CHILDHOOD LOST: ABDUCTIONS, SACRIFICE, AND TROPHY HEADS

OF CHILDREN IN THE WARI EMPIRE OF THE ANCIENT ANDES

TiffinyA. Tung and Kelly J.Knudson

This study examines isolated child skeletal remains from ritual structures at theWari site of Conchopata (A.D. 600-1000)
to evaluate how theywere modified into trophy heads and whether the children were sacrificed. The skeletal remains rep
resent at least seven children. Strontium isotope ratios are examined to determine whether children were takenfrom foreign
locales. Results show that the children's skulls exhibit a hole on the apex of the cranium and on the ascending ramus of the
mandible, identical to the adult Wari trophy heads. At least one child may have been sacrificed. 87Sr^6Sr demonstrate that
two of thefour sampled child trophy heads were nonlocal, suggesting that children were occasionally abducted from dis
tant communities, perhaps for sacrifice and certainly to transform some into trophy heads. The similar child and adult tro

phy heads suggest that the ritual treatment of children was not uniquely designed, at least as it related to their processing,
display, and destruction. Furthermore, it is suggested that the child trophy heads were not simply passive symbols of pre
existing authority by the head-takers and trophy head-makers. The trophy heads simultaneously imbued those agents with
"
authority?they did not merely reflect it?demonstrating the "effective agency of the trophy head objects themselves. Finally,
we suggest thatprisoner-taking and trophy head-making by military and ritual elites served to legitimate the authority of
those individuals while simultaneously serving larger state goals that enhanced Wari state authority and legitimated its

policies and practices.

Este estudio examina oseos humanos incorpdreos de varios nihos provenientes de estructuras rituales en un sitio de afiliacion
Wari (d.C. 600-1000)?Conchopata?para evaluar sifueron modificados como cabezas trofeos y sifueron sacrificados. Los
restos oseos representan por lomenos siete nihos. Ademds, se analizan las proporciones de isotopos de estroncio para aclarar
si estuvieron raptados desde regiones afuera del centro del imperio Wari. Observaciones de perforaciones en los apices de los
crdneos de los nihos indican que fueron cabezas trofeos. 875r/*65rdemuestra que dos cabezas trofeos de nihos eran extran

jeros. Esto sugiere que los guerreros de Wari capturaron nihos, como hicieron a los adultos prisioneros. Las similitudes entre
las cabezas trofeos de nihos y adultos, indican que el tratamiento ritual de los nihos no fue unico o especial en su diseho, a
menos que se relaciona su procesamiento, exposition, y destruction dentro de las estructuras rituales. Ademds, se sugiere que
las cabezas trofeos de los nihos no fueron simbolos pasivos de una autoridad pre-existente de sus captores yfabricadores. Las
cabezas trofeos simultdneamente imbuyeron esos agentes con autoridad?no la reflejaron simplemente. En este sentido, las
"
cabezas trofeos tuvieron una "agenda efectiva dentro de sus contextos de obtencion, fabrication, y utilization. Finalmente,
sugerimos que la captura y fabrication de cabezas trofeos por la elite militar y ritual legitimizaron su autoridad, a la vez
sirviendo metas mas amplias del estado que aumentaron su autoridad y legitimizaron sus principios y prdcticas.

Child sacrifice has been documented in the man Poma de Ayala et al. 1987 [1615]; Reinhard
ancientAndes of Peru and ismost clearly 2005). Children (and adults) could also be sacri
associated with the Inka Empire (A.D. ficed tomark significant imperial events, such as
1450-1532). Both ethnohistorical and bioarchae thedeath of a royal Inka, a new Inka ruler's reign,
ological studies thathave documented thispractice, or a successfulmilitary campaign (Betanzos 1551;
known as capacocha, note thatbeautiful, unblem Sarmiento de Gamboa 1999 [1572]). Recently, a
ished childrenwere sacrificed and buried in high probable capacocha has been documented at the
Andean mountaintops as offerings tomountain site of Chokepuquio in theDepartment of Cusco,
deities (apus) (Ceruti 2004; Gentile L 1996; Gua where seven similarly aged childrenwere interred

Tiffiny A. lung Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, VU Station B #356050, Nashville, TN 37235
(t.tung@ vanderbilt.edu)
Kelly J. Knudson Center forBioarchaeological Research, School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State
University PO Box 872402, Tempe, AZ, 85287 (kelly.knudson@asu.edu)

