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The Evolution and Resurgence of the Geisha Profession 1937 to 1965

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 The Evolution and Resurgence

of the Geisha Profession 1937-1965

HIST 309

Fall 2008

Professor Tom Baughn

Kathleen Furman
 Japanese geisha have managed to survive through wars, economic changes, and cultural

attitude shifts. Their numbers have waxed and waned, but they have never disappeared. The

geisha profession suffered a devastating breakdown due to World War II, but they managed to

rebound and their profession experienced resurgence in the decades after the war. This paper

will study the evolution of geisha as a legitimate profession from the years of 1937 through 1965

and will affirm their continued significance in Japanese culture.

Geisha are a critical artistic element of Japanese society. The Japanese word "geisha", in

fact, can be broken down into two words to show its meaning. Gei-Sha: Art Person. Once

viewed primarily as prostitutes, geisha have gradually disproved this assumption (distasteful by

Western standards) in at least three ways: through willing exposure to the outside world,

dedication to preserving their history as an important cultural element, and through the

modernization of their art by concentrating mostly on music, dance, singing and party

conversation while leaving the sexual aspect behind as a matter of choice.

Traditionally, geisha have always lived in feminine households during their training,

from maiko (apprentice geisha) throughout their careers as full-fledged geisha; no men live in a

geisha house. They have dedicated their lives to training in music, singing and dance. Geisha

make good incomes as entertainers; however, much of that income is spent on music lessons,

dance lessons, and kimono. Many geisha have developed lifelong bonds with customers and

even customers’ families. Their presence has, overall, heavily influenced Japanese society and

kept Japanese history alive.

Primary sources will include writings by Liza Dalby, an American anthropologist who

lived the geisha life for a year. Her perception of the profession and her great understanding of

kimono, through a foreigner's eyes, will make Western understanding of geisha easier. Other

2
primary sources will include books written by Mineko Iwasaki, who left her home at the age of

five to be trained as a geisha soon after World War II; Sayo Matsuda, who became an

indentured geisha at the age of twelve; and another book featuring a young modern maiko, or

apprentice geisha, named Komomo. This book features a photographic journey of Komomo’s

apprenticeship, along with her struggle to make a decision about becoming a full-fledged geisha.

Secondary sources will provide historical information of the profession, including

wartime effects on geisha and the efforts to retain their numbers over three decades. Thomas R.

Haven’s article “Women and War in Japan, 1937-45” (published in The American Historical

Review) covers the fate of geisha as common workers during the war. Other sources will show

the challenges faced by geisha in changing the perception that they are, or were, no more than

fancily dressed harlots. “The State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the

1940s” is an article from the Sociological Quarterly that provides a clear picture of actual

prostitution in Japan during World War II. The importance of kimono as an artistic tool is

illustrated in Liza Dalby’s book, “Kimono: Fashioning Culture”. This book covers the scope of

economic cost, history and interpretation of geisha status through kimono design and style.

Japanese opinion of geisha was already changing in the years immediately preceding

World War II. According to some critics of the time, geisha were on their way out of the picture

of modern Japan,1 even though approximately 80,000 geisha were working by the early twentieth

century.2 Their traditional clothing, along with changing cultural attitudes toward the exact

function of geisha, provided these critics with the opinion that geisha would eventually

disappear. Others maintained that geisha, although terribly old-fashioned, were a necessary

element of time-honored Japanese culture and social mores—thus a little modernization would

ensure the stability of the geisha profession and keep it in the forefront of societal attention.3

3
 Geisha were still popular in spite of these differing opinions, due in part to Japanese

wartime nationalistic attitudes, which seemed to override much of the criticisms aimed at them.

Wartime nationalism included, among other things, resistance to wearing western clothing and

purchasing western goods. Therefore geisha were still revered by many – they dressed in

Japanese kimono, they wore traditional makeup and performed traditional dances and musical

pieces on Japanese instruments. Geisha seemed to be the nationalistic poster girls of Japan.

Geisha proved useful to the Japanese military machine as well. The Japanese military

actually formed its own prostitution work force in the late 30s, mostly in an attempt to provide

“comfort” to soldiers on and around military reservations and control sexually transmitted

diseases, which seemed to be rampant.4 This organized effort toward prostitution remained

throughout World War II for the continued benefit of Japanese service members and to placate

U.S. servicemen. John Lie’s article also states that during the US occupation of Japan, the RAA

(Recreation Amusement Association) was created in a paternalistic attempt to “protect” the

average woman citizen from the US military. Advertisements were even published encouraging

prostitutes to apply to this organization. Economic fallout from the war forced many Japanese

women to respond to these RAA ads and in 1945 its members totaled approximately 70,000. Mr.

Lie’s article indicates that many of these women were also geisha: “professional geisha were

reserved for officers.” 5 So, geisha did apparently provide sex to soldiers during this time,

obviously swept up in the above-mentioned prostitution service provided by the military. This

data probably contributed to the ongoing perception that geisha were, in general, nothing but

prostitutes, most likely stemming from the stories brought home by U.S. servicemen who were

stationed in Japan at the time. Later as geisha became more known to the outside world, they all

4
seemed to be inaccurately lumped into that category, at least until the last two or three decades

when their true artistic talents were documented more closely.

