Mangrini, Manhood and Music in W. Crete

Manhood and Music in Western Crete: Contemplating Death
Author(s): Tullia Magrini

Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Autumn, 2000), pp. 429-459
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology
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VOL. 44, NO. 3 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY FALL2000
Manhood and Music in Western Crete:

Contemplating Death
TULLIA MAGRINI / University of Bologna
In memory of Vassilis Kartsonakis, great singer and dear friend
Prologue
n the Nomos Hanion, the westernmost province of the island of Crete,
Greece, music-making is basically a male activity: men are the players
of instruments, singers of the rizitika (sing. rizitiko) and mandinadhes
(sing. mandinadha), and the best dancers.' However, music-making in the
Nomos Hanion is far from being simply one of the many activities performed
by men.2 Rather, it plays an important role in showing that one is kala
'ndras, "good at being a man" (Herzfeld 1985a:16, 47), since the ability to
sing and dance is considered a valuable component of manhood. But what
does manhood mean in western Crete? And which kinds of male values are
created and manifested through musical activity?
Let me introduce the present discussion by describing some pieces
sung to me during a dinner with friends Vassilis, Manolis, and Grigoris, to
celebrate my return to their village near Kastelli.3 After the performance
of some instrumental dances, Vassilis sang a rizitiko song, followed by
three mandinadhes (audio file available at the SEM web site: http://
www.ethnomusicology.org.4
M' omorfonios psikhomakhi sti pikrolias ti riza
theria ton triyirizane na fane to kormi tou
ke me ta kheria ta 'dhiokhne ke me to stoma emilie:
"Theriamou inda sas ekana?"
Khilia theria stin porta sou ke na 'ne ke limena
san mou minisis erkhome ke dhen dhilio kanena
? 2000 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois
429
430 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
I fili otan tha smiksoune i thalassa foundoni

ke ta vouna raizoune ki i yis anadhiazoni
(I mo) theli na s' aghapo ke na mi se 'damono
sa na 'me mesa sto bakhtse ke anthi na mi kovo
A handsome young man lies dying under a wild olive tree
Wild beasts surrounded him to eat his body
And he chased them away with his hands and said with his mouth:
My beasts, what have I done to you?
A thousand beasts [are] at your door and even if they are untied
When you send for me, I come and fear no one
When friends meet, the sea rises
Mountains break and the earth turns upside down
One wants me to love you even if I do not meet you
As if I could stay in the garden without picking flowers
This rizitiko song evokes the distressing condition of agony and des-
peration preceding a lonely and atrocious end: nothing can ease the sense
of horror and desolation in such a contemplation of death. Like the entire
rizitiko repertory, this song is fixed in the tradition and performed collec-
tively. Individual performers improvise the following mandinadhes (i.e.
extemporary distichs) drawing on the verses just sung to develop some of
their images, elaborate a gloss, or devise an answer (see Magrini 1996).
Upon conclusion of the rizitiko song, Vassilis refers again to the image of
wild animals to improvise a mandinadha. The response to the desperation
of the agonizing protagonist is the prompt offer of help by the friend who
"fears no one." The image of the friend is developed in the second mandi-
nadha, sung by Grigoris, which introduces the theme of friends meeting.
This event has exceptional value, as illustrated by the hyperbolic images
of extraordinary natural phenomena accompanying it (the rising of the sea,
breaking of the mountains, and turning upside-down of the earth). The
theme of the meeting is expanded by Vassilis in the third mandinadha,
concluding the sequence with a highly effective improvisation: the regis-
ter of irony is countered with that of emphasis and hyperbole, the domes-
tic images of the garden with the extraordinary natural phenomena evoked
by Grigoris, and the theme of love with the dominant one of death.
Many of the fundamental themes in the singing practices typical of this
area of Crete are synthesized in this performance: the image of death, the
value of friendship and alliance, the virtue of courage understood as risk-
defying, the ability to coordinate in a collective performance, skill in im-
provisation, and resorting to irony as a resource of the individual. In these
terms, the combination of the rizitiko and mandinadhes synthesizes the
Magrini: Manhood and Music in Crete 431
fundamental elements of what may be defined as the musical poetics of

manhood in the Nomos Hanion, and introduces the issues that will be ex-
amined in this article.
Conflict and Alliance in the Lives of Shepherds

The Nomos Hanion, a prevalently mountainous area dominated by the
Lefka Ori massif, is traditionally the land of shepherds. Life conditions re-
semble closely those of the bordering province of Rethymnon, studied by
Michael Herzfeld (1985a). However, the Nomos Hanion is distinguished
from other Cretan provinces in the uniqueness and vitality of its musical
life and in its original repertories-particularly the rizitika as the main vo-
cal genre-characteristic exclusively of this region until the advent of mass
media.5 The musical life of this area is rooted in social practices whose
significance is profoundly connected to pastoral lifestyle and culture, of
which I summarize some fundamental aspects.6
The social environment of Cretan shepherds may be characterized by
the feeling of impending risk in one's life, ensuing from their ancient life-
style (and reinforced, as it will subsequently become evident, by historic
developments in the island). This world was characterized by practices of
antagonistic display-also found in other areas of Greece and the Mediter-
ranean-which could easily bring about local conflict and an escalation of
violence. Specifically, these practices were animal theft, bride theft, and
vendetta.
In the past, stealing goats for the first time was a way for young Cret-
an men to signal their entry into manhood, since being a man (as a shep-
herd) meant being able to demonstrate one's skill and courage in increas-
ing and protecting one's flock. In other words, being skilled in animal theft
was considered an essential component of being "good at being a man":
as observed by Herzfeld, the technical ability of both perpetrating and re-
counting a theft was highly valued (1985a:206-31). The principle govern-
ing the practice of animal theft was not the search for financial benefit, nor
the will to inflict damage; rather, animal theft was motivated by the need
for a shepherd to affirm his identity and worth through actions which re-
quired courage, skill, and an abilityto confront risk. In these terms, an action
had to be carried out according to particular rules which were learned as
fundamental elements of social life: for example, a shepherd could not steal
cattle owned by a co-villager; he could not steal from people connected to
his family through kin ties or alliances; he had to be prepared to return the
stolen goods if discovered. The existence of a code of behavior confirms
that animal theft was perceived as a socially implicated action-in fact, a
raid required a counter-raid and a sequence of theoretically endless recip-

rocal attacks. As the person who performed the raid was often easily iden-
tifiable, he thus had to keep strictly to the rules of the game.7
The practice of animal theft is also addressed directly in the main rep-
ertory of the songs of the Nomos Hanion, the rizitika-i.e., the songs of the
Rizes, the lower slopes of the mountains. For example, a rizitiko song in-
vites a shepherd to offer a stolen animal as a meal for his companions, ac-
cording to the once common practice. The comment of the performer is:
"Thisis a song about stealing, about shepherds. Songs about stealing, about
shepherds, are the same thing" (Baud-Bovy1972:158). Another song, "Ton
Plousioyoryin idha egho," classified by Konstantinos and Apostolakis as an
akritiko song, tells of a theft and of the reaction of the shepherd who suf-
fered it (Apostolakis 1993:96; Konstantinos 1996, II:162; Baud-Bovy
1972:152): according to practice, the victim first tries to identify the direc-
tion taken by the thief, and then searches for the stolen animals (text avail-
able at the SEMweb site). This song belongs to the repertory of the riziti-
ka tis tavlas, usually performed collectively during a meal, and was
probably sung when the victim of the theft stayed temporarilyat the homes
of relatives and friends during his search. It is worth noting that the prac-
tice of offering one's house to kin and friends during their search for sto-
len animals is connected locally to the origin of the renowned Cretan hos-
pitality. "Menwould go in search of the missing livestock, or perform this
errand on behalf of co-villagers and kin, and would need places to stay in
the villages they visited. Usually, they would be entertained by their own
spiritual kin.... and would be expected to reciprocate the hospitality in
due course" (Herzfeld 1987:79).
Bride abduction, in turn a proof of manhood, was perceived as similar
to animal theft, inasmuch as both are defined by the same term, klepsa (see
Herzfeld 1985a:52, 152; Herzfeld 1985b). The very structure of traditional
marriagereferred symbolically to "stealingthe bride," even when an abduc-
tion was not carried out in actual fact: men went armed to wedding feasts
and, when the bride's relatives arrivedto "reclaimher," the two kin groups
confronted one another shooting in salvoes." In the past, bride theft was
one of the many causes which could lead to a feud between families, a
phenomenon found also in other areas of Greece (e.g. Campbell 1964; Ser-
emetakis 1991) and the Mediterranean,and referred to in Crete by the Ital-
ian term "vendetta."A vendetta involves two kin groups (precisely, two
patrigroups) between whom an act of violence has taken place, which re-
quires avenging by bloodshed, and is conductive to a sequence of recipro-
cal homicides (see Makris1992; Magrini1997). The number of causes which
might lead to a vendetta is extensive, and ranges from offenses to the women
of a patrigroup (e.g. breaking a betrothal, seduction, rape, bride-theft, adul-

