Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Interpretation
Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 brill.nl/bi
Timothy Beal
Case Western Reserve University
Abstract
After highlighting the substantial gains made by the reception historical approach, this
article proceeds to point out some of its inherent limitations, particularly when applied
to biblical texts. In attending to the material-aesthetic dimensions of biblical texts,
media, and ideas of the Bible, especially in dialogue with anthropological, material-
historical, and media-historical approaches, these limitations become acute and call
for a harder cultural turn than is possible from a strictly reception-historical approach.
is article proposes to move beyond reception history to cultural history, from
research into how biblical texts and the Bible itself are received to how they are cultur-
ally produced as discursive objects. Such a move would involve a double turn in the
focus of biblical scholarship and interpretation: from hermeneutical reception to cul-
tural production, and from interpreting scripture via culture to interpreting culture,
especially religious culture, via its productions of scripture. As such, it would bring
biblical research into fuller and more significant dialogue with other fields of com-
parative scriptural studies, religious studies, and the academic humanities and social
sciences in general.
Keywords
reception history, cultural history, hermeneutics, media history, material scripture,
Jauss, Gadamer, Foucault, Wilfred Canwell Smith, Jonathan Z. Smith
Four decades ago, Qurʾanic scholar Wilfred Cantwell Smith called atten-
tion to the new vistas that were opening for biblical scholarship thanks
to the emergence of departments of religious studies within institutions
of “the liberal arts,” that is, colleges of humanities and social sciences.1
1)
W.C. Smith, “e Study of Religion and the Study of the Bible,” JAAR 39 (1971),
pp. 131-40; see also What Is Scripture? A Comparative Approach (Minneapolis: For-
tress, 1993).
2)
W.C. Smith, pp. 132-33.
3)
W.C. Smith, pp. 133-34.
4)
W.C. Smith, p. 133; italics added.
5)
J.Z. Smith, “Religion and the Bible,” Journal of Biblical Literature 128 (2009),
pp. 5-27.
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 359
6)
J.F.A. Sawyer, who has been a leading influence on its development over the past
two decades, defines it simply as “the history of how a text has influenced communities
and cultures down the centuries,” in Sacred Language and Sacred Texts (London: Rout-
ledge, 1999), p. 2.
7)
Prime examples of reception-historical studies of biblical books are the Blackwell
Bible Commentaries: rough the Centuries; abundant examples of reception-histor-
ical studies of biblical characters across the centuries are available in H.-J. Klauck,
B. McGinn, P. Mendes-Flohr, C.-L. Seow, and H. Spieckermann (eds.), e Encyclo-
pedia of the Bible and Its Reception, vol. 1, Aaron-Aniconism (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
2009).
8)
I refer to the excellent example by S. Mailloux, “Ideological Rhetoric and Bible
Politics: Fuller Reads Douglass,” in Reception Histories: Rhetoric, Pragmatism, and
American Cultural Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), which examines
Margaret Fuller’s 1845 review of Frederick Douglass’s Narrative in relation to concur-
rent conflicting interpretations of particular biblical texts, slave narratives, secular and
religious newspapers, and philosophical and political treatises concerning slavery.
360 T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372
9)
Cf. J. Muilenberg, “Form Criticism and Beyond,” Journal of Biblical Literature, 88
(1969), pp. 1-18. Echoes of that essay are intentional.
10)
See also the books in the series, Afterlives of the Bible, co-edited by Tod Linafelt
and myself, and published by the University of Chicago Press from 2004 to 2009.
Most of its titles, including our co-edited Mel Gibson’s Bible: Religion, Popular Culture,
and e Passion of the Christ, could justifiably be included in the growing bibliogra-
phy of reception-historical biblical research. In fact, J.Z. Smith, p. 23, specifically
mentions this series as an example of biblical reception history, quoting the following
from our original prospectus to the press: “Books in the series will not simply read the
Bible ‘backward’ toward its hypothetical origins but read it ‘forward,’ invigorating the
study of biblical literature by opening it towards issues, approaches, and literatures
lying outside the current disciplinary confines of biblical scholarship.”
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 361
… the relationship of work to work must now be brought into this interaction
between work and mankind, and the historical coherence of works among
themselves must be seen in the interrelations of production and reception. Put
another way: literature and art only obtain a history that has the character of a
process when the succession of works is mediated not only through the producing
subject but also through the consuming subject—through the interaction of
author and public.12
11)
See esp. H.R. Jauss, “Literary History as a Challenge to Literary eory,” New
Literary History 1 (1970), pp. 7-37, which is a translation of chapters V-XII of Liter-
aturgeschichte als Provokation der Literaturwissenschaft (Konstanz, 1967). It is included,
along with other related essays, in Toward an Aesthetic of Reception (trans. T. Bahti;
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982).