During the 1930s and through the years of World War II, geisha were still in what could

be considered their traditional roles—most were true artists, many were indeed prostitutes, and

some were a little of both. Most had entered into the profession as children. Before child

education laws were introduced in Japan, geisha started very young, around the age of five or

six. 6 There seemed to be two ways in which a girl could become a geisha. Either the child

followed in her mother’s footsteps or she was essentially sold to a geisha house, where she

trained as a maiko, made her debut as a geisha, and sometimes took over the business as an

atatori (heir) when the house “mother” retired. 7 Because formal geisha training took many

years and so many families were affected by the depression in Japan, small girls around the age

of six or slightly older were occasionally still “sold” into the profession by parents or other

relatives. This indentured servitude lasted several years until the money given to the sellers and

any debt incurred was worked off by the geisha. Incurred debt included the original cost of

indenture, art lessons in music and dance, kimono, hairdressers, kimono dressers, everyday

clothing, food and other supplies furnished by the geisha house. A geisha was considered to be

on “full keep” for the first two years after her formal debut: all wages and tips went to the geisha

house; none went to the geisha herself. For the two years following, the geisha would be

considered a “tip taker”; she kept any tips she received, but her base wages went to the geisha

house. At this point the geisha would still be provided shelter, food, and party kimono, but she

had to provide informal clothing herself. 8

How did geisha reduce their debt and how did they themselves get paid? The answer lies

in the Geisha Registry Offices, which collected money from the restaurants and banquet halls

5
where geisha appeared. This system still operates in Japan today, although it will be argued here

that the system has evolved for different reasons. During the 1930s and 1940s, geisha were paid

according to a point system for the actual time spent at an appointment. These points were

translated into cash at the registry office and sent to the geisha’s house. Points were tallied

according to the following criteria: sleeping overnight with a patron, sleeping part of the night

with a patron, spending only the minutes or hours required for a sexual act, or simple

entertainment and conversation at a party. This point system seemed to hold a geisha hostage,

since she never saw any money change hands until at least four years after her debut, and it also

perpetuated the sexual aspects of the profession—the more full nights a geisha spent with a

customer, the more money the geisha house made.9 It is most probable that many geisha felt

obligated to have sexual relations with patrons due to the money issue.

Postwar Japan saw a change in the point system via the Prostitution Prevention Act of

1956 and a seemingly determined effort by geisha themselves to emphasize their nonsexual arts

and move away from the sexual. Money earned by geisha is still handled by the Registry

Offices, but modern geisha spend most of their time simply appearing at banquets for tourists,

wealthy businessmen and government officials. They might do this several times in one night,

leaving very little time for a sexual rendezvous unless a geisha is seeing her special patron (and

that particular event is now a personal choice, privately transacted between the geisha and her

patron). Here is evidence that the Registry Office has moved away from supporting indentured

servitude that included sex. The modern function of the Registry Office is to keep official track

of a geisha’s wages and to put a polite face on a monetary transaction. According to Liza

Dalby, “All their expenses are recorded and sent to them later by the ryotei (restaurant), for presenting a

6
bill at the end of an enjoyable evening seems rather crass. Customers thus are extended a floating credit

line at the places they patronize.” 10

After all obligations were paid, an indentured geisha had several paths to choose with

regard to her profession. She could have her contract bought by her patron, continue working as

a geisha and receive most of the money for her own use, start her own teahouse, or leave the

profession altogether by marrying.11

The geisha Sayo Masuda12 relates in her story that she was sold at the age of twelve to a

geisha house in 1937 so her mother could pay the father’s medical bills. During the decades of

the thirties and forties, sex still had a role in the geisha’s function; Sayo verifies in her writing

that sexual “work” was expected, at least in her geisha house. She relates that geisha in a hot

springs resort had a “lower” reputation than that of a first rank geisha in Tokyo or Kyoto; those

particular geisha were more prized for their dancing and singing, with sex as a choice rather than

a requirement.

During the war years, most geisha all over Japan had a sexual as well as an artistic debut

when they “graduated” from apprentice to full-fledged geisha. Sayo Masuda writes that her

professional sexual coming-of-age debut, called mizu-age, took place at the age of sixteen with a

loyal patron of the geisha house. According to Sayo, some patrons highly valued a chance to

participate in this deflowering ritual and paid well for it—so well that the “mother” of the house

sold Sayo’s virginity four times. Sayo indicates, however, that most geisha eventually obtained a

single danna, or patron, to whom they exclusively sold this privilege.13

Like the rest of the world, Japan was in an economic depression before World War II.

The mobilization of Japan’s military in China and in World War II had a debilitating effect on

much of the geisha profession - few people had money for entertainment and supplies were hard

7
to come by. Despite this fact, geisha managed to continue working during the war, at least until

the geisha houses were shut down. Liza Dalby writes that “In Tokyo alone, close to 9,000 geisha

were still entertaining guests in 1944, when teahouses, geisha houses, and bars were ordered

closed.” These “guests” included businessmen and government authorities who still had money

to spend on their favorite geisha during the war. The financial support of these persons coupled

with geisha ingenuity most likely had a substantial part in preventing the geisha’s complete

disappearance. Sayo Matsuda relates an experience with her danna around the year of 1942:

