Legal Translation and Court Interpreting PDF

Annikki LIIMATAINEN, Arja NURMI, Marja KIVILEHTO, Leena SALMI, Anu
VILJANMAA, Melissa WALLACE (EDS.)
Legal translation and court interpreting: Ethical Values,

Quality, Competence Training
Contents
Preface / Vorwort / Préface ....................................................................................................... 7
Thematic foci of the volume ................................................................................................... 15
1. Linguistic rights
Maribel Del Pozo Triviño

The right of gender violence victims and survivors to quality translation and
interpreting according to legislation. The SOS-VICS contribution ……………………….... 23
Noelle Higgins and Dorothy Ní Uigín

Irish speakers in the Irish courts: Is there a need for, and right to, an interpreter? ……...….. 47
Amy Lai
Language, the rule of law, and threats of recolonization: Safeguarding the
autonomy of post-changeover Hong Kong …………..……………………………………... 67
2. The role of the interpreter

Karolina Nartowska
The role of court interpreters in criminal proceedings in the context of the
right to a fair trial. Case studies from a Polish and an Austrian court ……………….……... 93
Karin Sibul
Legal interpreting in Estonia during the political transition (1987–1997):
Terminological resources ..…………………………………………………..…………….. 123
Anu Viljanmaa and Anna Mäntynen

“This is the way I have to act”: In search of court interpreters’ ethics
and role understanding ………...…………………………………………………………... 147
3. Certification of translators and interpreters

Leena Salmi and Marja Kivilehto
Translation quality assessment: Proposals for developing the Authorised Translator’s
Examination in Finland ………………………………………………………………..…... 177
Emilia Lindroos and Stefan Kirchner

Language and the right to a fair trial: A normative approach to
legal interpreting in Finland and Germany …………………………………………...…… 197
Melissa Wallace
Lessons from Finland: Diversity and flexibility in the authorization
of court interpreters ………………………………………………………………………... 217
4. Translator and interpreter education

Gerhard Edelmann
Qualitätssicherung von Übersetzungsleistungen durch Integrierung des Fachwissens
in die Ausbildung ............................................................................................................ 241
Iwona Jacewicz
Allen Menschen Recht getan, ist es wirklich eine Kunst, die niemand
kann? Rechtsübersetzer als Hüter und Verräter der Kommunikations-
und Rechtsgemeinschaften – eine besondere Herausforderung für die
Translationsdidaktik im Zeitalter der Wissensrevolution ………………..………………... 259
Agata de Laforcade
Rapprochement entre le monde juridique et linguistique à travers une
innovation pédagogique, l’exemple de la « Communication juridique interculturelle » .…. 277
Ingrid Simonnæs
Teaching legal translation: Didactic considerations – The online course JurDist ……....… 291
5. Terms and tools

Linda Dewolf
Etude centrée sur les problèmes de définition posés par l’émergence de nouveaux
concepts dans le Code de la route belge …………………….......................................…….. 315
Evgeniya Kakzanova
Lexikographische Fixierung der juristischen und anderen fachspezifischen
eponymischen Termini …..………………………………………………………………… 335
Giorgina Cerutti
Evaluating tools for legal translation research needs: The case of
fourth-generation concordancers ………………………………………………………..… 357
6
Preface
The quadrilingual international conference on the study of legal language, trans-
lating statutory texts and court interpreting, TransLaw2016: Translation and In-
terpreting as a Means of Guaranteeing Equality under Law (Übersetzen und Dol-
metschen als Garant der Gleichheit vor Gericht, La traduction et l’interprétation
comme moyens pour garantir l’égalité juridique, Перевод как гарант принципа
равенства перед законом) was held at the University of Tampere on 2–3 May
2016. The organising committee consisted of teachers and researchers of legal and
administrative translation and court interpreting at the University of Tampere
Master’s Programme in Multilingual Communication and Translation Studies
(Moviko) including Professor Annikki Liimatainen (chair), Senior Lecturers Nina
Isolahti, Marja Kivilehto, and Arja Nurmi, post-doctoral researcher Anna Ruusila
and university instructor Anu Viljanmaa as well as Leena Salmi, professor of
multilingual translation studies at the University of Turku.
Participants came from 23 countries. There were three plenary presentations and
47 oral presentations, with plenary speakers covering three central themes of the
field. Professor Jaakko Husa from the University of Lapland discussed translating
and interpreting law and particularly the effects of static and dynamic inter-
pretations of the law. Professor Emerita Ingrid Simonnæs (Norges Handelshøy-
skole) presented a Norwegian online course intended to qualify translators in legal
translation. Assistant Professor Melissa Wallace from the University of Texas San
Antonio, who spent spring term 2016 at the School of Language, Translation and
Literary Studies at the University of Tampere, discussed the practices of Finnish
authorized translation and legal interpreting in relation to the EU directive on the
right to interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings (2010/64/EU).
All over Europe, the availability and level of professionalization of interpreting
and translation services in connection with asylum seekers is called into question,
both in terms of the interviews conducted as well as the asylum application
process itself. Another current topic was the language policies of multilingual
communities. In which language are laws written? Which is the official language
of the court? Are there qualified sign language and spoken language interpreters
available? Are the accused, witnesses and plaintiffs receiving competent trans-
lation and interpreting, and are their language and due process rights being pro-
tected? These and other questions are explored as they relate to current realities
in Hong Kong, Ireland or the border cities of the USA and Mexico.
Many presentations pondered the perennial problems of translating legal and
administrative texts or interpreting in legal contexts, examining issues such as
how to translate terms and fixed phrases describing one legal system into another
where the terms and phraseology describe a completely different judicial system,
or how to translate EU legislation into different languages. Other points of interest
were the training, professional roles and ethics of court interpreters, the processes
of training and authorizing translators in different countries, and training novice
translators to be professionals of legal translation.
The warmth of early May was reflected in the mood of the conference, the first of
its kind to be organized at Tampere. Judging by the very positive and enthusiastic
feedback received, participants deemed TransLaw2016 a success. On the basis of
the conference presentations we have now edited this volume, allowing us to
showcase some of the contributions from the conference, briefly introduced in the
next section. Our volume would not have come about without the authors, and we
wish to thank them warmly for all their effort and patience. Likewise, we would
also like to wholeheartedly thank our anonymous referees for the constructive and
encouraging feedback they gave our authors. In addition, we heartily thank Henrik
Oksanen, MA, who has indefatigably worked in our assistance and taken excellent
care of editing all articles in this volume, and thus lightening the burden of the
editors considerably. Thanks are also due to the Emil Öhmann Foundation of the
Finnish Academy of Science and Letters as well as the German language, culture
and translation degree programme at the University of Tampere. This volume
would not exist without the financial assistance of these bodies. Finally, we wish
to express our gratitude to Frank & Timme for including our volume in their
Forum für Fachsprachenforschung series.
Tampere, Turku and San Antonio, September 2017
The editors
8
Vorwort
Vom 2. bis 3. Mai 2016 wurde an der Universität Tampere (Finnland) eine vier-
sprachige internationale Konferenz zur Forschung von Rechtssprache, Über-
setzung juristischer Texte und Gerichtsdolmetschen abgehalten, die den Titel
TransLaw2016 – Translation and Interpreting as a Means of Guaranteeing Equal-
ity under Law, Übersetzen und Dolmetschen als Garant der Gleichheit vor Ge-
richt, La traduction et l’interprétation comme moyens pour garantir l’égalité
juridique, Перевод как гарант принципа равенства перед законом trug.
Als Organisatorinnen fungierten Lehrende und Forscherinnen des Masterprog-
rammes Mehrsprachige Kommunikation und Translationswissenschaft (Moviko)
der Universität Tampere, die sich in Lehre und/oder Forschung mit dem Konfe-
renzthema befassen, namentlich Professorin Annikki Liimatainen (Vorsitzende
des Organisationskommittees), Universitätslektorinnen Nina Isolahti, Marja Kivi-
lehto und Arja Nurmi, Postdoctoral Researcher Anna Ruusila, Universitätslehre-
rin Anu Viljanmaa sowie Leena Salmi, Professorin für mehrsprachige Trans-
lationswissenschaft an der Universität Turku.
Die Konferenz lockte Teilnehmende aus 23 Ländern nach Tampere. Es gab insge-
samt drei Plenarvorträge und 47 Sektionsbeiträge zu hören. Die Plenarvorträge
befassten sich mit aktuellen Themen der Translationswissenschaft: Professor
Jaakko Husa (Universität Lappland) befasste sich in seinem Vortrag mit dem
Übersetzen und Interpretieren von Gesetzen und erörterte Wirkungen, die die
statische und dynamische Interpretation von Gesetzen auf das Übersetzen aus-
üben. Professorin Emerita Ingrid Simonnæs (Norges Handelshøyskole) stellte ein
in Norwegen entwickeltes E-Learning-Modul vor, das darauf abzielt, Übersetzer
insbesondere für das Übersetzen von juridischen Texten zu qualifizieren. Profes-
sorin Melissa Wallace (University of Texas San Antonio), die das Frühjahrsse-
mester 2016 als Fulbright-Professorin im Fachbereich für Sprach-, Translations-
und Literaturwissenschaften an der Universität Tampere verbracht hatte, widmete
sich in ihrem Beitrag der Umsetzung und Praxis der Autorisierung von amtlich
ermächtigten Übersetzern und Gerichtsdolmetschern in Finnland in Bezug auf die
Europäische Richtlinie 2010/64/EU über das Recht auf Dolmetschleistungen und
Übersetzungen in Strafverfahren.
9
Die Sektionsbeiträge befassten sich ebenfalls mit äußerst aktuellen Themen. Eu-
ropaweit ist in letzter Zeit mehrfach über die Verfügbarkeit und Professionalität
von Dolmetsch- und Übersetzungsdienstleistungen in den verschiedenen Phasen
des Asylprozesses diskutiert worden. Ein weiteres aktuelles Thema war die Spra-
chenpolitik von mehrsprachigen Gemeinschaften: in welcher Sprache werden
Gesetze verfasst, in welcher Sprache wird vor Gericht prozessiert, wird das Recht
von Angeklagten, Zeugen und geschädigten Parteien auf professionelle Über-
setzung und Verdolmetschung als Garant der Gleichheit vor Gericht z. B. in Hong-
kong, Irland oder in den Grenzstädten zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und Me-
xiko gewahrt oder nicht, und wie sieht es aus mit der Verfügbarkeit von kom-
petenten Dolmetschdienstleistungen für Gebärdensprachen?
In vielen Vorträgen wurde die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Dauerthemen beim Über-
setzen und Dolmetschen von Rechts- und Verwaltungstexten gerichtet: Wie kön-
nen beispielsweise Termini, feststehende Wortverbindungen und Formeln, die mit
der jeweiligen Sprache und dem Rechtssystem eng verflochten sind, in eine an-
dere Sprache übersetzt werden, in der die Termini und Phraseologismen eine mehr
oder weniger unterschiedliche Rechtsordnung abbilden. Und wie werden zum
Beispiel Texte der EU-Gesetzgebung für die Mitgliedstaaten in die entsprechen-
den Sprachen übersetzt. Zu den Schwerpunkten der Konferenzvorträge zählten
darüber hinaus die Ausbildung, das translatorische Berufsverständnis und die
Berufsethik gerichtlicher Dolmetscher, die Autorisierung bzw. amtliche Ermäch-
tigung und die Ausbildung der Urkundenübersetzer in verschiedenen Ländern so-
wie die Ausbildung zu professionellen Übersetzern im Bereich Rechtstexte.
Die Konferenzteilnehmenden konnten sich nicht nur der Wärme der ersten Mai-
woche in Finnland erfreuen, sondern sie hielten die erste in Tampere organisierte
Konferenz zur Forschung von Rechtssprache, Übersetzung juristischer Texte und
Gerichtsdolmetschen auch sonst in vielerlei Hinsicht für gelungen und das Feed-
back, das wir von den Teilnehmenden erhalten haben, ist durchaus positiv und
anregend ausgefallen.
Ausgewählte Konferenzbeiträge werden in dem vorliegenden referierten Ta-
gungsband veröffentlicht, und die entsprechenden Beiträge werden nach dem
Vorwort kurz in Englisch vorgestellt. Das Erscheinen des vorliegenden Bandes
wäre ohne die Autorinnen und Autoren nicht möglich. Wir möchten Ihnen allen
10
recht herzlich dafür danken, dass Sie uns die Vorträge für den Druck zur
Verfügung gestellt haben. In diesem Zusammenhang möchten wir uns ebenfalls
herzlich bei unseren Peer-Review-Gutachtern, die nicht namentlich genannt
werden können, für das motivierende und konstruktive Feedback bedanken, das
sie unseren Autoren gegeben haben. Ein aufrichtiges Dankeschön geht auch an
unseren Redaktionssekretär, Herrn Henrik Oksanen, der geradezu unerschöpflich
an der Edition des Bandes gearbeitet und unsere Arbeitsbelastung somit wesent-
lich erleichtert hat. Ein besonders herzlicher Dank gebührt der Emil-Öhmann-
Stiftung der Finnischen Akademie der Wissenschaften sowie dem Studienprog-
ramm Deutsche Sprache, Kultur und Translation der Universität Tampere, ohne
deren finanzielle Unterstützung der vorliegende Band wohl kaum zustande ge-
kommen wäre. Abschließend möchten wir dem Verlag Frank & Timme für seine
Bereitschaft danken, den Tagungsband in der Reihe Forum für Fachsprachen-
forschung zu publizieren.
Tampere, Turku und San Antonio, September 2017
Die Herausgeberinnen
11
Préface
Un colloque international sur la traduction et l’interprétation juridique s’est tenu