tery) to damages of a financial type or disputes on property.
The many occasions for conflict-individual or among family groups-
characteristic of pastoral culture encourage the familiaritywith the image
of death which accompanies the life of a man in this region. In the climate
of susceptibility that characterizes this social reality, a merely banal inci-
dent may be magnified to the point of becoming an occasion for vendetta.
What is more, death is always within reach in a society where all men
possess weapons. The element of high risk in one's existence is felt to such
an extent as to produce many antidotal social practices, which represent
the chosen instrument for the transformation of conflictual relationships
into alliances. These alliances are expressed in terms of sindeknia, spiritu-
al kinship through baptism, or koumbaria, spiritual kinship through mar-
riage. In order to stop a dispute or remedy an offense, a mediator may in-
tervene and suggest that one of the most influential people of one of the
two patrigroups should become "christening godfather" (sindeknos, pl.
sindekni-or nonos, pl. noni) of one of the children of the other group,
or "wedding godfather"(koumbaros, pl. koumbari) of a young bridegroom
of that group.
According to Michael Herzfeld, "to make friends"-that is, forging an
alliance-is the original reason for aggressive action in the form of animal
theft: "This, in fact, was the aggressor's original goal--'friends' is often a
synonym for sindekni.... From the moment of agreement, the principals
address each other as sindekne [vocative form of sindeknos], and are
morally bound never to raid each other again. More than that, they are
supposed to help each other when yet others raid their flocks .... A young
shepherd is concerned to establish as many such links as possible, and as
soon as possible" (1985:174-75). Similarly,Nadia Seremetakisobserves that
in Inner Mani (in the Peloponnese) "feuds often culminated in alliances
between adversaries. It is worth considering to what extent certain feuds
were initiated as a testing-courtship process with a prospective military
alliance in mind" (Seremetakis 1991:40). However, the Cretan people with
whom I spoke about this prefer to emphasize not so much provocation
aimed at establishing an alliance, but rather the active search for alliances
through sindeknia and koumbaria relationships, "because we want to live
in peace."' It follows that, even if pastoral society and its customs are in-
creasingly declining, having many friends and allies is still profoundly mean-
ingful in the province, and is perceived as a means of self-protection from
aggressive actions and avoiding involvement in conflicts.
Despite economic and social changes taking place in the Nomos Han-
ion,'" the importance placed upon establishing social alliances and relation-
ships generally has not decreased, placing the individual in a thick web of
kin relationships, spiritual kinship, and friendship. The parea or sindrofia,
i.e. "company,"including relatives, sindekni, koumbari, and friends, is the
protagonist of social life in the Nomos Hanion. Significantly,these social re-
lationshipsare created and represented ceremoniallythrough musicalactions.
Celebrating Parea
In the Nomos Hanion, throwing feasts is one of man's social duties as
it is the emblematic manifestation of his hospitality." Weddings, christen-
ings, and paneyiria (feasts honoring a saint; sing. paneyiri) are tradition-
ally the most important occasions for feasts in which alliances are estab-
lished or confirmed, and hospitality is proved. Only invited guests-kin,
spiritual kin, friends, and people renowned as good singers and dancers-
participate in weddings and christenings: these feasts require the perfor-
mance of particular songs and dances, through which new social roles are
enacted. The traditionalwedding was a long musical and ritualperformance,
prolonged for days, with a specific repertory of songs called rizitika tis stra-
tas (i.e. "of the road," performed by ghamiliotes and proukoloi-the
groom's friends-while the bride and the dowry were taken to the groom's
residence), proetimasies tou ghamou (sung at further junctions in the cer-
emony), and rizitikatis tavlas (i.e. "of the table," performed during the wed-
ding banquet) (see Vlastos 1893; Apostolakis 1993). Similarly,christenings
are accompanied by a small repertory of specific songs, for both the god-
father and the family (see Apostolakis 1993:347-48).
In contrast to previously mentioned feasts, the paneyiri is a religious
feast celebrated with dinners offered by one or more families of the vil-
lage-generally by families who live near the church dedicated to the saint
or by those whose head has the saint's name-and is open to all who want
to participate. Guests may arrive continuously throughout the night, join
in at the table, and are honored with an offer of food. The essence of the
feast is the collective rite of sharing the food, wine, and singing. The for-
malities and topics of the singing, described below, are highly indicative
of the social meaning of the feast.
The rizitika songs (predominantly from the tavla repertory) and man-
dinadhes, which alternate during the performance, share the same type of
verse-the political verse-but differ nonetheless in many regards,and their
performance has a complementary function. The rizitika tis tavlas have a
pre-defined poetic text and melody which tend to change little through
time, as disclosed by a comparison of musical transcriptions carried out in
different periods (see Papagrigorakis 1956-57; Vlazakis 1961; Baud-Bovy
1972; Magrini2000). They always imply a collective performance based on

the alternation of two vocal groups (as in the case of paneyiri), or a soloist
and a chorus (as might occur in smaller convivial gatherings such as the
one described in the prologue). In musical terms, every rizitiko tis tavlas is
based on a specific melody which corresponds to the performance of three
poetic hemistichs constituting a stanza. This melody is performed, with
more or less variation, for all the stanzas of the rizitiko song, thus making
the song strophic. The style of choral singing is heterophonic: the perform-
ers carry the same basic melody with some individual melodic or rhythmic
variations.
In the paneyiri examined below, one of the guests "vazi tin arkhi,"
i.e. strikes up the first song, followed immediately by the people sitting at
his table, and performs the first stanza; another group of guests answers
by repeating the same stanza. The first group continues and introduces the
second poetic stanza, repeated in turn by the second group, etc. The prac-
tice of the two groups of repeating text and melody carries the meaning
of socializing the action of singing among the participants in the feast: sing-
ing together according to a shared code of behavior is an action that unites
individuals and symbolizes their mutual relationship.
Mandinadhes are improvised distichs that occasionally utilize stereo-
types (e.g. Dawe 1996; Ragovin 1974; Vavourakis1992; Hantampakis1986).
Their performance is typically individual, but during the paneyiri even
mandinadhes are repeated by other members of the group to socialize their
content. The most significant traits of the performance of mandinadhes
consist, in my opinion, of two aspects. As previously noted in the exam-
ple presented in the prologue, mandinadhes may provide a singer with a
means of exerting his creativity: by elaborating verses connected to the
preceding rizitiko song or mandinadha, commenting on a word, expand-
ing one of its concepts, or elaborating a reply to the situation presented in
the previous verses. Furthermore, since they are the improvised expression
of individual singers, mandinadhes may enable performers to manifest per-
sonal ideas and feelings in relation to their context, as highlighted in the
subsequently discussed example (see also Caraveli 1982).
The succession of rizitika songs and mandinadhes during performance
harmoniously expresses on one hand the celebration of the group's values
and its tradition (represented by the rizitika songs), and on the other the
active and creative role of the individual in elaborating the discourse that
characterizes the ceremony through the improvisation of mandinadhes.
Below are quoted the lyrics, followed by analysis,of the entire sequence
of songs performed during a paneyiri, held on 27 July 1998 at Vouves in
honor of Saint Panteleimon and attended by approximately thirty guests.
1) rizitiko song'2 [English translation begins on p. 439.]