Latin American Antiquity 21(1), 2010, pp. 44-66

Copyright ?2010 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology

44

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 CHILDHOODLOST 45

togetherwith grave goods highly reminiscentof a afford insights intohow children were integrated
capacocha offering(Andrushko et al. 2008; Gibaja into ritual life and how theymay have been per
et al. 2005); thisdemonstrates thatthese Inka child ceived in prehispanic Andean society.
sacrificeswere not limited tomountaintops. In this study,we evaluate whether theWari
Other Andean groups have been suspected of empire (A.D. 600-1000) in particular engaged in
practicing child sacrifice, such as theMoche (A.D. any of thesepractices. The notion thatthe
Wari may
100-700) on thenorth coast of Peru where skele have done so stems fromnew trophyhead finds at
tons from threechildren, two ofwhich were head Wari siteofConchopata (Tung 2008), and from
the
less,were recovered from a ritual plaza at Huaca what is known of other prehispanic Andean soci
de la Luna (Bourget 2001). These child skeletons eties. For example, the Inka practiced child sacri
were recovered from the same plaza as numerous fice, and ithas been proposed that some of their
sacrificed adult males (Verano 2001a). However, cultural practices and aspects of statecraftderived
because therewas no osteological evidence among from the Wari (Earle 1997; Schreiber 1992). Also,
the child burials for themechanism of death (e.g., because studies of Nasca trophy heads (A.D.
perimortem fractures,cutmarks, or chopmarks), it 1-600) and associated iconography provide com
is unclear if theywere sacrificed or died natural pelling evidence thatadults and an occasional child
deaths (Bourget 2001). were likely captured for thepurpose of ritual sac
Recent research at the lateMiddle Horizon/early rificeand transformationinto trophyheads (Proulx
Late IntermediatePeriod siteof Santa Rita B in the 2001), it is possible thata subsequent polity in a
Chao Valley has uncovered additional examples of neighboring region (i.e., the Wari in theAyacucho
possible child sacrifice; threesubadults (two 10-12 Basin) conducted similar activities (Figure 1).
year olds and a 13-15 year-old girl) were appar Moreover, Nasca-derived iconography inmuch of
ently sacrificed and interredwith two principal Wari art indicates that theNasca polity strongly
burials (a 7-year-old child and an adult male) influencedWari material culture (Cook 1994;Men
(Gaither et al. 2008). Although the subadult sacri zel 1964). Therefore, itwould not be surprising if
fices exhibit no perimortem trauma, the context Nasca ritualpractices also permeatedWari society.
and burial orientation led theauthors to suggest they Finally, thepossibility thatchildrenwere sacrificed
are retainersacrifices (Gaither et al. 2008), not dis and transformedinto trophyheads inWari society
similar to thechild retainer sacrifices documented finds precedent in the apparent evidence that the
at theMiddle Sican site ofHuaca Loro (Shimada Wari Empire sacrificed adults and transformed
et al. 2004). In short,while there is clear evidence them into trophyheads (Tung 2007a).
of child sacrifice among the Inka and compelling Much of what is known about Andean trophy
evidence for itamong pre-Inka cultural groups in heads derives from iconographic and osteological
thenorthernPeruvian Andes and coast, itremains studies of theNasca (Browne et al. 1993; Proulx
unclear if other pre-Inka groups practiced child 2001; Silverman 1993; Silverman and Proulx 2002;
sacrifice. Verano 1995). Detailed osteological studyofNasca
The dearth of data on child sacrifice among pre trophyheads has identified theirdefining charac
Inka groups isparalleled by limited informationon teristics,such as an intentionallyenlarged foramen
child trophyheads. This lack of informationhas magnum to extract the brain and an intentionally
made inquiries intothepractice of child head-taking drilled hole on theanteriorof thefrontalbone (Ver
and itspossible relationship to child sacrifice dif ano 1995). Carrying cords are often still in place
ficult toaddress. In turn,scholarly inquiries regard inmany of theNasca trophyheads, demonstrating
ing the role that children played in prehispanic that theywere carried and displayed.
rituals have been limited, a void that inhibitsour To evaluate whetherWari did indeedmake tro
ability to characterize how ritualactivities affected phies out of children's heads and practice child sac
the lives of individuals of all ages. A focused study rifice, seven isolated children's skulls from two
of children's bones from ritual structuresprovides ritual spaces at theWari site of Conchopata were
a directmeans to evaluate if childrenwere sacri reconstructedand analyzed. (They are clearly iden
ficed, how theirremainswere made into trophies, tified as the remains of children, not dwarf indi
and fromwhere theywere obtained. These data also viduals, as has been previously suggested

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46 LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 1.Map of Peru showing sites discussed in the text.

[Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002]). These children's adult trophyheads, who may have been sacrifice
skeletal remains are ideal to address these issues victims (Cook 2001; Tung 2007a). That these
because theywere excavated from the same ritual uniquely shaped buildings are ritual in nature is
spaces?circular and D-shaped rooms?as the indicated not only by theirarchitecturaldesign, but

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 Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOOD LOST
47

also by the presence of sacrificed camelids and
intentionallysmashed ceramic urns thathad been
beautifully decorated with images ofWari deities
and elaborately dressed warriors (Ochatoma 2007;
Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002).
rule,we see the various evidence as an indication
Wari political leaderswere savvy in theirimple
that
mentation of differentstrategies in distinct places,
and inhow theynegotiated with local elites.
While there is compelling evidence for these
various strategies of rule (Feldman 1989; Isbell

The Wari Empire 1984, 2007; Lumbreras 1974; Menzel 1964;

Williams andNash 2005), evidence from the impe
The Middle Horizon (A.D. 600-1000) in thePeru rial heartland suggests thatmilitary might, or the
vianAndes was initiatedby various changes in art, threatthereof,as well as ritual authority,were par
architecture, and sociopolitical organization that ticularlyprominent. These are apparent in icono
reached nearly all parts of theAndes. These pan graphic depictions ofWari warriors carrying
Andean changes stemmed from two
major cultural weapons and trophyheads andWari deities hold
centers: Tiwanaku in the southern Andes of ing prisoners and trophy heads. Notably, these
modern-day Bolivia, and the capital site of Huari images appear on large, state-produced ceramic
in central highland Peru (Isbell 1987) (Figure 1). urns, some of which are a meter in diameter
Wari influence was more geographically wide (Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002). The "official" cou
spread than that of Tiwanaku, as evident in the pling of images of warriors, captives, and trophy
wider distribution ofWari architecture thatmim heads strongly suggests that activities involving
ics formsfrom thecapital siteofHuari (Isbell 1984, themare interrelated.Further evidence ofmilitary
1991; Isbell et al. 1991). This style,known as the conflict, or violent unrestmore generally, is seen
"orthogonal cellular architecturehorizon," inaddi in adult cranial trauma rates thataverage about 25
tion to theD-shaped ritualbuildings (Isbell 1991), percent among those fromConchopata and other
appear at numerous sites in the Peruvian Andes Wari affiliated sites in theMajes valley of south
(Anders 1991; Feldman 1989; Isbell 1989, 1991; ern Peru (Tung 2007b).
McEwan 1991; Moseley et al. 1991; Schreiber The establishment ofWari ritualauthorityin the
1992; Williams 2001) (Figure 1). In particular, heartland and hinterland is evidenced by thewide
Azangaro (Anders 1991) and Jincamocco distributionofD-shaped ritual structures,some of
(Schreiber 1992), located on thefringesof the
Wari which contained ritually smashed ceramic vessels
heartland,displayWari architecture,as domore dis and sacrificed camelids (Bragayrac 1991; Cook
tant sites such as Viracochapampa and Honco 2001; Isbell and Cook 2002; Ochatoma and Cabr
pampa innorthernPeru (Isbell 1989; Topic 1991), era 2002;Williams 2001). The display and destruc
Pikillacta near Cuzco (McEwan 1991), and Cerro tionof adult human trophyheads inritualbuildings
Baiil in southernPeru (Feldman 1989;Moseley et was another significantpart of establishing thisrit
al. 1991;Williams 2001). There are also numerous ual authority.This is apparent at the site of Con
Middle Horizon sites thathaveWari ceramics and chopata, the secondary site in theWari heartland
textiles intrusive to the local style, illustratingthe (Isbell and Cook 2002), where 24 adult trophy
extent ofWari influence (Cardona Rosas 2002; heads were foundburned and smashed on the floors
Cook 1994; Cook and Glowacki 2003; Menzel of two ritual structures(EA72 and EA143). Fifteen
1964, 1968; Nash and Barrionuevo 2009; Owen of the 16 adult crania whose sex could be deter
2007; Schreiber 1992; Stone-Miller andMcEwan mined were male (94 percent), and eight of the 19
1990;Tung2007c). adult trophyheads (42 percent) exhibited cranial
This widespread influence and control in par trauma (one perimortem and seven antemortem
ticular parts of theAndes may have succeeded fractures) (Tung 2008). Moreover, strontium iso
throughreligious indoctrination(Cook 1994,2001; tope ratios obtained from local burials and a sub
Menzel 1964), commensal feasting and drinking sample of adult trophy heads indicate that a
(Cookand Glowacki 2003;Isbell 1984,1987,2007; majority of the adult trophyhead victims came
Williams and Nash 2005), and/ormilitary cam from a geographical locale outside of theAyacu
paigns (Feldman 1989; Lumbreras 1974). But rather cho Basin (Tung andKnudson 2008). Together, the
thanviewing these as mutually exclusive means to demographic, trauma, and chemical data suggest

