In te rn a ti o na l Jo u rn a l o f Ph i lo so p h ic a l S t ud i es Vol .

1 0 (2 ) , 1 3 1 – 1 49

1
2 Power, Subjectivity, and Agency:
3
4 Between Arendt and Foucault
5
6
7
Amy Allen
8
9 Abstract
10 The author argues for bringing the work of Michel Foucault and Hannah
11 Arendt into dialogue with respect to the links between power, subjectivity,
12 and agency. Although one might assume that Foucault and Arendt come from
1113 such radically different philosophical starting points that such a dialogue
14 would be impossible, the author argues that there is actually a good deal of
common ground to be found between these two thinkers. Moreover, the
15 author suggests that Foucault’s and Arendt’s divergent views about the role
16 that power plays in the constitution of subjectivity and agency should be seen
17 as complementary rather than opposed.
18 Keywords: power; subjectivity; agency; Arendt; Foucault; Habermas
19
20
21 Connections between the work of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault are
22 being noted with increasing frequency as the current Arendt renaissance
23 reaches its apex. However, up to this point, their work has not been brought
24 into a serious and sustained dialogue. One possible explanation for this fact
25 is that it is assumed that Arendt and Foucault are on entirely different
26 metaphysical and epistemological planes. Indeed, at Žrst glance, the dif-
27 ferences between their philosophical assumptions and theoretical, not to
28 mention political, agendas are striking: Foucault is an anti-metaphysical,
29 anti-essentialist post-structuralist, whereas Arendt’s Aristotelianism seems
30 to commit her both to essentialism and to metaphysics; Foucault is the
31 prophet of post-modern bodies and pleasures, whereas Arendt is the cham-
32 pion of the pre-modern polis; Žnally, in life, Foucault was often on the side
33 of the post-modern left, whereas Arendt seemed, at times, dangerously
34 close to the anti-modern right. Taken together, these considerations make
35 it difŽcult to see how the insights of these two thinkers can be brought
36 together in a coherent and convincing way.
37 However, this initial characterization is altogether too hasty. For one
38 thing, although Arendt’s philosophical lineage can be traced back to
39 Aristotle and Augustine, her work is also heavily inuenced by the work
40 of Kant, Nietzsche, and Heidegger – three thinkers who left an indelible
41
1142
43 International Journal of Philosophical Studies
ISSN 0967–2559 print 1466–4542 online © 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd
44 http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
DOI: 10.1080/0967255021012143 2
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1 mark on Foucault.1 Similarly (and perhaps surprisingly), in volume 1 of

2 The Life of the Mind, Arendt notes rather matter-of-factly that she
3 has ‘clearly joined the ranks of those who for some time now have
4 been attempting to dismantle metaphysics, and philosophy with all its cate-
5 gories, as we have known them from their beginning in Greece until
6 today’.2 Thus, it isn’t obvious that her philosophical starting point is that
7 different from Foucault’s anti-metaphysical stance. Finally, the number of
8 themes and concerns that are common to both Arendt and Foucault is
9 striking: they share a commitment to historicizing philosophical inquiry, a
10 rejection of Hegelian/Marxist philosophy of history, a critique of normal-
11 ization and mass society, an appeal to an aesthetic model as the basis for
12 ethical or political judgment,3 a rejection of traditional metaphysical
13 accounts of truth and foundationalist epistemologies, and, Žnally, a central
14 concern with the interrelationships among the concepts of power, subject-
15 ivity, and agency. It is the last of these shared concerns that I shall focus
16 on in what follows. My aim is to bring Arendt and Foucault into dia-logue
17 on the question of the relationship between power, subjectivity, and agency
18 and to see what of value we might learn about this relationship from such
19 a dialogue.
20 Let me note at the outset that, although Arendt and Foucault develop
21 different ways of conceptualizing power, each conception is ultimately
22 rooted in a critique of one and the same understanding of power, an
23 understanding that Foucault labels the juridical model and Arendt refers
24 to as the command–obedience model.4 This model equates power with
25 the rule of law and presupposes that the paradigmatic power relation is
26 that by which a sovereign imposes his will on his subjects. When power
27 is conceived of in this way, the primary sphere in which power is seen as
28 operating is that of the State. Furthermore, insofar as this model views
29 the exercise of power as the imposition of the will of a powerful indi-
30 vidual on that of a powerless one, it tends to conceive power as a
31 fundamentally restrictive, repressive, negative force. As Arendt puts it,
32 the command–obedience model rests on the assumptions that power ‘is
33 an instrument of rule’,5 that ‘the essence of power is the effectiveness of
34 command’,6 and ‘that men can lawfully and politically live together only
35 when some are entitled to command and the others forced to obey’.7
36 Similarly, Foucault claims that this model views power in terms of ‘an
37 essentially negative power, presupposing on the one hand a sovereign
38 whose role is to forbid and on the other a subject who must somehow
39 effectively say yes to this prohibition’.8 Both Foucault and Arendt begin
40 their own analyses of power by challenging this notion of power as
41 sovereignty; in short, both strive to cut off the head of the King.
42 Foucault has two main complaints about the juridical model of power.
43 First, he is critical of its assumption that power is restricted to a very
44 limited sphere within social and political life. On this model, power resides
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1 in the hands of the sovereign and is extended outward in social space

2 only by being wielded over individuals in and through the sovereign’s
3 commands. As a result, it is assumed, rather optimistically, that wherever
4 individuals are out of the reach of the sovereign, they are free from power.
5 Foucault’s aim is to invert this mode of analysis, and, in so doing, to call
6 attention to ‘not the domination of the King in his central position, . . .
7 but that of his subjects in their mutual relations: not the uniform ediŽce
8 of sovereignty, but the multiple forms of subjugation that have a place
9 and function within the social organism’.9 In order to accomplish this aim,
10 the analysis of power
11
12 should not concern itself with the regulated and legitimate forms of
13 power in their central locations, with the general mechanisms through
14 which they operate. . . . On the contrary, it should be concerned with
15 power at its extremities, with those points where it becomes capillary,
16 that is, in its more regional forms and institutions.10
17
18 Of course, this methodological resolution does not commit Foucault to
19 denying that there are regulated (and perhaps even legitimate?) forms of
20 power in those central locations; all it does commit him to is the claim
21 that the peripheral relations of domination and subjugation that are
22 obscured by a narrow focus on such legitimate forms must also be given
23 their due.
