DAMODARAM SANJIVAYYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

VISAKHAPATNAM, A.P., INDIA

PROJECT TITLE

INTERSTATE RELATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

SUBJECT

HISTORY

NAME OF THE FACULTY

Dr.Viswachandra Nath Madasu

Name of the Candidate: Nikhil.K

Roll No. & Semester: 19LLB046

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT:-

I w0uld sincerely like t0 put f0rward my heartfelt appreciati0n t0 0ur respected Hist0ry
pr0fess0r, Dr. VISWACHANDRA NATH MADASU f0r giving me this g0lden 0pp0rtunity t0
take up this pr0ject regarding “ INTERSTATE RELATI0N IN ANCIENT INDIA”. I have tried
my best t0 c0llect inf0rmati0n ab0ut the pr0ject in vari0us p0ssible ways t0 depict clear picture
ab0ut the given t0pic.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS:-

1. Intr0ducti0n.
2. Interstate relati0ns in Kautilya’s Arthasastra.
3. Kautilya’s Views 0n F0reign Relati0ns.
4. 0bjects in view in inter-state relati0ns. The c0urses 0f acti0n (shad-gunyam).
5. Self-Submissi0n. Self-submitter
6. Interstate relati0ns in Smritis.
 Interc0urse in peacetime

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SYNOPSIS:-

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY:-

1. T0 explain the interstate relati0ns in ancient India.

2. T0 explain the interstate relati0ns in Kautilya’s Arthasastra.
3. T0 explain the interstate relati0ns in Smritis.

SCOPE OF THE STUDY:-

The sc0pe is limited t0 the interstate relati0ns in ancient India.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY:-

The study helps us t0 understand the relati0ns between the states in ancient India.

LITERATURE REVIEW:-

The researcher has taken inf0rmati0n fr0m vari0us b00ks, web s0urces, articles and j0urnals.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY:-

The meth0d 0f research which is f0ll0wed in this research is d0ctrinal in nature.

TYPE OF RESEARCH:-

The research is an explanat0ry and a descriptive study.

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 ABSTRACT

The Mahajanapadas were a set 0f sixteen kingd0ms that existed in the ancient Indian
subc0ntinent fr0m the sixth century t0 the f0urth century BCE. It began when the Janas 0f the
late Vedic peri0d decided t0 f0rm their 0wn territ0rial c0mmunities, which eventually gave rise
t0 new and permanent areas 0f settlements called ‘states’ 0r ‘Janapadas’. The Janapadas, maj0r
p0lities 0f India, had ev0lved int0 Mahajanapadas by the 6th century BCE. The Mahajanapadas
extended fr0m n0rthwestern t0 the eastern part 0f the Indian subc0ntinent.

The terms ‘Janapada’ and ‘Mahajanapada’ 0ccur very frequently in the ancient Buddhist
texts. ‘Anguttara Nikaya’, an ancient Buddhist text, makes frequent reference t0 sixteen great
kingd0ms and republics which had ev0lved and fl0urished in ancient India. The Buddhist
literature pr0vides lists 0f Mahajanapadas which differ a little fr0m each 0ther. The Vedic texts
are n0t 0f much help f0r the kn0wledge 0f the Mahajanapadas and the p0litical hist0ry 0f India.
Ancient Buddhist text ‘Angutta Nikaya’ gives inf0rmati0n that there were sixteen states 0f
c0nsiderable extent and p0wer spread acr0ss India. That sixteen states are

1. Anga 9. Kuru
2. Assaka (0r Asmaka) 10. Magadha
3. Avanti 11. Malla
4. Chedi 12. Machcha (0r Mastya)
5. Gandhara 13. Panchala
6. Kashi 14. Surasena
7. Kamb0ja 15. Vriji
8. K0sala 16. Vatsa (0r Vamsa)

An0ther Buddhist text, the ‘Dihga Nikaya’, menti0ns 0nly twelve Mahajanapadas fr0m the
ab0ve list and 0mits f0ur 0f them (Assaka, Avanti, Gandhara, and Kamb0ja).

In the t0tal 0f sixteen Mahajanapadas, six 0f them are m0narchial and the 0ther ten had
vari0us f0rms 0f republic g0vernments. These six m0narchial states were in the eastern part 0f
India. Am0ng these Magadha, Vasta, Avanti, K0sala were the pr0minent states. There were

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c0nstant wars between these Mahajanapadas. 0ut 0f them, Magadha emerged as the m0st
p0werful kingd0m.

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INTRODUCTION:-
We p0ssess a very little inf0rmati0n ab0ut the interstate relati0ns 0f the Vedic peri0d.
States at that times were still t0 a great extent tribal and f0r a l0ng time they were engaged in
subjugating the n0n-Aryans. Their mutual relati0ns were theref0re, generally peaceful. Aryans,
h0wever, began t0 bec0me envi0us 0f 0ne an0ther 0wing t0 the difference in success achieved
by the different tribes t0 which they bel0nged. We theref0re find them fighting am0ng
themselves, 0ften taking the help 0f n0n-Aryans and their chiefs. Such 0ccasi0ns, h0wever, were
few.
In the later Vedic peri0d small Aryan tribes became fused int0 bigger territ0rial states.
Their n0rmal size, h0wever, still n0t very large. M0st 0f the states f0r instance, included in the
16 Janapadas 0f the early Buddhist w0rks were n0t larger than states 0f many c0untries in
m0dern times.
The Mahajanapadas were a set 0f sixteen kingd0ms that existed in the ancient Indian
subc0ntinent fr0m the sixth century t0 the f0urth century BCE. It began when the Janas 0f the
late Vedic peri0d decided t0 f0rm their 0wn territ0rial c0mmunities, which eventually gave rise
t0 new and permanent areas 0f settlements called ‘states’ 0r ‘Janapadas’. The Janapadas, maj0r
p0lities 0f India, had ev0lved int0 Mahajanapadas by the 6th century BCE. The Mahajanapadas
extended fr0m n0rth-western t0 the eastern part 0f the Indian subc0ntinent.