Apo tin akri ton akrion oste na pai stin alli
s' ekhoun i tavles aryires stromnia malamatenia
potiria me tis eroties ki opios ta idhi planate
ke peras' enas vasilias na ki idhe ta ke planethi
2) mandinadha
Tetia parea omorfi ki opios monomeriasi
varelia na 'khi to krasi bori na to ksodhiasi
3-4) lines sung in turn by the host a and his guests b'3
a) Kalos irthan ta sinnefa
b) ke emis kalos sas ivrame
a) kalos irthan ta sinnefa ki eferan ton aera
b) ke emis kalos sas ivrame khilia ke dhio khiliadhes
a) ki ferane tsi filous mas
b) ki o kambos me ta louloudha
5) rizitiko song
Tin sindrofia sas kherome tin aksiotimimeni
tin aksia ke tin fronimi ke tin beyendismeni
zilevghousi tz' i arkhontes zilevyi o kosmos oulos
ma san zilevyi mia ksanthi
6) mandinadha
Ke ta khartia to ghrafoune ke o kosmos to katekhi
mias oras omorfi zoi zaghorasmo dhen ekhi
7) mandinadha
San to vasiliko bakhtse poukhi omorfa vlastaria
m' aresi k' i parea sas apoukhi palikaria
8) mandinadha
San to kalo vasiliko pou i skoni tou mirizi
ki o meraklis o anthropos opou vrethi ghlendizi
9) mandinadha
T' Ayou Pnevmatou to nero tis Svourikhtis o aeras
tine monomeriasene etouti tin parea
10) rizitiko song
Threfet' o pefkos sta vouna ki o elatos sta khionia
threfete ki enas nios kalos se liyeris ankales
semi sfikhta ankaliazi tin ke ta mallia tzi piani
ta dhio tzi maghoula fili
11) mandinadha
Ya dhes parea omorfi ki apou tzi vri pseghadhi
tha vri ke sto krio nero poune st' Apopighadhi
12) mandinadha
Sigha sigha ta matia mou me tropo ta sikono
ke vlepo tin parea mas [ke tine kamarono]
13) rizitiko song

Mirizoun i vasiliki, mirizoun k' i valsami
ma san mirizi o fronimos valsamia dhen mirizoun
valsamia oudhe vasiliki moudhe karefillato
mirizi ekia pou kathete
14) mandinadha
Allo praghma dhen kherome ston kosmo ton apano
san tin parea tin kali onde tha vro na kano
15) mandinadha
Opses to idha t' oniro ki edha mou ksedhilieni
pos me parea ekathoumoun aksia ke timimeni
16) mandinadha
Dhen vlepo blio mou onira y' afto stenokhoroume
ma pos na vlepo onira ef oson dhen kimoume
17) mandinadha
Afou ke sta onirata mou fernis dhiskolia
skepsou otan ime ksipnitos ti serno [ke ise i etia]
18) mandinadha
S' afto to spiti apourthame ta rafiaine asimenia
avrio na ksanarthoume nane malamatenia
19) mandinadha
S' afto to spiti apourthame petra na mi raisi
ki o nikokiris tou spitiou khilia khronia na zisi
20) mandinadha
O ilios vyeni tin avyi ti nikhta to fengari
k' i sindrofia i omorfi ap' to theo ekhi khari
21) mandinadha
Tin omorfi parea sas tin ekho se timi mou
makari ke na pernouna mazi sas ti zoi mou
22) mandinadha
Katamesis sti thalassa ke apano s' ena vrakho
ekia tin kano ti zoi [tetia parea nakho]
23) rizitiko song
Aye Pandeleimona ki Aye Astratiye mou
aidharete me t' orfano na khtiso monastiri
na loutrourghounde i khristiani ke na metalavenoun
ke na vaftizoune pedhia
24) mandinadha
Tou khronou san ke simera san touti tin imera
namaste oli mas kala ston katharo aera
25) mandinadha
Onde provalloune i khares inda tharris tha poune
apou tha dhoun ta matia mou y' aftes n' adhiaforoune
26) tabakhaniotiko song

Oso varoun ta sidhera varoun ta mavra roukha
yati ta forema ke egho ya mia aghapi apoukha
Ikha ke isterithika (to moro mou) thimoume ke stenazo (dhio mou matia)
anikse yis mesa na bo kosmo na min kitazo
27) mandinadha
Trekhi nero ston potamo ma trekhi ligho ligho
m' akhi ke natrekhe poli na min boro na figho
28) mandinadha
Ma ithela nam' anesthitos na miazo me to vrakho
ki oute me dhernoun vasana khares ke kefia nakho
29) mandinadha
Katamesis sti thalassa ki apano s' ena vrakho
ekia tin kano ti zoi tetia parea nakho
30) mandinadha
Kremete o vrakhos ston gremno na gremisti na pesi
ma protima na gremisti para na allaksi thesi
31) mandinadha
Trekhi to kima me ormi to vrakho na ktipisi
vriski andistasi poli ki opiso tha yirisi
32) mandinadha
Na 'sfalli theli o anthropos oso ke na prosekhi
[yati tis ores tis kakes kanis dhen tis katekhi]
33) rizitiko song14
Ya idhes pervoli omorfo, ya idhes katakriavrisi
sto perivoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
ke osa dhendra estile o theos mesa ine fitemena
sto pervoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
ke osa poulakia petoumena mesa 'ne folemena
sto pervoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
34) mandinadha
Krasi se pino ya kalo ma esi kako mou kanis
ki apo ti strata vghanis me ke sta gremna me vanis
35) mandinadha
Kamia fora pou tin kardhia o ponos tin ktipai
me to krasi parighoria vrisko ke tzi pernai
36) two rizitika couplets tis stratas sung in turn by two groups of guests
a. Ekhete ya vasiliki ki i violes anthismenes
b. amete, fili, sto kalo ke stin kali sas ora
a. ke kopelies eleftheres
b. ke na yemisi o dhromo sas
a. ke kopelies eleftheres ki esis i pandremenes
b. ke na yemis' i strata sas triandafillake rodha
a. ke kopelies eleftheres ki esis i pandremenes
From one side of the hall even to the other

Your banquet tables are of silver and the plates of gold
Your goblets with their love scenes enchant all who see them
Even a king once passing by saw them and was enraptured
What a fine group this is and who takes part in it
May have barrels of wine, let's drink it
a) We welcome the clouds
b) We're glad to see you
a) We welcome the clouds that brought us fresh breezes
b) We're glad to see you, a thousand and two thousand times glad
a) And also brought us our good friends
b) Like the field filled with flowers
I enjoy being with you, and value our time together highly
I take pleasure in your company-I esteem and cherish it
The noblemen envy me your company, as does the whole world
Just like one is jealous of a blond-haired woman
Books proclaim it, and the whole world knows it's true
That even one hour of good life is priceless
Like the royal garden where the comely seedlings thrive
Your group of friends is pleasing, with its fine young men
Like the basil plant, sweet-smelling even dried
So brave young men enjoy themselves, wherever they may be
The water of the Holy Spirit and the fresh breezes from the top of Mt.
Svourikti
Gathered this company together
The pine tree thrives on the mountain, the fir tree thrives on the snowmelt
A handsome young man thrives on a graceful girl's breast
Pulling her close, he embraces her and strokes her hair
He kisses her two cheeks
Look at this wonderful group! Even the delicious waters of Apopigathi's
spring
Must taste brackish to a man who would find fault with us
Little by little and with care, I raise my eyes
I look slowly 'round our group of friends [and I admire it]
The basil plants smell sweet, and so do balsams
But they're not fragrantat all, compared to a sensible man
Balsams and basil and even pungent cloves
Their perfume can't compare to that of a wise man
There's nothing in the world I enjoy so much
As this fine gathering I'll find here
Last night I had a dream and all at once it was clear to me
That I was sitting together with praiseworthy and honorable friends
I no longer dream because I'm sick with worry

How am I to dream, when I can never fall asleep?
You follow me with trouble even into my dreams
Think about what torment you put me through when I'm awake!
In this house the shelves are made of silver
When we return tomorrow, may they be made of gold
May the foundation of this house never crack

And may its master live a thousand years
The sun rises in the morning and, at night, the moon
This fine company is graced by God
My friends I hold in high esteem

Would that I could spend my whole life with you
In the midst of the sea, high atop a rocky isle
I would spend my life there [could I spend it with your company]
O St. Panteleimon and my Lord!
Permit me, wretched orphan, to build you a monastery
So we Christians may come to celebrate Mass and receive Communion
And baptize children there
Next year, the same day
may we be well outside in the fresh air
When happiness visits me, what do you think they'll say
When they see my eyes that don't care about it?
As heavy as iron is, black mourning clothes weigh as much
For I myself wore mourning clothes because of a lost loved one
She was mine, but was taken from me, oh my child, now I remember and I
sigh, oh my two eyes,
Open up, o Earth,so that I may descend and no longer look on the light of
day
The river runs almost dry now
Elas, I wish it would flow like a torrent so that I couldn't run away
I wish I were as unfeeling as a rock
So that my torment would cease, and I could feel at ease
In the midst of the sea, high atop a rocky isle
I would spend my life there could I spend it with you
The rock hangs over the precipice where it may topple and fall
But it prefers the risk of falling to changing places
A surging wave breaks against the cliff with rage
But it meets great resistance, and falls back into the sea
A man should be watchful and take care