“When I wanted to buy something, I would work on Cockeye’s competitive instinct and squeeze

it out of him.” For example, Sayo told Cockeye, her danna, that another Geisha had received a

poor kimono from her patron and it was a shame to see a geisha so shabbily dressed. Since

Sayo’s danna did not want to give the impression of being cheap, he would purchase expensive

kimono and other things for Sayo to show his superior largesse.14

Closure of geisha houses in 1944 forced most geisha to find work elsewhere, mostly in

factories or doing cheap clerical work; some geisha even went to work on farms. Even though

professional geisha were forced to look for factory work or in other job markets, it can be argued

that during and after the war they held a distinct advantage over the average Japanese woman,

whose main career was family management. Women in Japanese society whose primary job was

to care for the family also worked in factories or other jobs that, post-war, did not evolve into

permanent employment. 15 The average Japanese women who held jobs during this period went

right back to caring for their families after the war. Societal mores seemed to prevent forward

movement for these women, as the nation was still very patriarchal in their treatment of females.

Lack of valuable secondary education also contributed to the practically non-existent rise of a

modern female work force .16

8
 Geisha, on the other hand, were able to slowly resume their work when the war ended if

they wished. 17 They had a career in place, a lifelong one if they so chose, because they were

already educated for it and had working experience. Their long training in music, dance and

party entertainment enabled a successful return. Nevertheless, their challenges were

innumerable. Some geisha did not return to the profession, making recruitment of maiko

(apprentice geisha) an urgent element for continued success of a geisha house. This aspect of the

profession was made even more difficult due to new laws concerning children’s education after

the war. A law was passed in 1947 requiring all children to attend school until at least the age of

fifteen . The law prevented many girls from starting their geisha training at the more traditional

age of six, so the lessons in dance and music that were so important were either seriously delayed

or sometimes eliminated.18

Many geisha attempted a restart in the geisha houses from which they originated before

the war and some were able to scrape up enough money to start their own establishments.

Geisha houses that were starting over, or starting anew, had very little capital to rebuild living

quarters or to provide nutritious food for maiko, geisha and maids living under one roof.

Replacement of party kimono and musical instruments was essential. Geisha were usually

accompanied by other geisha on musical instruments or they accompanied themselves while

singing, so instruments were an important necessity along with kimono. Money for expensive

music lessons, singing lessons and dance lessons also had to be obtained. Professional geisha

required the paid services of hairdressers and kimono dressers, too, since hair had to be

elaborately styled and heavy kimono and obi had to fit perfectly to be comfortable.19 War or no

war, all of these elements were necessary to provide a historically accurate, expected visual

picture of a geisha at work. What would a geisha be without her fan, musical accompaniment,

9
and beautiful kimono? Even the western mind of today may not be able to conceive of a geisha

without these things, and undoubtedly a Japanese customer would expect no less.

“A Summer portrait”, Mineko Iwasaki, 1960s.

(Note the summer-themed kimono and the typical
hairstyle of a geisha, which has changed little over
the hundreds of years that geisha have been in existence.) 20

“Pontocho’s ‘Big Three.’ Satomi, Korika,

and Michiko as young geisha in the 1930s.” 21

10
Komomo as full geisha. Her hairstyle
is actually a formal wig in a style
worn by geisha. Her kimono has
more subdued colors than that
of a maiko and her clogs
are shorter than maiko clogs.22

Komomo as maiko. Note the high clogs

(worn only by maiko) and the brightly
colored kimono.23

11
 Geisha would not be geisha without their kimono, and geisha art consists of an acute

working knowledge of the story they are trying to convey through kimono. Patterns woven into

the silk or painted on silk will indicate a season, an emotion, or a special event. Any person who

regularly hires a geisha’s services, along with all persons in the geisha profession, can tell the

time of year by looking at her kimono. They can see what emotion a dance or song is trying to

get across by the objects displayed on and the colors of a kimono.24 The geisha Mineko Iwasaki

provides a wonderful description of the kimono’s importance:

There is an art to matching the choice of kimono to the situation in which it is worn.
Seasonal appropriateness is paramount. The canons of traditional Japanese taste divide
the year into twenty-eight seasons, each of which has its own symbols. Ideally, the colors
and patterns on the kimono and obi reflect the exact season, nightingales in late March,
for example, or chrysanthemums in early November. 25

Geisha and maiko wear different kimono according to the position they hold. Maiko

kimono are much more ornate, colorful and formal, with longer sleeves (called furisode,

“swinging sleeve”) and a red collar, which signify their apprentice status and in earlier times,

their virginity. Geisha kimono have shorter sleeves (called tomesode) and are not as brightly

colored. They also have a white collar, signifying their graduation of status from maiko to geisha.

Kimono “styles” have remained relatively constant for many decades, and since geisha and

maiko are always entertaining customers, they always wear formal kimono made of silk.

Generally these kimono consist of an outer, formal robe and an underkimono made of thinner

material.26 Anyone familiar with geisha can tell if they are maiko or full-fledged geisha simply

by looking at the style of kimono being worn. There is also a major difference in the hairstyles,

ornaments, obi and footwear. A maiko has a much more elaborate hairstyle, wears higher clogs,

and has more ornate hair accessories than a geisha. These facts of different style show how

artistically important geisha remain to customers and Japanese society in general; the cultural

12
presence of geisha seem to be solidly impressed into the mind of the average Japanese citizen, to

the point that they can confidently state a geisha’s chronological place in her career and even

discern without asking what story geisha is telling with her clothing.