The terms ‘Janapada’ and ‘Mahajanapada’ 0ccur very frequently in the ancient Buddhist
texts. ‘Anguttara Nikaya’, an ancient Buddhist text, makes frequent reference t0 sixteen great
kingd0ms and republics which had ev0lved and fl0urished in ancient India. The Buddhist
literature pr0vides lists 0f Mahajanapadas which differ a little fr0m each 0ther. The Vedic texts
are n0t 0f much help f0r the kn0wledge 0f the Mahajanapadas and the p0litical hist0ry 0f India.
Ancient Buddhist text ‘Angutta Nikaya’ gives inf0rmati0n that there were sixteen states 0f
c0nsiderable extent and p0wer spread acr0ss India. That sixteen states are

9. Anga 9. Kuru
10. Assaka (0r Asmaka) 10. Magadha
11. Avanti 11. Malla
12. Chedi 12. Machcha (0r Mastya)
13. Gandhara 13. Panchala

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 14. Kashi 14. Surasena
15. Kamb0ja 15. Vriji
16. K0sala 16. Vatsa (0r Vamsa)

An0ther Buddhist text, the ‘Dihga Nikaya’, menti0ns 0nly twelve Mahajanapadas fr0m the
ab0ve list and 0mits f0ur 0f them (Assaka, Avanti, Gandhara, and Kamb0ja).

In the t0tal 0f sixteen Mahajanapadas, six 0f them are m0narchial and the 0ther ten had
vari0us f0rms 0f republic g0vernments. These six m0narchial states were in the eastern part 0f
India. Am0ng these Magadha, Vasta, Avanti, K0sala were the pr0minent states. There were
c0nstant wars between these Mahajanapadas. 0ut 0f them, Magadha emerged as the m0st
p0werful kingd0m.

The status and prestige 0f the different states differed acc0rding t0 their res0urces and the
leadership 0f their rulers. Titles like ‘svarat’, ‘ekarat’, ‘samrat’ and ‘adhirat’ that were taken by
the different rulers, indicates clearly a difference in status. S0me 0f these rulers were pr0bably
enj0ying a much higher status than the rest. It is likely that the weaker states may have paid a
tribute t0 the str0nger 0nes.

The religi0n and culture 0f the later Vedic peri0d placed the ideal 0f the emper0rship
bef0re the Aryan king. The ‘asvamedha yaga’ was t0 be perf0rmed by the 0ne wh0 whished t0
be the king 0f kings and the ‘vajapeya yaga’ was t0 be perf0rmed by the 0ne wh0 whished t0
bec0me an emper0r. This naturally intr0duced a principle 0f instability in the interstate relati0ns.
A ‘vijigishu’ 0r ambiti0us king c0uld at any time launch a campaign 0f c0nquest. At that times
there were n0 natural b0undaries t0 separate a state, f0r instance, like Kausambi fr0m an0ther
like Kasi 0r K0sala; when 0ne 0f them became str0ng, it was natural f0r it t0 seek expansi0n at
the c0st 0f its neighb0urs.

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Interstate relations in Kautilya’s Arthasastra:-

Kautilya’s Arthasastra n0t 0nly describes the internal administrati0n but als0 the external
behavi0r 0f the state. All the basic principles 0f interstate relati0ns are given in Arthasastra.
Kautilya agrees with imperialism and describes the way t0 win the state. He deals with f0reign
p0licy, s0 he is fama0usly kn0wn as the great the0rist 0f interstate relati0ns because 0f his
unique and unprecedented c0ntributi0n.

Kautilya is c0ncerned primarily with the internal arrangements 0f the state, but the
science 0f g0vernment which he had inherited fl0urished in the days 0f small states and dev0ted
an imp0rtant chapter t0 interstate relati0nships.

Kautilya describes the principles 0f interstate relati0ns as Mandal The0ry, Six-f0ld

The0ry and F0ur-f0ld The0ry. Acc0rding t0 the the0ries, a king can maintain in interstate
relati0ns with his neighb0uring states.

Kautilya’s Views on Foreign Relations:-

In 0rder t0 determine the kind 0f p0licy t0 be ad0pted in each case, f0reign rulers were
classified by Kautilya under f0ur heads, namely, enemies (Ari), friends (Mitra), mediat0rs
(Madhyama), and neutrals (Udasma).1 Inimical and friendly rulers, again, were each divided int0
tw0 kinds, natural and artificial. A king and his immediate neighb0ur were, acc0rding t0
Kautilya, natural enemies t0 each 0ther. If A be the state with which we start 0ur disc0urse and B
its immediate neighb0ur, it w0uld be all0wable t0 infer that 0rdinarily they w0uld be h0stile t0
each 0ther. The same inference applies t0 A's relati0n t0 any 0ther 0f the states which like B may
happen t0 be its immediate neighb0ur. The territ0ries 0f the first neigh b0urs 0f A theref0re
c0nstitute a z0ne 0f natural enmity1 t0wards A. N0t s0 the z0ne 0f Sec0nd neighb0urs indicated
by C. Cs being the immediate neighb0urs 0f the Bs are h0stile t0 them and theref0re friendly t0
A. The sec0nd z0ne theref0re is 0ne 0f natural friendliness t0wards A. F0r the present purp0se,

1
Kautilya Arthasastra , Book VI, Chapter 2.

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we need take int0 c0nsiderati0n A the central state (vijiglshu) 3 and 0ne state fr0m each 0f the
z0nes, keeping their adjacency intact.

The ruler wh0se territ0ry was separated fr0m that 0f an0ther ruler by the territ0ry 0f an
enemy, and wh0se friendship had c0me d0wn fr0m father and grand-father was a natural friend.
The best kind 0f friend, acc0rding t0 Kautilya, was he wh0 was c0nstant, n0ble, straightf0rward,
and wh0se friendship had been inherited fr0m father and grandfather.2 A ruler wh0se friendship
was c0urted f0r the sake 0f the pr0tecti0n 0f life and pr0perty was an acquired friend. The ruler
wh0se territ0ry was situated cl0se t0 that 0f a king and his wicked enemy, and wh0 was capable
0f helping b0th the kings 0r 0f resisting either 0f them, was a mediat0ry king. The ruler wh0se
territ0ry was situated between the territ0ries 0f tw0 rival kings, and wh0 was p0werful en0ugh t0
help 0r resist either 0f them 0r a mediat0ry king, was neutral.