à Tampere, Finlande, les 2 et 3 mai 2016. Il était intitulé, dans les quatre langues
utilisées au colloque, Translation and Interpreting as a Means of Guaranteeing
Equality under Law, Übersetzen und Dolmetschen als Garant der Gleichheit vor
Gericht, La traduction et l’interprétation comme moyens pour garantir l’égalité
juridique, Перевод как гарант принципа равенства перед законом, ou
TransLaw2016 en court. Cet ouvrage regroupe une partie des interventions sous
forme d’articles. Le colloque était organisé par l’UFR de Communication multi-
lingue et traductologie (Moviko) de l’Université de Tampere. Le comité
d’organisation comprenait les enseignants-chercheurs Nina Isolahti, Marja Kivi-
lehto, Arja Nurmi, Anna Ruusila et Anu Viljanmaa, ainsi que les professeurs
Annikki Liimatainen (présidente) et Leena Salmi (de l’Université de Turku).
Les participants du colloque représentaient 23 pays différents. Le programme con-
tenait trois conférences plénières et 47 présentations. Les conférenciers pléniers
ont abordé trois thèmes centraux du domaine. Le professeur Jaakko Husa (Uni-
versité de Laponie) a discuté de la traduction et de l’interprétation du droit et en
particulier des effets des interprétations statiques et dynamiques de la loi. La
professeure émérite Ingrid Simonnæs (Norwegian School of Economics) a
présenté un cours en ligne norvégien destiné à qualifier les traducteurs en
traduction juridique. La professeure Melissa Wallace (Université du Texas San
Antonio), après avoir passé le semestre de printemps 2016 comme professeur
Fulbright à l’Université de Tampere, a traité des pratiques finlandaises de
traduction assermentée et d’interprétation juridique par rapport à la directive
2010/64/UE relative au droit à l’interprétation et à la traduction dans le cadre des
procédures pénales.
Les autres présentations ont traité de nombreuses questions d’actualité. Dans toute
l’Europe, on discute actuellement de la disponibilité et le degré de professionna-
lisme des services d’interprétation et de traduction dans le cadre des entretiens
avec les demandeurs d’asile et dans le processus de demande d’asile dans sa
globalité. Un autre sujet actuel est la politique linguistique des communautés
multilingues : dans quelle langue les lois sont rédigées ; quelle est la langue
12
utilisée au tribunal ; est-ce que l’accusé, les témoins et le plaignant reçoivent une
traduction et une interprétation compétentes qui assure la protection de leurs
droits, par exemple à Hong Kong, en Irlande ou dans les villes frontalières des
États-Unis et du Mexique ; existe-t-il des interprètes de langage des signes
qualifiés disponibles ?
Plusieurs présentations ont aussi porté sur les problèmes perpétuels de la traduc-
tion et l’interprétation des textes juridiques et administratifs : comment traduire
des termes et des expressions figées décrivant un certain système juridique dans
une autre langue où les termes et la phraséologie décrivent un système judiciaire
complètement différent ; ou comment traduire la législation de l’UE en différentes
langues. D’autres thèmes centraux sont : la formation, les rôles professionnels et
l’éthique des interprètes judiciaires, les processus des différents pays dans la for-
mation et l’autorisation des traducteurs de traduire des documents officiels, ainsi
que la formation des traducteurs en des professionnels de la traduction juridique.
La chaleur du début de mai a pu être sentie aussi dans l’ambiance du colloque.
C’était le premier colloque dans ce domaine organisé à Tampere et, à en juger par
les commentaires enthousiastes, les participants l’ont trouvé très réussi.
Ce volume n’aurait pas vu le jour sans les auteurs qui y ont participé, et nous
souhaitons les remercier pour leurs efforts et leur patience. Nous adressons
également nos remerciements sincères aux évaluateurs anonymes pour les com-
mentaires constructifs et encourageants qu’ils ont donnés aux auteurs. En outre,
nous remercions chaleureusement M. Henrik Oksanen, MA, qui nous a assisté
dans ce travail et a pris le soin d’éditer les articles de ce volume, atténuant ainsi
considérablement le fardeau des éditeurs. Nous remercions également la Fon-
dation Emil Öhmann de l’Académie finlandaise des sciences et des lettres, ainsi
que le programme de formation en langue, culture et traduction allemandes à
l’Université de Tampere. Ce volume n’existerait pas sans l’aide financière de ces
organismes. Enfin, nous souhaitons exprimer notre gratitude à Frank & Timme
pour avoir inclus notre volume dans leur série Forum für Fachsprachenforschung.
Tampere, Turku et San Antonio, septembre 2017
Les éditeurs
13
Thematic foci of the volume
The three papers grouped under the heading of linguistic rights present different
aspects of legal rights in the intersection of two or more legal systems or lan-
guages, whether in the context of the European Union or multilingual countries
(Ireland and Hong Kong). Two of the papers are written in collaboration with or
by legal scholars, which brings the needed multidisciplinary point of view to the
field.
Maribel Del Pozo Triviño’s examination of international, EU and Spanish legis-
lation on the right of gender violence survivors to understand and be understood
in the justice system places at the fore the impact of gender violence on migrant
women, a decidedly vulnerable population. Her analysis of best practices in im-
proving communication between service providers and victims through qualified
interpreters is informed by recent research carried out by the EU co-funded project
Speak Out for Support (SOS-VICS).
Noelle Higgins and Dorothy Ní Uigín discuss the issues related to Irish speakers
in the Irish courts and how the linguistic rights of the minority language speakers
are realized. They address the question of constitutional and legislative protection
of the Irish language and describe how the right to an interpreter is guaranteed in
Irish courts. They further raise the issue of whether trials carried out entirely in
Irish instead of interpreter-mediated English would be feasible as well as needed.
The question of linguistic rights is also approached from a legal point of view in
the contribution by Amy Lai. She presents the current situation of Hong Kong,
where the colonial legal tradition in English, the local legal tradition in Cantonese,
and the Mainland Chinese legal tradition in Mandarin are vying for place and
prestige in a situation which she argues to be recolonizing. Lai ties current events
in Hong Kong to the question of human rights: the imposition of Mainland Chin-
ese legal concepts in Mandarin on Hong Kong and its inhabitants can be seen as
a way to undermine the autonomy of the territory.
The three papers grouped here discuss the role of the interpreter. The authors pres-
ent studies exploring the roles interpreters take in legal contexts and the ethical
dilemmas that go with them.
Karolina Nartowska examines the actual roles performed by two interpreters in a
given criminal court interaction. She subjects audio-recorded and transcribed data
from a criminal proceeding in a Polish court and another in an Austrian court to
Critical Discourse Analysis, and this way shows how the appointed interpreters
are both active and visible participants in the court proceedings, influencing court
interaction. In addition, her examples demonstrate how interpreters do not always
allow the foreign defendant their right to participate actively in the trial.
Karin Sibul provides in her article an insight into the history of legal interpreting
in Estonia during the transition period of 1987–1997. She examines the inter-
preter’s work by showing how interpreters tackled the issue of non-existent legal
terminology during the changeover from one legal system to another at a time
when available reference sources were scarce. Sibul shows how interpreters,
through their groundbreaking terminology work, can contribute to the state’s
symbolic capital in the sense of Pierre Bourdieu.
Anu Viljanmaa and Anna Mäntynen in their contribution directly interrogate
potential or perceived gaps between theory and practice in relation to court
interpreters’ codes of ethics by proposing a series of ethical dilemmas to a sizeable
study cohort and then qualitatively examining the reasoning behind the respon-
dents’ decision-making processes. As any practitioner knows, at times the canons
of a profession’s deontological codes can conflict with common sense or users’
expectations. Indeed, one canon of a code of ethics can even conflict with another,
making the way court interpreters understand codes of ethics and their attitudes
towards them particularly worthy of examination.
16
Another vital aspect of quality assurance in legal translation and interpreting is