24 Foucault’s second major criticism of the juridical model is that it views
25 power as an essentially negative, repressive, and prohibitive force. Accord-
26 ing to Foucault, the juridical conception of power ‘enables power never to
27 be thought of in other than negative terms: refusal, limitation, obstruction,
28 censorship. Power is what says no.’11 And, once again, Foucault maintains
29 that this only tells part of the story. As he put it in a 1977 interview:
30
31 If power were never anything but repressive, if it never did anything
32 but to say no, do you really think one would be brought to obey it?
33 What makes power hold good, what makes it accepted, is simply the
34 fact that it doesn’t only weigh on us as a force that says no, but that
35 it traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms knowledge,
36 produces discourse.12
37
38 Again, it is important to notice here that Foucault does not say that power
39 never functions repressively, nor does he say that the repressive function
40 of power is unimportant or uninteresting. On the contrary, his point is
41 simply that the repressive model is too narrow (power ‘doesn’t only weigh
42 on us as a force that says no’; my italics).
43 In the wake of these criticisms, Foucault introduces a new model for
44 the study of power, one that views power as diffuse and capillary,
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1 omnipresent, and both productive and repressive. However, this is not to

2 say that Foucault’s aim is to eradicate the juridical model which views
3 power as sovereign and repressive and replace it with the disciplinary
4 model which views it as peripheral and productive. Instead, he maintains
5 that both juridical and disciplinary power are endemic to contemporary
6 Western societies, and strives to expose the ways in which the former has
7 come to obscure the latter. According to Foucault, disciplinary power
8 ‘ought by rights to have led to the disappearance of the grand juridical
9 ediŽce created by that theory’.13 But this is precisely what hasn’t happened.
10 Instead, the notion of sovereignty has been superimposed upon disciplin-
11 ary techniques in such a way that the dark and nefarious nature of these
12 techniques has been concealed. In the modern era, sovereign power has
13 not disappeared, but has simply changed forms: no longer vested solely
14 in the person of the King, it has been democratized, transformed into the
15 foundational and legitimating power of the people, a power that is codi-
16 Žed in the principle of popular sovereignty. However, this democratization
17 has functioned to conceal the disciplinary power that is actually the seamy
18 underside of such democratized sovereign, juridical power. As Foucault
19 puts it:
20
21 in our own times power is exercised simultaneously through this right
22 [grounded in the notion of popular sovereignty] and these [disciplin-
23 ary] techniques and . . . these techniques and these discourses, to
24 which the disciplines give rise, invade the area of right so that the
25 procedures of normalisation come to be ever more constantly
26 engaged in the colonisation of those of law.14
27
28 The colonisation of sovereignty puts us in a difŽcult position if we want
29 to criticize the effects of disciplinary power, since according to Foucault
30 the only resources we have to do so are those provided by a theory of
31 right that is itself grounded in the notion of sovereignty. Thus, Foucault
32 notes,
33
34 [i]f one wants to look for a non-disciplinary form of power, or rather,
35 to struggle against disciplines and disciplinary power, it is not towards
36 the ancient right of sovereignty that one should turn, but towards the
37 possibility of a new form of right, one which must indeed be anti-
38 disciplinarian, but at the same time liberated from the principle of
39 sovereignty.15
40
41 In keeping with his second criticism, Foucault maintains that power
42 involves more than constraint and repression. For Foucault, power is both
43 productive and repressive, both enabling and constraining. Moreover, it
44 is the intertwining of the productive and repressive aspects of power that
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1 is the key to understanding the relationship between power, subjectivity,

2 and agency in Foucault’s work. Foucault became famous for claiming that
3 the individual subject is one of the primary effects of this productive/
4 repressive, enabling/constraining power. The juridical model, given its
5 assumption that power is always and only repressive, could only conceive
6 of the individual who is subject to the power of the sovereign as ‘a sort of
7 elementary nucleus, a primitive atom, a multiple and inert material on
8 which power comes to fashion or against which it happens to strike, and in
9 so doing subdues or crushes [the individual]’.16 In other words, the juridi-
10 cal model presupposes a conception of the individual subject/agent as a
11 fully formed, stable and uniŽed entity that then gets caught up in power
12 relations which are external to its own constitution. By contrast, in
13 Foucault’s view,
14
15 it is already one of the prime effects of power that certain bodies,
16 certain gestures, certain discourses, certain desires, come to be iden-
17 tiŽed and constituted as individuals. The individual, that is, is not
18 the vis-à-vis of power; it is, I believe, one of its prime effects.17
19
20 For Foucault, individual subjects/agents don’t come into the world fully
21 formed; they are constituted in and through a set of social relations, all of
22 which, as I noted above, are imbued with power. Thus, power is a key ele-
23 ment in the very formation of individuals. For Foucault, individuals are sub-
24 jected, and this in a dual sense; they are subjected to the complex, multiple,
25 shifting relations of power in their social Želd and at the same time are
26 enabled to take up the position of a subject in and through those rela-
27 tions. In other words, for Foucault, power is a condition for the possibility
28 of individual subjectivity.