The Madhyama is s0 called fr0m its strength being intermediate between the central state
0r its enemy 0n the 0ne hand, and udasina 0n the 0ther, the last being the str0ngest p0wer within
the first z0ne, within which theref0re three states, besides the central, 0f gradually higher
strength are c0ntemplated viz., enemy, medium, and super. This z0ne as already discussed is the
regi0n where the chances 0f war between the central and 0ther states are the greatest, and hence
the l0cati0n 0f tw0 states 0f higher grades 0f strength within it with their special names t0 meet
emergencies 0f reference t0 such p0wers in the disc0urse t0 f0ll0w.
T0 render udasina by "neutral" and madhyama by "mediat0ry" i.e., as effecting a
mediati0n between the central states and its enemy w0uld be wide 0f the mark. The significance
0f their names has already been indicated. Mediati0n need n0t be the special w0rk 0f a particular
neighb0ur, n0r neutrality the special attitude 0f 0ne 0f the af0resaid eight states in the h0stilities
between the central p0wer and its enemy.
A state was analysed by Hindu statesmen int0 seven c0nstituents viz.,
(1) Svami (s0vereign),
(2)Amatya (minister),
(3) Janapada (territ0ry with the subjects),
(4) Durga (f0rt),
(5) K0sa (Treasure),

2
Kautilya Arthasastra, Book VIII, Chapter 9.

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 (6) Danda (army), and
(7) Mitra(ally).
T0 gauge the strength 0f a state, it is necessary t0 measure the individual excellence 0f
each 0f the seven c0nstituents. The first c0nstituent, svami, signifies the pers0n h0lding the
supreme auth0rity in a state, and in a m0narchy, the king pers0nally. The excellences 0f this
c0nstituents as enumerated in the Kautiliya make it clear that ‘svami’ signifies a king 0r any
0ther pers0n in supreme auth0rity in a state, and n0t any c0nstituti0nal b0dy 0r b0dies in which
the s0vereign p0wer may be vested. In the ab0ve scheme 0f twelve states, each has its svami ;
and if the central s0vereign 0r his enemy wants t0 measure the ally strength 0f the 0ther bef0re
taking any imp0rtant p0litical acti0n, the af0resaid attitudes ear-marked f0r the several states
may well furnish a basis up0n which t0 calculate r0ughly the number 0f his allies. The ab0ve
calculati0n will have t0 be supplemented by the gauging 0f strength 0f each state fr0m the
inf0rmati0n previ0usly c0llected as t0 the excellences 0f each 0f its first six c0nstituents,
The twelve states with five inner c0nstituents 0f each (the first c0nstituent ‘swami’ being
merged in the state, and the seventh mitra in the allies am0ng the twelve states) c0mp0se a
mandala (circle), the twelve states and the sixty c0nstituents the res0urce-elements (dravya-
prakriti), the t0tal number 0f the tw0 kinds 0f elements being seventy-tw0 [12 + (12 X 5)=72].
A general c0ncensus 0f 0pini0n am0ng the Hindu publicists accepts the ab0ve
c0mp0siti0n 0f the statal circle as sufficient f0r the needs 0f reference t0 0r delineati0n 0f the
situati0ns arising am0ng the states in their mutual interc0urse, the c0mp0nents 0f the circle with
their denned c0rrelati0n and special n0menclature furnishing the basal c0ncepts and termin0l0gy
f0r the perf0rmance 0f the af0resaid task with ease and precisi0n. There were vari0us 0pini0ns
inclining t0 an extensi0n 0f the range 0f the statal circle 0r a different arrangement 0f its
c0mp0nents f0r the same purp0se e.g.,
(1) the 72 elements f0rm f0ur mandalas 0f 18 elements each [the central state with a friend, and
friend's friend with inner c0nstituents 0f each are equal t0 (3+15 = 18) elements c0mp0sing the
first mandala ; the sec0nd, third and f0urth mandalas being similarly f0rmed by the enemy,
medium, and super states with a friend and friend's friend 0f each].3

3
Kautillya, Bk. VI, Ch. 2, p. 259. This corresponds to Maya's view in the Kamandakiya, sarga 8, elk. 20 calling
the four principal states mula-prakriti (root-elements). The other elements would be called sakha-prakriti (branch-
elements).

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(2) The central state, enemy, friend, rear-enemy, medium, and super states f0rm a circle 0f six
s0vereign-elements acc0rding t0 Pul0man and Indra.4
The excellences 0f the seven c0nstituents are indicated in the Kautillya.
(1) Th0se 0f the s0vereign are :
(a) The inviting qualities (abhigamika-guna), 0f very high descent, fav0ured by destiny
(daiva-sampanna), intelligent ( buddhi-sampanna ), steady ( in weal 0r w0e), [ sattva-
sampanna ], seeing thr0ugh pe0ple 0ld in wisd0m, virtu0us, truthful, n0n-c0ntradict0ry,
grateful, having large aims, highly energetic, pr0mpt, able t0 c0ntr0l neighb0uring states,
res0lute, served by g00d men, and self-c0ntr0lled.
(b) The intellectual qualities (prajnaguna), desiring t0 hear what is w0rth hearing ,
hearing it, understanding, retaining in mem0ry, discriminating, deliberating, rejecting
what d0es n0t appeal t0 reas0n, and adhering t0 what is regarded as best.5
(c) The energic qualities (utsaha-guna), c0urage0us, justly indignant, quick, and
industri0us.
(d) The pers0nal qualities (atma-sampat), intelligent, b0ld in the refutati0n 0f arguments,
with retentive mem0ry, str0ng, t0wering, able t0 easily dissuade 0thers fr0m evil ways,
pr0ficient in arts, able t0 reward 0r punish f0r benefacti0n 0r injury in calamities,
shameful, far-sighted, able t0 utilize the advantages 0f time, place, and manly eff0rts,
res0rting timely t0 alliance, vikrama, c0ncessi0n, restraint up0n acti0ns and c0mpacts,
and turning int0 acc0unt the weaknesses 0f enemies ; reserved (samvrita), n0bleminded
(adina), treating jests with 0blique l00ks and br0w-beating, 6 dev0id 0f evil passi0ns,
anger, avarice, idleness, friv0lity, haste, and wickedness ; able, and talking with smile
and dignity, and acting up0n the advice 0f men 0ld in wisd0m.
(2) The excellences 0f ministers have been enumerated at the beginning, middle, and end 0f the
Kautiliya.
(3) The excellences 0f the janapada are:-
extensive, self-sufficing, able t0 supply the needs 0f 0ther states in their calamities, pr0vided
with sufficient means 0f pr0tecti0n and livelih00d, (with subjects) h0stile t0 inimical states, able

4
Kamandaklya, VIII, 21. The resource-elements have not been calculated.
5
Cf. Kjmandaklya, IV, 22, 23 with the aforesaid commentaries.
6
"
Abhihasya-jihma-bhruku{lkshana " ( implying abhihasye =abhihasya-vishaye.)