the process of certification. The three papers grouped together here deal with these
issues – mainly in the Finnish context, but also making comparisons between sys-
tems and showcasing good practices which may be adoptable in other countries.
Leena Salmi and Marja Kivilehto present the assessment system in the Finnish
Authorised Translator’s Examination. They compare these practices with some
other assessment systems used in similar examinations and within the translation
industry, and discuss possibilities and opportunities for modifying the Finnish
system.
Emilia Lindroos and Stefan Kirchner write about the challenges of guaranteeing
legal certainty in Finland and Germany. They give a detailed account of the na-
tional statutory principles regulating translation and interpretation services pro-
vided in criminal proceedings and their potential impact on the quality of trans-
lation and interpretation services.
Melissa Wallace describes and discusses the various accreditation mechanisms
for authorized translators and court interpreters in Finland. She first presents the
system of accrediting authorized translators in Finland and proceeds to look at the
different paths interpreters in Finland can follow to be admitted to the newly
established national register of court interpreters.
The four papers grouped here discuss training for translators and interpreters.
Many have a focus on the ways in which translator and interpreter education can
help protect the rights of people who receive translation and interpreting services.
Gerhard Edelmann’s topic is the quality assurance of translation in the education
of legal translators. His contribution makes a point for considering legal expertise
as an absolute prerequisite for the translation of legal texts which should be taken
into account in the education of legal translators.
17
Iwona Jacewicz describes the special role played by legal translators in the context
of rapid technological, economic and social developments as well as the new ways
that generations Y and Z think of translation studies, and legal translation in par-
ticular. Special attention is paid to new challenges for teaching legal translation,
with a particular focus on document translation as well as the information
requirements and expectations of the source text and the target text recipients.
In her article, Agata de Laforcade presents the study programme “Cross-cultural
legal communication”, designed to strengthen the links between lawyers and court
interpreters and translators. The aim is to improve the language competences of
lawyers to help them work in international and multicultural environments, as
well as to advance their collaboration with translators and interpreters.
Ingrid Simonnæs presents a Norwegian online course intended to qualify trans-
lators in legal translation in a country where almost no translation training pro-
grammes exist. After the more theoretically-oriented discussion of some essential
aspects of legal translation, the author turns to the practical side of teaching legal
translation. The paper goes on to address the JurDist distance learning pro-
gramme, focusing on several pertinent details and describing its interdisciplinary
approach.
5. Terms and tools
The final section of the volume brings together three papers discussing terms and
tools. The questions of legal terminology and the ways terms are created and
described in translators’ and interpreters’ reference materials – and in laws, for
that matter – are one vital aspect of legal translation. Another major question is
the availability of tools for accessing parallel texts both for research, which can
provide working translators with solutions, and for the translation process itself.
Linda Dewolf’s paper addresses issues related to the development of driverless
cars from the point of view of legal terminology. She discusses the Belgian
Highway Code as an example of legislation where terminology related to driving
a vehicle needs to be updated to correspond to rapidly evolving new technologies.
18
Evgeniya Kakzanova’s paper focuses on one challenging area of legal language,
eponymic terms, i.e. terms referring to a person, place, or thing for whom or for
which something is named. Her data comes from two law dictionaries. Qualitative
analysis shows that structurally juridical eponyms are represented by one-word
terms, compounds and word combinations. All one-word eponymic terms found
in the data are international, including particularly toponyms and anthroponyms.
In the final paper of the volume, Giorgina Cerutti evaluates corpus tools from the
point of view of legal translation. While her particular focus is on researchers’
needs, the fourth generation concordancers discussed can also be useful for others
interested in corpus-based methods. The author’s rigorous analysis is based on the
evaluation framework created by the EAGLES project and provides readers with
useful information about a selection of concordancers capable of handling parallel
corpora.
6. Conclusion
The studies presented in this volume offer valuable new insights into legal trans-
lation and interpreting. Many of them focus on equality under law, discussing the
ways the linguistic rights of all participants in legal contexts need to be protected
in order to ensure fairness. The contributions showcase many different aspects of
approaching this goal. The broader themes concern language policies and their
impact on legal translation and interpreting, as well as translators’ and inter-
preters’ understanding of their own role in the legal and administrative processes
in which they participate. In terms of approaching the level of professional com-
petence required, contributors explore the processes and practices of translator
and interpreter training, and discuss the certification of translators and interpreters
which will not only ensure professional competence but also allow courts and
other authorities a means of selecting qualified and competent professionals.
Finally, approaches dealing with the more detailed questions of terminological
issues in negotiating different legal systems in a changing world and the ways in
which we can produce research-based information on legal language show how
the necessary foundation of education and quality assurance is built.
19
20
Maribel DEL POZO-TRIVIÑO (Vigo)
The right of gender violence victims and survivors to

quality translation and interpreting according to
legislation. The SOS-VICS contribution
Abstract
Violence against women is a type of gender-based discrimination and a violation of human
rights suffered by many women all over the world, affecting different groups of women in dif-
ferent ways. Migrant women who do not speak the language of the host country are a particu-
larly vulnerable group due to the cultural and linguistic barriers they face to access justice. In
order to guarantee the right of victims to information and justice, Directive 2012/29/EU, estab-
lishing minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime obliges
Member State governments to provide means for such victims and survivors to understand and
be understood, including the provision of quality translation and interpreting services. This
chapter reviews international, EU and Spanish legislation on the right of gender violence vic-
tims/survivors to understand and be understood and analyses the best ways to improve com-
munication between service providers and victims through well-trained interpreters, in the light
of recent research carried out by the EU co-funded project Speak Out for Support (SOS-VICS).
Keywords: Gender violence legislation, right to translation and interpreting, training inter-
preters, immigrant women, gender violence victims
1. The phenomenon of violence against women
Violence against women is a phenomenon that affects thousands of women world-

wide, as revealed by recent studies, such as Violence against women: An EU-wide
survey (FRA 2014). According to this report, one in three EU women (33%) has
experienced physical and/or sexual violence since the age of 15 years old.
In 2013, the World Health Organisation published the first systematic interna-
tional review on the prevalence of violence against women. It collected and an-
alysed data from around the world and found that “violence against women is a
significant public health problem and a violation of human rights that affects more
than one third of all women globally” (WHO 2013: 1). It also concluded that the
Maribel del Pozo-Triviño
prevalence of violence against women is “a global public health problem of

epidemic proportions, requiring urgent action” (WHO 2013: 36).
But before going any further, we need to first define “violence against women”.
The General Assembly of the United Nations, in its Declaration on the Elimina-
tion of Violence against Women, signed in 1993, defined this phenomenon as:
any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual
or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or
arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life (UN 1993:
n.p.).
This definition is crucial when understanding the phenomenon because, on the

one hand, it highlights that this crime is gender-based, meaning it is perpetrated
against women because of their gender, and, on the other hand, it detaches it from
the domestic context by stating that violence may occur both in one’s private and
public life. It is therefore a public issue and a violation of human rights that has
to be addressed by governments and public institutions all over the world (Naredo
2015).
Moreover, paragraph one of article two of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights1 reinforces the prohibition of gender-based discrimination
even further by establishing that:
1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all
individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the
present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language,
religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status
(1966: n.p.).
1.1. Legislation on gender violence
Over the past six decades and after the UN adopted the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights2 on 10 December 1948, many nations have introduced or improved
legislation to prevent and respond to violence against women in all its different
1
Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly
resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 1966, with entry into force on 23 March 1976
in accordance with Article 49. http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.
aspx.
2
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf.
24
The right of gender violence victims to quality translation and interpreting
forms. Legislation increasingly criminalises violence against women by prosecut-

ing and punishing perpetrators, as well as by empowering and supporting victims
and survivors. Thanks to this response, victims today can benefit from civil rem-
edies such as pensions, housing, subsidies, etc., in addition to receiving police and
legal protection as well as psychological counselling.
It is not the objective of this chapter to thoroughly review all legislation on gender
violence but rather to focus primarily on the most relevant international legal in-
struments ratified by many nations. Among the instruments worth mentioning are
the:
Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW), United Nations, 18 December 1979;
Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, United Nations,
20 December 1993;
Fourth World Conference on Women, (Beijing Declaration), United Nations,
September 1995.
The Council of Europe is the continent’s leading human rights organisation com-
prised of 47 Member States, 28 of which are members of the European Union.
This institution has also created legislation to prevent and combat violence against
women, one of the most important instruments being the Convention on Prevent-
ing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (known as
the Istanbul Convention), signed on 12 April 2011, and ratified by many nations3
(Council of Europe 2011).
The European Union has no specific legislation on violence against women, but
there is an important legal instrument; namely, Directive 2012/29/EU of the Eu-
ropean Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2012 establishing minimum
standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime (hereinafter
referred to as the Victims’ Directive), which places special emphasis on victims
of gender-based violence.
3
The current state of signatures and ratifications can be checked here: https://www.coe.int/
en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/treaty/210/signatures?p_auth=vkxrjl5M.
25
Spain made a critical contribution 12 years ago towards the fight against gender
violence by introducing the most advanced law in Europe at the time on violence
against women, namely Basic Law 1/2004 on Comprehensive Protection
Measures to Combat Violence against Women (Spain 2004). The law set out to
define not just the personal or domestic nature of the issue but also the political
and social one and has therefore established a number of rights including the set-
ting up of specialised police units and courts as well as budgets to protect victims
and train workers in the field.
However, despite efforts to prevent and fight violence against women, nations
throughout the world are still failing to live up to their international obligations
and commitments due to significant gaps in legal frameworks. For instance, too
many perpetrators are not held accountable, impunity persists, women continue
to be re-victimised throughout the legal process, etc., as stated in the Amnesty
International 2016/17 report on human rights:
Women and girls were frequently subjected to discrimination, marginalization and abuse
often because of cultural traditions and norms, and discrimination institutionalized by
unjust laws (2017: 22).
As human rights organisations acknowledge, besides gender inequality, there are