[Because no one knows when bad times will come]
Look at our beautiful orchard, look at our ice-cold fountain
In our fine orchard, o in our beautiful orchard
Whatever trees God sent us, they've grown up in its midst
Whatever birds fly in, they build their nests in our trees
O wine, I drink you with a good heart, but you do me wrong

You snatch me off the street and make me wander in the wilderness
Sometimes when grief strikes my heart
I find consolation in wine and I am comforted
a. Good-bye, sweet basils and blooming violets
b. Go and be well, friends, and may good times be with you
a. You unmarried girls
b. May your paths be filled
a. Both you single girls and you married women too
b. May your way be lined with rosebushes and pomegranate trees
a. You single girls and you married women too
When a consistent number of guests had arrived and dinner had be-
gun, one of the guests began to sing the rizitiko song "Apo tin akri ton
akrion" ("From One Side of the Hall") (1). This is a typical rizitiko tis tav-
las-sung also at weddings-that opens the performance, and celebrates
the richness of the table laid for the guests through the ample use of hy-
perboles (banquet tables of silver, plates of gold, the king enraptured by
the goblets with their love scenes). The song is a tribute to the hospitality
and prestige of the host. It is followed by a series of mandinadhes: the guest
who intoned the opening rizitiko song praises the company (2); the host
expresses poetically his pleasure in receiving his friends, who in turn an-
swer by expressing their pleasure in being in his house (3-4). Hence, the
host intones a rizitiko song (5) to proclaim how much he enjoys the com-
pany of valuable, honorable and wise people. The guests improvise man-
dinadhes on the theme of the good life (6), the pleasure of company (7,
8), and the exceptional phenomena which gathered them together (9),
showing a tendency to utilize hyperboles already noticed in the prologue:
"the water of the Holy Spirit and the fresh breezes from the top of Mt.
Svourikti / Gathered this company together." The theme of the mountain,
just mentioned in the mandinadha (9), is taken up in the following rizitiko
song (10), which introduces the theme of the relationship between man
and woman through a comparison (trees : mountain :: woman : man). This
theme is actually more appropriate for a wedding dinner-which may con-
stitute an occasion for the performance of this song-and is indeed aban-
doned in the following mandinadhes, to return to the underlying theme of

praising the company (11, 12).
Subsequently, a gnomic rizitiko song on the value of wisdom is sung
(13). The following mandinadhes (14, 15) return to the theme of the joy
of company, and the worth and honor of this group of friends, introduc-
ing the image of the dream; lack of dreams and sleep, and sufferingin dream
and reality, are then evoked (16, 17). Suffering tends to recall the theme
of the pangs of love, which eventually will be developed in the second part
of the performance. Hence, the following mandinadhesconstitute an abrupt
departure from the image of suffering, embracing again the themes of prais-
ing the house, wishing for the prosperity and long life of its owner (18, 19),
and the value of their company deserving all sacrifices (20, 21, 22). At this
stage, the song for the saint celebrated on that day, Saint Panteleimon, is
sung (23): this is the "obliged," or ritualistic song of the paneyiri, dedicat-
ed to the themes of Christianity and christening, which signals the end of
the first part of the performance. It is followed by a mandinadha wishing
for all the company to meet again in good health on the same day the fol-
lowing year (24).
The song dedicated to the saint marks a cleavage in the performance:
the preceding part concentrated initially on the exchange of appreciative
comments between the guests and the host, and then on the concept of
company (parea, sindrofia) and the qualities of its members (honor, wis-
dom, courage, etc.). Thus, the value of hospitality is exalted, alongside the
meaning of the feast as a moment of socialization of the group gathering
as "company,"united by ties of respect and reciprocal affection-socializa-
tion is enacted through the sharing of food (the etymology of the term sin-
drofia implies sharing nourishment) and song.
The following part of the feast somehow implies the conclusion of the
ritual part of the performance which exalted the values of male alliance and
hospitality: the group has been constituted ceremonially through the asser-
tion of the values that unite it, and now musical expression, released from
ritualties, allows for freer manifestation of ideas and feelings. A mandinadha
(25), associating the theme of joy with that of unhappiness making one
indifferent to joy, exemplifies this new direction in the singing. The follow-
ing song (26) makes the freedom characteristic of the second part of the
performance even more evident by introducing a musical genre, the taba-
khaniotika (sing. tabakhaniotiko),'5 which contrasts strikingly with the
songs typical of a paneyiri. The songs in this genre, once specific of Mus-
lim Cretans and extraneous to the pastoral tradition, belong to the urban
tradition of western Crete, and "focus mainly on the themes of existential
grief and lost love" (Magrini 1997). The insertion of a tabakhaniotiko song
in the context of a paneyiri is thus atypical. However, it is probably a proof

of the greater musical eclecticism which has established itself during the
mass-media era, and of the popularity of this specific song, "Oso varoun ta
sidhera." In the paneyiri context the tabakhaniotiko song is treated as a
rizitiko song: it is connected to the mandinadha (25) and develops the
themes of love, death, and suffering. The theme of suffering and resistance
to pain is elaborated in a series of further mandinadhes through a number
of improvisations on the image of the rock: "Iwish I were as unfeeling as
a rock / So that my torment would cease" (28); "In the midst of the sea,
high atop a rocky isle / I would spend my life there could I spend it with
you" (29); "The rock hangs over the precipice where it may topple and fall
/ But it prefers the risk of falling to changing places" (30); "Asurging wave
breaks against the cliff with rage / But it meets great resistance, and falls
back into the sea" (31). The image of the rock's resistance is associated to
man's resistance and shrewdness in the face of unforeseen events (32). It
is followed by a rizitiko tis tavlas, exalting the harmony of nature in the
house of the host (33), and leading toward the conclusion of the perfor-
mance at the table, which eventually ends with two mandinadhes on the
theme of wine (34-35).
At this stage of the evening, a group of men performed three dances
typical of this area: the sirtos, the roumatiani sousta, and the pendozali.
Once the dinner, table songs, mandinadhes, and dances had ended, the
guests left the house greeting the host and his family. The performance
ended with a rizitiko tis stratas,'6 sung in turn by the two groups as a ritual
greeting song addressing men (indicated by the synecdoche "basils,"since
the host gives them a twig of basil as a gift when they arrive to the feast)'7
and women ("violets"). Unlike the rizitiko tis tavlas, this last song is char-
acterized by the alternating performance of single verses or hemistichs as
opposed to entire strophes.
Observing what happens during a paneyiri demonstrates how the feast
is geared toward performing intersubjective relationships enacted essential-
ly in musical terms, since the basic form of communication consists of sing-
ing together during dinner. What is enacted and created through musical
activity is the collective interaction which develops in-group socialization,
and which through the performance, activates the thick web of social re-
lationships (of koumbaria, sindeknia, friendship) synthetically expressed
with the term parea. Through the feast, the parea celebrates itself and its
members, developing, through the chosen practice of call-and-response
singing, a relationship shaped according to an ideal of cooperation and
socialization of the group's values.
Group and Individual