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 LATIN AMERICAN
thatadultswho were transformedinto trophyheads
may have been victims of raids,many ofwhom may
have been nonlocal enemies of theWari state.This
is furthersupportedby ceramic iconography show
ingWari deities controlling bound prisoners and
holding trophyheads, as well as images ofwarriors
wearing trophyheads around theirnecks (Isbell
and Cook 2002; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002).
Expectations: Taking Child Captives and
Documenting Sacrifice
Child skulls thatdisplay the same postmortemmod
ifications as adult trophyheads will be identified
as trophyheads. Such modifications include an
intentionallydrilled hole on theapex of thecranium
and theascending ramus of themandible. To deter
mine whether thebodies of children received sim
ilar ritual treatment as those of adults, juvenile
remainswere inventoried to see if the same adult
skeletal elements (i.e., crania,mandibles, and hand
phalanges) were present among thejuvenile bones.
The skeletal elementswere thenexamined forcut
marks, chopmarks, and burning. If adults and chil
dren are representedby the same skeletal elements
thatshow similarmodifications, itwill be suggested
thatboth age groups were similarly integratedinto
Wari rituals.
The knowledge thattheInka practiced child sac
rifice contributes to the supposition thatpreceding
Andean groups also engaged in thispractice, but
evidence for skeletal trauma thatis consistentwith
intentional killing would further support the
hypothesis. For example, cutmarks or chopmarks
on the cervical vertebrae, the inferioredge of the
occipital, and/or theposterior edge of themandible
may suggest lethal decapitation (Angel and Cald
well 1984; Waldron 1996), while a perimortem
fractureon a cervical vertebramay suggest a bro
ken neck that could have been fatal (Angel and
Caldwell 1984). Because thecutmarks,chopmarks,
and perimortem fracture could also result from
postmortem processing forburial, theosteological
data must be evaluated with information on the
archaeological context and more general knowl
edge about sacrifice in theAndes.
The question regardingwhether local or foreign
childrenwere takencaptive, sacrificiallykilled, and
then transformed into trophyheads is crucial to
examine, for these insightsrevealmuch aboutWari
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ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010
imperial strategiesfor the subjugation and integra
tion of "outsider" polities. To estimate if children
from these ritual structureswere from theWari
heartland or some distant geological locale, we
obtained strontiumisotope ratios from four of the
seven children,and compared those to theexpected
strontium isotope value for theAyacucho Basin
(Wari imperialcore) (Tung andKnudson 2008). We
hypothesize that, like the adult trophyheads from
the ritual structuresat Conchopata, one or more
child trophyheads will exhibit a nonlocal strontium
isotope value, suggesting that,on occasion, chil
dren (or just theirheads and hands) were takencap
tive and brought back toConchopata for possible
sacrifice and transformationinto trophies.
Materials and Methods
The skeletal remains analyzed in this study include
hand phalanges, cervical vertebrae, and cranial and
mandibular parts representing at least seven chil
dren.The child skeletal remains do not derive from
mortuary spaces, so the bone modifications
described below (e.g., cutmarks, chopmarks) are
unlikely related to burial treatment.Three chil
dren's skulls are from theD-shaped ritual room
(EA72) and four are from the circular ritual room
(EA143); both spaces measured 11m in diameter
(Figure 2). Because the human remains were
smashed and commingled on the floors of the rit
ual rooms, some crania could not be affiliatedwith
theirmandibles.
Each cluster of human bone from the floor of
EA143 was photographed, mapped, and assigned
a numerical code while in situ (Isbell and Cook
2002). Inmost cases, a cluster of skull fragments
pertained toone individual.However, inothercases
one skull could be dispersed among several bone
piles. For this reason, alphabetical lab codes were
assigned that identifiedeach particular individual.
(See Table 1 for listingof thechild skeletal remains
thatare present foreach juvenile.) Spatial and strati
graphic relationshipscould notbe examined forcra
nia fromEA72, as there are no detailed maps or
sketches showing them in situ, though field pho
tographsdo show the skulls clustered together.
Age was determined based on dental eruption
whenever possible (Ubelaker 1989). Cranial suture
closure and thickness of the cranial bones were
also used as criteria todistinguish adult bone from
Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOODLOST

Figure 2. Map of Conchopata. (Based on map by Juan Carlos Blacker.)

juvenile bone (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985). Because
sexually dimorphic skeletal traitshad not yet devel
oped on the juvenile individuals, sex could not be
determined for any of the child remains.
All juvenile skeletal elements were observed
with a lOx handheld magnifying lens formodifi
cations such as drilled holes, cutmarks,chopmarks,
and burning.They were also observed forante- and
perimortem trauma, and cribra orbitalia (an indi
cator of physiological stress)was observed when
orbital roofs were present.
All toothand bone samples were prepared in the
Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory atArizona
State University. Archaeological bone samples
were mechanically and chemically cleaned in a
series of weak acetic acid washes to remove any
diagenetic contamination, and then ashed at 800?
C for 10 hours (Nielsen-Marsh and Hedges 2000;
Price et al. 1992; Price et al. 1994; Sillen 1989).
The strontiumwas then separated from the sample
matrix using EiChrom SrSpec resin in theW.M.
Keck Foundation Laboratory for Environmental

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50 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 3. Map of EA143, showing locations of the child trophy heads and other clusters of cranial fragments. Trophy
Head A is from cranial cluster 1; Trophy Head H is from cranial clusters 14 and 15; Trophy Head P is from cranial clus
ters 4 and 13; Trophy Head S is from cranial cluster 19. Cranial clusters 12 and 18 each had a child frontal fragment,
but it is unknown to which cranium the fragments belong. All other similarly sized polygons in the southeast quadrant
are adult trophy heads. (Redrawn and labeled by Tung based on photos, maps, and field notes byWilliam Isbell, Juan
Carlos Blacker, and Greg Ketteman.)