The use of certain colors and themes of nature are extremely vital to the success of a

geisha’s performance. If she is dancing, singing or playing, her kimono might signify the New

Year and the hope that it brings. If she is conversing with a customer, her kimono can state her

mood and direct the mood of the entire room. A kimono with certain flowers might indicate a

particular season—cherry blossoms for spring, or chrysanthemums for fall, as Mineko stated.

A kimono has language, and the geisha wearing it translates that language with her art. It is

reasonable to surmise that a geisha can even influence the mood of a customer with the theme of

her kimono. What customer could be sad when attended by a skillful geisha in a kimono that

promises the brightness of spring or the cleansing crispness of winter?

Geisha in the early twentieth century were considered the arbiters of fashion and

competed relentlessly to be the most chic (and suggestively sensual) in kimono wear. A geisha

who possessed these qualities was considered iki: classy, modern, sexy and sophisticated.27

Geisha regularly came up with new combined colors and patterns and were considered by the

general Japanese public to be the leading authority on kimono fashion. They also wore their

kimono differently than the average woman on the street: their obi was tied lower on the waist,

and the back of the kimono collar was draped lower to expose the nape of the neck, a part of the

body considered extremely erotic by Japanese standards. This particular practice is still observed

by modern geisha.28 Just because they no longer tie sex to their profession does not mean that a

geisha will not use suggestiveness in her dress.

13
 Of course, provocative dress is no excuse for boorish behavior and many geisha past and

present have had to defend themselves against the wandering hands and attitudes of clients who

felt it was their right to take liberties with a geisha. Perhaps a male client might feel he has the

right to make physical advances because a geisha’s charges are so exorbitant, or he might simply

be drunk, but a professional geisha will not harbor such nonsense and will quickly put a naughty

client in his place. Geisha have been known to slap customers with their fans and even threaten

them with physical harm. Mineko Iwasaki dealt with a customer in this way once when he

grabbed her: she pulled a knife on him and told the other partygoers that she felt humiliated and

was going to stab the guilty client, who quickly apologized.29

Geisha of the 1930s and 1940s required many kimono just as modern geisha do today,

although they probably possessed less kimono because of the war years. Most formal kimono

during this time period was handmade, although there were some kimono factories. A new

kimono, especially a handmade one, could cost thousands of dollars, and geisha usually owned a

minimum of ten. Add to that the fact that once maiko made their debut as full-fledged geisha,

their wardrobe immediately became obsolete and had to be completely replaced. This factor

undoubtedly set geisha back financially and they were most likely very creative in their efforts to

obtain new kimono as quickly as possible, since the geisha houses probably could not provide for

more than a few kimono.30

Because quality kimono were so expensive, geisha were also constantly in debt, unless

like Sayo Masuda they could get their danna to pay for extra kimono. The point might be made

that there may have been quite a bit of personal competition between geisha to see who could get

the most kimono or extra tips from patrons so as to have an impressive kimono wardrobe. This

concept probably assisted the geisha in her constant quest to be the most artistic with regard to

14
kimono. A geisha’s popularity would also most likely increase if she were impeccably turned

out, and it is conceivable that the more money a geisha made, the faster she could pay off her

debt to the geisha house and strike out on her own. Therefore kimono played not only an artistic

role in the geisha life, but owning many kimono as a result of a patron’s generosity might have

had an ironic role in elevation of status in the profession and an earlier exit from the forced

confines of indenture. 31 A geisha who had a well-known, wealthy patron could obtain enormous

popularity and admiration, especially if her wardrobe was large and of obvious quality. The

irony here is that a geisha who started her career in debt could remove herself from servitude by

investing in gorgeous kimono, thereby making more money by obtaining more appointments; the

adage that it takes money to make money seems to ring true in this instance. A patron who spent

his money freely on his favorite geisha also most likely benefitted from the positive reputation he

gained when dining out and entertaining at teahouses and restaurants. And a popular, chic geisha

had a very busy schedule which benefitted the geisha, the geisha house, the restaurants in which

she entertained, and all the players in a geisha’s circle who provided her with needed services.

Replacement of lost or destroyed kimono after the war was necessary but extremely

difficult. This does not mean replenishment was impossible. Most successful geisha proudly

owned many kimono before the war, but the post-war period found them borrowing scarce

kimono, taking old wardrobes out of storage or re-dying old kimono until they could make

enough money to build up their own wardrobe.32

Japanese nationalism had also contributed significantly to the loss of kimono. Kimono

had always been costly and was even more so after the war; extravagant clothing, along with

Western-style clothing, was frowned upon in the desperate years during and after the conflict,

further reducing their use. A seemingly half-hearted attempt was made by the Greater Japan

15
Women’s Association to legislate the wearing of a national uniform called monpe. Monpe are

described by Thomas Havens as “drab pantaloons typically worn by farm women in northeastern

Japan”. Legislation turned out to be unnecessary since most people could not afford expensive

western style clothing or kimono, and seemed to quite willingly adopt this “uniform” on their

own.33 Kimono was rarely seen on the street in the general population for that reason and also

because of the scarcity of silk and loss of kimono-making establishments. Yet another reason

was because factory workers could not function in kimono due to the dangers of trailing hems

and long sleeves, which could be caught in moving equipment. Restriction of movement was

also a detriment in factory work because of the stiff obis and the walking style necessary to keep

from tripping on one’s kimono hem. Liza Dalby writes that “The devastation of World War II

almost did in kimono.”34 Fortunately, “almost” is the operative word here. The art of geisha

emerged from the war damaged and struggling, but not dead, and in the next several decades it

would eventually evolve into an art more dedicated to legitimate entertainments than to the

sexual aspect of the trade.