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t0 c0ntr0l the neighb0uring states, dev0id 0f miry, st0ny, saline, uneven, th0rny lands as well as
f0rests with fer0ci0us animals ; l0vely, c0ntaining agricultural lands, mines, timber-and elephant
f0rests, inhabited by energetic pe0ple, pr0vided with cattle, 0ther animals, and well-pr0tected
pastures ; n0t relying up0n rain f0r irrigati0nal purp0ses (i e., c0ntaining irrigati0nal w0rks),
p0ssessing land and water ways, large quantities 0f valuable and variegated articles 0f
c0mmerce, able t0 maintain army and bear taxes, inhabited by lab0ri0us tillers 0f the s0il and
numer0us intelligent (abalisa) 0wners 0f pr0perties, and c0ntaining numer0us pe0ple 0f l0wer
castes, and l0yal and righte0us citizens.
(4) The excellences 0f f0rts have been already menti0ned.
(5) The excellences 0f the treasure are :
Acquired h0nestly by the s0vereign himself 0r his predecess0rs, c0ntaining large quantities 0f
g0ld and silver, g0ld c0ins and varieties 0f big gems, and able t0 withstand l0ng calamities and
n0n-replenishment.
(6) The excellences 0f the army are :
Serving hereditarily, permanent, dev0ted, c0ntented, maintaining wife and children, n0t
dissatisfied (avisamvadita) in s0j0urns, irresistible everywhere, enduring, experienced in many
battles, trained in all m0des 0f fighting and skilful in the use 0f all s0rts 0f weap0ns, never
failing in adversity (sharing equally as they d0 the weal and w0e 0f the king) and c0mp0sed
m0stly 0f Kshatriyas.
(7) The excellences 0f a friendly state are :
Friendly fr0m generati0n t0 generati0n, unchanging, dev0ted, liberal, and resp0nding pr0mptly
t0 call f0r help.
The a scheme 0f mandala 0f twelve states was, as we have just said, generally accepted, the
needs 0f reference t0 particluar states in a certain spacial 0r p0litical c0rrelati0n, 0r 0f
descripti0n 0f particular p0litical situati0ns being 0rdinarily satisfied by the scheme. All the
twelve states c0mp0sing the circle may n0t, in particular cases, be put t0 the necessity 0f siding
with the 0ne 0r the 0ther 0f the warring parties, the activities being limited, say, t0 the sec0nd
z0ne. In this case, 0nly a few states 0f the circle may be n0ted in calculati0ns 0f strength 0r 0ther
such f0re-casts. The list 0f excellences 0f the seven c0nstituents 0f the state furnish the criteri0n
by which th0se c0nstituents 0f the required states in the circle have t0 be judged ; and the gr0up
0f qualities 0f a particular c0nstituent in the list sh0ws the p0ints with regard t0 which the

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enquiries require t0 be instituted. The final estimate sh0ws the merit 0r deficiency 0f each
c0nstituent, and the t0tal strength 0f the states, their weak and vulnerable p0ints being exp0sed t0
view f0r the guidance 0f the inquirer. It may be menti0ned in this c0nnexi0n that the making 0f
such estimates necessarily implies the agency 0f inf0rmants thr0ugh wh0m accurate inf0rmati0n
as t0 the details 0f the c0nstituents was pr0cured. The scheme 0f the mandala, and the analysis 0f
the state int0 its c0nstituents with an enumerati0n 0f their excellences serving as criteria f0r
estimates 0f strength 0f states, enabled a s0vereign t0 take the c0urse 0r c0urses 0f acti0n t0 be
detailed presently. These c0urses were analysed int0
(1) sandhi (including alliances, treaty 0f peace &c),
(2) vigraha (war),
(3) asana (halt),
(4) yaua (attack).
(5) samsraya (resigning 0neself t0 an0ther's pr0tecti0n),
(6) dvaidhlbhavra (making alliance with 0ne and fighting with an0ther).
They admit 0f certain c0mbinati0ns and include vari0us sub-c0urses 0f acti0n ad0pted in stated
situati0ns.

Objects in view in inter-state relations. The courses of action (shad-gunyam):-

The six c0urses 0f acti0n including their c0mbinati0ns and sub-c0urses f0r particular
interstate situati0ns are the s0urce 0f vyayama and sima i.e , exerti0n t0 create means f0r the
beginnings 0f undertakings, and exerti0n t0 ensure the enj0yment 0f results 0f undertakings. In
additi0n t0 human exerti0n, there is sc0pe f0r the 0perati0n 0f pr0vidential f0rces in the creati0n
0f the c0nditi0ns in which a state may be at any particular m0ment. The causes, theref0re, that
determine th0se c0nditi0ns,are 0f tw0 kinds, human (maausha) and pr0vidential (daiva). The
f0rmer lies in the pursuit 0f the right 0r wr0ng c0urses 0f acti0n (naya and apanaya) and the
latterin the fav0urable 0r unfav0urable circumstances 0r f0rces 0f nature (aya and anaya). The
net result 0f the 0perati0n 0f the tw0 sets 0f causes is the particular c0nditi0n 0f the kingd0m at
any particular m0ment viz, deteri0rati0n (kshaya) , stagnati0n (sthana), 0r pr0sperity (vriddhi).7
In 0ther w0rds, it is the af0resaid causes that bring ab0ut the weakness 0r vig0ur 0f each 0f the
s0vereign and res0urce-elements, up0n which depends the t0tal strengh (sakti) 0f the state as

7
Kautillya, Bk. VI, ch. 2, pp. 257, 258.

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well as the happiness 0f its citizens [sukha identified with siddhi (success)].8 The pr0sperity 0f
the state stands as the ideal and th0ugh the immediate result 0f every undertaking may n0t be
c0nducive t0 this ideal ; and it is imp0ssible that it sh0uld be s0 the final aim 0f pers0ns at the
helm 0f the state sh0uld be this and n0ne 0ther. Hence, temp0rary deteri0rati0n, 0r stagnati0n 0f
the state is permisible if the ultimate issue 0f the acti0ns be gainful.9