Biogeochemistry at Arizona State University, Results

where the samples were then analyzed using the
Neptune multicollector inductivelycoupled plasma Spatial Distribution of theChild Crania
mass spectrometer(MC-ICP-MS). Recent ^Sr/^Sr
The juvenile and adult skulls fromEA72 were bro
analyses of strontium carbonate standard
= .710261 ? ken and deposited together in the southernhalf of
SRM-987 yield a value of 87Sr/*6Sr
theD-shaped structure,though specific spatial rela
.000020 (2a), which is in agreementwith analyses
of SRM-987 using a thermal ionizationmass spec tionships between the skulls are unknown. In
trometer (TIMS), where 87Sr/86Sr= .710263 ? EA143, the skeletal elementswere deposited in the
where child
south/southeastportionof thestructure,
.000016 (2a) (Stein et al. 1997), and analyses of
crania were intermixed among the adult trophy
SRM-987 using an identicalMC-ICP-MS, where
= .710251 ?. 000006 (2a) heads (Figures 3 and 4). Fragments of crania and
87Sr/86Sr (Balcaen et al.
mandibles fromchildrenwere recovered fromboth
2005). Additional details of sample preparation
EA72 and EA143, but child hand phalanges were
have been discussed elsewhere (Knudson and Tung
2007). only recovered fromEA143.

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Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOOD LOST
51

Figure 4. Skulls in situ (left photo) and hand phalanges (in situ) that were under Crania 8 and 15 (right photo). Cranium
4 (C4) included skull fragments from a child (Tr-P) and an adult (Tr-D, visible in photo but not discussed in this article).
Skull fragments from Tr-P were below and immediately east of Tr-D. (Photos courtesy ofWilliam Isbell.)

Of the four child crania fromEA143, two had It is unknown if the dispersion of child skeletal
skull parts scattered among several differentclus parts occurred during the process of the ritual, or
ters.Trophy Head H (Tr-H) was scattered among if theywere separated after ritual activities had
Cranial Clusters 14 and 15, and Tr-P was dispersed ceased.

among Cranial Clusters 4 and 13 (Figures 3 and 4).

Tr-A was from skeletal remains inCranial Cluster Age-at-Death

1 only, and Tr-S was fromCranial Cluster 19 only
(Figure 3). Cranial Clusters 12 and 18 also had
some juvenile bone fragments,but theycould have
belonged to any one of theother child skulls; there
fore, theycould not be added to theMNI estimate.
Three of thefourchildren in thecircular ritual struc
turewere 3 to 8 years old at the timeof death. The
fourthchild in thatroomwas 4 to 11 years old. The
threechildren in theD-shaped ritual space were not
as well preserved, but based on cranial size and

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 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

thickness,each was identifiedas 3 to 12 years old

,D ,<U . JD
<D <U <U D
(Table 1).

Modifications: Drilled Holes, Cutmarks, Chop

marks, and Burning

Among thefourjuvenile craniawith an observable

calotte, all show a hole at bregma, on the apex of
2 S "^ ' o o o
the cranium (Figure 5), and of the twomandibles z z z
observed, one exhibited a hole on both the leftand
rightascending ramus (Table 1,Figure 6). Because
o o
the locations of these intentionally drilled holes Z Z
mirror those on the adult trophyheads, these child
remains are identifiedas trophyheads.
o o
Of the three child mandibles preserved well Z Z z ?
enough to observe forcutmarks,all exhibited them i5'i
on theposterior edge of theascending ramus,mod
ificationsthat
mirror thoseof theadult trophyheads </3C?

(Table 1,Figure 7). Cutmarks were also observed

U o
on the temporalbone ofEA143-Tr-P, superior to the
externalauditorymeatus (Figure 8).Of thenine child
B o
hand phalanges, only fourwere sufficientlypre z ?
served toobserve forcutmarks;none were affected.
Nevertheless, themere presence of isolated pha
^I Si
langesfrom children's hands suggests thattheirfin
gerswere ritualobjects used inconjunctionwith the
trophyheads, as was done with heads and fingers t/3C/5C/3 on t/j c?
fromadults (Figure 9). No cutmarkswere observed ,S 2 X
H '
2 3 '
on any of the threechild cervical vertebrae. U U *7

One of threemandibles (EA143-Tr-P) displayed

chopmarks on the inferior-posterioredge of the
ascending ramus (Figure 7), a feature often .3 2 ?
observed on individuals thathave been beheaded
frombehind (Waldron 1996).When a sharp-edged
instrumentstrikes theneck frombehind, theblade
e o
oftenmakes contactwith the inferiorcorner of the o3 O r Oh

lower jaw, resulting inobservable chopmarks, like in N ^

i3 a ^ ?
those on Tr-P. o
Several of the child trophyheads were burned ^ ^ 2
S g3 2
at high temperatures,as evidenced by their light i ?O O cd^ j? s s
cflU ft
gray color and vitrification.The Conchopata adult
trophyheads were similarly vitrified; they sound
similar to clinking glass when tapped together
(Tung 2008). The color of thebones suggests that
the heads were burned at temperaturesof at least
800? C (ifburned forabout threehours surrounded o
< ffi Phw z -
either by air or topsoil), or as high as 1000? C (if ^ .u u u
<N <N <N
burned forone hour surroundedby topsoil) (Walker r- t
< < < < < <
et al. 2008). Although the duration of burning is WWW WWW

unknown, itappears thatthebones were burned at

? ? On CM00 C C G
temperatures slightly lower thanwould have been u u
^t _ O O O
u U U U Z Z Z

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Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOODLOST

Figure 5. Reconstructed trophy heads from EA72 and EA143.

used to fire terra-cotta or earthenware ceramics Trauma

(Rice 1987). There were four calottes, two frontalbones, two

Disease partial facial areas, fourpartialmandibles, threecer

vical vertebrae, and eight hand phalanges, none of
Cribra orbitalia was observed on one of the four which exhibited antemortem trauma
(i.e., healed
child trophyheads (25 percent),which suggests that
fractures).Thus, itappears that these children did
theaffected individualmay have sufferedfromane not sufferfrom injuryearlier in theirchildhoods.
mia (Ortner et al. 2001; Stuart-Macadam 1987; All juvenile elements were examined forperi
Walker 1986;Walker et al. 2009) or inflammation mortem trauma
(i.e., injuries thatoccur around the
caused by a dental abscess, sinusitis,or other naso timeof death).A perimortem fracturewas observed
oral infections (Wapler et al. 2004). In short,those on the lamina of a cervical vertebra fromEA143
lesions indicategeneral physiological stressamong Tr-P
(Figure 10), the same child thatshowed chop
a quarter of the children thatwere made into tro
marks on themandibular ascending ramus. The
=
phy heads. In contrast, only five percent (N 19) affected vertebra is either cervical vertebra 4,5,6,
of children that received proper burial in a Con or 7. The angle of thebreak and the homogenous
chopata tomb sufferedfromsimilarbiological stres color of thebroken edge and the surroundingbone
sors. However, the difference is not statistically
indicate thatthefracturewas perimortem,notpost
= .324,N =
significant (Fisher's exact, p 23). mortem.