Red-light districts, areas that contained legalized prostitution establishments, were in

operation after the war for several years. Former geisha who were displaced by the war or who

were members of geisha houses that permanently closed down sometimes turned to prostitution

for a time like Sayo Matsuda, who admitted that as a geisha she had never known hard work, and

after doing menial labor to survive immediately after the war, she saw prostitution as a more

lucrative way to earn money. Perhaps because of her geisha past, Sayo may have taken comfort

in this more familiar form of work, even though it was far less glamorous to perform merely as a

prostitute than as a complete, well-dressed artist.35

16
 Even this opportunity to survive economically was made more difficult by the

Prostitution Prevention Act of 1956. Sayo Matsuda writes about her anger with regard to this

law: “Among those making the laws, were there any women like us who couldn’t have survived

if they hadn’t prostituted themselves?” Her anger is completely understandable for several

reasons. First, prostitution had been a legal profession in Japan for centuries. Second, sex for

pay was also an undeniable if not savory part of geisha life, especially if a geisha were

indentured. Third, the Prostitution Prevention act exempted geisha because they were “exotic

entertainers” still performing traditional arts. Since Sayo was no longer a professional geisha,

she had no protection against a law that she viewed as unfair, financially devastating and

ridiculous, and impossible to obey.36 Fourth, Sayo may have maintained a certain pride in her

Japanese heritage and may even have resented the influence of America’s occupation upon the

Japanese government, since she lived through the war and saw its effects on her profession and

her countrymen.

When Japan became occupied by the United States, western views probably had a large

effect on Japanese civil law. In his book, America’s Geisha Ally: Reimagining the Japanese

Enemy, Naoko Shibusawa writes about American paternalistic attitudes toward the Japanese:

“Like children, McArthur explained, the Japanese were ‘still close enough to [their] origin to be

elastic and acceptable to new concepts’, and thus the Americans could still implant basic

concepts’ in Japan.” 37 The possibility exists that American conservatism with regard to

prostitution had a direct effect on the laws of a country emerging from a war and a formerly

closed society.

Analysis of this time period suggests that the Prostitution Prevention Act, despite its

financially devastating effect on ex-geisha and others, seemed to propel the geisha profession
17
onto a more modern path and left the presumption of expected sex with a geisha behind. Even

though Geisha were exempt from the Act, one could argue that it provided them with the ability

to refuse sex for pay, formerly a requirement at many geisha houses. The Act also played a large

part in eliminating indentured servitude for geisha and for prostitution houses. Women subject

to indenture, especially prostitutes, had been able to leave their indentured service since 1896 but

were still required to pay back any debt they owed. The Japanese Supreme Court voided all

loans made to indentured prostitutes in 1955, which freed them from paying off debt. The

Prostitution Prevention Act rang the death knell for legal prostitution and most probably freed

geisha from having to perform sex for pay in order to absolve debt to their geisha house.38

Post-war Japan saw the return of geisha but their comeback seemed to be more of a

personal choice, and most geisha now operated in Kyoto (in the Pontocho and Gion districts)

and Tokyo. Recruitment of new geisha was a problematic issue. As previously stated, the child

labor laws that were passed also put a damper on new apprentices; they had to attend school for a

certain number of years, delaying official entry into the profession, even if their mothers were

geisha who owned their own establishment.

The child labor laws did not completely stop the entrance of a child into the geisha world,

however. P.D. Perkins writes in Geisha of Pontocho that “most of them came from Geisha or

teahouse families and were destined to be geisha long before their twelfth or sixteenth birthday.”

The obvious influence of a geisha mother could steer a small child into the daily living

environment of a teahouse. P.D. Perkins witnessed two children, ages five and seven,

performing in dance recitals and who were in line to become future geisha.39

Mineko Iwasaki confirms this phenomenon, even though she claims that she chose to

enter the geisha world as a child: “…I decided to go live with Auntie Oima in the Iwasaki okiya
18
(geisha house). I made the decision independently, of my own free will.” Mineko did attend

regular school, but said she rued the fact that she ended her academic schooling after junior high

at the age of fifteen. She was bothered by the realization that she was expected to entertain

famous celebrities and “world leaders”, yet her later training didn’t include lessons in other

languages like French and English; after all, adept conversation is a vital part of a geisha’s

entertainment. However, Mineko did receive an extremely formal education in dance, music,

calligraphy and singing later as a teenager at the Yasaka Nyokoba Academy.40

An interesting analysis can be made about the attitudes of many post-war geisha

compared to their counterparts in the earlier years of the century regarding the training necessary

for their art. All professional geisha, no matter when they served as professionals, have seemed

to take a certain pride in their accomplishments in music, dance, singing and overall demeanor

when appearing in geisha costume. It is no small feat to spend years learning to play a musical

instrument, spend hours in a dance rehearsal hall, and spend time putting on makeup and

attending parties every day. These are only a partial list of the duties that modern maiko and

geisha perform. They also have obligations to the proprietors of the restaurants in which they

entertain, and every day, geisha and maiko go to each place where they entertained the night

before to thank the proprietor for their current and future patronage.41 At different times of the

year, geisha and maiko also attend festivals dedicated to the performance of dances and plays.

