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Archibald Mobility and Innovation in Hellenistic Economies PDF
Archibald Mobility and Innovation in Hellenistic Economies PDF
Zosia H. Archibald
DOI:10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199587926.003.0003
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Mobility and Innovation in Hellenistic Economies
individual (see e.g. Pooley and Turnbull 1998: 304). This may
lead to efficiencies and greater productivity on the part of
those left behind. In their introduction to the first of a series of
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Mobility and Innovation in Hellenistic Economies
Chian (Dél 556); and named individuals from Thebes (Dél 21);
Chios (Dél 229); Assos (Dél 156); Klazomenai (Dél 38);
Mytilene (Dél 63); [Le]mnos (Dél 464); Korinth (Dél 74); and
an unnamed man from Sinope (Dél 629). The list does not do
justice to all the overseas connections that the sanctuary of
Apollo could draw on (Feyel 352–4 and Map 10a, p. 352).
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Mobility and Innovation in Hellenistic Economies
Incentives
One of the missing elements in our picture of recruitment is
the nature of incentives to leave the homelands which were
exporting personnel. It has often been assumed that farming
populations are comparatively static. But records of
population turnover in various parts of medieval Europe show
that even in relatively stable environments, as much as half
the population of a country village was likely to change within
the space of a decade. Equally surprising, perhaps, is the fact
that the same proportion of rural dwellers was likely to be
composed of newcomers.29 In Attika, where deme membership
ought to have acted as a considerable disincentive from
moving outside one’s own deme, Robin Osborne found that a
significant minority of fourth- and third-century BC demesmen
chose to be buried outside their deme. Using funerary
inscriptions to chart how far men from Kerameis, Kephale, and
Rhamnous were buried, he discovered that more than a third
of documented burial monuments from Kerameis and Kephale
were to be found in other parts of Attika (Osborne 1991: 239–
43). At Rhamnous the proportion was much smaller, about one
seventh of his sample. The documented cases have little
statistical (p.56) value. But Osborne noted that even these
small samples suggested that Peiraieus harbour was a
particular magnet for inhabitants of city demes, and compared
his findings with a different group of documents that includes
demotics, namely a set of 156 Attic manumission inscriptions,
which also indicate a visible preference for residence in city
demes and Peiraieus (Osborne 1991: 244–6).
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that these same groups also held more land and livestock than
their Egyptian counterparts, points to the fact that they were
selected for their skills and talent. These individuals represent
specialist experience brought in from outside in order to
establish new techniques and practices, and experiment with
local ones (Clarysse and Thompson 1.344, 346). It was these
kinds of individuals whom the Successors needed to create the
cultural order of the emerging kingdoms.
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Conclusions
Comparisons between migration in the early modern period
and the Hellenistic age provide insights into the motivation
and dynamics of travel, while the (p.62) science of social
networks provides a method for understanding the complexity
of social structures in Hellenistic states. The nature of social
structures also has implications for the ways in which
information and innovative processes were transmitted across
these social networks. This approach implies that mobility was
more significant than recorded figures suggest and innovation
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Bibliography
Bibliography references:
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Museum and The Getty Center for the History of Art and the
Humanities. Malibu.
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Notes:
(1) Syll.3 344 = Bagnall and Derow 2004: 11–15, no.7 and
Austin2 no. 48 with further refs; see the contributions to Sordi
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(9) Plb. 5.79.3–13, 82; App. Syr. 32; cf. 70,000 infantry and
10,000 cavalrymen raised by Antigonos and Demetrios at
Ipsos: Plut. Dem. 28.3.
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(21) See esp. Horn and Morgan 2005: 24 and Table 2.1, with
statistical data; Eltis 2005: 110–12 and Fig. 6.1.
(23) See Cohen 1978; id. 1995: 16–23; 42–9; 58–65; 212–13
(Jewish colonies in Lydia and Phrygia under Antiochos III); and
the sections on Phrygia (pp. 277–326) and Lydia (pp. 195–
242).
(24) Diod. 19.27.6: 317 BC; cf. 29. 3; Launey [1949]1987: 360–
5; Aperghis 196.
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(28) Lefèvre 2004: 102 n.10; Oliver 2007: 94 and n. 152 with
further refs on travelling sculptors.
(34) Watts 2003: 70–129; see Van der Leeuw and de Vries
2003: 211–23 for an analysis of the Roman Empire using a
similar approach.
(38) Von Reden, this volume; van der Spek and Manning, this
volume.
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(41) Austin2 no. 258, with full refs and discussion of dates. See
also Le Rider and de Callataÿ 2006: 175–9, 271–83.
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