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54 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 6.Mandible from child trophy head (Tr-S) exhibiting a hole on the leftand right ascending rami. The arrow points
to the superior edge of the hole fragment on the left ramus. The right photo shows themedial aspect of the right ascend
ing ramus with the drilled hole; the large hole is the crypt for the developing tooth that had not yet erupted in this child.

Strontium Isotope Ratios =

Strontium isotope ratioswere obtained frombone
from four children (five samples total): EA143
Tr-A cranial fragment^Sr/^Sr = .71013; EA143
Tr-H hand phalanx ^Sr/^Sr = .71601; EA143-Tr-P
cranial fragment^Sr/^Sr = .70613; EA-143-Tr-P
vertebral fragment 87Sr/86Sr = .70607
(the cranial
and vertebral fragments are from the same juve
= ritualprogram.The children's heads representmore
nile); and EA72-Tr-Cl 87Sr/*6Sr .70616 (Table
2 and Figure 11). Two of the four children (Tr-A
and Tr-H) exhibit values outside theexpected range
for theAyacucho Basin (local mean ? 2a s.d. is
87Sr/86Sr =
.7051-.7065) (Tung and Knudson
2008), indicating that theywere not from the Wari
heartland. This suggests that,on occasion, Wari
warriors took children captive (or just theirheads
and hands), and brought themback toConchopata.
Conchopata (7/31 23 percent), whereas only 7
percent of Nasca child trophy heads with age
=
reportedwere from children (8/123 7 percent)
(Tung 2007a), a difference that is statistically sig
nificant (Fisher's exact, p = .014, /V= 154).
The significantlyhigher frequency of child tro
phy heads atConchopata is striking,and itmay sug
gest thatchildrenwere intentionallysought for this
thana couple of eccentric specimens; they seem to
be a common and integralpart of these elaborate
Wari rituals,where thechild trophyheads are inte
grated with those from adults. Perhaps theWari
community (orritual specialists or other eliteswith
decision-making power within the largercommu
Table 2. 87Sr/*6SrValues for the Sampled Child Trophy
Heads and Hands from Conchopata.

Discussion Specimen Code_87Sr/86Sr

Tr-2985-13 Vert (Tr-P) .70607
Tr-2985-13 Cran .70613
Child TrophyHeads in theWari Empire (Tr-P)
Tr-0072-MandJ (Tr-C 1) .70616
The seven child trophyheads represent23 percent Tr-2985-01 Cran (Tr-A) .71013
of the entire trophyhead sample recovered from Tr-2985-15-02 Hand ph. (Tr-H)_.71601

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Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOODLOST

Figure 7. Top photo: chopmarks on inferior-posterior corner of mandible from Tr-P, suggesting that this child
beheaded from behind. Bottom photo: cutmarks on posterior edge of ascending ramus of Tr-S.

nity) deemed children older than threeappropriate have placed them in a social category thatmarked
for trophyhead transformation. Age is certainly a them suitable for sacrifice and trophyhead rituals.
key aspect of social identity,and although it is Despite the age differences between children and
unknown howWari would have marked the pas adults, both were similarlyprocessed. That is, rit
sage of time for calculating age, it is probable that uals involvingchild trophyheads were not uniquely
all of these childrenwere close to or in theirpost designed, at least as they related to theirprocess
weaned years and were likelywalking and talking, ing, display, and destruction inWari ritual build
but not yet in post-puberty. These statuses may ings.While theremay have been other distinctions

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 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 8. Cutmarks on temporal bone (superior to external auditory meatus) of child trophy head.

regarding the ritual (non-mortuary) treatmentof were also observed on 59 percent of theadult tro
children and adultswho were transformedinto tro phy heads fromConchopata (N= 22) (Tung 2008)
phy heads, currentdata do not reveal them. and on a Moche skull bowl (Verano 2001a). An
important insight from these observations is that
Dismemberment and Display of
trophyhead preparers in the ancientAndes likely
Children's Heads had detailed knowledge of human anatomy, and
The cutmarkson themandibles and temporalbones Wari ritual specialists in particular, nearly consis
suggest thatsoft tissuewas intentionallyremoved, tentlysevered the same muscles in theprocess of
likelyduring the of
process dismembering thebody. creating human trophyheads.
This also suggests thattrophy-headpreparerswere The holes on the apex of thechild trophyheads
notworking with old, skeletonized remains. That were probably threadedwith cord so theycould be
is,body parts of long-dead childrenwhose soft tis carried or dangled, as was done with Nasca trophy
sues had naturally decomposed were not used for heads. Child mandibles also may have been hung
creating trophyheads. Rather, theymust have been separately,as evidenced by thehole on theascend
dismembering and modifying fresh bodies from ing ramus, or theycould have been tiedback to the
recently deceased children. cranium at various times throughouttheiruse-life.
In particular, thecutmarks on theposterior edge This kind of usage has also been proposed byVer
of the ascending ramus indicate that themasseter ano (1995), who describes a Moche skull bowl
muscle was intentionally cut to separate the (noted above) with two holes on the leftascending
mandible from thecranium. (The masseter muscle ramus.Thus, theholes on the apex of Conchopata
originates on the inferioredge of the zygomatic crania and on the ramus ofmandibles likely func
bone and insertson theascending ramus and coro tioned as conduits for cords, so the entire trophy
noid process of themandible; thus, thismuscle head (cranium andmandible) or just one part (cra
must be severed if themandible is to be disarticu nium or mandible) could be displayed. It is
lated from the cranium.) Cutmarks on mandibles unknown if the child trophyheads were displayed

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 Tung
CHILDHOODLOST 57

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^MMj^^MBBj^^Bj

'*""*? f-eft
1VIffffI IfI fIff I fI
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Vf%X K| f111ifIf|

^^^^^55555* cH?a trophy

Heaas BA !43.