29 Unfortunately, Foucault himself isn’t very careful with the distinction
30 between subjectivity and agency; he tends to use the two terms almost
31 interchangeably. However, it seems clear to me that subjectivity is a
32 precondition for agency; after all, one cannot have the ability or capacity
33 to act without having the ability or capacity to deliberate, that is, without
34 being a thinking subject. Thus, if power is a condition for the possibility
35 of subjectivity for Foucault, then it will follow that it would be a condi-
36 tion for the possibility of agency as well. Foucault indicates that he might
37 accept such a view when he speaks of the exercise of power as
38
39 a total structure of actions brought to bear upon possible actions; it
40 incites, it induces, it seduces, it makes easier or more difŽcult; in the
41 extreme it constrains or forbids absolutely; it is nevertheless always
42 a way of acting upon an acting subject or acting subjects by virtue
43 of their acting or being capable of action.18
44
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1 Many of Foucault’s critics take him to be committed to the death of the

2 subject and thus to a denial of the possibility of agency. The interpreta-
3 tion of Foucault that I am suggesting here counters this standard reading;
4 I submit that Foucault’s claim that the individual is an effect of power
5 does not commit him to the much stronger claim that the individual is
6 merely or nothing more than an effect of power. Instead, my interpreta-
7 tion of Foucault suggests that his account of power offers an analysis
8 of the historically and culturally speciŽc conditions of possibility for sub-
9 jectivity and agency in modern, Western, industrialized societies. And
10 although I would agree that the account of subjectivity and agency that
11 Foucault offers is not fully adequate (for reasons I shall discuss below),
12 I would nonetheless insist that the claim that Foucault embraces the death
13 of the subject and a denial of agency is incorrect and based on an over-
14 reaction to things he actually said.19
15 Like Foucault, Arendt begins with a critique of the juridical or, to use
16 her terminology, command–obedience model of power. Also like Foucault,
17 Arendt has two main criticisms of this model. First, she claims that the
18 model leads its adherents to misconstrue the nature of politics by reifying
19 the messiness and uncertainty that are an ineradicable element of the polit-
20 ical into the calm stability of the rule of some over others. She argues that
21 the command–obedience model came about when two interdependen t
22 aspects of action – beginning or leading (archein) and seeing an action
23 through or achieving (prattein) – were separated. When this happened,
24 the beginner or leader became the ruler who gives commands, and action
25 became identiŽed with the mere seeing through or executing of those
26 commands on the part of his subjects that was originally characteristic
27 of prattein.20 According to Arendt, this separation of the originary unity of
28 action into ruling on the one hand and obeying on the other represents
29 nothing less than an escape from politics altogether.21
30 In other words, once power began to be understood on the command–
31 obedience model and action began accordingly to be identiŽed with the
32 execution of the ruler’s commands, the true natures of action and power
33 were covered over and forgotten. One of Arendt’s main aims in her locus
34 classicus, The Human Condition, is to recover the originary understanding
35 of action as beginning something anew, an understanding which is bound up
36 with the human condition of natality – the sheer fact that all human beings
37 are born into this world. According to Arendt, ‘the new beginning inherent
38 in birth can make itself felt in the world only because the newcomer pos-
39 sesses the capacity of beginning something anew, that is, of acting’.22 In other
40 words, natality derives its signiŽcance from the fact that the newcomer is
41 capable of action. Arendt claims that the converse holds as well; the impulse
42 to act, to begin anew, is a function of the condition of natality: it ‘springs from
43 the beginning which came into the world when we were born and to which
44 we respond by beginning something anew on our own initiative’.23
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1 This beginning something anew that Arendt calls action is constitutive

2 of the individual as an agent. Action discloses who (as opposed to what)
3 the actor is: ‘In acting and speaking, men show who they are, reveal
4 actively their unique personal identities and thus make their appearance
5 in the human world.’24 This does not mean that action merely expresses
6 a pre-existing identity, nor does it mean that the identity of the actor is
7 purely performative;25 instead, the identity of the actor is in part consti-
8 tuted through the action itself. Indeed, Arendt’s account of the dialectical
9 constitution of the individual agent through action seems to preŽgure
10 Foucault’s account of the constitution of the subject through subjection.
11 She writes,
12
13 nobody is the author or producer of his own life story . . . the stories,
14 the results of action and speech, reveal an agent, but this agent is not
15 an author or producer. Somebody began it and is its subject in the
16 twofold sense of the word, namely its actor and sufferer, but nobody
17 is its author.26
18
19 On Arendt’s view, action is Janus-faced; one always acts and suffers simul-
20 taneously, and acts by virtue of suffering just as one suffers by virtue of
21 acting. By its very nature, action is unpredictable because actions produce
22 unintended consequences by being acted upon by others. As Arendt puts it,
23 ‘action acts upon beings who are capable of their own actions’; thus, ‘because
24 the actor always moves among and in relation to other acting beings, he is
25 never merely a “doer” but always and at the same time a sufferer. To do and
26 to suffer are like opposite sides of the same coin.’27 For Arendt, action
27 always takes place within a web of relationships with other actors,28 and it
28 serves to establish and maintain that web of relationships.29 Arendt’s agent
29 is always at the same time both sufferer and doer, both subject to the
30 constraints of the actions of others and made into a subject with the capac-
31 ity to act by the web of social relationships within which one must act.
32 Arendt’s recovery of the originary notion of action goes hand in hand
33 with her recovery of the originary notion of power, and this leads to her
34 second criticism of the command–obedience model of power. If power is
35 fundamentally about rule, then it follows that violence is only the most
36 extreme form of the exercise of power.30 Arendt rejects this conation of
37 power with violence; whereas violence relies on implements and is funda-
38 mentally instrumental in nature, power relies on numbers and is, Arendt
39 claims, an end in itself. Instead of viewing violence as an extreme mani-
40 festation of power, Arendt maintains that where violence reigns supreme,
41 power cannot be fully realized:
42
43 Power is actualized only where word and deed have not parted
44 company, where words are not empty and deeds not brutal, where
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1 words are not used to veil intentions but to disclose realities, and
2 deeds are not used to violate and destroy but to establish relations
3 and create new realities.31
4
5 Moreover, unlike the instruments of violence, which can be acquired
6 and stored up for future use, power is not a possession. Power, according
7 to Arendt, ‘exists only in its actualization’; it ‘is always . . . a power poten-
8 tial and not an unchangeable, measurable, and reliable entity’; it ‘springs
9 up between men when they act together and vanishes the moment they
10 disperse’.32 In other words, power is a function of collective action; it
11 emerges out of the kinds of actions that we engage in with others when
12 we strive to achieve common ends. However, while power is the result of
13 action (speciŽcally, collective action), it is also, in turn, a condition for the
14 possibility of action. Arendt maintains that power, deŽned as ‘the human
15 ability not just to act but to act in concert’,33 both makes possible and
16 preserves the public, political realm in which individuals act. As Arendt
17 puts it, ‘the political realm rises directly out of acting together, the “sharing
18 of words and deeds”. Thus action not only has the most intimate rela-
19 tionship to the public part of the world common to us all, but is the one
20 activity which constitutes it.’34 Acting together in concert is constitutive
21 of the public, political realm in which action itself takes place.