other factors that increase discrimination against women such as race, ethnicity,
sexual identity, social status, class, age, and language. These factors impose re-
strictions on women, increase their vulnerability to violence and make it harder
for them to improve their situation and obtain justice. Migrant women, who have
to overcome significant language and cultural barriers, are one of the most vul-
nerable groups (Toledano et al. 2015). Furthermore, one of the most outstanding
gaps in current legislation is a lack of due attention to these most vulnerable
women (Amnesty International 2007; DGVG 2015; Naredo 2015).
1.2. The impact of gender violence on migrant women
Several national and international organisations (Amnesty International 2007,

2017; Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women 2012,
2014; DGVG 2015) have warned that the prevalence of gender violence is higher
among foreign and/or immigrant women since they usually have additional
hurdles that prevent them from seeking assistance to escape gender violence.
26
These can be social isolation, dependence on their aggressor, cultural and reli-
gious beliefs that discourage challenging male authority and, in many cases,
illegal status in the host country, among others (Abril 2015; Del Pozo in press;
Toledano et al. 2015).
In Spain, according to the 2015 Survey on Violence Against Women conducted
by the Spanish Government’s Office for Gender Violence (DGVG 2015), about
2.5 million women have, at some time in their lives, suffered gender-based vio-
lence. The scenario worsens in migrant women where the report states that
“women born abroad suffer physical and/or sexual violence and/or fear of a (cur-
rent/former) partner to a greater extent (27.7%) than those born in Spain (14%),
the differences being statistically significant” (DGVG 2015: 349).
2. Linguistic rights as essential to access justice
2.1. International legislation
As mentioned above, international human rights legislation urges nations to tackle

gender-based discrimination, acknowledging that migrant women are an especial-
ly vulnerable group, compelling governments to take measures to minimise ob-
stacles faced when accessing justice (Naredo 2015: 38). The Beijing Declaration
of 1995 (strategic objective D.1.b) likewise establishes that when taking measures
to prevent and eliminate violence against women, one should “establish
linguistically and culturally accessible services for migrant women and girls,
including women migrant workers, who are victims of gender-based violence”
(UN 1995: n.p.). However, the reality is that many resources allocated for such
victims do not reach them because they are often in a language they cannot under-
stand and because they have not been culturally adapted (Fernandes del Pozo
2014).
Another crucial measure to facilitate the right of victims to understand and be
understood is the provision of free translation and interpretation as recognised on
27
two occasions by the CEDAW Committee4. In the first case, Jalow v. Bulgaria5,
the defendant is an illiterate woman from Gambia who has suffered from violence
by her partner. According to the Committee:
3.4 The author argues that the exercise and enjoyment of her and her daughter’s rights
were affected by failure on the part of the State to take appropriate measures, in violation
of article 3 of the Convention.
She had no or limited access to the institutions dealing with issues related to gender-based
violence (the police, the courts, the health-care system and the State Agency for Child
Protection) because her lack of knowledge of Bulgarian prevented her from accessing
those institutions directly unless she secured an interpreter at her own expense (Commit-
tee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women 2012: 7–8).
The second case, R.P.B v. Philippines6, is about a 17-year-old deaf girl who was
raped by her neighbour and had no interpreter during the court proceedings, even
during the judge’s decision to acquit the accused. In this communication:
8.5 The Committee observes that the free assistance of an interpreter in cases where the
parties concerned, such as the accused or the witnesses, cannot understand or speak the
language used in court, is a fundamental fair trial guarantee enshrined in human rights
treaties and further developed in the jurisprudence of treaty bodies (Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women 2014: 14).
In both cases, the Committee considers that the States did not guarantee the vic-
tim’s access to justice since she could not effectively communicate without an
interpreter.
2.2. European Union legislation
The EU has a wide and solid acquis based on fundamental values such as the right
to liberty, security, to be free from harm, etc. and the aim of such acquis is to
ensure that any victim of a crime is treated in a dignified, respectful and fair man-
ner. Accordingly, since 2001, the EU started developing minimum rights for vic-
tims and better access to compensation. Moreover, EU legislation also recognises
4
The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is the
body that monitors implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women. More information on the Committee can be found at:
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/CEDAW/Pages/Introduction.aspx.
5
Communication No. 32/2011, Isatou Jallow v. Bulgaria.
6
Communication No. 34/2011, R. P. B. v. the Philippines.
28
the needs of the most vulnerable groups such as children, women suffering gen-
der-based violence, and victims of terrorism and of human trafficking7.
More specifically, the Victims’ directive recognises the special attention required
by certain groups of victims such as migrant women and girls and, even though
this instrument is not specifically concerned with translation and interpreting, it
underlines the linguistic problems faced by such victims and states in its recitals:
(21) Information […] and advice should be provided in simple and accessible language.
It should also be ensured that the victim can be understood during proceedings. In this
respect, the victim’s knowledge of the language used to provide information, age, ma-
turity, intellectual and emotional capacity, literacy and any mental or physical impairment
should be taken into account. […] Equally, limitations on a victim’s ability to communi-
cate information should be taken into account during criminal proceedings (EU 2012: 59).
(34) Justice cannot be effectively achieved unless victims can properly explain the cir-
cumstances of the crime and provide their evidence in a manner understandable to the
competent authorities. […] Interpretation should therefore be made available, free of
charge, during questioning of the victim and in order to enable them to participate actively
in court hearings, in accordance with the role of the victim in the relevant criminal justice
system.
(35) The victim should have the right to challenge a decision finding that there is no need
for interpretation or translation, in accordance with procedures in national law.
(36) The fact that a victim speaks a language which is not widely spoken should not, in
itself, be grounds to decide that interpretation or translation would unreasonably prolong
the criminal proceedings (EU 2012: 60–61).
Hertog (2015b: 28) points out that when looking at the articles of the Victims’
directive related to translation and interpreting for victims, one should bear in
mind that they need to be seen against Directive 2010/64/EU of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 20 October 2010 on the right to interpretation
and translation in criminal proceedings. This Directive deals with the right to
interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings, the translation of essential
documents, the mechanism to ensure that quality interpreting is provided, the pos-
sibility to make use of remote interpreting, and the need to establish a register of
qualified interpreters and provide training for legal professionals on how to work
7
Speech at the European Law Academy, Trier, of former Vice-President Viviane Reding,
EU Justice Commissioner on 12 March 2010. The full speech can be accessed here:
http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-10-89_en.htm.
29
efficiently across languages and cultures (Del Pozo / Blasco 2015; EU 2010; Her-
tog 2015a, 2015b).
Article three of the Victims’ directive is devoted to victims’ right to understand
and be understood from the very first contact and during all their communications
with competent authorities:
1. Member States shall take appropriate measures to assist victims to understand and to
be understood from the first contact and during any further necessary interaction they
have with a competent authority in the context of criminal proceedings, including where
information is provided by that authority.
2. Member States shall ensure that communications with victims are given in simple and
accessible language, orally or in writing. Such communications shall take into account
the personal characteristics of the victim including any disability which may affect the
ability to understand or to be understood (EU 2012: 66).
Article four (f) stipulates how and under what conditions victims are entitled to
interpretation and translation, while Article five is devoted to the right of victims
to make a complaint. It reads as follows:
1. Member States shall ensure that victims receive written acknowledgement of their
formal complaint made by them to the competent authority of a Member State, stating the
basic elements of the criminal offence concerned.
2. Member States shall ensure that victims who wish to make a complaint with regard to
a criminal offence and who do not understand or speak the language of the competent
authority be enabled to make the complaint in a language that they understand or by re-
ceiving the necessary linguistic assistance.
3. Member States shall ensure that victims who do not understand or speak the language
of the competent authority, receive translation, free of charge, of the written acknowl-
edgement of their complaint provided for in paragraph 1, if they so request, in a language
that they understand (EU 2012: 67).
Article seven is quite long and is entirely devoted to the right to interpretation and
translation. As indicated by Hertog (2015b: 28), paragraph one of this article
states that Member States shall ensure that victims who do not understand or speak
the language of the criminal proceedings are provided, upon request, with inter-
pretation, free of charge, at least during any interviews or questioning before in-
vestigative and judicial authorities, including during police questioning, in order
to guarantee their active participation in court hearings:
of the criminal proceedings concerned are provided, upon request, with interpretation in
accordance with their role in the relevant criminal justice system in criminal proceedings,
30
free of charge, at least during any interviews or questioning of the victim during criminal
proceedings before investigative and judicial authorities, including during police ques-
tioning, and interpretation for their active participation in court hearings and any necess-
ary interim hearings (EU 2012: 67–68).
Paragraph two refers to the use of communications technologies such as videocon-