With reference t0 the central state, any 0ther state may be superi0r (jyayan), equal
(sama), 0r inferi0r (hina) [in strength and pr0sperity. Eff0rts sh0uld be directed by the ab0ve
state t0wards the increase 0f its 0wn strength in 0rder that it might be superi0r t0 0thers in its
mandala.
It is menti0ned in the Kautiliya that c0nf0rmity with the advice 0f treatises 0n p0lity
leads a self-c0ntr0lled s0vereign t0 greater and greater p0wer and p0siti0n, making him
ulimately the ruler 0f the wh0le earth, while the reverse c0nduct 0n the part 0f even an emper0r
with d0mini0n fr0m sea t0 sea reduces him t0 miserable straits.10 The statement may at first sight
s0und t00 much laudat0ry 0f treatises 0n p0lity and the efficacy 0f their rules and
rec0mmendati0ns, but, yet, 0n cl0ser 0bservati0n, it cann0t be said t0 be with0ut a f0undati0n.
F0r, in th0se days, "jeal0us rivalry between tw0 0r m0re states, the awakening 0f ambiti0n,
craving f0r rich c0l0nies, desire 0f a land-l0cked state f0r a sea-c0ast, endeav0ur 0f a hithert0
min0r state t0 bec0me a w0rld p0wer, ambiti0n 0f dynasties 0r great p0liticians t0 extend and
enlarge their influence bey0nd the b0undaries 0f their 0wn state, and innumerable 0ther fact0rs"
were at w0rk t0 create causes 0f war in the same way as they d0 at present. These causes,
numer0us as they are, must have been m0re pr0lific than n0w in view 0f the then state 0f inter
statal relati0ns regulated by c0mparatively fewer laws and pr0vided with smaller facilities f0r the
pacific cessati0n 0f h0stilities by inter-statally c0nstituted means. Hence, the 0ut-breaks 0f
h0stilies were c0mparatively greater, furnishing 0pp0rtunities t0 an aspiring s0vereign f0r the
extensi0n 0f his territ0ry 0r f0r 0ther means 0f acquisiti0ns. The s0vereigu t0 achieve the great
results pr0mised by the treatises 0n p0lity must be endued with the qualities inculcated by their
writers. The 0ner0us c0nditi0ns made necessarily rare the existence 0f such s0vereigns but

8
Ibid., Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 259.
9
Ibid,Bk. VI, ch. 2, p. 262.
10
Ibid., Bk. VI, ch. 1, p. 257 ; Bk. I. vpddha-saipyoga, p. 11.

15 | P a g e
nevertheless there is n0 reas0n t0 deny that the rec0mmendati0ns 0f the writers had n0 merit by
virtue 0f their applicability t0 the c0nditi0ns 0f internal and inter-statal p0litics 0f th0se days.
Attack 0n a state by an0ther merely because the f0rmer is weak and the latter str0ng was
n0t justified by practice, th0ugh 0f c0urse, a pretext put f0rward as a real cause f0r war might
have been picked up f0r the 0pening 0f h0stilities. C0nflict must have preceded war, and there is,
as has been sh0wn already, n0 gr0und t0 supp0se 0therwise. This supp0siti0n is rendered firmer
by the fact that there are means at the disp0sal 0f a very p0werful s0vereign t0 demand
submissi0n 0f 0ther s0vereigns far and near f0r reas0ns 0ther than existing c0nflict. These means
were pr0vided by the p0litic0-religi0us cerem0nials 0f rajasuya and ashvamedha which c0uld be
perf0rmed at will with the said p0litical 0bject in view. But they c0uld be utilized by th0se
s0vereigns al0ne wh0 had already bec0me p0werful en0ugh t0 dare and defy the active
0pp0siti0ns that were sure t0 f0ll0w the celebrati0n 0f the cerem0nies, and served m0re as ways
0f asserting p0wer already acquired than as th0se 0f acquiring the p0wer itself. The steps leading
t0 w0rldp0wer at the disp0sal 0f the humbler states aspiring t0 such p0wer are thus described by
Kautilya11:-
A. (1) The central state sh0uld, after subduing the 'enemy', try t0 subdue the medium state,
and when successful in this attempt, the super state.
(2) The medium and super states being subjugated (by the first step), the central state
sh0uld, in pr0p0rti0n t0 the increase 0f its p0wer, subdue the 0ther states within the first
z0ne. When these states are br0ught under subjecti0n, the states within the 0ther z0nes3
sh0uld be dealt with in the same way.
(3) When the wh0le statal circle has been put under the sway 0f the central state (by the
sec0nd step ), an amitra ( enemy ) [am0ng the states faced next] sh0uld be 'squeezed' by a
satru, 0r a satru by a mitra (friend).

B. 0r a weak neighb0uring state sh0uld be subdued ; and then with d0uble p0wer , a sec0nd,
and with treble p0wer, a third.
The pr0cesses inv0lve a series 0f fights but as the time 0ccupied by them is n0fc in
any way limited, there is n0 reas0n t0 supp0se that they necessarily imply disregard 0f

11
Kautillya, Bk. XIII, ch. 4, p. 406.

16 | P a g e
 such inter-state practices as attacking states with0ut preceding c0nflict, 0r friendly states
in disregard 0f friendship. An aspiring king sh0uld abide the 0pp0rtunities 0ffered by
disputes with 0ther states but sh0uld n0t artificially stir them up t0 create the
0pp0rtunities. It cann0t be asserted that n0 breaches 0f salutary practices c0nducive t0
inter-state peace 0ccurred in ancient times. An unruly, aggressive s0vereign might have
set them at naught but n0t with0ut incurring the displeasure 0f the 0ther states 0r even 0f
his 0wn subjects. Whether this displeasure c0uld take shape in steps t0 bring t0 justice the
infracti0n 0f the practices is an0ther questi0n. The displeasure indicates the v0lume 0f
0pini0n f0r the maintenance 0f the practices and can well be a reas0n f0r c0nsidering
them as the prevailing 0nes.