The practice characterizing the performance of the quoted songs pre-
sents some aspects that should be examined in detail. I shall now consider
specifically the rizitika tis tavlas, the performance of which implies a par-
ticularly complex technique of elaboration. As previously stated, the riziti-
ka are made up of a variable number of political verses worked out in stan-
zas. ("Political"is the name of this kind of verse of fifteen syllables, just as
"hendecasyllabic" refers to a verse of eleven syllables; "political" is the
English translation of the Greek politikos.) A political verse consists of 15
syllables divided into two hemistichs (8+7), which may be further divided
(4+4+7). A stanza consists of an entire line and the first hemistich of the
following one; all the stanzas (except the first one) begin with the repeti-
tion of the last hemistich of the previous one, so that they are all intercon-
nected. During the performance, each stanza is sung by a group (choir 1)
and repeated by a second group (choir 2) with no variation of the verbal
text (at least in theory); by contrast, minor variations in the musical inter-
pretation of the melody are common. With regard to performance practic-
es which use this model, it may be observed that:
the techniqueof alternativelysinging,which causesthe singersto be involved
in the repetitionof the sameenunciation,seems to be a specificformof com-
municativeorganizationthatenablesthe groupto expressitselfas a consonant
entity.Theiterativetechniqueseemsthereforeto be connectedwith the group
partakingin a commonpsychic conditionand with the necessityof reaching
and manifestingemotionalcontact and accord. It is an expressionof one of
the most basic formsof interpersonalrelationshipand for its structureit may
be named"iterationin consonance,"to emphasizethe searchfor a grouprela-
tionshipthroughthe members'collective resonancein a commonaction.It is
of coursea kindof communicationwhich stressesaboveallthe emotionalvalue
of joiningtogetherin a symbolicbehavior(Magrini1989:59;see also Magrini
1986:138-54).
In contrast to other forms of iterative singing, what is peculiar to the
performance of rizitika songs is that when performers sing the lines, they
elaborate them according to a particular technique called apoghaermata
or andighaermata. They split the lines into fragments, breaking up words
as well, and proceed to repeat incomplete parts of lines in a kind of "stam-
mering."18The following example illustrates the technique of apoghaerma-
ta: the first stanza (that is, the first line and the following first hemistich of
the second line) of the song "Threfet' o pefkos" (10) is written as it is ac-
tually sung. The following stanzas of the song are elaborated according to
the same model (video file available at the SEMweb site).
Magrini. Manhood and Music in Crete 445
Threfet' o pe
(e) threfet' o pe
threfet' o pefkos sta vouna
na (e) ki o e
(e) ki o elatos
ki o elatos
os sta khionia
threfete ki e
(e) threfe
(e) te ki e
threfete ki enas nios kalos (na)
(e ne) threfete ki e
threfete ki enas nios kalos
Example 1. "Threfet' o pefkos"
thre fe t'o pe e thre fe
e t'o pe thre fe t'o pe fko
sta you na na e kio e e

4 (3)
_ loI
kio e la tos kio e la tos o sta
khio nia thre fe te kie e thre fe
e te kie thre fe te kie na s
nio ska lo sna e ne thre

fe te kie th (3) 2 (3 e na s nio ska los
fe te kie thre fe te kie na s nio ska los

While all the rizitika tis tavlas are elaborated through the technique of
fragmentation and repetition, each text is characterized by its own pecu-
liar elaboration which is strictly connected with the arrangement of the
melody of the song. Therefore, the previous example illustrates just one
case of apoghaermata. However, it adequately highlights the performative
complexity of rizitika songs, which require extreme precision in the pro-
cesses of memorization and rendition of the verbal and musical arrangement
specific of individual songs. Such a complexity emphasizes the ritual char-
acter of performing the rizitika, implying that their particular communica-
tive code is shared by the singers. They in turn find in this musical genre a
performative outlet for their own collective identity, which cannot easily
be accessed by others, as it requires an in-depth knowledge of the oral tra-
dition of the group. Thus, the practice of the rizitika evokes the concept
of "musica reservata," conceived of in terms of its accessibility for a limit-
ed group of persons, familiar with its rules consigned to the oral tradition.
The "hermetic"nature of the verbal communication ensuing from the
particular elaboration of the verbal text is not exclusively characteristic of
the rizitika. However, comparison of the rizitikawith other Mediterranean
singing traditions characterized by similartechniques in communicating the
verbal text would highlight how the distinctive "obscurity"that they share
does not necessarily stem from analogous needs. I may cite, for example,
the repertory of the ghinnawas of the Awlad 'Ali Bedouins of Egypt stud-
ied by LilaAbu-Lughod,which shares the rizitika's performative complex-
ity and enigmatic character of verbal communication.19Nevertheless, it is
otherwise divergent in its intrinsic character as "poetry of personal senti-
ment" (Abu-Lughod1986:181), which gives meaning to the obscurity veil-
ing its intimate and private poetic message through performative practice.
By contrast, there are greater similarities between the rizitika and a
southern Italiantraditionof lyrical singing, alla mageraiota singing. Besides
sharing the rizitika's elaboration of poetic text through fragmentation and
repetition, this practice is similarlycharacterized by performance based on
alternated singing, and thus on the cooperation of a number of interpret-
ers during the performance. As stated previously (Magrini1989:63), "Inthe
Maier~tstyle, the performance is based on the enunciation of single lines-
one line is sung by the leader and then repeated by the partners.... They
split them up into fragments, sometimes even breaking up words, and pro-
ceed to repeat incomplete parts of lines in a kind of stammering that clear-
ly hinders understanding." In interpreting this singing practice, I have
emphasized how the employed technique manifests anxieties related to
communication and interpersonal relationship, and that the meaning of
performance lies in acting out these anxieties through "stammering."Frag-
mentation operates in this case as a form of attack against verbal commu-
nication (understood as a means of psychic integration and interpersonal

relationship; see Bion 1967), and thus becomes an instrument to express
a state of tension, anxiety, and symbolic aggressiveness (see Magrini 1986:
154-62).
As previously discussed, these feelings also constitute a profound part
of the psychological world of the inhabitants of the Nomos Hanion, where
the element of risk in one's existence dominates man's life, and thus "ex-
poses him to internal tension and anxiety, and tests his skill and determi-
nation" (Herzfeld 1985a:45). Tension and anxiety thus find an outlet in both
the fragmentation of verbal texts characteristic of the tavla repertory and
in the practice of shooting during the performance of songs-"one shoots
to exorcize bad luck and keep invaders away"2?)-as well as in the poetic
content of many rizitikasongs dedicated to the theme of death and fighting.
In sum, the performance considered so far provides the means of em-
phasizing the many facets imbued in the action of singing together, which
are expressed through the different aspects of the event: the performative
occasion, the relationships among participants represented ritually during
the performance, the content expressed, the performative practice of alter-
nation, and the technique of elaboration of the text through fragmentation.
One aspect worth further development concerns the alternation of
rizitika songs and mandinadhes in producing the performance. As previous-
ly observed, this alternation grants a balance between the expression of the
group as a unit, and the subjective expression of single individuals. The
singing of rizitika songs in both content (strictly fixed and maintained in
the group's memory) and in performance (based on consonant iteration)
constitutes the moment in which the parea manifests its own intimate tie,
represented by a high sense of emotional cohesion and the ability to coor-
dinate in collective action. The tendency of the group's members to dis-
play cohesive aspects, as well as the complementary tendency to manifest
aspects of individuation within the group, is typical of group psychologi-
cal life (e.g., see Corbella 1988; Hinshelwood 1987; Napolitani 1987). The
individuation tendency finds an outlet in this musical event through the
improvisation of mandinadhes by individual performers, who express their
own creativity, provide their subjective contribution to the celebration of
the group's values (particularly as it happens in the first part of the paneyi-
ri), and may voice their inner feelings (a phenomenon which is accentuat-
ed in the second part of the paneyiri). In these terms, the practice of alter-
nating rizitika songs and mandinadhes enables the harmonious expression
of the two fundamental aspects of the group's emotional and psychologi-
cal life.
In this regard, it is worth noting that mandinadhes, which on other
occasions are normally sung by a single performer, in the context of the
paneyiri are improvised by a performer and hence repeated, according to

a specific model, by other performers. Through this practice, the subjec-
tive values expressed by the soloist are symbolically appropriated by the
group. An example of this practice (the transcription of mandinadha 14)
is included below (video file available at the SEMweb site).
In other instances, the enunciation of the entire line 1 is replaced by
the enunciation of only the second hemistich, and further repetitions of
individual words may be added. Among the characteristics shared by the
performed mandinadhes are the common practice of beginning the sing-
ing with interjections such as "ela,""aman,""opa," "aindes,"etc., and the
absence of repetition by the group of the last contribution of the soloist.
In musical terms, mandinadhes make use of melody-types (see Magrini1981
for further examples).
Soloist: Ela m' allo praghma dhen kherome (first hemistich of line 1)
Choir: ela allo praghma dhen kherome (first hemistich of line 1)
Soloist: allo praghma dhen kherome ston kosmo ton apano (line 1)
Choir: aman aman (ya) ston kosmo ton apano (second hemistich of
line 1)
Soloist: aman aman san tin parea tin kali (first hemistich of line 2)
Choir: el' aman san tin parea tin kali (first hemistich of line 2)
Soloist: san tin parea tin kali onde tha vro na kano (line 2)
Example 2. "Ela m' allo praghma dhen kherome"
e la m'allo pra ghma dhen
khe ro me a llopraghmadhen khe ro me ston
ko smo to na pa no a am a
na man sn ti pa re a ti nka Ri
san tinpa re a tin ka li on de tha vro na ka no