12)
Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic, p. 15; cf. Mailloux, p. 75: “An act of reading is precisely
the historical intersection of the different cultural rhetorics for interpreting such texts
within the social practices of particular historical communities.” Roughly contempo-
rary with Jauss’s development of his aesthetics, Julia Kristeva’s theory of intertextuality,
which conceives of every text as a “field of transpositions of various signifying systems,”
emphasizes the point that a text’s in “original” creation is likewise an event of produc-
tion and reception. See J. Kristeva, Revolution in Poetic Language (abridged; trans.
M. Waller; New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 60.
362 T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372
13)
Jauss, “Literary History,” p. 8
14)
Jauss, “Literary History,” p. 24.
15)
H.-G. Gadamer, Truth and Method (trans. J. Weinsheimer and D.G. Marshall;
New York: Continuum, 1989); first published as Warheit und Methode (Tübingen,
1960). e principle of Wirkungsgeschichte and the concept of the fusion of horizons
are summarized in William E. Deal and Timothy Beal, eory for Religious Studies
(New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. 77-78, and helpfully explicated vis-à-vis biblical
studies in U. Luz, “e Contribution of Reception History to a eology of the New
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 363
these texts but also the vested interests and conflicts of interpretation
therein, interests and conflicts that begin within texts themselves.
20)
e discovery of meaning in biblical texts, whether such meaning is pursued his-
torical-critically, in terms of their “original” historical context, or literary-critically, in
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 365
Yet, I wish to argue that reception history per se does not, indeed
cannot, carry biblical studies far enough into a reengagement with com-
parative scriptures and therefore academic religious studies. I wish to
identify three specific limitations, all of which are inherent to its theo-
retical and methodological framework in philosophical hermeneutics.
e first two limitations are, in my view, general limitations of recep-
tion history in any field, whereas the last and most serious limitation
is specific to biblical studies. All of them are brought to light most
clearly when we take into account the material and medial dimensions
of scriptures, past and present.
First, the reception historical approach conceives of the received work
primarily, if not exclusively, in terms of literary content, that is, as
immaterial, disembodied words that are embodied and given material
form through the production-reception dialectic on different horizons
of meaning—words made flesh, so to speak, in different effective-his-
torical contexts. Rooted in philosophical hermeneutics, whose own his-
tory has roots in biblical hermeneutics, reception history remains
oriented towards the interpretation of words and the Word. To be sure,
reception history can and does examine the material forms and embod-
ied actions that those words take in the process of reception, and there
are many fine examples of that sort of research in biblical reception his-
tory.21 But its hermeneutical orientation leaves little if any room for
the materiality and mediality of scriptures themselves, and how that
light of their aesthetic qualities, has been the primary aim of academic biblical studies,
especially in the United States, where its most influential disciplinary centers have
emerged from and in relation to educational institutions established to serve religious
bodies.
21)
See, e.g., the model works D.M. Gunn: “Colonialism and the Vagaries of Scrip-
ture: Te Kooti in Canaan (A Story of Bible and Dispossession in Aotearoa/New
Zealand),” in T. Linafelt and T.K. Beal (eds.), God in the Fray: A Tribute to Walter
Brueggemann (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), pp. 127-142; and “Covering David:
Michelangelo’s David from the Piazza della Signoria to My Refrigerator Door,” D.M.
Gunn and P.M. McNutt (eds.), ‘Imagining’ Biblical Worlds: Spatial, Social and His-
torical Constructs in Honor of James W. Flanagan (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
2002), pp. 139-70. ese and other works by Gunn begin to move beyond reception
history proper and toward what I will call cultural history of scriptures, examining
different forms of what I call the “sacred capital” of scriptures in different cultural
366 T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372
contexts (Timothy Beal, e Rise and Fall of the Bible: e Unexpected History of an
Accidental Book [New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011], pp. 75-78).
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 367
22)
Note, moreover, that Jauss’s own economic language, quoted earlier, is figurative:
“consuming subject” is a metaphor for the reader attending to the work; and “systems”
of “literary production” refer to the processes of production of literary meanings, not
of literary things.
23)
J. Barr, Biblical eology: An Old Testament Perspective (Minneapolis: Fortress,
1999), p. 447; italics added.
24)
Cf. a kindred uneasy vagueness in Luz’s description, p. 123, of the focus of New
Testament reception history on “the reception of biblical texts in periods subsequent
to New Testament times.”