ferencing, telephone or Internet for ensuring that victims properly exercise their
rights and understand the proceedings, whenever physical presence of an inter-
preter is not required (Fernández Pérez 2015):
2. Without prejudice to the rights of the defence and in accordance with rules of judicial
discretion, communication technology such as videoconferencing, telephone or internet
may be used, unless the physical presence of the interpreter is required in order for the
victims to properly exercise their rights or to understand the proceedings (EU 2012: 67).
As far as translation is concerned, paragraphs three, four, five and six state that
victims who do not understand or speak the language of the criminal proceedings
shall be provided, free of charge and upon request, with translations of informa-
tion essential to the exercise of their rights in a language that they understand.
Such translations shall include at least any decision ending the criminal proceed-
ings related to the criminal offence suffered by the victim, and upon the victim’s
request, information about the time and place of the trial, reasons or a brief sum-
mary of reasons for such decision, except in the case of a jury decision or a deci-
sion where the reasons are confidential. The Directive also states that an oral
translation or oral summary of essential documents may be provided instead of a
written translation on condition that such oral translation or oral summary does
not prejudice the fairness of the proceedings (Hertog 2015b: 28). This is a delicate
issue and the decision to provide an oral translation or a summary should be made
by the competent authority, such as a judge, and not by the translator or inter-
preter:
of the criminal proceedings concerned are provided, in accordance with their role in the
relevant criminal justice system in criminal proceedings, upon request, with translations
of information essential to the exercise of their rights in criminal proceedings in a lan-
guage that they understand, free of charge, to the extent that such information is made
available to the victims. Translations of such information shall include at least any deci-
sion ending the criminal proceedings related to the criminal offence suffered by the vic-
tim, and upon the victim’s request, reasons or a brief summary of reasons for such deci-
sion, except in the case of a jury decision or a decision where the reasons are confidential
in which cases the reasons are not provided as a matter of national law.
31
4. Member States shall ensure that victims who are entitled to information about the time
and place of the trial in accordance with Article 6(1)(b) and who do not understand the
language of the competent authority, are provided with a translation of the information to
which they are entitled, upon request.
5. Victims may submit a reasoned request to consider a document as essential. There shall
be no requirement to translate passages of essential documents which are not relevant for
the purpose of enabling victims to actively participate in the criminal proceedings.
6. Notwithstanding paragraphs 1 and 3, an oral translation or oral summary of essential

documents may be provided instead of a written translation on condition that such oral
translation or oral summary does not prejudice the fairness of the proceedings (EU 2012:
67–68).
Paragraphs seven and eight give victims the possibility to challenge a decision not
to provide interpretation and translation, provided that such challenge does not
“unreasonably prolong the criminal proceeding” (EU 2012: 68).
7. Member States shall ensure that the competent authority assesses whether victims need
interpretation or translation as provided for under paragraphs 1 and 3. Victims may chal-
lenge a decision not to provide interpretation or translation. The procedural rules for such
a challenge shall be determined by national law.
8. Interpretation and translation and any consideration of a challenge of a decision not to

provide interpretation or translation under this Article shall not unreasonably prolong the
criminal proceedings (EU 2012: 68).
This is an important step towards guaranteeing victims’ rights. However, and es-
pecially in the case of gender-based violence victims, they should also have a right
to challenge a particular interpreter if they feel he/she is not the right person to be
their linguistic mediator.
2.3. Spanish legislation
The legal instruments used by the Spanish government to transpose Directive

2010/64/EU and Directive 2012/29/EU are Basic Law 5/2015 and Law 4/20158
respectively (Spain 2015a, 2015b). Law 4/2015 (Estatuto de la víctima) estab-
lishes the rights of victims and devotes Article nine to the right to translation and
interpreting but only in police and court settings (Del Pozo 2016). This is clearly
not enough to guarantee victim’s rights throughout the entire assistance process.
8
https://www.boe.es/buscar/pdf/2015/BOE-A-2015-4606-consolidado.pdf.
32
Moreover, language services in police and court settings are provided by com-
panies that normally hire unqualified interpreters with no special training to assist
victims (Del Pozo / Blasco 2015; Del Pozo et al. 2014a).
As previously discussed, there is abundant legislation on the right of victims to
translation and interpretation at all levels. However, this right cannot be fully
exercised if translation and interpretation are not provided by qualified profes-
sionals (Blasco / Del Pozo 2015; Hertog 2015a; Giambruno 2014; Naredo 2015;
Toledano et al. 2015) and, in the case of gender violence victims, by professionals
specialised in gender and gender-based violence related issues (Del Pozo /
Toledano 2016; Toledano et al. 2015).
3. The need for interpreter qualification and

specialisation
The need to provide quality specialised interpretation services for gender violence
victims throughout the assistance process and the need for specialised interpreter
training in these contexts have been highlighted by diverse organisations and
authors in different countries (Abraham / Oda 2000; Abril 2015; DRCC 2008; Del
Pozo / Toledano 2016; Huelgo et al. 2006; Glasgow Violence Against Women
Partnership 2011; Polzin 2007; Queensland Sexual Assault Services 2010; Stand-
ing Together against Domestic Violence 2008; Toledano et al. 2015)9.
Moreover, and as mentioned above, the right of gender violence victims to trans-
lation and interpretation has been enshrined in international instruments and EU
legislation, such as the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence
against Women and Domestic Violence (Article 56) and Directive 2012/29/EU of
the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2012 establishing
minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime
(Article 7).
9
A comparative study of training resources has been done by Del Pozo / Alvarez (2014).
33
But despite international and EU legislation, some countries like Spain only rec-
ognise the right of victims to translation and interpreting in police and court set-
tings, but not in social or healthcare services. The situation worsens when lan-
guage services in legal settings are often provided through outsourced language
services, which often use unqualified interpreters with no special training to assist
victims. This leads to harmful consequences both for victims and for public
service providers since victims’ rights are violated and scarce public service re-
sources are wasted (Del Pozo et al. 2014a, 2014b).
Australia is one of the few countries that has recently recognised the need to im-
prove availability of professional and independent interpreters to work in gender
violence settings and has furthermore expressed the need to incorporate “mini-
mum requirements relating to understanding the nature and dynamics of family
violence” (State of Victoria 2016: 34) for interpreters:
The availability of professional and independent interpreting and translating services is
inadequate. Professional accreditation standards for interpreters should be amended to
incorporate minimum requirements relating to understanding the nature and dynamics of
family violence. This will require a national effort (State of Victoria 2016: 42).
In so far as training of interpreters to work in gender violence settings is con-

cerned, the options are scarce worldwide. On most occasions, interpreters are
thrown into the deep end without special training to work in the different social
services, health, police and court settings. In light of the above, in 2012, a part-
nership of Spanish universities, with the support of several institutions and indi-
viduals involved in assisting gender violence victims, approached the EU’s Di-
rectorate General for Justice to co-fund a project with the following two main
objectives:
a) To analyse the communication needs of all involved in assisting foreign fe-
male gender violence victims and survivors who do not speak the language
or languages of the host country; and
b) To create resources for all stakeholders in order to improve communication.
34
4. The Speak Out for Support (SOS-VICS) project
Speak Out for Support (SOS-VICS)10 is the first project of its kind in the EU.
Besides the aforementioned objectives, the project also intended to inform and
raise awareness among all service providers (medical doctors, nurses and other
health professionals, psychologists, lawyers, community workers, police, the ju-
diciary, violence against women helplines, victim support organisations, social
workers, etc.) involved in assisting foreign female gender violence victims about
the need to hire qualified professionals in interpreter-mediated communications,
as stated in Directive 2012/29/EU and Directive 2010/64/EU. The project further-
more stressed the need for such interpreters to be specifically trained for that
purpose.
SOS-VICS was a two-year project (November 2012 to November 2014) carried
out in Spain and it was divided into three stages:
• The first stage was comprised of the compilation and analysis of the com-
munication needs of all persons involved, namely victims, agents and inter-
preters.
• The second stage involved the creation of materials for all parties involved.
These materials included a manual and a web portal for interpreters and
trainers of interpreters, a multilingual video and information for victims, and
a best practices guide for professional agents who work with interpreters
(lawyers, psychologists, public prosecutors, judges, forensic doctors, social
workers, police, etc.).
• The third stage involved dissemination of project methodology and results.
4.1. Research carried out by SOS-VICS
As explained earlier, gender violence has provoked an institutional response

which has materialised in the form of concrete laws and the creation of specialised
units with dedicated staff to deal with the problem. In order to carry out the
10
www.sos-vics.org.
35
compilation and analysis of the communication needs of all persons involved, the
first stage of the project included extensive fieldwork and diverse research tech-
niques in accordance with the objectives and target population, as follows11:
• Workshops with service providers and interpreters;
• A survey of service providers with experience in assisting gender violence
victims that do not speak Spanish or any of the other official languages in
Spain;
• A Delphi survey of interpreters with experience in helping such victims to
communicate;
• In-depth interviews with foreign female gender violence victims;
• In-depth interviews with service providers.
A two-day workshop was held at the beginning of the project to bring together
professionals from the judiciary, police, health services, social workers, psychol-
ogists and interpreters. Only those with experience in assisting foreign female
gender violence victims were invited to participate. This workshop obtained first-
hand information on how assistance is provided to foreign victims and the com-
munication problems faced.
The next step involved a survey sent to social services, health, police and court
professionals with experience in assisting foreign female gender violence victims.
586 responses were obtained and the information was analysed by the project’s
statistical team (Del Pozo et al. 2014a).
The Delphi survey was identified as the most appropriate method for the case
study in order to obtain interpreters’ opinions. The first stage of the Delphi method
involved defining the study objective and the group of experts to be interviewed,
after which each participant was asked separately (based on their experience in
the field) to opine on the three issues that comprised the study objective: a list of
the most appropriate contents, obstacles and strategies. The responses obtained
were then summarised into an ordered “experts’ opinion list”. In a second Delphi
stage, the experts’ opinion list obtained from the first round was fed back to the
11
SOS-VICS’ research is explained in more detail in Del Pozo et al. (2015).
36
survey participants and they were asked to opine about the interest or importance
of each item on the list, thus permitting feedback from the entire group so that
each participant could then reconsider the importance or interest of the issues
initially commented upon. The opinion of 27 interpreters with experience in as-
sisting foreign female gender violence victims was obtained (Del Pozo et al.
2014b).
Finally, semi-structured in-depth interviews with 12 victims and 12 agents were
also carried out12. The main conclusions of the research carried out by the project
can be summarised as follows:
a) In Spain, foreign female victims are not guaranteed their right to understand
and be understood during the entire assistance process. They can only exer-
cise this right in judicial and police settings. Nonetheless, even in these set-
tings the situation is far from ideal.
b) Interpreters used during assistance are usually unqualified and of course do
not have specialised training to work with gender violence victims and sur-
vivors.
The consequences of these findings are quite serious both for service providers
(who cannot perform their job well) and for the victims (whose rights continue to
be violated). Victims therefore tend to mistrust the institutions and feel increas-
ingly isolated and unprotected.
It feels as if I were on an island and I needed to go to the other distant one, which was
better but far away…. My island was nearer, “easier”, but I don’t want to stay here for-
ever.
I need a BRIDGE, somebody who knows how to mediate, how to convey my thoughts. I
have no tools to send my message to those who can help me. I need someone who can
make me believe I can reach the other end! Even when there are other voices that tell me
I must stay. That person (interpreter) needs to know, needs to be prepared, trained. It is
important to choose the right person, somebody select, prepared, available and with a
gift…
12
Interviews with victims are very difficult to obtain given the trauma involved in reliving
their experience. All interviews were recorded and transcribed after obtaining inter-
viewees’ consent.
37
Somebody with the necessary human sensitivity to work in this environment, so he or she
can be able to reach those who need help like me (testimony of a 41-year old Moroccan
survivor)13.
4.2. Resources created by SOS-VICS
SOS-VICS created a set of resources for interpreters, service providers and vic-
tims, to address some of the problems identified during the fieldwork 14. They
include:
a) A handbook entitled Interpretación en contextos de violencia de género
(Interpreting in GV settings) (Toledano / Del Pozo 2015) and a web portal
for training interpreters15;
b) A good practice guide for agents on how best to communicate through inter-
preters entitled La comunicación mediada por intérpretes en contextos de
violencia de género. Guía de buenas prácticas para trabajar con intérpretes
(Interpreter-mediated communication in gender violence settings. A good
practice guide to working with interpreters) (Borja / Del Pozo 2015);
c) Multilingual information videos, pamphlets and posters for victims in Eng-
lish, Spanish, French, Romanian, Chinese and Arabic16.
5. Conclusions
Violence against women has been defined in international legislation as a form of