22 Insofar as one’s identity as an actor is only fully realized in and through
23 action in the public, political realm, and the public political realm is consti-
24 tuted by power, it turns out that, for Arendt, power is a condition for the
25 possibility of (the full achievement of) agency. In addition, Arendt main-
26 tains that power ‘preserves the public realm and the space of appearance,
27 . . . without power, the space of appearance brought forth through action
28 and speech in public will fade as rapidly as the living deed and the living
29 word’.35 For Arendt, power is generated continually through action in the
30 public space, which space power in turn both constitutes and preserves.
31 Thus, although power emerges out of individuals acting together, it also
32 makes possible such collective action by providing the space within which
33 such actions can be carried out. And, insofar as power is constitutive of
34 public space, it also serves as a precondition for agency, since one’s iden-
35 tity as an actor can only be fully achieved through action in public.
36 Moreover, in The Human Condition, Arendt goes beyond claiming that
37 power is a condition of possibility for agency: she also claims that it is a
38 condition of possibility for subjectivity itself. The conditions necessary for
39 being a thinking subject are only in place when there is a public space
40 constituted and preserved by the power that arises out of the sharing of
41 words and deeds. As Arendt puts it:
42
43 without a space of appearance and without trusting in action and
44 speech as a mode of being together, neither the reality of one’s self,
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1 nor the reality of the surrounding world can be established beyond

2 doubt. . . . The only character of the world by which to gauge its
3 reality is its being common to us all, and common sense . . . is the
4 one sense that Žts into reality as a whole our Žve strictly individual
5 senses and the strictly particular data they perceive.36
6
7 Even our ability to perceive and process sensory data, among the most
8 fundamental capacities of the thinking subject, is dependent upon our
9 common sense (sensus communis), and this common sense can only be
10 had if there is a common, public space in which such sense can be rooted.
11 Without an intact public space in which the world can be shared with a
12 plurality of others, the thinking subject’s common sense is eroded, and
13 the result is a dangerous distortion of its ability to perceive reality.37
14 In the essay ‘Truth and Politics’, Arendt describes the relationship
15 between thinking and the public sphere in similar terms. She notes that
16 ‘human reason needs communication with others and therefore publicity
17 for its own sake’; and quotes approvingly Kant’s claim that ‘the external
18 power that deprives man of the freedom to communicate his thoughts pub-
19 licly, deprives him at the same time of the freedom to think’.38 When we put
20 Arendt’s embrace in this essay of Kant’s view of public reason together
21 with her earlier analysis of the role that power plays in the constitution and
22 preservation of the public realm, the result, once again, is that the power
23 that constitutes and nourishes the public space is not just a condition for
24 the possibility of agency, but also a condition for the possibility of subjec-
25 tivity. However, things get a bit more complicated in this essay when Arendt
26 makes a distinction between political thinking, which is representative, and
27 thus involves taking into account (by literally re-presenting to my mind)
28 the standpoints of others before I arrive at my Žnal conclusions about what
29 opinion I should adopt, and philosophical thinking, which is solitary, and
30 thus involves a silent internal dialogue of me with myself which aims at the
31 truth (rather than ‘mere’ opinion). Arendt notes that ‘since philosophical
32 truth concerns man in his singularity, it is unpolitical by nature’.39 In ‘The
33 Crisis in Culture’, Arendt puts the distinction this way:
34
35 The power of judgment rests on a potential agreement with others,
36 and the thinking process which is active in judging something is not,
37 like the thought process of pure reasoning, a dialogue between me
38 and myself, but Žnds itself always and primarily, even if I am quite
39 alone in making up my mind, in an anticipated communication with
40 others with whom I know I must Žnally come to some agreement.40
41
42 Arendt goes on to make it clear that political thinking has its roots in the
43 sensus communis that Žts us into the common world with others whereas
44 philosophical thinking transcends common sense.41
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1 In The Life of the Mind, Arendt’s account of thinking grows still more
2 complex. Her earlier distinction between political and philosophical think-
3 ing has been sharpened and has assumed much greater prominence, such
4 that Arendt now equates the term ‘thinking’ exclusively with philosoph-
5 ical thinking and reserves the term ‘judgment’ for what she formerly called
6 political thought. The result is that, given what she has said about the
7 fundamentally solitary and unpolitical nature of philosophical thought, it
8 might seem as if her considered view is that power, understood as that
9 which constitutes, preserves, and nourishes the public space, is not a con-
10 dition for the possibility of such thought, though it certainly is for the
11 political thinking that she comes to call judgment. Even if this were true,
12 it would not be devastating for my thesis that power is, for Arendt, a
13 condition for the possibility not just of the agent but also of the think-
14 ing subject. I would simply point out, in response, that thinking is one of
15 three fundamental mental abilities that Arendt discusses in The Life
16 of the Mind, that, for Arendt, a subject is one who is capable of thinking,
17 willing, and judging (whereas an agent is one who is capable of action in
18 Arendt’s sense of beginning something anew), and that if power is a condi-
19 tion for the possibility of judging, then it is a condition for the possibility
20 of being a subject, even if it is unrelated to the activity of thinking,
21 construed in the narrow, philosophical sense. However, I would like to
22 maintain that it is still the case that there is an important relationship
23 between power as Arendt understands it and thinking even in the rela-
24 tively narrow sense in which she uses the term in The Life of the Mind.
25 In order to make this case, I shall have to look a bit more closely at
26 Arendt’s account of thinking.
27 The central distinction in this account is Kant’s distinction between rea-
28 son (Vernunft) and the intellect (Verstehen). Arendt reserves the term
29 ‘thinking’ for the operations of reason, which are speculative and which
30 aim not at truth but at meaning; the job of the intellect, by contrast, is mere
31 cognition or knowing of objects that are given to the senses, and thus the
32 intellect aims at truth (a true representation of the objects that appear).