This means hours and hours of rehearsal on top of the regular lessons taken for samisen, dancing

and singing. Although it sounds glamorous, it is hard work and most geisha sleep only a few

hours every night.

Modern geisha seem to feel inherently that they are not only the preservers of an ancient

culture, but they must have the drive and determination to succeed in a very difficult art. These

19
traits are typical of any person who wants to succeed at their profession and will work very hard

to perfect it. Dedication to their art also seems to show that the geisha of modern Japan still feel

the traditional pull of their culture and sacrifice much of their life toward its preservation. Honor

and duty, two essential concepts in a Japanese citizen’s mind, are also apparent in the attitudes of

geisha. Therefore, becoming a geisha after the war was a serious choice that could not be taken

lightly. Perhaps geisha have also felt they must stem the tide against competition from a new

form of female entertainment, the “bar hostesses”. Bar hostesses are young women who wait on

men in restaurants and bars but do not wear geisha clothing and do not have the artistic training

typical of a geisha. It is easy to surmise that a geisha-- and others-- would consider these bar

hostesses as nothing more than glorified waitresses. Perhaps geisha might even think that the

growing numbers of hostesses might somehow dilute the purity of the geisha profession, since

many foreigners may lump them all into the same group. This author has closely observed both

geisha and bar hostesses during a trip to Japan. The conclusion can be made through that

observation that bar hostesses, while extremely attentive, have none of the panache or artful

conversation of a geisha or even a maiko, much less the aforementioned music and dance

training. Such training is not necessary in a bar, where geisha have not been asked to appear

(unless they are asked along on a dinner date with a customer, and then they don’t perform).

When a young woman did enter the profession as a maiko in post-war Japan, she was no

longer under a rigid, indentured contract. Instead an agreement would be reached between the

apprentice and the oka-san (mother) of the geisha house to serve a number of years as a maiko,

then another number of years as a geisha. This sort of arrangement obviously had to be based on

trust and loyalty; the oka-san had to trust that the apprentice would be loyal enough to pay back

20
all debts.42 Honor and the desire to learn and perfect an art, not indentured servitude, now

seemed to be prime element in a geisha’s obligation to her house.

A 1950’s maiko still incurred debt in much the same way as her forbears of the early

twentieth century: she depended upon the geisha house to provide her with kimono, wigs,

makeup, medical care, food, shelter, and art lessons. The owner of the geisha house would agree

to pay for these things up front with the understanding that the maiko would redeem the debts

through thorough training, a successful debut as a geisha, working for the agreed-upon number

of years, and loyalty to the geisha house. Of course any wages that came from the registry office

went straight into the okiya’s coffers to pay for this investment. Mineko Iwasaki, the most

popular maiko at her okiya, related her feelings of obligation to her oka-san’s house: “As the

atatori (designated heiress of a geisha house), I was keenly aware of my financial responsibility

to the okiya…Even though I knew little about money, I knew that I was the main support of the

household.” (Here again is evidence that personal honor held an important place in a geisha’s

concept of duty). Geisha and maiko knew a bit about money since they regularly received tips

and had the freedom to spend, save, or add their tips to their regular wages for the purpose of

debt reduction. In Mineko’s case, she usually applied any tips she got to her wage total, hence

her apparent ignorance about money.43 Since money rarely changed hands and most wages

earned eventually went to the teahouse and toward the huge personal expenses of a geisha, it is

easy to understand this ignorance.

Kimono will always be the most expensive part of a geisha’s profession, and the money

spent on kimono in the 1950s and 1960s was no exception. An apprentice’s debut as a maiko is

an extremely expensive proposition since their kimonos are very ornate and use more material.

Maiko kimono are also extremely heavy because of the extra material; the sleeves are longer,

21
the trains are longer, the obis are longer. In her book A Geisha’s Journey, Komomo states that

a maiko’s kimono can be more than twenty-three feet in length and weigh more than twenty-two

pounds.44 The expense is astonishing; Mineko Iwasaki claims that when she debuted as a maiko

in 1965, the worth of the kimono and accessories she wore was in excess of $100,000.45 Full–

fledged geisha must also spend extraordinary amounts on kimono. When they make their

formal debut from maiko to geisha, their maiko wardrobe immediately becomes unusable.

Colorful maiko kimono are considered inappropriate for a mature geisha. Note must also be

made that kimono for both maiko and geisha used in winter are usually lined, adding to the

expense and also the weight. Obi, also custom-made, are a huge related expense and are used to

compliment and contrast the color schemes on the kimono.

Fortunately, the geisha who operated during the next two decades following the war saw

a comforting increase in their business, which most likely provided them with the means to build

a substantial kimono wardrobe. Tourists from around the world were visiting Japan, especially

Americans, who now deemed Japanese goods popular once again and shopped relentlessly while

there.46 Kimono makers probably enjoyed a great boost to their income because of tourist

fascination with everything Japanese, including interaction with geisha at parties and banquets.