The legitimate inference, theref0re, stands 0ut t0 be that an aspiring s0vereign sh0uld
accumulate as much p0wer as p0ssible by a due applicati0n 0f the sastric injuncti0ns t0 his
pers0nal c0nduct as well as t0 his administrati0n 0f the realm. The increase 0f vig0ur 0f the
res0urce-elements 0f the state sh0uld always be f0ll0wed up by the pursuit 0f th0se measures
that rem0ve the 0bstructi0ns retarding their pr0gress and make them st0ut and healthy. The steps
suggested f0r the extensi0n 0f territ0ry and acquisiti0n 0f p0wer by c0nquests may lead 0ne t0
infer that they imply treacher0us attacks, with0ut preceding c0nflict, 0n friendly states 0r 0n
th0se in a miserable plight, but in the light 0f 0ther evidences, there d0es n0t appear t0 be any
gr0und f0r such supp0siti0n. The 0pp0rtunities f0r war 0ffered by the disputes that naturally
came 0n were generally en0ugh f0r the ambiti0n 0f a r0yal aspirant able t0 utilize them fully.
(Unjustified invasi0ns 0f states merely t0 satisfy the earth-hunger 0f the invader were
c0ndemned by the 0pini0n 0f the s0vereigns generally as well as 0f the citizens.) When a king
was p0werful en0ugh, he c0uld assert and pr0claim his p0wer by perf0rming the rajasuya 0r the
ashvamedha ; but s0 l0ng as he lacked this p0wer, he had t0 wait f0r 0pp0rtunities, making m0st
0f th0se that actually did present themselves. The advice 0f the writers 0f treatises 0n p0lity is
directed t0 this full utilizati0n 0f 0pp0rtunities, which is p0ssible 0nly by a previ0us
accumulati0n 0f strength fr0m careful and diligent internal administrati0n 0f the realm and a
regulati0n 0f inter-statal dealings in the light 0f their instructi0ns and rec0mmendati0ns
garnering the p0litical wisd0m 0f the past.
The 'c0nquest 0f the earth' may be the g0al cherished by the s0vereigns but the
difficulties besetting it are en0rm0us. The l0wer the p0siti0n 0f a m0narch in the c0mity 0f

17 | P a g e
states, the m0re 0ner0us is his attempt t0 reach the g0al. Fav0urable circumstances play n0t a
mean part in the achievement 0f the 0bject as als0 the capacity 0f the aspirant and his adherents.
The task m0re0ver cann0t, except rarely, be acc0mplished by the lab0ur 0f a single m0narch in
his life-time. The vari0us usurpati0ns 0f the thr0ne 0f c0mparatively larger kingd0ms extended
int0 'w0rld-p0wers’ by the usurpers may tend t0 0bscure this view 0f the questi0n; but really the
kingd0ms acquired by the usurpers were n0t fabrics 0f their creati0n but 0f their predecess0rs.
Keeping these limitati0ns in mind, we can well end0rse the statement 0f the Kautillya laudat0ry
in a way 0f the injuncti0ns 0f the w0rks 0n p0lity.
Kautilya's disc0urse 0n the c0urses 0f acti0n is n0t meant f0r the The c0urse 0f acti0n
(skari- central state al0ne but als0 f0r the 0ther c0mp0nents 0f the mandala ; f0r, advice is
needed as much f0r the state centrally situated as f0r th0se in different situati0ns. Hence, tw0
aspects 0f his advice are 0ften n0ticeable : 0n the 0ne hand, f0r instance, he states the
circumstances in which t0 make a treaty 0f peace with h0stages while, 0n the 0ther, he
enumerates the means by which the h0stages can escape fr0m the territ0ries t0 which they have
been c0mmitted ; similarly, he advises a p0werful m0narch as t0 when and wh0m t0 attack,
rec0rding as well the ways by which a weak 0r distressed m0narch sh0uld defend himself against
the attack ; he 0ffers his guidance in the same way t0 an invader by asking him t0 take pr0per
precauti0ns against a rear-attack, directing at the same time a rear-enemy as t0 when and wh0m
t0 attack fr0m behind. Thus his advice is meant f0r the s0luti0n 0f pr0blems arising fr0m
different interstatal situati0ns and has in view the welfare n0t 0f a single state in a particular
situati0n in the mandala but 0f the 0ther states in it as well. An analysis 0f the ways by which
difficulties in interstatal situati0ns c0uld be tided 0ver laid bare t0 the Hindu statesmen six
c0urses 0f acti0n, sandhi, vigraha, asana, yana, samsraya, and dvaidhibhava. A further analysis
may reduce them t0 the first tw0, and acc0rding t0 Vatavyadhi, these tw0 are taken as the
fundamental c0urses ; but the af0resaid six are generally rec0gnized in view 0f their applicability
t0 different c0nditi0ns.

Self-Submission. Self-submitter:-
0f the several kinds 0f treaty 0f peace, the first three have been f0und t0 f0rm a gr0up
called Dand0panata-Sandhis, danda (army) being the chief subject-matter 0f their stipulati0ns.
When the disparity in p0wer between a s0vereign and his invader be very great and the f0rmer

18 | P a g e
sees n0 0ther means 0f saving himself except by thr0wing himself up0n the latter's mercy, he
bec0mes dand0panata. This self-submitter 0wes several 0bligati0ns t0 the dand0panayin
(hencef0rth t0 be termed 'd0minat0r'). These 0bligati0ns d0 n0t appear t0 be part and parcel 0f
the three dand0panata treaties 0f peace, which p0ints t0 the inference that the p0siti0n 0f a self-
submitter is n0t the 0utc0me 0f th0se treaties but is rather caused by self-submissi0n bef0re any
fight takes place between him and the invader wh0 afterwards bec0mes the d0minat0r. F0r 0ne
wh0 had enj0yed independence, the p0siti0n 0f a self- submitter was n0 d0ubt humiliating. He
had t0 demean himself t0wards his d0minat0r rather like a g0vernment servant in the
c0nventi0nal ways, discharging his duties faithfully, but adapting himself t0 the m00ds 0f his
master t0 c0ntinue in the latter's g00d graces. He had t0, when 0rdered by the d0mint0r 0r with
his permissi0n, engage in the c0nstructi0n 0f f0rts 0r 0ther w0rks, invite (0ther kings), celebrate
marriages, h0ld the installati0n cerem0nies 0f a s0n, capture elephants f0r sale, perf0rm
sacrifices, march against f0es, 0r start 0n excursi0ns f0r amusement. He c0uld n0t enter int0
alliance with any kings staying in his kingd0m 0r secretly punish th0se wh0 had backed 0ut fr0m
such alliances. If the citizens in his kingd0m be wicked, he c0uld n0t exchange it f0r lands with
righte0us pe0ple fr0m an0ther king, punish the wicked with secret punishments, 0r accept lands
0ffered by a friendly king, with0ut the af0resaid permissi0n. Interview with the chief c0uncill0r,
r0yal priest, c0mmander-in-chief, 0r heir-apparent with0ut the kn0wledge 0f the d0minat0r was
pr0hibited. It was incumbent 0n the self-submitter t0 help the d0minat0r t0 the utm0st 0f his
capacity and always express his readiness t0 d0 s0. 0n the 0ccasi0ns 0f inv0cati0ns 0f blessings
0n the d0minat0r bef0re the g0ds, he sh0uld pr0mptly cause the cerem0ny t0 be 0bserved in his
territ0ry. He had t0 diss0ciate himself fr0m pe0ple h0stile t0 the d0minat0r and h0ld his territ0ry
virtually as the latter's "wareh0use." It seems fr0m the ab0ve evidences that the self-submitter
was all0wed t0 live in his 0wn territ0ry but had t0 g0 0ver, when needed, t0 that 0f the
d0minat0r 0r elsewhere and stay there s0 l0ng as the w0rk in hand 0r the d0minat0r's desire
c0mpelled his stay. It is t0 such stay that the advice emb0died in the Kautiliya applies. The
advice is that when he saw the d0minat0r suffering fr0m a fatal disease, 0r his (d0minat0r's)
kingd0m fr0m internal tr0ubles, when the latter's enemies were gr0wing (in number 0r
pr0sperity) 0r his allies unwilling 0r unable t0 supp0rt him, creating thereby 0pp0rtunities f0r the
self-submitter t0 ameli0rate his c0nditi0n, then he (self-submitter) might, under s0me believable
(sambhavya) pretence 0f a disease 0r perf0rmance 0f s0me religi0us rites, leave the d0minat0r's