=
solely in the ritual structuresor if theywere also (N 290) (Tung 2010). Thus, given thatchildhood
displayed in other areas. deaths are relativelyuncommon, it is less likely that
all seven children in the ritual structuresdied nat
Probable Evidence for Wari Child Sacrifice
ural deaths. Although this is circumstantial, it is an
Although the perimortem fractureon the cervical importantdata point to be considered with other
vertebra and the chopmarks on the posterior edge lines of evidence.
of theramus could have been sustained shortlyafter More compelling, however, is that the peri
death, knowledge about sacrifice in theAndes and mortem fractureon the cervical vertebramay sug
the specific cultural context in thiscase require that gest a "broken neck" or case of strangulation.A
other explanations be explored. The perimortem fractured cervical vertebra can occur, for example,
fracture and the chopmarks may represent the when a ligature produces excessive force that
mechanism of death, suggesting thatat least one of breaks the lamina (Angel and Caldwell 1984). The
thechildrenwas intentionallykilled. Furthermore, use of ligatures tokill sacrificial victims in thepre
demographic analyses of prehistoric populations hispanic Andes is not unknown. Female sacrifices
suggest thatchild deaths are rare relative todeaths with ligaturesaround theirnecks have been recov
among, forexample, infantsor young adults, so the ered from thecoastal siteof Pachacamac near Lima
death of thesechildrenmay not have been fromnat (Uhle 1903) and at theMoche site of El Brujo in
ural causes (Hoppa and Vaupel 2002). northernPeru, where one female was a sacrificed
Specifically, theage-at-death distributionof the retainerburial foran elite Sican male, and another
child trophyheads isunusual in thatthisage cohort sacrificed femalewas placed inan isolated pitwith
(3-11 years old) typically represents a small per a camelid (Verano 2001a). No ligaturewas found
centage of natural deaths in skeletal populations in the
Wari ritual structures;however, preservation
(Hoppa and Vaupel 2002; Lewis 2007). If individ at the site is sufficientlypoor that it is unlikely that
uals survive infancyand thepost-weaning period? any would have been preserved.
a perilous time for human infants,particularly in The mechanism of death also could have been
prehistoric times?then they are less likely to die decapitation. The chopmarks on the inferioredge
during childhood (i.e., theywill likely survive into of the ramus are consistent with marks sustained
adulthood; but seeWood et al. 1992:347). Among during beheadings when the blow comes from
thegeneralmortuary population atConchopata, 32 behind (Waldron 1996), and given that the peri
percent of the deaths were among fetuses and mortem fractureand chopmarks are on the same
infants(under 3 years old), while only 19 percent child (Tr-P), it is possible that the excessive force
of thedeaths were among children (3-14 years old) of thebeheading caused both alterations: theperi

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 58LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 10. Perimortem fracture on cervical vertebra, suggesting that the child's neck was broken.

mortem fractureand the chopmarks. geological area and the local Ayacucho region (or
Like strangulation,decapitation is also known an area with similar geology, such as themiddle
in theprehispanic Andes. At theMoche siteofDos Moquegua valley [Knudson et al. 2004] where the
Cabezas, 18 severed heads were uncovered, and at Wari site of Cerro Baul is located). If those chil
least four of them exhibited cutmarks on the cer drenwith theAyacucho strontiumisotope ratios are
vical vertebrae, suggesting that those persons had indeed from the local community, thenperhaps the
been beheaded (Cordy-Collins 2001). Moreover, sacrifice was perceived as an honor for the indi
Moche ceramic bottles and figurines depict the vidual and family. Similarly, for those children
Supernatural Human Decapitator in theprocess of fromnonlocal groups, the sacrificecould have been
decapitating a person, undergirding thehypothesis perceived as an honor by the donor community,
thattheMoche practiced lethalbeheadings (Cordy functioning to integratenonlocal communities into
Collins 2001). Sacrifice by means of decapitation Wari Empire, as the Inka capacocha was meant
the
has also been proposed forfive females at the Ini todo. Conversely, thenonlocal children could have
tialPeriod siteofWichqana (1150-750 B .C.) in the been abducted as an act of overtaggression and later
Ayacucho Basin, the region that latergave rise to sacrificed andmade into trophies. When only oste
theWari empire. They were each representedby a ological and strontiumisotope data are considered,
cranium, mandible, and cervical vertebrae, all in it is unclear whether these nonlocal childrenwere
anatomical position, indicating thatsoft tissuewas abducted orwhether theywere willingly gifted for
still intactwhen theywere dispossessed of their sacrifice by the family and community.
heads (Lumbreras 1981). It isunknown ifcutmarks An examination of iconography,however, pro
or chopmarks were observed, making itdifficultto vides some insights. It suggests that the children
evaluate if theWichqana females were indeed may have been abducted and that theirabductions
decapitated, eitheras themechanism of death or as were related to capturing them for sacrifice and
postmortem processing. creating trophyheads. An oversized ceramic urn
froma ritual smash atConchopata shows theFront
Children Abducted from Local and Face Deity dangling a person with hands bound
Foreign Communities behind theback, and to theirright,the
Winged Pro
The strontium isotope data suggest that the child file Sacrificer (Cook, personal communication
trophyheads came from children from a nonlocal 2006) displays a fleshed trophyhead suspended

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 Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOODLOST 59

87SR/86SR

Tr-2985-13 Vert Tr-2985-13 Cran Tr-0072-MandJ Tr-2985-01 Cran Tr-2985-15-02

(Tr-P)
(Tr-P) (Tr-Cl) (Tr-A) Hand ph. (Tr-H)

Figure 11. Strontium isotope ratios from five bone samples representing four different child trophy heads/hands. The
black rectangle shows the expected strontium isotope ratio for those who were natal to theWari heartland (Ayacucho
Basin), as based upon local geology, local small animals, and local human burials (see Tung and Knudson, 2008).