The ranks of geisha started increasing, and even though this increase didn’t last long, Liza Dalby

writes that “the modern geisha world has done remarkably well in regenerating its numbers.”47

Reason states that an increased number of geisha will equal an increased need in geisha-related

items. Instruments, lessons, accessories like hair ornaments and jewelry, makeup and especially

kimono were needed by all maiko and geisha, which could only have been an economic boon to

the makers and sellers of these items. Geisha have always had an influence on Japanese ladies in

regular society; many Japanese women still wear elaborate kimono for their weddings and other

22
formal occasions. Many department stores in Tokyo and other large Japanese cities have entire

floors dedicated to kimono materials and accessories. Perhaps this is another factor in the

longevity of geisha. As curators of their particular place in Japanese culture, they have

contributed significantly to the overall economic health of Japan and kept Japanese culture in the

forefront of the modern world despite another reduction in their ranks two decades after World

War II.

Liza Dalby writes that when she visited Japan in the 1970s, geisha were once again on

the wane; only 17,000 geisha were working in Japan at the time.48 The 1950s and early 1960s

had seen a resurgence of geisha, and although their traditional jobs remained the same, one might

wonder if the absence or reduction of sexual favors might have contributed to their partial

decline as the 1970s approached. Since geisha were much less likely to include sex in their

repertoire, this may have momentarily reduced their popularity, along with young women’s

reluctance to accept this act as a possible “duty” of a geisha. Ms. Dalby writes that today,

geisha still hope for the attentions of one particular patron but maintain their relationships with a

regular group of steady customers, and favored patrons are aware of this fact.49

Do special patrons still hope for sexual favors? Ms. Dalby states that even if sex is not a

part of a geisha’s attentions to her favored client, he is still provided the opportunity to indulge in

fantasy, a role in which the geisha excels. Such a societal phenomenon might be difficult for a

westerner to understand, but for Japan, with its long history of geisha as a prime element in many

men’s lives, it has been a normal aspect of Japanese society. If a client is married, this usually

has no bearing on his feelings for a geisha. A wife in Japan would be extremely tolerant of this

arrangement even if the geisha were a mistress, since geisha rarely marry or try to convince their

patrons to divorce. The logic for this is explained by Ms. Dalby:

23
 …As a wife and mother, a Japanese woman attains the highest possible social
approbation…The domestic realm may be a limited one, but within it the Japanese wife is
as sure of herself and as confident of her authority as any company president. The
outside world of her husband’s work only rarely impinges upon her world, and she is not
expected to be competent in the arts of entertaining…A wife would have reason to feel
uneasy if her husband were having an affair with a bar hostess or a secretary at the office,
but she would probably not feel so threatened by a geisha mistress.50

Another reason for the decrease in geisha during the late 1960s might be that, since Japan

was entering a modern era, young women had a larger variety of professions from which to

choose. Western influence and education most likely propelled these women away from the

geisha life, along with fear of dedicating their young years to a rigorous schedule of training in

geisha arts and the possibility of never marrying. The geisha Komomo says that when she made

the decision to become a full geisha, it was with some trepidation even though she had already

spent six years as a maiko. She knew the dedication and hard work that would come with a

future as a geisha. Komomo wanted to study abroad and experience other cultures, but after a

talk with her oka-san, decided that she would be better able to engage the world as a geisha.51

Apparently many more young women in modern Japan have also made this choice to keep the

geisha profession going, and it remains a sound opportunity if a woman feels strong enough to

make the commitment.

Geisha in modern society are still an important part of Japanese culture and have proved

it by their continued presence and commitment to preserving a beautifully rich, artistic heritage.

A geisha of today looks much the same as a geisha from the early twentieth century, a tribute to

their insistence in the role as curator. They have survived through a ruinous war and their ranks,

if not huge, remain a vibrant presence. And it appears that their numbers are on the rise again.

According to Shigeki Koga, staff writer for NikkeiNet Interactive, the number of maiko in Kyoto

has surpassed 100 for the first time since 1965. Interviews with these maiko indicate that careers
24
are more often overtaking marriage as a life choice among young women in Japan, and a career

as a geisha is considered an attractive alternative to married life.52

Geisha have successfully maintained their historical significance in the forefront of

Japanese society. They have regularly contributed to Japan’s economy through the retention of

customers and investment in kimono and the services of teachers, wigmakers, dressers and other

merchants. They provide fun and escapism, factors necessary in anyone’s life. They have

educated the world about the importance of their traditional dress and continue to influence

women in modern Japan with their sense of style. New geisha are still being recruited, an

astonishing and welcome cultural circumstance in post-modern Japan. Hopefully, the art of

geisha is here to stay for many generations to come.

25
This kimono, owned by the geisha Ichimaru,
shows a flute motif. Flutes were used by geisha
along with their samisens and drums.53

A formal kimono in Ichimaru’s collection:

“The black color, five crests, and padded hem indicate
that Ichimaru would have worn this kimono for formal
dancing or singing. The design of the crane, an
auspicious symbol associated with long life, is carried
onto the inside of the kimono, where it would have
been seen as Ichimaru held the garment up to move.”54

26
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Assmann, Stephanie. “Between Tradition and Innovation: The Reinvention of the Kimono in
Japanese Consumer Culture.” Fashion Theory 12 No. 3 (2008): 359-376.