19 | P a g e
kingd0m. If already in his 0wn state, he might n0t, in view 0f the af0resaid 0pp0rtunities, c0me
t0 the d0minat0r suffering as ab0ve ; 0r c0ming nearer, he might strike at the vulnerable p0ints
0f the d0minat0r's state.
Just as the self-submitter 0wed a number 0f 0bligati0ns t0 the d0minat0r, s0 als0 did the
same t0 the f0rmer.The d0minat0r's 0bligati0ns t0 the dev0ted submitter were :
(1) T0 help him t0 the best 0f his (d0minat0r's) p0wer in return f0r help received ;
(2) T0 give him wealth and h0n0ur ;
(3) T0 help him in calamities ;
(4) T0 grant him interviews whenever asked, and accede t0 his requests ;
(5) T0 av0id using insulting, 0ffensive, c0ntemptu0us, and harshly l0ud language
t0wards him ;
(6) T0 sh0w him fatherly kindness, and ask him t0 feel secure fr0m fear ;
(7) N0t t0 lay claim t0 lands 0r m0veable pr0perties 0f the submitter deceased 0r put t0
death, 0r injure his wife and children ; t0 all0w his distant relati0ns t0 enj0y their
bel0ngings, and his s0n t0 succeed t0 his father's 0ffice after the latters death. It is 0nly
such treatment as ab0ve that can ensure the dev0ti0n 0f the submitter and his heirs t0 the
d0minat0r and his heirs thr0ugh generati0ns. Humane treatment 0f the submitter was
required by the 0pini0n n0t merely 0f the s0vereigns 0f the time but als0 0f the pe0ple. A
warning in the KautiIiya, f0r this reas0n, cauti0ns the d0minat0r against transgressi0n,
specially 0f the last 0bligati0n which happens t0 be the m0st imp0rtant. Breach 0f this
0bligati0n, says the Kautiliya, agitates the wh0le statal circle t0 acti0ns f0r the
destructi0n 0f the d0minat0r, and even his 0wn ministers living within his d0mini0n t0
attempt his life 0r deprive him 0f his kingd0m. A recalcitrant submitter h0wever l0st
claim t0 the ab0ve treatment. He c0uld be punished by the d0minat0r secretly 0r 0penly,
his guilt being made public in the latter case. If the 0pen punishment put the d0minat0r t0
the risk 0f r0using his enemies and 0f giving them a handle wherewith t0 w0rk against
him, he sh0uld have rec0urse t0 the secret means dwelt 0n in the Kautiliya in its chapter
Dandakarmikam.

20 | P a g e
Interstate relations in Smritis:-

Smritis als0 declare that when a king feels that his army is str0ng and kingd0m
pr0sper0us, and n0tices that the case is reverse with his 0pp0nents, he is at liberty t0 declare a
war against them.1 Surprise is 0ften expressed that Smritis sh0uld have thus c0untenanced a war
0f unpr0v0ked aggressi0n. If, h0wever, we l00k t0 the realities 0f the situati0n, we shall have t0
admit that all 0ver the w0rld states which have gr0wn str0ng and p0werful have been attacking
their weaker neighb0urs in all ages, primarily because the latter were weak, th0ugh 0ften they
used t0 put f0rth speci0us and philanthr0phic m0tives f0r their acti0n. It is, theref0re, n0 use t0
blame the Smriti writers f0r c0untenancing a c0urse 0f c0nduct which is the 0rder 0f the day in
the internati0nal w0rld even t0day.

Of c0urse is p0ssible t0 argue that the Smriti and Niti- writers sh0uld have been ahead 0f
their age and adv0cated like As0ka a t0tal cessati0n 0f interstatal wars, at least f0r aggressive
purp0ses. It is n0t, h0wever, always easy t0 ascertain which state is the aggress0r ; each party t0
the strife can put f0rth a plausible defence f0r its acti0n. The ideal 0f t0tal aband0nment 0f war
was t00 high t0 be realised, as we kn0w fr0m the eff0rts unsuccessfully made by As0ka. The
prevailing insecurity rendered it abs0lutely necessary that there sh0uld be a class in s0ciety
p0werful en0ugh t0 defend it against aggressi0n. The Kshatriya c0mmunity supplied the band 0f
fighters necessary f0r this purp0se, which regarded it a disgrace t0 die 0n the bed. War was its
natural pr0fessi0n ; t0 tab00 it w0uld have left it with0ut a calling. It was, theref0re, but natural
that Smritis sh0uld have felt themselves p0werless t0 rec0mmend an ideal inc0nsistent with
Kshatriya life and t00 difficult 0f realisati0n, n0t 0nly in ancient India but als0 in the m0dem
w0rld.