In the Nomos Hanion, attention to both collective and individualdimen-

sions of the group is not expressed exclusively through the practice of sing-
ing, but also through the practice of dancing. This may be observed in the
dances performed during the paneyiri, which are the three main dances of
this area of Crete: the sirtos, the pendozali, and the roumatiani sousta (see
Magrini 1981, 1997). These are group dances, performed in this case ex-
clusively by male dancers,21and all adopt the open circle form. Both the
pendozali and the roumatiani sousta represent an occasion for the dancers
to coordinate themselves in terms of movement, similarly to the way in
which they coordinate themselves in the collective singing of the rizitiko.
The dancers position themselves in a line connecting with one another-
in the sousta the dancers, standing side to side, hold the two ends of a
mandili (a black handkerchief used traditionally as headgear), in the pen-
dozali they hold one another by the arms as they dance-and perform the
same steps, proceeding with "serpentine movements" (Loutzaki1992:167)
around a circle. Only occasionally does a dancer depart from the group to
perform individual movements.
In general terms, both dances are performed to communicate a sense
of the strength and physical skill of the dancers and their cohesion as a group.
In terms of style, the roumatianisousta is characterizedby more lively move-
ments, while the pendozali stresses its aggressive character of "wardance"
(see next section). By contrast, the sirtos is distinguished by its noticeable
individualism. The dancers position themselves in a line connecting one
another through the mandilias in the sousta; however, in this dance the man
at the head of the dance line acts as leader. While the other dancers perform
the simple basic step, the line-leader expresses all his skill in proposing vari-
ations and improvisations (he revolves, kneels down, executes large leaps
or small hops, stops his movements in contrast with the other dancers, etc.)
in order to emphasize his individuality, both in terms of physical ability and
aesthetic choice. During these improvisations, he is supported by the sec-
ond dancer in the line, whose task involves offering him support while he
is performing leaps and other demanding movements. Once the line-leader
has accomplished his performance as a soloist, he moves to the tail of the
dance line, leaving room for the second dancer. The latter thus becomes the
new line-leader and performs his own improvisations as a soloist. The sirtos
continues until all the members of a line have danced as line-leadersand thus
as soloists, individuallyexpressing their skill, competence, and creativity as
dancers. As a whole, the three dances performed during the paneyiri thus
enable the dancers to emphasize both their group dimension (in the pen-
dozali and in the roumatiani sousta), and their individual ability as soloists
(in the sirtos), therefore further manifesting the same dynamics of cohesion
and individuation observed in the rizitika and mandinadhes.
Manhood and Death

Many forms of musical expression have been interpreted historically
by the inhabitants of the Nomos Hanion and connected to the fight against
the Turks, who landed in Hania in 1645, finally conquered Crete in 1669,
and controlled it until 1898.22 During the centuries of the Turkish rule,
"occasions for strife were certainly frequent, for the Cretans rose in bloody
revolt several times as they had against Venetian rule" (Herzfeld 1991:17).
During the war in 1770 between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman
Empire a revolt headed by Daskaloyannis, a Sfakiot captain, took place in
the southern part of the Nomos Hanion, failing miserably when the Rus-
sian fleet promised in aid of the rebels did not arrive. Another significant
revolt occurred in 1821, at the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence.
The most dramatic insurrection was in 1886, when the monastery of Ark-
adi, one of Greece's major cultural centers not far from Hania,was attacked
for the third time by the Turks: the monks, together with the population
who had sought refuge in the monastery, preferred to blow up their am-
munitions than to surrender. In more recent times, an active resistance was
endeavored in the Nomos Hanion against the German invasion during the
Second World War. These episodes are quoted briefly to highlight the role
of resistance in local history, to enable an understanding of its importance
in shaping mythic-historic elements connected with the main musical
genres of the Nomos Hanion.
According to violinist Kostas Papadakis,23 the sirtos apparently originat-
ed in 1750 during the wedding of Emmanouil Paterakis (called Patero-
manos) at Lousakies (near Kastelli, the westernmost town in the Nomos
Hanion). Pateromanos invited as guests to the wedding the captains of the
guerrilla warfare against the Turks. The captains, prompted by a particu-
larly lively performance of the music accompanying the mandinadhes per-
formed by violinist Kioros, invented a new dance, the sirtos. The birth of
the pendozali is again connected to the fight against the Turks, and in par-
ticular to the preparations for the revolt of Daskaloyannis: Daskaloyannis
invited violinist Kioros to Sfakia(on the southern coast of the Nomos Han-
ion) and asked him to create a new dance, a war dance that would incite
men to fight (see Papadakis 1989).
Like the dances, the songs also relate to episodes and characters of the
fight against the tourkokratia. At times rizitika songs openly quote the
Turks and the events of the Resistance: for example, the song "Pote tha
fiaksi o keros" ("When the Weather Will ClearUp") evokes the preparations
for the revolts and anxiety toward fighting, while the mandinadha which
follows the rizitiko laments the blood shed for Crete (Greek text and au-
dio file available at the SEMweb site).
When the weatherwill clear up, so that the winds mightstop

Forthe ships to sail on the sea
To bringgunpowderand lead also to us;
Forthe partisansto take up arms,for the raia24to rebel,
Forthem to fightTurkey?
Oh unluckyCretanpeople, what have you endured!

With(your)blood you soakedthe soil of yourmotherland
It should be emphasized that many other rizitikasongs, even when they
do not contain open reference to the Turks, are nonetheless viewed locally
as songs of resistance relating to the enemies through metaphoric images.
The performersrecount that at the time of the tourkokratiathese songs were
sung from mountain to mountain to warn of the arrivalof the Turks and
organize a resistance. The performative style of these songs, in a loud voice,
is connected to this need. Nevertheless, the rizitikorepertoryincludes songs
which, according to folklorists, refer to a considerably more remote past:
these are the akritika songs, which apparently refer to fights preceding the
Venetian domination of Crete. The Akrites were the defenders of the east-
ern and southern borders of the Byzantine Empire, and the earliest songs
about their deeds-many said to have originated from Crete-date to the
ninth and tenth centuries AD (Konstantinos 1996:9; see also Apostolakis
1993; Spiridakisand Peristeris 1968).25 During my fieldwork I witnessed the
performance of so-called akritikasongs such as "IServi ke i Sarakini"("The
Serbs and the Saracens") and "Mavrokapno idha k'evyene" ("I Saw Some
Black Smoke Coming Out") which belong to the song cycle about Digenis,
the most famous among the Akrites heroes (Greek text and audio file avail-
able at the SEMweb site).
I saw some black smoke coming out at the end of the reed thicket
The reed thicket is big and there was a beast insideit
Threeorphansleft to go and kill it
Butfirstthey go to their motherto let her know:
"Giveus, mother,your blessing"
To sum up, the importance of the fight against the Turks in the histo-
ry this mountainous Cretan region, where it reached its most intense
of
level, is indisputable. Nevertheless, the meaning attributed to the historic
and heroic songs of the rizitiko repertory goes beyond the memory of guer-
rilla warfare at the time of the tourkokratia, as shown by the inclusion of
akritika songs in this repertory. The meaning resides in the performance
of profound feelings of resistance to invaders, an element of western Cret-
an identity which makes the Cretans' difficult past more acceptable; it is
simultaneously perceived as always topical, justified today by the persistent
climate of latent hostility between Greece and Turkey.
Furthermore,the songs of the repertory of the Rizes are endowed with

another function: as frequently noticed, they highlight "the exaltation of
the pallikari and of strength"26(Apostolakis 1993:50). It would be difficult
to separate the qualities of the hero sung about in the rizitika from the
"qualities of heroism and bravery, as well as insubordination" that the in-
habitants of western Crete associate "with being a true Greek" (Herzfeld
1985a:18). Thus, the heroic and historic songs demonstrate the continuity
of ideal values of manhood with regard to the broader reality of pastoral
life in these Cretan mountainous regions: courage and audacity are a man's
fundamental qualities in the traditional lifestyle of the shepherds.
That strength, courage, and audacity, however, do not exhaust the
ideals of manhood described in the rizitiko repertory. Man, represented in
the emblematic moment when he contemplates death, is not reduced to
the stereotypical figure of the hero, but rather expresses a wide range of
emotions associated with the prospect of one's end. The imminence of
death may be felt with a "heavy heart" (see "Mainda 'khete yirou yirou,"
Greek text and audio file available at the SEMweb site).
Whatis it with you aroundhere that makesyour heartheavy
You do not eat, drink,nor makemerry
BeforeCharoncomes to get us and decimateus
Andto decimateour familiesand choose the men
Andtakeyoung men apt for the rifles?
Death may cause fear and make one flee (see "Pedhia k' inda yinikane,"
Boys,what has happenedto the bravemen of the world?
You cannot see them amongus nor elsewhere
Overthere on the top of the peaksat the end of the world
They are buildingan iron castle to hide fromCharon
AndCharonbecomes a fly
Death may be looked at with bitterness (see "Kastroke pou ine i piryi sou,"
"Fortress,where are your towers and yourbelfries
Andwhere are yourvaliantones, the handsomebraveones?"
"Theblackearthand Hadescoveredwith cobwebs enjoy them,
Myvaliantones, the handsomebraveones
I have no hatredfor the Turksnor for Charon
I only have hatredand malevolencefor the Greektraitor
[Whois] the one who denouncedthem"
Death may be contemplated with nostalgia for life (see "Moresi pou ekat-
evikes," Greek text and audio file available at the SEMweb site).
"Heyyou who descendedfrom the world of the living