Dalby, Liza Crihfield. Geisha. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983.

———. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. Boulder: Avery Press, 1993.

Gallagher, John. Geisha: A Unique World of Tradition, Elegance, and Art. New York: PRC
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Havens, Thomas R.H. “Women and War in Japan, 1937-45.” The American Historical Review
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Iwasaki, Mineko. Geisha: A life. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002.

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Lie, John. “The State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the 1940s.” The
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Masuda, Sayo. Autobiography of a Geisha. Translated by G.G. Rowley. New York: Columbia
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Ogino, Naoyuki. A Geisha’s Journey: My Life as a Kyoto Apprentice. Tokyo: Kodasha

International LTD., 2008.

Perkins, P.D. Geisha of Pontocho. Tokyo: Tokyo News Service, 1954.

Ramseyer, J. Mark. “Indentured Prostitution in Imperial Japan: Credible Commitments in the

Commercial Sex Industry.” Journal of Law, Economics, & Organization 7 No. 1
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Sherif, Ann. “Koda Aya’s Nagereru and the Literature of the Demimonde.” The Journal of the
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Shibusawa, Naoko. America’s Geisha Ally: Reimagining the Japanese Enemy. Cambridge:
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Smith, Robert J. “Pre-Industrial Urbanism in Japan: A Consideration of Multiple Traditions in a

Feudal Society.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 9 No. 1 (Oct., 1960): 241-
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———. “Gender Inequality in Contemporary Japan.” Journal of Japanese Studies 13 No. 1
(Winter, 1987): 1-25.

Till, Barry et.al. The Kimono of the Geisha-Diva Ichimaru. Petaluma: Pomegranate
Communications, 2006

1
Liza Dalby, Geisha (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 82.
2
John Lie, The State as Pimp: Prostitution and the Patriarchal State in Japan in the 1940s.”
The Sociological Quarterly. 38 No.2 (Spring, 1997): 251-263.
3
Dalby, Geisha, 82.
4
Lie, Pimp, 253.
5
Lie, Pimp, 257.
6
Barry Till, The Kimono of the Geisha-Diva Ichimaru (Petaluma: Pomegranate
Communications, 2006), 18.
7
Mineko Iwasaki, Geisha, A Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002) 2-10.
8
Iwasaki, Life, 2-10.
9
Sayo Masuda, Autobiography of a Geisha, 44-45.
10
Dalby, Geisha, 206.
11
Iwasaki, Life, 2-10.
12
Masuda, Autobiography, 3.
13
Masuda, Autobiography, 60.
14
Masuda, Autobiography, 72-73.
15
Robert J. Smith, “Gender Inequality in Contemporary Japan.” Journal of Japanese Studies 13
No. 1 (Winter, 1987), 9.
16
Smith, Gender, 8.
17
Till, Ichimaru, 18.
18
Till, Ichimaru, 18.
19
Naoyuki Ogino, A Geisha’s Journey: My Life as a Kyoto Apprentice (Tokyo: Kodasha
International LTD., 2008), 56.
20
Iwasaki, Geisha, a Life, insert between pages 186-187.
21
Dalby, Geisha, p 123.
22
Ogino, Journey, photo by Naoyuki Ogino, 105.
23
Ogino, A Geisha’s Journey, photo of Komomo by Naoyuki Ogino, 25.
24
Dalby, Geisha, 283.
25
Iwasaki, Life, 66-67.
26
Till, Ichimaru, 14-15; Dalby, Geisha, 294.
27
Dalby, Kimono, 325; Sherif, Nagareru, 19.
28
Dalby, Kimono, 325.
29
Iwasaki, Life, 185-186.
30
Perkins, Pontocho, 21.
31
Masuda, Autobiography, 72-73.
32
Dalby, Kimono, 131.
28
 33
Thomas R.H Havens, “Women and War in Japan, 1937-45”, The American Historical Review
80 No. 4 (Oct., 1975), 20.
34
Dalby, Kimono, 130.
35
Masuda, Autobiography, 5, 117.
36
Till, Ichimaru, 9.
37
Naoko Shibusawa,
38
J. Mark Ramseyer, “Indentured Prostitution in Imperial Japan: Credible Commitments in the
Commercial Sex Industry”, Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 7, No.1 (Spring 1991),
25.
39
Perkins, Pontocho, 18.
40
Iwasaki, Life, 67, 69-79, 163, 165.
41
Ogino, Journey, 32.
42
Ogino, Journey, 96.
43
Iwasaki, Life, 212.
44
Ogino, Journey, 56.
45
Iwasaki, Life, 154.
46
Naoko Shibusawa, America’s Geisha Ally: Reimagining the Japanese Enemy (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 2006.
47
Dalby, Geisha, 182.
48
Dalby, Geisha, 165.
49
Dalby, Geisha, 171.
50
Dalby, Geisha, 171.
51
Ogino, Journey, 96.
52
Shigeki Koga, “Learning from Kyoto Geisha: More Young women Become Apprentice
Geisha to Polish Themselves”, NikkeiNet Interactive , http://www.nni.nikkei.co.jp/cgi-
bin/print.cgi, 2008.
53
Till, Ichimaru, photo by Bob Matheson, 44.
54
Till, Ichimaru, photo by Bob Matheson, 36.

29

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