and
socialism were abandoned, new interpretations of nationalism were given in the introduction of
‘Bangladeshi’ nationalism instead of ‘Bengali’, though it was renamed as ‘Bengali Muslim
Nationalism’ in the actual proposal. And it is important to say that democracy was absent at that
time. Even in the constitution contrary to the eternal of the millennial history and heritage of
Bangladesh, Islam included as state religion.

However, on June 25, 2011, the Awami League did not want to abolish state religion, even
though all the policies were restored in the Constitution through the Fifteenth Amendment. In
addition to secularism with strange contradictions, the provisions of state religion still exist.
Even though socialism is written in the constitution, the goal of the state is to establish a free
market economy. If the inherent vitality of socialism is to be considered as liberal equality, then
the state’s determination to fulfil that goal, as in some cases, is also inclined to compromise
discrimination. It is not possible to argue that the seat of Bengali nationalism in independent
Bangladesh is as intact as ever. The current constitution of Bangladesh recognizes the equal
dignity and rights of all people irrespective of religion. The dignity and rights of a part of the
population who are not Bengali are now protected. As Bengali nationalism is transformed into
human nationalism so fast, it will be more compatible with the dynamic nature of the millennial
history and heritage of Bangladesh.