gender-based discrimination and a violation of human rights that currently affects
many women all over the world. Legal instruments also confirm that certain
groups of women are more vulnerable and recognise that foreign/immigrant
women are an especially vulnerable group due to their linguistic and cultural
13
Author’s translation. The original interview was carried out in Spanish. For confidential-
ity reasons, testimonies have not been published and are used only for research purposes.
14
All resources are available free of charge on the project web site: http://www.sos-vics.org.
15
http://sosvics.eintegra.es.
16
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCeVfGIFaWPltdBqSu4BBjZg.
38
barriers, among others. Therefore, governments need to take special measures to

address their needs.
In order to guarantee their rights to justice and fair treatment, foreign/immigrant
women who do not understand or speak the language or languages of the host
country need to be able to understand and be understood throughout the entire
process. To that end, binding instruments have been created by national and in-
ternational legislation to ensure that interpreters are provided by governments
through public services (Del Pozo 2016; Del Pozo / Blasco 2015; Hertog 2015a,
2015b; Naredo 2015).
Moreover, interpreters must be qualified to do their job and also have specific
training to work in such contexts, just like any other service provider from courts,
hospitals, social services or police settings involved in assisting gender violence
victims and survivors. Unprofessional behaviours by interpreters can cause seri-
ous damage to victims and lead to waste of valuable public resources (Del Pozo
et al. 2014a; Toledano et al. 2015).
In some countries, such as Spain, legislation only guarantees the right of victims
to translation and interpreting in legal settings (police and courts), but not in social
and medical settings. Moreover, it is not mandatory for interpreters to have quali-
fications and specialisation to work in gender violence contexts and, worse still,
specific training is not even available in most countries.
The SOS-VICS project created resources for all parties involved in the assistance
process: service providers, victims and interpreters. The resources created by the
project are at present being widely used both in Spain and abroad, but they are
only a step in the right direction. Social and public awareness and commitment
through institutional and financial backing is now required to make laws effective
and to provide victims with assistance of the highest quality throughout the
process.
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45
Noelle HIGGINS (Maynooth) /
Dorothy NÍ UIGÍN (Galway)
Irish speakers in the Irish courts: Is there a need for, and

right to, an interpreter?
Abstract
According to the Irish Constitution, adopted in 1937, Irish is the “first official language” of
Ireland and English is “a second official language”. Despite the high status granted to Irish, it
is only the third most spoken language in the State. There is a significant difference between
the pre-eminent status granted to Irish in the Constitution and the rights of Irish speakers in
practice, including their right to speak and use Irish in the court system. For many years Irish
speakers were forced to bring cases against public bodies in order to have their rights vindicated.
A substantial jurisprudence on the use of the Irish language in the courts has developed over
time as Irish speakers carved out a number of rights based on Article 8 of the Constitution. The
situation improved somewhat with the adoption of the Official Languages Act 2003. However,
the issue of language rights in Irish courts is still unsettled, as is illustrated in the recent case of
Ó Maicín –v.- Ireland & or.s. This paper analyses the constitutional and legislative protection
of the Irish language and how the right to an interpreter is protected in the context of the Irish
language. It also examines the educational context of the Irish language and suggests some
measures to improve legal and interpreter training in the language.
Keywords: Irish language, courtroom interpreting, bilingual juries
1. Introduction
Ireland is a former colony of the United Kingdom, a history that has significantly
impacted on Ireland’s society. One of the aspects of Irish society particularly
affected has been that of language, with the native Irish language being displaced
by the language of the coloniser. The role of the Irish language in the legal system
of Ireland was marginalised with the arrival of English Common Law in the
twelfth century, while the use of any language aside from English in the legal
system itself was prohibited by statute in the form of the Administration of Justice
(Language) Act, 1737. However, records exist of court interpreters for Irish
speakers being used in the country during the 19th century under the colonial
system (Brady 1959: 62).
Noelle Higgins / Dorothy Ní Uigín
According to Article 8 of the Irish Constitution, adopted in 1937, Irish is the “first
official language” of Ireland and English is “a second official language” (Article
8, Bunreacht na hÉireann 1937). Despite the status granted to Irish, however, it
is only the third most spoken language in the State, with English being the most
spoken language, and Polish the second. According to the most recent census
report (April 2011) 1,774,437 people stated that they were able to speak Irish
(CSO). Native speakers of Irish generally live in what are known as Gaeltacht
areas. In the 1991 census, the population of the Gaeltacht areas aged three years
and over was 79,563, of whom 56,469 were listed as Irish-speaking. Many more,
however, would have had some proficiency in the language as a result of com-
pulsory Irish in the education system, or due to interest and/or nationalist ideals.
In the 2011 census, the population of the Gaeltacht aged three years and over had
increased to 96,628, of whom 66,238 were listed as Irish-speaking. This is out of
a national population of 4.75 million. English, therefore, is the lingua franca of
the vast majority of the population of Ireland, and Irish people living in Irish-
speaking areas are also highly proficient in that language. This creates a clear
dilemma when discussing language rights in today’s Ireland where very few, if
any, monoglot Irish speakers remain.
There is a significant difference between the pre-eminent status granted to Irish
in the Constitution and the rights of Irish speakers in practice, including their right
to use Irish in the court system. For many years Irish speakers were forced to bring
cases against public bodies in order to have their rights vindicated, including their
rights in the field of interpreting. Because of this, a substantial jurisprudence on
the use of the Irish language in the courts has developed over time, as Irish
speakers carved out a number of rights based on its constitutional position. The
situation improved somewhat with the adoption of the Official Languages Act
2003, which places the right to an interpreter for Irish speakers on a statutory
footing. However, the issue of the use of interpreters in Irish courts is still
unsettled – and indeed unsettling – as is illustrated in the recent case of Ó Maicín
-v.- Ireland & or.s ([2014] IESC 12), in which the appellant questioned whether
he could have direct access to justice via an Irish-speaking judge and jury rather
than through the use of interpreters.
48
Irish speakers in the Irish courts
To place this discussion in a clear context, this paper begins with an historical and
sociolinguistic discussion of the Irish language. It then analyses the constitutional
and legislative protection of Irish in Ireland and the right to an interpreter in the
court system. It also discusses whether an Irish speaker has the right not to use an
interpreter, and if there is a duty to empanel an Irish-speaking jury and appoint an
Irish-speaking judge where parties wish to conduct their case in the first official
language of the state. Finally it details the educational implications of providing
Irish-speaking juries and of training Irish-speaking judges.
2. Historical context
Irish is a Celtic language and has been spoken in Ireland for over two thousand
years. It is closely related to Scots Gaelic and to the Manx language, and more
distantly to the other Celtic languages Breton, Welsh and Cornish, and it boasts
one of the oldest written vernacular literatures in Europe (Cronin 1996: 10). In the
area of law, the laws governing Medieval Ireland – the Brehon Laws – had their
roots in the oral tradition, but many were recorded in manuscript form during the
Medieval Period (Kelly 1988).
Irish remained the language of the majority of the people of Ireland until the be-
ginning of the 17th century. As a result of colonisation and plantations, however,
by the end of the 18th century, Irish was largely the language of the poor and
dispossessed. The decline of the language was most acute and swift in the first
three quarters of the nineteenth century. A number of factors contributed to this
decline: 1831 saw the establishment of the National Schools System (primary
level), which adversely affected the Irish language, since the teaching of Irish was
not permitted in these schools (Akenson 1996); the Great Famine of 1845–1855
saw over a million Irish people – mostly Irish speakers – die of hunger, while a
further million emigrated to North America, Britain or Australia (Akenson 1996);
the great political leaders of the century used the English language as a means to
espouse political and religious ideals, and English was recognised and acknowl-
edged as the language of power and prestige in the country (Cronin 1996: Chapter
2).
49
In the late 19th century a language-revival movement developed, and, indeed, the
roots of the independence movement of the early twentieth century in Ireland can
be traced to this earlier cultural movement. In 1876, The Society for the
Preservation of the Irish Language was established, while the Gaelic Athletic As-
sociation was founded in 1884. A little later, in 1893, Douglas Hyde (later the first
president of Ireland), and others established Conradh na Gaeilge (The Gaelic
League). The leader of the 1916 Easter Rising (an insurrection seeking inde-
pendence for Ireland) Pádraig Pearse spent time as editor of the League’s flagship
publication An Claidheamh Soluis (‘The Sword of Light’) and described the im-
portance of the League and of the Irish language in his first editorial piece in that
publication. He noted:
The Gaelic League stands for the intellectual independence of Ireland (…) This is no
mere academic movement, no mere literary cult. This is a movement which touches the
nation’s life (…) The young men who founded the League grasped primary truths and
clung to them as shipwrecked men cling to a plank. They gripped the fact that the lan-
guage of this country enshrines the mind and soul of this country. This was the first step.
They then grasped that other primary fact, that a language is a living idiom on the lips of
living men and women. From that moment forth the programme of the Gaelic League
was shaped: it was to conserve the living Irish as the living medium for expressing the
thoughts of this land (…) On the life or death of the language depends the life or death
of the nation. That is the issue at stake. (An Claidheamh Soluis, 14 March 1903.)
Following independence the Constitution of the Irish Free State (1922) declared
Irish to be the national language of the country, as does the 1937 Constitution of
Ireland (mentioned above, and discussed in more detail below). It should be noted
that independence was achieved for 26 counties on the island of Ireland, (Éire /
Ireland) while six counties in the northern part of the island (Northern Ireland)
remained, and continue to remain, under British rule.
While there was residual enthusiasm from the Revival Period for the Irish lan-
guage in the new state, the cases discussed in the following section illustrate that
this enthusiasm did not translate into concrete rights for speakers of Irish in the
court system.
50
3. The use of interpreters before independence
The case of Maolra Seoighe1 (Myles Joyce in English) (R v. Joyce, 14th Nov 1882,
Freeman’s Journal) illustrates the injustice that can occur when the right to an
interpreter is not adequately implemented. In August 1882 a group of men entered
the house of John Joyce in Maamtrasna, situated in a Gaeltacht area in the west
of Ireland, and murdered him, as well as his wife, his mother-in-law, and his
daughter. Both of his sons were also attacked, one of whom subsequently died. A
number of days later three men claimed to have seen the perpetrators and as a
result, ten men were arrested and tried, including Maolra Seoighe. Seoighe was a
monoglot Irish speaker and neither Seoighe’s legal representatives nor the judge
hearing the case, spoke Irish; nor did the jury. The evidence he had presented in
Irish was summarised and very poorly translated into English for the benefit of
the court but this in no way adequately represented what Maolra Seoighe had said.
Controversially, the court-appointed interpreter in this case was a member of the
Royal Irish Constabulary, the armed police force of the United Kingdom in
Ireland. It took no longer than six minutes for the jury to declare him guilty of
murder. Eight people in all were convicted of the murder, three of whom were
hanged, including Maolra Seoighe. The two others who were hanged along with
Seoighe had given written statements professing their guilt but affirming that
Seoighe was not guilty. This evidence was not allowed to be presented to the
court. The famous Irish writer, James Joyce, wrote about the case:
Neither the old man nor the others accused knew English. The court had to resort to the
services of an interpreter. The questioning, conducted through the interpreter, was at
times comic and at times tragic. On one side was the excessively ceremonious interpreter,
on the other the patriarch of a miserable tribe unused to civilized customs, who seemed
stupefied by all the judicial ceremony… (Il Piccola della Sera, 16 September, 1907)
At present, David Alton, Baron Alton of Liverpool, and Eric Lubbock, the fourth
Baron Avebury are seeking a review of the case of Maolra Seoighe, and asking
the authorities to declare him the victim of a miscarriage of justice and concede
1
A book about Maolra Seoighe, Éagóir, Baile Átha Cliath: Cois Life, was published by
Ireland’s first Language Commissioner, Seán Ó Cuirreáin in 2016.
51
that he was falsely convicted and executed (Ó Cuirreáin 2016). This case illus-
trates that the right to adequate interpreting can, in extreme instances, be a matter
of life or death.
4. Constitutional protection and the right to an