froma staff(Isbell and Cook 2002) (Figure 12). In latermade intotrophyheads forritualuse; he states,
this scene, the captive and the trophyhead do not "[Nasca] iconography clearly portrays decapita
appear tobe the same person, as evidenced by the tion during a battle, not as a separate ritual sacri
differentface paintings. But, if the scene is repre fice following capture of an enemy. There are no
senting a verisimilar act, like
Moche iconography, depictions on the [Nasca] pottery of prisoners of
thenthedepiction of a bound prisoner suggests that war" (2001:128). In contrast,Silverman (1993) and
theWari indeed took captives, and perhaps sacri Baraybar (1987) suggest thatvictims were taken
ficed them, later transforming them into trophy captive inNasca ritual battles,with thepurpose of
heads. using themas ritual sacrifices and trophyheads. Sil
Wari iconography from thecapital site ofHuari verman's (1993) nuanced analysis ofNasca trophy
also shows bound prisoners under the control of heads and theircontexts also makes clear that the
Wari warriors, furtherdemonstrating thatWari methods and meanings associated with Nasca tro
engaged in prisoner capture (Ochatoma and Tung phy takingchanged fromearly to lateNasca times.
2008). Although theartist'srenderingsare of adults, In theearlyNasca era, trophyheads were part of a
it is possible that children were taken in similar "social formation that overtly emphasized ritual
ways (theywere certainly processed and ritually and religious sanctions as itsmeans of cultural
destroyed in similarways). Specifically, the chil (social, political, economic) integration"; early
drenmay have been taken invillage raids, notwar Nasca headhuntingwas not about territorialexpan
fare battles, given thatyoung children are rarely sion (Silverman 1993:222).
present on thebattlefield (Tung 2008). These chil For theWari, in contrast, captive-taking and
drenmay have been taken captive with the intent trophy-makingmay have been part of a political
of sacrificing them in later rituals at Conchopata. and military system thatachieved both territorial
The interpretationthatchild captives were taken conquest and cultural integration.In short,the Wari
invillage raids for sacrifice and thecreation ofWari likely did not kill and behead victims on the bat
trophies lies somewhere between interpretations tlefieldor raiding site, as Proulx (2001) has pro
posited by Proulx (2001), Silverman (1993), and posed was done byNasca warriors; rather,the Wari
Baraybar (1987) as they relate to Nasca trophy may have takencaptives with the intentto sacrifice
heads. Proulx (2001:128) suggests thattrophyhead them and transformthem into trophies, similar to
victims were beheaded during battles or raids and what Silverman (1993) has proposed for theNasca.

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 60LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

Figure 12. Ceramic urn fragment from ritual smash at Conchopata, showing the Front Face Staff Deity dangling a
bound captive and theWinged Profile Sacrificer holding a fleshed trophy head. (Photo courtesy ofWilliam Isbell)

Thus, while takingcaptives and beheading themare 2001, 2006:41-45). Moreover, numerous Moche
practices typicallyperceived as components ofmil figurines and ceramic iconography depict bound
itarism, these acts were apparently tightly inter prisoners, corpses being attacked by vultures, and
woven with Wari ritualism, demonstrating the disembodied body parts, furtherevidence that the
intimateconnections between militarism, political Moche engaged in prisoner sacrifice and the pro
strategy,and ritual practice. cessing of human trophies (Bourget 2001,
The takingof prisoners for subsequent sacrifice 2006:41-45; Verano 2001a: 174-175; 2001b).
and thecreation of human trophies is not unique to Additionally, twoheadless children and a complete
theWari and theNasca. At the site of Pacatnamu child were deposited in one of the ritual plazas at
in thenorthcoast of Peru, 14 adolescent and young Huaca de la Luna (near the plaza with the sacri
adult males were recovered, some of whom had ficed adults), suggesting that, like at Conchopata,
ropes tied around their ankles and in one case, children and adults may have been similarly cap
around thewrist, supporting the notion that they turedand sacrificed.
were indeed captives (Verano 1986). Several of While prisoner capture and headhunting of ene
them exhibited evidence of trauma, dismember mies tomake trophies have been discussed here,
ment, and decapitation, and four individuals had we do not mean to eliminate the possibility that
the leftradius intentionallyremoved, likely foruse Wari rituals also could have included thedismem
as trophies (Verano 2001a: 174-175). berment and display of bodies frommembers of
Prisoner sacrificemay have been similarlyprac theirown community. Indeed, the local strontium
ticed at theMoche siteofHuaca de laLuna, where isotope ratios from two child trophyheads suggest
healed and partially healed trauma among several that some may have been from the imperial heart
of theapproximately 70 male victims suggests that land.However, because theyalso could have come
theywere capturedwarriors (Verano 2001b). About from distantWari outposts with similar geology,
50 clay figurines of nude men with ropes around local status should stillbe confirmed.Nonetheless,
their necks, all of which were intentionally the categories of "local" and "foreigner" are not
destroyed and placed between thevictim's bodies, necessarily mutually exclusive in the ritual arena;
further substantiate this interpretation (Bourget children and adults both internaland external to the

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Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOOD 61
LOST

Conchopata community could have been sacrificed these political and cultural structureswould have
and transformed into trophyheads. Moreover, a been enabling, not purely limiting (see Giddens
"local" can quickly lose his or her insider status, 1984). That is, as Tung (2007a) has argued else
and be labeled an outsider, transgressor,or crimi where, shared cultural norms that recognized the
nal, and thusbecome subject to ritualkilling, dis value of trophyheads imbued theircreatorswith
memberment, and the like. ritualauthority,emphasizing theirunique expertise
and supernatural qualities. With each living body
Craft and Ritual Specialists that they transformed into a sacred object, the rit
The presence of isolated skulls and hands from ual specialists authored and reaffirmedtheirritual
both children and adults, as well as the identical powers and sacred knowledge. This is similar to
modifications to the skulls of both age classes, what Silverman and Proulx (2002:230-231) have
demonstrate that the ritual processing followed a noted regarding themanipulation ofNasca trophy
prescribed set of practices, regardless of the vic heads by ritual practitioners and later by Nasca
tim's age. This in turnsuggests a high level of stan chiefs; thecreation of trophyheads conferred these
dardization in how trophy heads were Nasca men with "status points."
processed?much more than has been found To elaborate, theWari trophy heads?both
among those from Nasca (Browne et al. 1993;objects and subjects at once?also generated
Kellner 2002; Verano 1995;Williams et al. 2001). authority for theirmakers (see Kopytoff 1986).
On theone hand, the coordinated outcome of the These trophyheads were notmerely passive sym
physical trophyheads and the artistic representa bols ofpreexisting authorityfor the ritual special
tionsof themon ceramics may have resulted from ists. In a shared cultural fieldwhere thepotency of
work done by single individuals who were both trophyheads was cultivated, the trophyheads had
trophyhead preparers and ceramic artisans.On the "effective agency" (Robb 2004), such that the
other hand, differentclasses of people, each with objects themselveswere socially generative, imbu
distinct skillsmay have created thedifferentskele ing theirmakers with authorityand a unique sta
tal and ceramic objects: a group of ritual special tus.This isnot to simply suggest that"objects have
istswith specialized knowledge inhuman anatomy agency"; theyclearly do not have the volition, or
and postmortem surgery,and another with mas "conscious agency," of human subjects (Robb
tery in ceramics, pigments, firing, and artistry. 2004). Rather, it is amore nuanced recognition that
Given the specialized training and knowledge with trophyheads, once-living subjects,who were
required forproducing ceramics and trophyheads, also objectified,were transformedintoobjects that
it is likely that theywere distinct classes of spe retained effective agency in that they structured
cialists. While the coordination between them perceptions and actions of others, affected future
could have been self-imposed and self-managed, events, and enabled thosewho engaged with them
therealso could have been official state oversight to embody particular ideals of militarism, ritual
ensuring "proper" preparation and standardization elitism, andWari authority.
(Tung 2008). That is, these elaborate rituals and
Wari vs. Inka Practices of Child Sacrifice
ritual objects may have been produced under the
auspices of theWari state.This is supported by the Wari and Inka practices of child sacrifice were
observation that the huge, polychrome ceramic apparently somewhat distinct.The Inka employed
urns showing ritual activities related to prisoner several techniques for theritualkilling of children,
capture and trophy-head display are depicted on including fatalhits to the skull (Cobo 1990 [1653]).
state-produced ceramics (Cook and Glowacki The Inka sacrifice of a young girl on themountain
2003) (Figure12). ofAmpato in southernPeru, now famously known
as "Juanita," appears to have been accomplished
The Agency ofRitual Specialists and the near the
by a blow to the right side of her head,
Effective Agency of Trophy Heads orbit (Reinhard 2005). If thechild trophyheads at
This kind of state structuringofWari ritualswould Conchopata indeed represent child sacrifices, it
not have precluded ritual specialists and master appears that theWari did not use similar lethal
artisans from realizing theirown agency. Indeed, techniques; none of the child skeletal elements