Comein and rest;I want to ask you
Whetheryou have seen if the sky enduresand the world of the living
standsup
And if they christenchildrenand build monasteries
And if the wives of the braveones are marryingagain"
"Maythe sky and the world of the livingendure
and maythey christenchildrenand build monasteries
Andmaythe wives of the braveones get marriedagain
And so mayI returnto the world of the living"
Fear, sorrow, desperation, bitterness, and nostalgia are the feelings
evoked in the moment when one sings of death. It follows that ultimately,
a real man is not conceived of simply as a hero who faces death with reck-
less courage (see Campbell 1992). A real man combines the value and brav-
ery of andriomenos and the ability to perceive the great arrayof emotions
accompanying his existence until the time of his end. This is already evi-
dent in the entire body of rizitika songs which contemplate a multiplicity
of human feelings, offering a space to sense and exercise one's emotional
life. Indeed the repertory of death, so highly esteemed by its performers,
provides men with an occasion to confront themselves and reveal their in-
timate world, rich in humanity. By singing of the infinite deaths of infinite
heroes, the men who live in this region characterized by fights and exis-
tential risk learn to contemplate the inevitability of the end with acute sen-
sitivity toward its many emotional implications.
Epilogue
The practices observed in this article demonstrate that music-making
in the Nomos Hanion is more than simply an activity mostly performed by
males: rather, being "good at making music" is a fundamental aspect of
being "good at being a man." A man's ability to sing a rizitiko song, to im-
provise mandinadhes, and to perform traditional dances has an importance
which may be evaluated according to different perspectives.
The musical repertory contains the "historic" memory of the events
upon which the identity of Nomos Hanion men is based, particularly as
regards ancient and recent resistance to invaders. Songs and dances are tied
to these events in the oral tradition by means of mythic-historic narratives
which connect, for example, to the circumstances in which the sirtos and
the pendozali were born, or to the reference made in several songs to par-
ticular events of the past. For instance, tradition holds that the rizitiko song
"Kastroke pou ine i piryi sou," quoted above, refers to the events associat-
ed with the fall of Iraklion into Turkish hands in 1669. It is worth observ-
ing that most episodes of resistance are concerned chiefly with conflicts
with the Islamic world of the Turks and the Saracens, while songs relating
to the period of the Venetian domination of Crete (1210-1669) are rare.
The difference in attitude toward the populations which ruled the island
in the past, found also outside the Nomos Hanion, is significant, and has
been justified locally, for example, with these words: "They believe that
they got from the Venetians, the Venetians left something. They never re-
garded them as conquerors. That is, the inhabitants of today don't regard
them as conquerors, they've put them on [a] high [pedestal], whereas they
regard the Turks as tramplers who demolished the [local] manners and
customs" (Herzfeld 1991:57). Indeed, this attitude is also revealed in the
world of the musicians of the Nomos Hanion, who acknowledge the Ve-
netians' merit in introducing the violin, a fundamental instrument in the
musical tradition of this province.27
While the songs transmit an interpretation of the past, they are also a
tool for learning the central values of manhood: the courage and worth of
the anidriomenos, the ability to face risk, strength of character, wisdom,
shrewdness of reasoning, resistance against the trials of life, the importance
of friendship and hospitality, and, above all, the sensitivity to the wide range
of human emotions vis-A-visnature, life, and death. The emblematic situa-
tions described in the rizitika evoke a multiplicity of feelings, whose im-
plications are frequently analyzed and glossed through the improvisation
of mandinadhes. Thus, they emphasize the breadth of meanings which are
associated with hereditary songs by the tradition, in such a way that the
sequence of the texts may appear "as an interpretation of the multiplicity
of the real" (Magrini 1996:219). Through musical activity, men foster a
sensitivity which is disclosed only in the context of singing, showing that
the kala 'ndras is also a sophisticated poet.
Finally, as emphasized in this article, music offers the means to articu-
late the discourse of the group during fundamental moments of social life,
reserving specific songs for weddings, christenings, paneyiria, and conviv-
ial occasions, which are performed collectively and combined with indi-
vidual improvisations. Indeed, it is through singing and dancing that the
new social roles created in the group-family, spiritual kin, parea-are
enacted: for example, a bride manifests her position in, and tie to, her new
family through dancing an interminable sirtos in which the new relatives
alternate at her side, representing their new relationship with the woman.
It is through singing and dancing that the group reconstitutes itself, mani-
festing its values and its double dimension as organized whole and union
of individuals who cooperate through their creativity and ability to consti-
tute a unifying discourse defining their collective identity. In these terms,
musical practices are also an occasion for the display of egboismos-a term
that joins the meanings of self-regard, personal excellence, and success in
being different (Herzfeld 1985a:11). The practice of improvisation, both in
singing mandinadhes and dancing the sirtos, provides an ample springboard
for this search for excellence through musical performance. However, one
cannot forget that individual improvisation normally occurs in the context
of a collective performance, and becomes meaningful through social inter-
action in which the ritual celebration of the group legitimizes and favors
the display of excellence of its members.
In conclusion, it may be argued that in the Nomos Hanion being "good
at being a man" implies knowing how to use music as an essential instru-
ment of individual and social existence. From such a stance, it is clear that
what is enacted and expressed through musical practice is of primary im-
portance in society. In this context, music-making requires the possession
of a profound perception of a great range of existential issues, as well as
of the dynamics between individual and group and between tradition and
creativity. The great ability of the men of the Nomos Hanion consists in
handling these issues through a sophisticated and conscious use of the word
and the body, generating forms of musical expression laden with a multi-
plicity of individual and social meanings. In addition to the interpretations
of the observer, it is ultimately the singers themselves who, describing their
music in the song "Arkhondestou Salonikiou" (Greek text available at the
SEMweb site) as what makes "the sky resonate," "the earth move," and "the
world tremble," depict it as a powerful symbol of their identity and worth:
Archonsof Salonika,all, smalland great,
My son mountedon a horse to go to war
He carrieslutes and instruments,instrumentsof all types
Andwhere he stops, my son playsthe instruments
The sky resonates,the earthmoves and all the world trembles
Note on Transliteration
Modern Greek presents widely-known transliterational problems. In this article I have
opted for a phonetic transliteration, which maintains the distinctions between d and dbh,g
and gb, but I don't use them in proper names, as this would have resulted in unfamiliarpre-
sentation of the names of Greek people and places.
Editor's Note
Complementary materials for this article, including Greek song texts, audio and visual
files, may be found on the SEMwebsite, http://www.ethnomusicology.org, as noted in the
text.
Notes
1. I wish to thank deeply Kostas Papadakis,Stelios Lainakis,Manolis Lionakis, Georgios
Bombolakis, and Frangios Panagiotakis, who helped me substantially during my fieldwork in
Crete. I am particularly indebted to Manolis Lionakisfor his help in the transcription of song-
texts performed during the paneyiri discussed in this article, and to PieraSarasini,Peter Dennis
Viechnicki, and Lycia Boki, who cooperated with me in the many phases of transcription and
translation for the final version of this article in English. I am also very grateful to Wolf Di-
etrich who kindly offered me a copy of his valuable recordings of rizitika.
2. Aspasia Papadakis, a woman who is a well-known professional lira player, is the only
exception to date; however, I met some girls currentlystudying the violin in folk music schools
in the Nomos Hanion, performing with boys in students' concerts. I have not met women
who sing rizitika, although some claim that this occurred in the past. Conversely, dancing is
more noticeably shared by both men and women, even if in the sirtos-the most widespread
dance of the area-women generally perform only its basic step, without performing the in-
dividual variations which characterize the men's style (see below).
3. My fieldwork in Crete, begun in the late 1970s and resumed in the 1990s, focused on
different kinds of musical performances carried out on private occasions, ceremonies, and
festivals. This work gave me the opportunity to establish relationships with a large number
of musicians and their families, friends, and audiences, and to experience the different facets
of musical life in the island. My Cretan friends were always very helpful in discussing and
clarifying the meaning of songs, dances, and related values in Cretan culture, and I am deep-
ly indebted to them for providing me with an insider's view of music in Crete.
4. This performance is included in the CD Vocal Music of Crete (Magrini 2000).
5. The sirtos, one of the musical emblems of Crete and Greece (see Torp 1992), and riz-
itika songs are today known throughout the island; the practice of singing the rizitika in the
ways described in this article remains nevertheless typical of the Nomos Hanion.
6. Some of the themes discussed briefly in this chapter, animal theft in particular, are
analyzed in depth in Herzfeld 1985a.
7. At present, the practice of stealing goats and sheep, although changing, has by no
means disappeared. In essence, it has lost its traditionalcharacter of antagonistic display and
has become a commercial business in its own right, as in the adjacent Rethymnon province
(Herzfeld 1985a:267).
8. I had the opportunity to witness this ritual event during a wedding celebrated in
Polyrinia in 1979.
9. Manolis Lionakis, personal communication.
10. For example, the impact that tourism-developed until recently especially in the
central and eastern parts of the island-has been having on the economy of the western part
of Crete in recent years.
11. On the importance and interpretation of hospitality in Crete and Greece, see Herzfeld
1987.
12. This rizitiko song is performed by elaborating two-verse strophes, unlike the prac-
tice that usually characterizes table songs.
13. The particular type of performance found in songs 3 and 4 is the same as that of the
rizitika tis stratas which end the performance (36). These songs function as a ritual greeting
between the host and the guests, performed at the beginning and end of the dinner. The
complete texts of the songs follow:
(3) We welcome the clouds that brought us fresh breezes / And also brought us our
good friends [into our arms]
(4) We're glad to see you, a thousand and two thousand times glad / Like the field
filled with flowers [and lush greenery]
14. This rizitiko song is performed by elaborating two-verse strophes.
15. "The tabakhaniotika (sing. tabakhaniotiko) songs are a Cretan urban musical rep-
ertory which, like rebetika and music of the Cafe-aman,belongs to the wide family of musics
that merge Greek and Turkish elements.... According to Hania musicians, the tabakhani-
otika probably arose in Crete in the towns of Hania and Rethymnon around the middle of
the nineteenth century .... It developed mainly after the immigration of Smyrna's refugees
in 1922" (Magrini 1997; see also Liavas 1988).
16. In the past, this song was performed as a ritualgreeting between the ghamiliotes who
had come to take the bride and the bride's family.
17. In the local tradition, that exploits the double meaning of the term vasilikos (literal-
ly, both "basil"and "royal,""worth of a king"), basil is considered to be the plant of the king
(vasilias).
18. This technique is also used sometimes in Byzantine chant, akritika songs, and oth-
er Greek repertoires. See Baud-Bovy 1983:22-23; Konstantinos 1995; Caraveli 1982.
19. The Awlad 'Ali not only fragment the verse (in this case a verse consists of fifteen
syllables) and repeat the fragments a number of times, but the order of words is also reversed,
hence accentuating the cryptic character of poetic communication. "The number of repeti-
tions is variable, based on the whim and mood of the singer, and there is much room for in-
dividual play in highlighting the language, creating suspense, and manipulatingemotional tone
and intensity. The only general rule about word order is that all but the first word of the sec-
ond hemistich are always sung first, followed by the words of the first hemistich, and, near
the end, the whole song from beginning to end including the missing first word of the sec-
ond hemistich is sung more or less in the correct order" (Abu-Lughod 1986:179-80).
20. Stelios Lainakis,personal communication. In Crete, shooting during feasts is a wide-
spread practice.
21. The current sousta in Nomos Hanion (different from the roumatiani sousta, typical
exclusively of the area of Roumata) is a dance performed by couples. The contemporary sir-
tos is normally a very aggregative dance in which women and children also participate. Inci-
dentally, in the Nomos Hanion dances have not been influenced so far by staged presentations
of folk dances performed by "folk dance ballet" ensembles, as in other Greek places (see
Petrides 1989:156).
22. Crete paid a heavy price for its strategic position, and was repeatedly invaded and
periodically conquered. The Romansoccupied Crete from 67 BC until 300 AD. From330, Crete
was a Byzantine province and enjoyed a period of prosperity until 824, when the Saracens
occupied the island and set it up as an independent Arab state with contemporary Iraklion as
its capital. For four centuries (from 1210), the Venetians consolidated their dominion over
the island. In 1669, the Turks managed to occupy Crete after the twenty-one-year siege of
Iraklion. A period of bloody uprisings and Cretan revolts followed, culminating in the revolu-
tion of 1895. Following the intervention of the European Powers, Crete was declared an au-
tonomous state in 1898. In 1913, thanks to Eleftherios Venizelos, who played a leading role
in the political life of Greece, the annexation of the island by Greece was completed.
23. The violinist Kostas Papadakisfrom Kastelli is one of the most authoritative sources
on oral tradition, and has reconstructed the history of baniotika dances according to local
tradition (Papadakis 1989). For an account of his life-story see Magrini 1997.
24. Designation for the Greeks under Ottoman rule.
25. For a discussion of the akritika songs see Herzfeld 1982:118-22.
26. Pallikarimeans literally "valiant."According to Campbell, "This term expressed the
ideal of the hero warrior with physical strength and assertive courage in the very flower of
his youth whose life at every moment was at risk in the defense of his honor" (Campbell
1992:136; see also Campbell 1964:278-82). In the rizitika, the term andriomenos is also of-
ten used to mean a valiant, brave man.
27. Once more, the Nomos Hanion contrasts with the rest of the island, where the lira
(a small pear-shaped three-string fiddle, held upright and played by stopping the strings from
the side with fingernails) is predominant. From the 1950s, the nationalistic politics adopted
in Greece-which also concerned music-hindered the practice of playing violin in the No-
mos Hanion, since the instrument was interpreted solely as a legacy of Venetian domination
and as evidence of cultural contamination, ignoring how its use was central to the develop-
ment of the rich local repertory of sirta (see Magrini 1981, 1997).
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Manhood and Music in Western Crete: Contemplating Death