interpreter
Since independence, Ireland has had two substantive Constitutions, the first
adopted in 1922, known as the Constitution of the Irish Free State and the extant
constitution adopted in 1937, Bunreacht na hÉireann (The Constitution of Ire-
land). The Constitution takes precedence over all other laws in the state with the
exception of European Union Law. The Irish language has been protected by both
of the Constitutions and they have been the bedrock for the creation and de-
velopment of language rights within the state. The 1922 Constitution was adopted
as Ireland emerged from British rule and attempts were made to re-Gaelicise the
state through its legal provisions. One of the ways in which this was attempted
was through the establishment of the Irish language as an official language of the
state. Article 4 of the 1922 Constitution stated:
The National Language of the Irish Free State is the Irish language, but the English lan-
guage shall be equally recognised as an official language. Nothing in this Article shall
prevent special provisions being made by the Parliament of the Irish Free State (otherwise
called and herein generally referred to as the ‘Oireachtas’) for districts or areas in which
only one language is in general use.
The value of Article 4 was subsequently illustrated in the case of People (Attorney
General) v. Joyce and Walsh [1929] IR 526, which held that any party to legal
proceedings may use the Irish language on two grounds; firstly, on a basis of
natural law for fear that they do not fully understand English, or secondly, as a
result of the constitutional status awarded to the language.
Following on from the 1922 Constitution, legislation was also adopted in respect
of the use of the Irish language in the court system. For example, the Legal
Practitioners (Qualification) Act 1929 required Irish barristers and solicitors to
have proficient knowledge of Irish and, similarly, the Courts of Justice Act 1924
required that certain members of the judiciary be proficient in the language.
52
Furthermore, Section 44 of the 1924 Act required, as far as practicable, to assign

circuit judges with knowledge of Irish to courts where Irish was generally used,
so that cases could run without the judge depending on an interpreter (Parry 2015).
As time progressed Irish leaders felt that a new Constitution could more strongly
assert Ireland’s independence and national identity and thus the 1937 Constitution
was adopted. The Irish language was given a promoted status in this document as
the “first official language” with English being demoted to “a second official
language” of the State. Article 8 of the Constitution of Ireland states:
1. The Irish language as the national language is the first official language.
2. The English language is recognised as a second official language.
3. Provision may, however, be made by law for the exclusive use of either of
the said languages for any one or more official purposes, either throughout
the State or in any part thereof.
In parliamentary debates on Article 8 of the Constitution, Éamon De Valera, the
independence leader, mastermind of the Constitution and future president of
Ireland, justified ordaining a higher position on the Irish language over English
because, he felt, it was the “language that is most associated with the nation” and
that the English language was “the language of those who came as invaders” (67
Dáil Debates, 25th May 1937, Éamon De Valera on Art.8.) He later stated that
the Irish language “is an essential part of our nationhood” (De Valera 1943) and
that “we cannot fulfil our destiny as a nation unless we are an Irish nation – and
we can only be truly that if we are an Irish-speaking nation” (De Valera 1980:
365). Commenting on the constitutional status of the Irish language, Parry (2015:
207) states that:
[t]he independence movement was thus driven by a desire to liberate the Irish nation from
the injustices and insults of foreign rule. As the Irish language had been downtrodden by
the British, so it would be exalted by the Irish state. Whatever may have been the political
or psychological motives behind the enthronement of Irish as first official language, the
legal implication was to establish Ireland as a bilingual country.
Further bolstering the constitutional status of the Irish language, Article 25.5.4 of
the Constitution states that, in cases of conflict between the English and Irish text
53
of the Constitution, the Irish version is to take precedence.2 The Constitution also
requires under Article 25 that an Irish-language version of all pieces of legislation
should be made available. However, the government did not live up to this
obligation, with only English-language versions being drafted from the 1980s.
The Irish Supreme Court later deemed that this was unconstitutional and the
situation was later remedied (Ó Beoláin v. Fahy and Others [2001] 2 IR 279).
Ó Beoláin illustrates that despite the high status ordained on the Irish language in
the Constitution as the first official language of the state, no explicit rights for
Irish speakers based on this status are contained in the Constitution. Indeed, suc-
cessive government policies ignored the legal status of Irish, and little or no pro-
vision was made to provide services for Irish speakers, including in the sphere of
court interpreting. It was left to individuals, such as Ó Beoláin, to take cases be-
fore the Courts in order to carve out rights for themselves in various areas. In this
case, the Judge (Hardiman J) stated that:
In my view this has led to a situation where only a person of unusual independence will
attempt to conduct his or her legal business through the medium of Irish (…) They [in-
stances cited as exceptions to the norm] cannot at all contend with the stark reality that
the individual who seeks basic legal materials in Irish will more than likely be conscious
of causing embarrassment to the officials from whom he seeks them and will certainly
become conscious that his business will be much more rapidly and efficaciously dealt
with if he resorts to English. I can only say that this situation is an offence to the letter
and spirit of the Constitution. (An Coimisinéir Teanga)
While the constitutional protection of the Irish language is to be lauded, it is clear

that the political will (and perhaps resources) to grant Irish speakers concrete
rights, including in the sphere of the translation of legal documents and court
interpretation, is lacking. In this context Parry (2015: 208) comments:
[t]here was a complete disconnection between the declared constitutional principle and
its practical implementation. Irish language policy thus descended into a series of empty
gestures and ritualistic use in the spirit of tokenism.
This tokenism is a core problem for Irish speakers wishing to conduct their
business through Irish with state institutions, including the legal system.
2
See in general Ó Cearúil, Micheál (1999): Bunreacht na hÉireann: a study of the Irish
text.
54
5. Legislative protection – the Official Languages Act