25)
As early as 1965, in his presidential address to the Society of Biblical Literature,
K.W. Clark asked “if there really was a stable text at the beginning,” or at least whether
it “remained stable long enough to hold a priority.” e address was published a year
later as “e eological Relevance of Textual Variation in Current Criticism of the
Greek New Testament,” Journal of Biblical Literature 85 (1966), pp. 1-16. On textual
criticism and the question of a common original source in Jewish Scriptures, especially
in light of Dead Sea Scrolls discoveries, see E. Tov, “Textual Criticism (OT),” e
Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 6, pp. 393-412. Much earlier, P.E. Kahle, “Untersuchun-
gen zur Geschicthe des Pentateuchtextes,” eologische Studien und Kritiken 88 (1915),
pp. 399-439, argued that there was no “Ur-text” (single original text), but rather mul-
tiple versions of Jewish Scriptures (Vulgärtexte) from the earliest times. He did so based
on rabbinical quotations and differences among Aramaic, Greek, and Hebrew versions
known before the discoveries at Qumran. Tov partially disagrees with Kahle and his
followers, arguing that there was an Ur-text, which he defines as the “finalized literary
368 T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372
for which version or canon? Where and when is the starting point, when
finalization is completed and reception begins? After the early second
century, when the latest Christian texts now in the canon were writ-
ten? In the fourth century, when Athanasius’s Easter letter gives the
earliest known list of scriptures that matches the canon as we now know
it? (Surely Athanasius would not have asserted that list if there had not
been other contenders.) After Jerome’s Vulgate? After that Vulgate was
more or less standardized, “finalized,” centuries later? Would that mean
Jerome and other early theologians, not to mention rabbinic scholars,
would be pre-reception-historical? ese questions, of course, are already
severely limiting of the many possible forms of finalization, presuming
as they do that “the Bible” refers to a Christian canon of scriptures.
e problems are clear even when we focus narrowly on trying to
identify a finalized, reception-ready version of the literary content of a
Christian canon of scriptures. When we broaden our scope to attend to
the material history of scriptures, they become far more glaring. Indeed,
if there is one thing the material history of Bibles makes extremely clear,
it is that there is no such thing as the Bible, and there never has been.
ere is no Gadamerian or Jaussian other horizon of “the text” to be
received and understood within effective history. e Bible is not a
thing but an idea, or rather a constellation of often competing, hetero-
geneous ideas, more or less related to a wide variety of material bibli-
cal things. Truly overwhelming evidence of this fact may be found even
within print culture among the many thousands of widely varied Bibles
archived in the special collections of the American Bible Society in New
York; or in the descriptions of various biblical contents and forms in
T.H. Darlowe and F.H. Moule’s Historical Catalogue of the Printed Edi-
tions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Soci-
ety.26 ere is no “e Bible,” only “the Bibles,” a paradoxical construct
product which incorporated the last recognizable literary editing of the book.” Yet he
recognizes that other versions (earlier editions, for example) would not have disap-
peared at that point, and so there were, even then, multiple versions. Moreover, he sees
subsequent generations of scribes making various changes, intentional and uninten-
tional, to that Ur-text, so that the period of the early first century was one of great
textual variety.
26)
T.H. Darlowe and F.H. Moule, Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy
Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society (London: e Bible
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 369
I use here to highlight the material and literary manyness of the one
and only Bible. All that to say, “reception” of what, which, and from
whence?
Behind this problem lies a partial misconstruing of Gadamer’s
Wirkungsgechichte as “history of effects” or “impacts” rather than “effec-
tive history.” “History of effects” invites biblical scholars to offer his-
torical narratives of the effects or impacts or influences of biblical texts
through time. But, as Luz rightly points out, “effective history” is the
better translation, insofar as Gadamer’s aim was to challenge “histori-
cal objectivity that is satisfied with the reconstruction of the ‘historical
horizon’ of a text of the past only … History [as Wirkungsgeschichte] is
for him the basic element that enables our life. History is effective,
because we owe to it almost everything we are: our culture, our lan-
guage, our questions and our worldviews” (124-25). Gadamer’s phi-
losophy of effective history therefore does not lend itself to the reception
history of the Bible or any “work.” Yes, his hermeneutics describes
interpretation as a process of fusion of horizons, but Wirkungsgeschichte
is not the history of those processes, let alone the history of those pro-
cesses on a single work, biblical or otherwise, through time. His effec-
tive history is not a historical narrative but a conception of subjective
history. ere is no effective history of something. It’s all Wirkungsge-
schichte all the way down. at is certainly true of the Bible, which is
not only received through the centuries in different cultural contexts
but is also variously made and remade within these contexts, driven as
much by more or less conscious ideological struggles as by commercial
competition.
House, 1903-11). Based on this work and the collections of the American Bible Soci-
ety, I provide many examples from the wide variety of form, format, and content
published as “the Bible” in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries in e Rise and Fall of
the Bible, pp. 131-144.
370 T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372
27)
Lynn Hunt, “Introduction: History, Culture, Text,” and Patricia O’Brien, “Michel
Foucault’s History of Culture,” in Lynn Hunt (ed.), e New Cultural History (Berke-
ley: University of California Press, 1989). Michel Foucault’s genealogical interest in
historicizing how “truth effects” are produced within particular cultural discourses is
central to cultural history as discussed below.
T. Beal / Biblical Interpretation 19 (2011) 357-372 371
Jonathan Z. Smith have advocated, but it will also maintain the mate-
rial and medial dimensions of the Bible and the biblical, especially inso-
far as these terms are culturally linked to ideas of the book and print,
as we discussed earlier. Indeed, today, beholding the twilight of book
culture and the dawn of digital network culture, and wondering what
on earth might come next, we are aware more than ever before in the
history of critical biblical research and interpretation of the inextrica-
bility of message and medium, word and thing, reception and produc-
tion.