Author(s): Tullia Magrini

Manhood and Music in Western Crete:

In memory of Vassilis Kartsonakis, great singer and dear friend

? 2000 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

I fili otan tha smiksoune i thalassa foundoni

fundamental elements of what may be defined as the musical poetics of

Conflict and Alliance in the Lives of Shepherds

raid required a counter-raid and a sequence of theoretically endless recip-

of a patrigroup (e.g. breaking a betrothal, seduction, rape, bride-theft, adul-

1972; Magrini2000). They always imply a collective performance based on

1) rizitiko song'2 [English translation begins on p. 439.]

13) rizitiko song

26) tabakhaniotiko song

From one side of the hall even to the other

I no longer dream because I'm sick with worry

May the foundation of this house never crack

My friends I hold in high esteem

A man should be watchful and take care

O wine, I drink you with a good heart, but you do me wrong

doned in the following mandinadhes, to return to the underlying theme of

in the context of a paneyiri is thus atypical. However, it is probably a proof

Group and Individual

Example 1. "Threfet' o pefkos"

thre fe t'o pe e thre fe

e t'o pe thre fe t'o pe fko

sta you na na e kio e e

khio nia thre fe te kie e thre fe

e te kie thre fe te kie na s

nio ska lo sna e ne thre

fe te kie thre fe te kie na s nio ska los

nication (understood as a means of psychic integration and interpersonal

paneyiri are improvised by a performer and hence repeated, according to

Example 2. "Ela m' allo praghma dhen kherome"

e la m'allo pra ghma dhen

khe ro me a llopraghmadhen khe ro me ston

san tinpa re a tin ka li on de tha vro na ka no

In the Nomos Hanion, attention to both collective and individualdimen-

Manhood and Death

When the weatherwill clear up, so that the winds mightstop

Oh unluckyCretanpeople, what have you endured!

Furthermore,the songs of the repertory of the Rizes are endowed with

"Heyyou who descendedfrom the world of the living

. 1997. "Repertoriesand Identities of a Musician from Crete."Ethnomusicology Online

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