33 Like Kant, Arendt wants to guard against the basic fallacy of ‘interpret[ing]
34 meaning on the model of truth’, which involves a conation of the opera-
35 tion of reason (thinking) with that of the intellect.42 The operations of the
36 intellect, like those of political thinking or judgment, are dependent upon
37 our common sense, which is in turn dependent upon the preservation of a
38 public space within which individuals can come together and act, which
39 is in turn dependent on power for its constitution and preservation. As
40 Arendt had maintained in The Human Condition, our very sense of reality
41 (which is a function of the intellect) is dependent upon others.43 Think-
42 ing (the operation of reason), by contrast, is not dependent (at least not
43 directly) on others. The questions raised by thinking cannot be answered
44 by common sense, and the activity of thinking itself, according to Arendt,
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1 necessarily involves a withdrawal from the common world that we share

2 with others.44
3 However, this is not the end of the story, for Arendt makes an impor-
4 tant connection between thinking and speech. The activity of thinking is
5 invisible; it can only become manifest through speech. Moreover, she goes
6 so far as to suggest that ‘thought without speech is inconceivable’,45 that
7 ‘no speechless thought can exist’,46 and that ‘language . . . enables us to
8 think’.47 Thus, it turns out that, like political thought (judgment) and the
9 intellect, ‘reason, too, wants communication and is likely to go astray if
10 deprived of it’.48 In other words, there is, in the end, an inherent connec-
11 tion between thinking (conceived of here in the narrow, philosophical
12 sense) and plurality, the fact that men and not Man inhabit the earth. This
13 connection is exempliŽed nicely by the fact that when we think, we carry
14 on a dialogue with ourselves, and thus we are split into a duality; as Arendt
15 puts it, ‘nothing perhaps indicates more strongly that man exists essen-
16 tially in the plural than that his solitude actualizes his merely being con-
17 scious of himself . . . into a duality during the thinking activity’.49 The
18 inherent duality of thinking, she goes on to say, ‘points to the inŽnite
19 plurality which is the law of the earth’.50
20 Not only does the activity of thinking point beyond itself to plurality, but
21 it also turns out that thinking, though not as directly a political faculty as
22 judging is, nonetheless has an irreducible political dimension. Thinking
23 is a dangerous activity, according to Arendt, in that it enables us to call into
24 question Žxed values and conventions. But if thinking is dangerous, non-
25 thinking is even more so. Non-thinking leads individuals to accept values
26 and conventions blindly, which means that a radically different code of
27 values or set of conventions can be substituted for the existing ones and
28 no one will complain or even much notice.51 In times such as this, the
29 importance of thinking comes to the fore:
30
31 When everybody is swept away unthinkingly by what everybody else
32 does and believes in, those who think are drawn out of hiding because
33 their refusal to join in is conspicuous and thereby becomes a kind
34 of action. In such emergencies, it turns out that the purging compo-
35 nent of thinking (Socrates’ midwifery, which brings out the implica-
36 tions of unexamined opinions and thereby destroys them – values,
37 doctrines, theories, and even convictions) is political by implication.
38 For this destruction has a liberating effect on another faculty, the
39 faculty of judgment, which one may with some reason call the most
40 political of man’s mental abilities.52
41
42 In other words, it turns out that pure, speculative, philosophical think-
43 ing is indeed linked to the public world that we share with others and
44 thus to the power that constitutes and preserves that public space in two
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1 ways: Žrst, thinking has a liberating effect on our faculty of political judg-
2 ment, in that it clears a space for judgment by calling into question received
3 values, opinions, and conventions; and second, because of the inherent
4 connection between speech and thought, thinking needs communication
5 with others which takes place in the public space that is constituted and
6 nourished by power to keep it from going astray.53 Thus power is for
7 Arendt, as it was for Foucault, a condition for the possibility of both
8 subjectivity and agency.
9 Let me make explicit the two broad similarities between Foucault’s and
10 Arendt’s political thought that I have been trying to draw out, similarities
11 which at the same time point to important differences. First, both Foucault
12 and Arendt reject the assumption that power is a thing or a kind of stuff
13 that can be acquired, stored up, and/or possessed by the sovereign and then
14 wielded in a negative or repressive fashion over his subjects in the form of
15 a legitimate or illegitimate exercise of the rule of law. Instead, each stresses
16 the relational nature of power, the fact that power emerges out of interac-
17 tions among agents and that it exists only in its exercise. Furthermore, they
18 agree that power is not merely negative or repressive; each insists on view-
19 ing power as, in some sense, a positive, productive force. However, for
20 Foucault, saying that power is positive and productive is not to say that it
21 is normatively positive. Instead, Foucault tends to view power in solely
22 strategic terms; in a late interview, he deŽnes relations of power as the
23 ‘means by which individuals try to conduct, to determine the behavior of
24 others’.54 Moreover, such strategic power relations are always normatively
25 suspect; to paraphrase Foucault, his point is not that power is always bad,
26 but that it is always dangerous. Arendt, by contrast, views power as solely
27 communicative (rather than strategic) and maintains that such commu-
28 nicative power relations are always normatively good (power, for Arendt,
29 is an end in itself).55 In short, though Foucault and Arendt have some
30 similar reasons for rejecting the juridical or command–obedience model
31 of power and though they share a similar view of how power circulates in
32 social space, they seem to have diametrically opposed views about power’s
33 normative valence.56
34 Second, Foucault and Arendt agree that power (strategic power, in the
35 case of Foucault, and communicative power, in the case of Arendt) is a
36 condition for the possibility of both agency and subjectivity. As I have
37 tried to show, each understands subjects/actors in a dual sense, as both
38 doers and sufferers, as sufferers because they are doers and as able to do
39 only insofar as they suffer. Moreover, each is committed to the view that
40 power plays a crucial role in the formation of individual subjects/agents.
41 To be sure, in keeping with his view of power as strategic and dangerous,
42 Foucault’s account of this relationship between power and subjectivity/
43 agency is a dark and disturbing one; it raises worries about whether it is
44 possible to break free of the forces that simultaneously constrain and
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1 enable us. By contrast, and in keeping with her view of power as commu-
2 nicative and an end in itself, Arendt’s account of this relationship is a
3 hopeful one; Arendt’s account of the relationship between power, subjec-
4 tivity, and agency offers a possible antidote to the peculiar evils of the
5 twentieth century – totalitarianism and the rise of what she calls mass
6 society.