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 LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY [Vol. 21, No. 1,2010

from theWari ritual structuresexhibit perimortem drenwho ended up on thefloor of ritual structures
skull fractures.Rather, cutmarks and a perimortem at Conchopata were likelyperceived as outsiders.
fractureon the cervical vertebra suggest another Although some cultural groups, like theHuron in
mode of lethal action. North America, ritually transformedcaptives into
Postmortem ritual treatment of children's kin or constructed some kind of Active kin rela
remains also differbetween the
Wari and the Inka; tionshipwith thembefore theywere torturedor sac
the
Wari dismembered thechildren's bodies, rather rificed (Robb 2008), it is unknown whether the
than leaving them intactwith ritualofferingscare Wari community at Conchopata practiced a simi
fully placed around the corpses, as was done by lar transformativeprocess of relational identity.
Inka ritualpractitioners (Bray et al. 2005). Wari rit Given that therewere also two children with
ual specialists also continued to interactwith dis strontium isotope ratios thatmatched the local
membered body parts of sacrificed children,which Ayacucho Basin, itappears thatboth local and for
theyelaboratelymodified and put on display. Cur eign childrenwere sacrificed and transformedinto
rentdata indicate thatInka ritual specialists did not trophyheads in the ritual structures.Although the
engage in thiskind of ongoingmanipulation of sac apparently local children could have come from a
rificed children's bodies, particularly those placed place with similar geology, like the southernWari
high on mountaintops. site of Cerro Baul in theMoquegua valley, this
remains unclear given current datasets.

Conclusion Evidence for possible child sacrifice and the

The osteological, chemical, contextual, and icono
graphic data suggest that Wari warriors traveled to
distant locales, took children and adults captive
(and perhaps the occasional head and hand), and
brought themback toConchopata, perhaps for sac
rifice in elaborate ritualswithin theD-shaped and
circular buildings. The perimortem fractureon a
child's cervical vertebrae and thechopmarks on the
ascending ramus undergird the notion that child
sacrifice may have been practiced in theWari
empire. Unlike the Inka, such rituals did not end
with the child's death. Instead, skilled individuals
inWari society?perhaps ritual specialists with
deep knowledge of human anatomy?continued to
with thecorpses of children.Although child
interact
sacrifice cannot be definitivelydemonstrated, it is
clear thatchild body parts were eventually trans
formed into trophies.This ongoing tactile engage
ment, which must have been quite intense,included
dismemberment of the hands and head, followed
by drilling a hole in children's disembodied skulls
to facilitate theirdisplay. Eventually, these sacred
objects were rituallydestroyedwith fire,a common
practice inAndean rituals of thepast and present
(Bolin 1998).
The nonlocal strontiumisotope ratios from two
of the four sampled children indicate thatat least
some juveniles were taken from distant locales,
increasing the likelihood thatforeignchildrenwere
taken captive.As such, some of thebeheaded chil
continued ritual use of child body parts (i.e., tro
phies) offers significant insight into the sociopo
liticalworkings of theWari empire. If thesewere
indeed components of awell-coordinatedWari state
program, it appears that theywere not random,
lethal acts against children (or others who ended
up in the ritual structures). Instead, they seem to
have been partof an organized, long-termritualpro
gram that required several specific phases that,
together,constituted the social lifeof a captive/tro
phy head withinWari rituals?from capture, to
beheading, to dismemberment and defleshing, to
postmortem processing (drillingholes), todisplay,
and finally to destruction throughburning. These
actsmay have been orchestratedbyWari elites and
specialists who were well integrated into theWari
stateapparatus. These various elites certainlycould
have engaged in these practices on their own
accord, demonstrating theiragency within partic
ularWari structures,but these individual agentive
actsmay have been coordinated as part of a larger
system thatsimultaneously created andmaintained
perceptions ofWari state authority.That is, those
acts thatbolstered the statusof individualmilitary
agents and ritual specialists may have also bene
fitted larger stateagendas. The legitimizing effects
for individual military and ritual elites and Wari
state policies and practices weren't necessarily
mutually exclusive. The subjugation of foreignchil
dren's bodies throughcapture, apparent sacrifice,
dismemberment, and trophydisplay were power

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Tung and Knudson] CHILDHOOD LOST
63

ful acts that together revealed the authority and
exceptionalism of thosewho carried out the acts,
while also demonstrating theauthorityand excep
tionalism of theWari state.
Acknowledgments. This research was made possible by the
following grants to Tung: National Science Foundation
(BCS-0118751), Wenner-Gren Foundation
Anthropological Research
(award code 6680), Vanderbilt
Discovery Grant, Vanderbilt Center for theAmericas Grant,
and a Center for theAmerican Overseas Research Council
Grant. Knudson thanks the grant support from the Institute
for Social Science Research and School of Human Evolution
and Social Change at Arizona State University. We thank
Anita Cook and William Isbell for granting permission to
analyze the trophy heads from EA143, and we gratefully
acknowledge Martha Cabrera and Jose Ochatoma for per
mission to examine the trophy heads from EA72. We also
acknowledge Phil Walker, Dawnie Steadman, Steve Wernke,
Valerie Andrushko, the five anonymous reviewers, and the
editor, Helaine Silverman, for insightful comments on drafts
of this paper. Thanks also go to Steve Wernke for his assis
tance with the Spanish abstract, and to Emily Sharp and Matt
Velasco for sprited discussions on themes in this paper. Tung
would also like to thank the Peruvian National Institute of
Culture in Ayacucho and Lima for granting permission
export the dental and skeletal samples.
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