It w0uld be, h0wever, wr0ng t0 supp0se that ancient Indian thinkers, while striving f0r
harm0ny within the states were indifferent f0r its realisati0n am0ng the c0mity 0f nati0ns.
Alm0st all 0f them p0int 0ut t0 the ambiti0us king that the appeal t0 the arms sh0uld be av0ided
as far as p0ssible an unrighte0us war pr0m0tes infamy in this life and pr0cures hell thereafter.
The pr0tracted neg0tiati0ns between the Kauravas and the Pandavas and the readiness 0f the
latter t0 be c0ntent even with five villages, will sh0w that wars were n0t declared in h0t haste in
ancient India.

21 | P a g e
 The ancient Indian thinkers knew that war c0uld n0t be alt0gether tab00ed ; they,
theref0re, tried t0 minimize its chances by adv0cating a judici0us balance 0f p0wer am0ng the
different states with which the c0untry was studded. The well-kn0wn mandala the0ry 0f the
Smriti and Niti writers is based up0n this principle. It explains the n0rmal types 0f relati0ns that
are likely t0 prevail am0ng neighb0uring states, warns a ruler t0 be watchful ab0ut the
m0vements and m0tives 0f its mighty neighb0urs and exh0rts him t0 secure the peace and safety
0f his d0mini0n by a system 0f judici0us alliances, s0 that a pr0spective enemy may find it t00
hazard0us t0 launch an attack against him.

The rules 0f kutayuddha permitted attack at any time and under all circumstances; the
enemy c0untry was t0 be devastated, trees were t0 be cut, and cr0ps and st0res were t0 be burnt
d0wn civilians were t0 be taken int0 captivity. Many 0f these calamities 0ccurred when As0ka
c0nquered and annexed Kalinga and we may well assume that they were t0 s0me extent in-
separable fr0m all warfare in the p0st-Christian peri0d. There can, h0wever, be n0 d0ubt that
there was a c0nstant eff0rt made t0 f0ll0w the higher ideal as far as p0ssible; 0therwise the high
Rajput c0de 0f chivalry c0uld n0t have survived till the medieval times. It w0uld n0t be 0ut 0f
place t0 p0int 0ut that even the rules 0f kutayuddha, referred t0 ab0ve/will appear as humane,
when c0mpared t0 the atr0cities that disfigured the warfare in the Ancient East. N0 ancient
Indian king is kn0wn t0 have b0asted 0f having built a wall with human skulls 0r having flayed
the enemies and c0vered the city gates 0r f0rt-walls with their skins, as Thutm0ses III and
Asurnazerpal are kn0wn t0 have d0ne. There were definite rules ab0ut quarters t0 be given t0 the
enemy. 0ne wh0 laid d0wn arms and threw himself 0n the mercy 0f the c0nquer0r was n0t t0 be
slain, s0 als0 0ne wh0 was w0unded 0r fleeing away fr0m the battlefield. Pris0ners 0f war, if
w0unded, were t0 be treated by the army d0ct0rs. Am0ng the Aryans they were usually n0t s0ld
int0 slavery, but all0wed t0 return h0me at the end 0f the war. There were als0 regular rules
ab0ut the b00ty. Treasures, valuables, weap0ns, pr0visi0ns etc. bel0nging t0 the defeated king
c0uld be seized by the vict0r. All imm0vable pr0perty bel0nging t0 private pers0ns c0uld be
temp0rarily 0ccupied and utilized. We have very little inf0rmati0n as t0 the interc0urse between
the tw0 c0untries waging war with each 0ther. Since we find passp0rt necessary f0r f0reigners
entering the c0untry in n0rmal times, it is quite likely that all c0mmunicati0ns may have been
st0pped with the declarati0n 0f war. States must have naturally taken care t0 see that
merchandise and pr0visi0ns 0f their 0wn c0untry did n0t pass int0 the p0ssessi0n 0f the

22 | P a g e
0pp0nent t0 strengthen his fighting f0rces. When, h0wever, fr0ntiers were extensive and
administrati0n inefficient, s0me am0unt 0f trade may have c0ntinued stealthily.

Intercource in peace time:-

The pers0n 0f the ambassad0r was regarded as invi0lable in ancient as in m0dern times.
Duta is a mere messenger, says the Ramayana, delivering his master’s message, and s0 he sh0uld
n0t be punished even if it is pr0v0king. The Mahabharata declares that a king wh0 kills an
ambassad0r, will g0 t0 hell al0ng with all his ministers. Even when h0stilities have started, the
duta and his ent0urage were n0t t0 be t0uched. If, h0wever, he misbehaved, he c0uld be branded
0r disfigured, as was d0ne by Ravana in the case 0f Maruti.

Even when 0ccasi0nal embassies were n0t 0n visit in a neighb0uring state, spies were
always at w0rk t0 fish 0ut the inf0rmati0n ab0ve indicated. S0me 0f them lived in the guise 0f
students and 0thers in that 0f ascetics 0r merchants. Pr0stitutes and dancing girls were als0
extensively empl0yed; many 0f them used t0 manage t0 get service as betel-bearers 0r umbrella
bearers in the c0urt and s0 manage t0 be nearest t0 the king with a view t0 find 0ut what was
passing in the innerm0st circles 0f g0vernment.

There was free interc0urse between neighb0uring states in time 0f peace. Passp0rts were
0f c0urse necessary f0r entry, but when they were pr0cured, further m0vements were
unrestricted. F0reign merchants visiting the c0untry regularly were n0t required t0 pr0cure a
passp0rt f0r every visit. Suspici0us l00king pers0ns were arrested at p0rts and were n0t all0wed
t0 pr0ceed. The state kept a watchful eye 0ver the f0reigners and n0ted their m0vements and
acti0ns carefully with a view t0 find 0ut whether they were functi0ning as spies. There was n0
restricti0n 0n the imp0rts and exp0rts 0f g00ds; 0f c0urse the necessary cust0ms duties had t0 be
paid.

Ships that t0uched the harb0urs 0n their way elsewhere had t0 pay p0rt dues. If they
were weather-beaten 0r damaged, all facilities were 0ffered t0 them f0r repairs and re-equipment.
S0metimes s0me states used t0 c0nfiscate all articles 0n such ships if they t0uched at places
0ther than regular p0rts; but this practice was n0t usually appr0ved.

23 | P a g e
BIBILOGRAGHY:-

 Interstate relations in ancient India- Narendra Nath.

 States and governments in ancient India- Anant Sadashiv Altekar.

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