7 In my view, provocative and insightful as Foucault’s and Arendt’s ways
8 of conceptualizing power are, each is unsatisfactory and inadequate on its
9 own. On the one hand, because Foucault views power in solely strategic
10 terms, it is impossible, using a strictly Foucaultian understanding of power,
11 to explain and analyse the power that binds together social movements –
12 the explosive and invigorating power of the people that is let loose in
13 revolutionary movements, that helped to bring down the wall in Eastern
14 Europe, 57 and that emerged recently in protests against the World Trade
15 Organization. 58 In short, it is impossible to have a strictly Foucaultian
16 account of what I would call solidarity. The account of solidarity that I
17 defend presupposes that power can emerge out of concerted, reciprocal,
18 consensual action, whereas Foucault himself insisted that power as he
19 understands it ‘is not a function of consent’59 and, although it ‘can be the
20 result of a prior or permanent consent . . . it is not by nature the manifes-
21 tation of a consensus’.60 Of course, it is precisely this analysis of power as
22 the manifestation of a consensus that is at the heart of Arendt’s account.
23 However, this account has its own difŽculties. As I noted above, Arendt
24 views power as an end in itself, and thus as an intrinsically normatively pos-
25 itive phenomenon. But since Arendt equates power in this sense with action
26 and, thus, with the domain of the political itself, she tends to neglect ways
27 of exercising power that are oriented toward strategic or nefarious ends.
28 As Jürgen Habermas has put the point, Arendt’s analysis of power ‘screens
29 all strategic elements, as force, out of politics’.61 Although Habermas
30 praises Arendt for recognizing that ‘strategic contests for political power
31 neither call forth nor maintain those institutions in which that power is
32 anchored’,62 he nevertheless worries that Arendt’s attempt to exclude
33 strategic action from the domain of the political altogether paints too
34 rosy a picture of our political life. This suggests that Arendt’s account of
35 power needs to be supplemented with one that does pay sufŽcient atten-
36 tion to instances of strategic interaction; I hope by now to have shown
37 that Foucault’s analysis of power is a viable candidate for such a supple-
38 mentation, especially given the myriad assumptions and commitments that
39 Foucault and Arendt share.
40 Similarly, Arendt’s account of the relationship between power, on the
41 one hand, and subjectivity and agency, on the other, is less than wholly
42 satisfactory. For one thing, Arendt’s focus in that account is on the public
43 realm and the role that publicly constituted power plays in the formation
44 of individual subjectivity and agency. One might object that many aspects
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1 of our identities as subjects and agents are formed outside of and in some
2 sense prior to our entry into the public realm, in private and semi-private
3 peripheral social institutions – particularly families and schools. In order
4 to be complete, Arendt’s account would need to make sense of the role
5 that power plays in these institutions. Of course, Foucault was interested
6 in exploring the role that power (in his sense, of course) plays in just such
7 institutions, so there is reason to think that his account nicely com-
8 plements hers on this point. Also, since Arendt is blind to exercises of
9 power that are strategic, she misses the nefarious and normatively prob-
10 lematic side of the relationship between power and subjectivity/agency
11 that Foucault so brilliantly exposed. By contrast, Foucault’s analysis of
12 this relationship has been widely criticized for being too dark, too nefar-
13 ious; speciŽcally, critics have charged that Foucault’s account seems to
14 leave us locked in an iron cage, that he fails to offer an adequate account
15 of the conditions that make individual and collective resistance to and
16 transformation of power/knowledge regimes possible. My comparison of
17 Arendt and Foucault suggests, however, that Arendt’s analysis of the rela-
18 tionship between power and subjectivity/agency provides a possible anti-
19 dote to Foucault’s, enabling us to understand how the collective power
20 that is generated in public spheres can serve as a resource for individuals
21 who are struggling to resist the kinds of problematic and disturbing power
22 relations that Foucault exposed.
23 One might object at this point by claiming that Foucault’s analysis of
24 power actually undermines Arendt’s, that Foucault’s deep and abiding dis-
25 trust of collective action commits him to a rejection of Arendt’s account of
26 power, thus making the kind of synthesis that I am striving for impossible.
27 In my view, however, it is not obvious that Foucault’s view of power is
28 incompatible with Arendt’s; moreover, and perhaps surprisingly, Foucault
29 himself seems to have agreed with me on this point. In a Roundtable dis-
30 cussion at Berkeley in April of 1983, he notes that ‘sometimes we have to
31 rely on such and such type of community in order to resist a greater dan-
32 ger which comes from another community’.63 Foucault would no doubt
33 have rejected too facile a distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ power
34 relations and reminded us to be suspicious enough to keep in mind that
35 even normatively positive instances of collective power are or can become
36 dangerous in their own way. Nevertheless, it seems clear in this late inter-
37 view that he is not opposed to the general idea that I am putting forward
38 (even though he himself never articulated this point in quite this way):
39 namely, that one may well have to rely on communities of resistance and
40 the collective power and normative resources that are generated in
41 and through them in order to resist the normalizing/disciplinary power
42 about which he was so concerned. Similarly, Foucault notes in a late inter-
43 view that his analyses of power are analyses of speciŽc sorts of power rela-
44 tions and ‘can in no way . . . be equated with a general analytics of every
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1 possible power relation’.64 Thus, he explicitly leaves room for the pos-
2 sibility that other ways of conceiving of power, including speciŽcally
3 consensual modalities of power, are not precluded by his analysis.65
4 Let me emphasize two conclusions that follow from this analysis. First,
5 we require a broader view of power than either Foucault or Arendt offers,
6 one that resists the temptation to deŽne power as exclusively strategic or
7 exclusively communicative, as always dangerous or as always revolutionary.
8 Second, an analysis of the relationship between power, on the one hand,
9 and subjectivity and agency, on the other hand, should analyse power as
10 a condition for the possibility of subjectivity and agency in two comple-
11 mentary senses. As Foucault claimed, we are formed as subjects and agents
12 by being subjected to dangerous strategic power relations (e.g. sexism,
13 racism, class oppression, and heterosexism, to name a few of the most
14 salient in contemporary Western societies). However, this does not leave
15 us trapped in an iron cage in part because, as Arendt saw, we are also
16 formed as subjects and agents by the normatively positive, communica-
17 tive power that is generated through action in concert (e.g. in feminist,
18 anti-racist, socialist and/or gay rights social movements). Moreover, the
19 latter sort of power relations provide us with resources on which we as
20 individuals can draw in our struggles to resist the strategic, dangerous
21 power relations that, in part, have made us who we are.
22 In closing, I would like to suggest that this comparison could have impor-
23 tant ramiŽcations for the direction of contemporary Continental philos-
24 ophy. Although the Foucaultian idea that subjects/agents are constituted
25 through strategic and dangerous relations of power has become widely
26 accepted in Continental thought, the Arendtian idea that subjects/agents
27 are also at the same time constituted through the positive, reciprocal, com-
28 municative power that emerges out of action in concert has not. Arendt’s
29 way of conceiving of the relationship between power, agency, and subjec-
30 tivity provides a much-needed counterpoint to the fairly common view
31 of the subject as thoroughly subjected. Integrating Arendt’s insights into
32 the role that power plays in the constitution of the subject/agent with
33 Foucault’s may offer us a fruitful analysis of the constitution of subjec-
34 tivity through power relations in which the subject retains the critical
35 capacities necessary for moral and political agency.
36
37 Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, USA.
38
39 Notes
40
41 1 For example, in her work on Augustine, it is clear that Arendt reads ancient
and medieval texts through the lens of the German Existenz philosophy in
42 which she was trained. See Hannah Arendt, Love and Saint Augustine, ed.
43 Joanna Vecchiarelli Scott and Judith Chelius Stark (Chicago: University of
44 Chicago Press, 1996).
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1 2 Hannah Arendt, The Life of the Mind, Volume 1 (one-volume edition) (New
2 York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1977), p. 212.
3 I discuss these Žrst four similarities in greater detail in Allen, The Power of
3
Feminist Theory: Domination, Resistance, Solidarity (Boulder, CO: Westview
4 Press, 1999), pp. 89–91.
5 4 Morris Kaplan notes this similarity between Arendt and Foucault in Sexual
6 Justice: Democratic Citizenship and the Politics of Desire (New York: Rout-
7 ledge, 1997), p. 154.
8 5 Hannah Arendt, On Violence (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1969),
p. 36.
9 6 Ibid., p. 37.
10 7 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
11 1958), p. 222.
12 8 Michel Foucault, ‘Power and Strategies’, in Power/Knowledge: Selected Inter-
13 views & Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon,
1980), p. 140.
14
9 Michel Foucault, ‘Two Lectures’, in Power/Knowledge, p. 96. Incidentally, it
15 is the expansion of the role that the concept of power plays in social and
16 political theory, coupled with the thematization of the peripheral power rela-
17 tions that pervade the social body, that brings Foucault’s conceptualization of
18 power in line with that of many feminist theorists. On this point, see Allen,
19 ‘Foucault on Power: A Theory for Feminists’, in Susan Hekman (ed.) Feminist
Interpretations of Michel Foucault (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State
20 University Press, 1996), and chapter 2 of Allen, The Power of Feminist Theory.
21 10 ‘Two Lectures’, in Power/Knowledge, p. 96.
22 11 Michel Foucault, ‘Power and Strategies’, in Power/Knowledge, p. 139.
23 12 Michel Foucault, ‘Truth and Power’, in Power/Knowledge, p. 119. See also
24 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert
Hurley (New York: Vintage, 1978), p. 12.
25 13 Foucault, ‘Two Lectures’, in Power/Knowledge, p. 105.
26 14 Ibid., p. 107.
27 15 Ibid.
28 16 Ibid., p. 98.
29 17 Ibid.
18 Michel Foucault, ‘Afterword: The Subject and Power’, in Hubert Dreyfus and
30
Paul Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, 2nd
31 edn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 220.
32 19 I develop this line of argument in greater detail in Allen, ‘The Anti-Subjective
33 Hypothesis: Michel Foucault and the Death of the Subject’, Philosophical
34 Forum, 31(2) (Summer 2000), pp. 113–30.
35 20 Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958),
p. 189.
36 21 Ibid., p. 222.
37 22 Ibid., p. 9.
38 23 Ibid., p. 177.
39 24 Ibid., p. 179.
40 25 Contra Bonnie Honig’s imaginative reading of Arendt in ‘Toward an Agonistic
Feminism: Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Identity’, in Honig (ed.), Femin-
41
ist Interpretations of Hannah Arendt (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State
42 University Press, 1995). I argue against this reading in more detail in Allen,
43 ‘Solidarity After Identity Politics: Hannah Arendt and the Power of Feminist
44 Theory’, Philosophy and Social Criticism, 25(1) (January 1999), pp. 97–118.

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1 26 Ibid., p. 184, my italics.

2 27 Ibid., p. 190.
28 Action ‘is never possible in isolation; to be isolated is to be deprived of the
3
capacity to act’. Ibid., p. 188.
4 29 ‘No matter what its speciŽc content, [action] always establishes relationships.’
5 Ibid., p. 190.
6 30 As Arendt puts it, ‘if the essence of power is the effectiveness of command,
7 then there is no greater power than that which grows out of the barrel of a
gun’. Arendt, On Violence, p. 37.
8
31 Arendt, The Human Condition, p. 200.
9 32 Ibid.
10 33 Arendt, On Violence, p. 44.
11 34 Arendt, The Human Condition, p. 198.
12 35 Ibid., p. 204.
36 Ibid., p. 208.
13 37 Arendt’s analysis of totalitarianism suggests just how dangerous this distor-
14 tion can be. A key aspect of that analysis is the idea that the Nazis’ totalitarian
15 regime functioned by breaking down the conditions necessary for common
16 sense via a systematic dismantling of the common world. On this point, see
17 Jerome Kohn, ‘Evil and Plurality: Hannah Arendt’s Way to the Life of the
Mind, I’, in Larry May and Jerome Kohn (eds) Hannah Arendt: Twenty Years
18 Later (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996), p. 159.
19 38 Ibid., p. 234. Arendt, ‘Truths and Politics’, in Between Past and Future: Eight
20 Exercises in Political Thought (New York: Penguin Books, 1954), p. 234.
21 Quoting from Kant’s ‘What is Enlightenment?’; Arendt’s italics.
22 39 Arendt, ‘Truth and Politics’, p. 246.
40 Arendt, ‘The Crisis in Culture: Its Social and Political SigniŽcance’, in Between
23 Past and Future, p. 220.
24 41 See ibid., p. 221.
25 42 Arendt, The Life of the Mind, p. 15.
26 43 See ibid., p. 46.
27 44 See ibid., p. 78.
45 Ibid., p. 32.
28 46 Ibid., p. 101.
29 47 Ibid., p. 110.
30 48 Ibid., p. 99.
31 49 Ibid., p. 185.
50 Ibid., p. 187.
32
51 See ibid., p. 177.
33 52 Ibid., p. 192, my italics.
34 53 Dana Villa has argued quite persuasively that this account of the relationship
35 between thinking and publicity is behind Arendt’s rather veiled critique of
36 Heidegger at the end of volume 2 of The Life of the Mind. Villa maintains
that Arendt sees Heidegger as a foil for Socrates, whom she holds up in
37 volume 1 as a true thinker. The difference between Socrates and Heidegger,
38 on Villa’s reading of Arendt, is that, while both were brilliant philosophers,
39 Socrates maintained and Heidegger eschewed a link to ‘the world of appear-
40 ances, the public world of plural human being’ (Dana Villa, ‘The Anxiety of
41 Inuence: On Arendt’s Relationship to Heidegger’, in Villa, Politics, Philos-
ophy, Terror: Essays on the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Princeton, NJ:
42 Princeton University Press, 1999, p. 84). Unlike Heidegger, ‘Socrates per-
43 formed his thinking in the agora: the aporetic arguments of the dialogues
44 are deployed by a “citizen amongst citizens” ’; by contrast, Arendt viewed
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1 Heidegger’s thought as ‘utterly divorced from the world of appearances which

2 is, for Arendt, the world of politics’ (p. 84). The point of Villa’s comparison
of Arendt’s estimations of Socrates and Heidegger is that the activity of
3
thinking must retain its connection to the world of appearances, the public
4 realm which is constituted and preserved by power, lest the thinker lose his
5 ability to judge. As Villa puts it, ‘her surprising thesis is that pure thought
6 is the death of judgment’ (p. 85). Thus, Heidegger becomes, in the end, the
7 foil for Eichmann as well: whereas Eichmann’s inability to judge was caused
by his sheer thoughtlessness, Heidegger’s was caused by his adherence to pure
8 thought, divorced from the communication with others in the public realm
9 that is needed to prevent reason from going astray.
10 54 Foucault, ‘The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom’, in James
11 Bernauer and David Rasmussen (eds) The Final Foucault (Cambridge, MA:
12 MIT Press, 1988), p. 18.
55 Interestingly enough, Jürgen Habermas has criticized both Foucault and
13 Arendt for overemphasizing only one of the normative dimensions of power
14 relations. On Arendt, see Habermas, ‘Hannah Arendt’s Communications
15 Concept of Power’, in Lewis P. Hinchman and Sandra K. Hinchman (eds)
16 Hannah Arendt: Critical Essays (Albany: SUNY Press, 1994), and on Foucault,
17 see Habermas, ‘Lecture X’, in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity,
trans. Frederick G. Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1987). This raises
18 the possibility that Habermas’s analysis of power might be just the Hegelian
19 Aufhebung that my argument may seem to demand. I have my doubts as to
20 whether or not this is the case, but, at any rate, that will have to be the topic
21 of another paper.
22 56 It is important to note, however, that Foucault at least does not seem to think
that his account of power rules out the sort of analysis offered by Arendt. I
23 shall discuss this point more fully later on.
24 57 For a Žrsthand account of this phenomenon, see Vaclav Havel, The Power of
25 the Powerless: Citizens Against the State in Central-Eastern Europe (New York:
26 Palach Press, 1985).
58 Richard Lynch has suggested to me in conversation that perhaps a non-
27
strategic account of power could be reconstructed from Foucault’s late works
28 on practices of the self. I am sceptical about whether or not this is the case,
29 but this will have to be the topic of a future essay.
30 59 Foucault, ‘Afterword’, pp. 219–20.
31 60 Ibid, p. 220.
61 Habermas, ‘Hannah Arendt’s Communications Concept of Power’, p. 220.
32
62 Ibid., p. 222.
33 63 Discussion with Michel Foucault, 21 April 1983 (with Paul Rabinow, Bert
34 Dreyfus, Charles Taylor, Robert Bellah, Martin Jay, and Leo Lowenthal),
35 p. 7 of transcript housed in the Fonds Michel Foucault, Institut Mémoires de
36 l’édition contemporaine, Paris.
64 Foucault, ‘Politics and Ethics: An Interview’, in Paul Rabinow (ed.) The
37 Foucault Reader (New York: Pantheon, 1984), p. 380.
38 65 Ibid. It is interesting to note that when Foucault says that his approach to
39 the study of power does not rule out other possible approaches, he appears
40 to have Arendt’s conception of power as action in concert speciŽcally in
41 mind. His remarks about only offering an analysis of a speciŽc conŽguration
of power, not of power in general, come in response to a question from an
42 interviewer about Arendt’s work, and, more speciŽcally, about whether or not
43 there is room for something like Arendt’s conception of power in Foucault’s
44 thought. For this, one has to look at the original transcript of the interview

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1 because the interviewer’s question about Arendt and the Žrst few lines of
2 Foucault’s answer to it are left out in the published version of the interview.
See ‘A Propos de Nietzsche, Habermas, Arendt, McPhearson’, Interview with
3
Michel Foucault (conducted by Paul Rabinow) at Berkeley in April 1983, p.
4 28, transcript housed in the Fonds Michel Foucault, Institut Mémoires de l’édi-
5 tion contemporaine, Paris. An edited translation of this interview appears as
6 ‘Politics and Ethics’, in The Foucault Reader; the passage in question occurs
7 on p. 380.
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