2003
Until the Official Languages Act was adopted, Irish speakers had to have recourse
to the courts in order to have their rights recognised. However, this was a very
unsatisfactory situation, with rights being recognised on an ad hoc and limited
basis, leading to uncertainty and unpredictability in the law. Towards the end of
the 1970s, Irish speakers and organisations seeking to promote the Irish language,
particularly Conradh na Gaeilge, started a campaign for language legislation.
Despite various debates and discussions, the government was not proactive on this
front until 1993 when it published guidelines prepared by Bord na Gaeilge (the
state body for the Irish language) on the services provided by State bodies through
Irish, which were to be provided by the public service. However, because these
were mere guidelines they had hardly any impact on state bodies and very few
operated in line with those guidelines. It was not until 2002 that the government
published the first draft of a bill aimed at providing more services of a higher
quality through Irish in the public sector. Eventually the Official Languages Act
was passed unanimously by both houses of Parliament (the Dáil [lower house]
and the Seanad [upper house]) in 2003 and its provisions were gradually brought
into force over a three year period. This was the first time the provision of services
in general through Irish by the state system was placed on a legislative basis. The
Office of the Language Commissioner (An Coimisinéir Teanga) was established
under the Act as an ombudsman’s service and as a compliance agency (sections
20–30 Official Languages Act 2003). The main objective of the Act is “to promote
increased use of the Irish language for official purposes” (Official Languages Act
2003).
This piece of legislation confirms a number of rights of Irish speakers, including
the right to expect that all Acts of Parliament will be published simultaneously in
Irish and English, the right to receive replies in Irish from public bodies, the right
to avail of all services in Irish agreed by public bodies in language schemes,
including the right to expect the Language Commissioner to investigate com-
plaints and give advice, and most importantly in the current context, the right to
use Irish in court, including the right to an interpreter.
55
According to the Act, either Irish or English may be used in any court, in any
court pleading and/or in any document issuing from any court. There is an obli-
gation on the court to ensure that any person may be heard in the official language
of his or her choice. A person has the right to use Irish in court irrespective of his
or her role in the proceedings, as a witness, a plaintiff or a victim. This right ap-
plies in all courts, from the lower regional courts such as the District Court, the
Circuit Court, to the higher courts such as the High Court, the Supreme Court as
well as in tribunals. The court may make arrangements, as it considers appro-
priate, for the interpreting of proceedings. Additionally, a person may not be dis-
advantaged or inconvenienced, or incur additional expense if they choose to use
the Irish language in court and no-one may be compelled to give evidence in a
language other than the official language of his/her choice (Sections 5–8, Official
Languages Act 2003).
Despite this many of the acts of parliament have not been translated into Irish, and
there is no legal obligation to translate secondary legislation. This led to a case
being taken by solicitor Pól Ó Murchú regarding Statutory Instruments in 2009
(Ó Murchú v An Taoiseach & eile [2010] IESC 26). Following this case Hardiman
J remarked: “Do you know of any country in the world whose laws are not written
in the national language?” (Translated from Irish.)
6. Interpreters in the Irish courts
Court interpreting to English in Ireland cost a total of €1.26m in 2013. 3 Of the

6,728 cases in total requiring interpreters, 1,781 were to facilitate interpreting
from Polish. The breakdown of the top ten languages requiring interpreting ser-
vices is as follows: Polish (26%), Romanian (19%), Lithuanian (17%), Russian
(7%), Mandarin (6%), Vietnamese (3%), Arabic (3%), Latvian (3%), Hungarian
(1.5%) and Czech (1.4%). The Irish-language on-line newspaper Tuairisc.ie re-
ported on this in December 2014, stating that between 2010 and 2014 there was a
50% reduction in demand for interpreting from/to Irish, and in 2014 only 14 cases
3
See Kevin Hickey’s (2014) report on this in Tuairisc.ie.
56
required an Irish-language interpreter. So why is the demand for interpreting ser-

vices for the Irish language so low? Is it simply because Irish speakers are bi-
lingual, and don’t feel the need to use the Irish language in court, or is it perhaps
that they cannot rely on a satisfactory level of interpreting in the case of Irish?
This is the central focus of the Ó Maicín case that is discussed in the following
section.
7. The right to not have an interpreter
7.1. Ó Maicín v. Éire
The recent case of Ó Maicín v. Éire & Ors ([2014] IESC 12) focused on whether
an Irish speaker was entitled to a judge and a jury who could hear the case without
the need for interpreters. The appellant was charged with offences under s.3 of the
Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act 1997 and s.11 of the Firearms and
Offensive Weapons Act 1990 for allegedly assaulting another man and was to
stand trial at Galway Circuit Criminal Court for these offences. The incident
occurred in an Irish-speaking area of the country and the appellant was a native
Irish speaker. Ó Maicín wanted to conduct his defence entirely through Irish,
which had already been established as a right (Attorney General v. Joyce and
Walsh [1929] IR 526; The State (Buchan) v. Coyne (1936) 70 ILTR 185; The State
(Ó Conghaile) v Governor of Limerick Prison, The Irish Independent, 3 February
1937), and he made an application to the Circuit Criminal Court with the assist-
ance of an interpreter. The standard of interpreting was very poor and the defence
counsel had to come to the assistance of the interpreter on a number of occasions
(Bergin 2015). Therefore Ó Maicín requested the right to be tried by a bilingual
jury and judge so that he would not have to use interpreting during the court pro-
ceedings, and made an application to the Circuit Criminal Court to this effect. The
judge, however, held that although arrangements could be made to have a bilin-
gual trial judge, the empanelling of a bilingual jury would be discriminatory and
would therefore be unconstitutional. Ó Maicín then sought judicial review of the
decision in the High Court, and requested, inter alia, an order directing the
Minister for Justice to specify a new “Gaeltacht jury district,” in addition to a
57
declaration that a bilingual jury would not be unconstitutional. The High Court
judge once again held that the requirement for a jury to be selected by a random
process meant that a jury selected on the basis of linguistic competency was
unconstitutional (Ó Maicín v. Ireland [2010] IEHC 179). Ó Maicín then appealed
this decision to the highest court in the State, the Supreme Court, where this
decision was upheld. One of the judges, Hardiman J criticised the failure of the
government and the other members of the Court to abide by its constitutional
obligations in respect of the Irish language. The Court held that Irish speakers
were not entitled to have an Irish-speaking jury as this would offend against
Article 38.5 of the Irish Constitution, which ensures jury trials, as it was felt that
it would be unconstitutional to empanel a jury of only Irish speakers, thereby ex-
cluding a large majority of the Irish population. In coming to this decision the
Court relied heavily on the earlier case of de Búrca v Attorney General [1976]
I.R. 38, concerning the de facto exclusion of the majority of women from jury
service, where it had been held that juries should be truly representative of all
members of society, and the exclusion of particular sections of society was
deemed unconstitutional. Clarke J felt that empanelling a jury who were proficient
in Irish would result in the exclusion of a large section of Irish society that did not
understand Irish and would thus be contrary to the Court’s ruling in de Búrca. In
addition, Clarke J further held that even if it were not unconstitutional to empanel
a jury of Irish speakers, the limited number of Irish speakers would make it almost
impossible to empanel a jury using the current methods provided for by law.
Hardiman J gave a very interesting and powerful dissenting opinion and focused
on language rights. He felt that the appellant had a constitutional right to be tried
before a jury who could understand Irish without the assistance of an interpreter.
He focused on the fact that Ireland had been officially a bilingual country since
independence and that this status had implications for the state’s treatment of the
language, including in the legal sphere. He stated:
The effect of Article 8 of the Constitution is to establish Ireland as a bilingual State in
terms of the Constitution and the laws. It is a historical truism that official Ireland has
always been reluctant to behave as if the State were indeed, in law and in practice as well
as in constitutional theory, a bilingual State. But that does not take from the fact that
Ireland is, by its Constitution, a bilingual State. The Judges, of course, are bound to up-
hold the Constitution. (An Coimisinéir Teanga).
58
Hardiman J also stated that he did not believe that there was any other country in
the world where a citizen would not have the legal right to defend themselves
before a court in the national and first official language. He suggested that a
government minister should exercise a statutory power to order a bilingual jury
district and that he felt that the Connemara Gaeltacht area could be declared a jury
district from which a bilingual jury could be summoned. Commenting on this
case, Parry (2015: 199) states:
[b]y ruling that to allow Irish speakers to be tried by a jury that speaks Irish would be
unconstitutional, despite the constitutional status of the Irish language as a national and
the first language of the state, it has undermined the bilingualism of the Irish state and
betrayed the principal function of the state that the founders had envisaged.
7.2. The Irish language in the educational system
As illustrated above, the current question for Irish speakers is not the right to an
interpreter, which is covered under the Official Languages Act, but rather, fol-
lowing on from the constitutional status of the Irish language as the first official
language of the state, whether there is a right to access justice directly without
recourse to an interpreter. Clearly this would not be an issue if one could rely on
the ability of an interpreter to adequately relay the statements of the parties in a
legal setting, or indeed, if there was simply no need for an interpreter if all Irish
citizens – including members of juries and of the judiciary – had adequate
knowledge of the first official language of the state. This is obviously linked to
the question of training and education in the Irish language.
Since the foundation of the state, the study of Irish has been compulsory in all
Irish primary and secondary schools, and there has been a significant growth in
Irish-medium schools since the early 1970s in particular (Gaelscoileanna). Con-
cerns have been raised about the achievement levels of students in the Irish lan-
guage, however, and of the suitability of the Irish language curricula within the
schools system. The Leaving Certificate Syllabus for Irish, for example, has come
under scrutiny, and at a meeting of the Joint Committee on Education and Skills
in 2010 (18/11/2010), An Chomhairle um Oideachas Gaeltachta agus Gael-
59
scolaíochta (COGG)4 claimed that the structure of the new Irish Leaving Certi-
ficate Syllabus meant that the teaching of Irish was at a lower level than the teach-
ing of English in our secondary schools generally.
By 2013, 45,373 pupils were attending Irish-medium schools outside the Gael-
tacht areas of the country (at primary and post-primary level). This means that
4.5% of the primary schools outside the Gaeltacht areas in Ireland are Gael-
scoileanna (Irish-medium primary schools), and that 6.4% of primary school
pupils outside Gaeltacht areas in Ireland attend Gaelscoileanna.
In the post-primary sector, there are 36 Irish-medium schools in Ireland. There-
fore, 4.8% of the post-primary schools outside Gaeltacht areas in Ireland are
Gaelcholáistí (Irish-medium post-primary schools) or have Irish-medium units,
and 2.4% of post-primary school pupils outside Gaeltacht areas in Ireland attend
Gaelcholáistí or Irish-medium units. While at first glance these developments in
the Irish-medium education sector look promising, and indicate an interest in
Irish-medium education among parents, questions remain as to why our educa-
tional system is not producing sufficiently-fluent speakers of the Irish language,
in sufficiently-big numbers, who are capable of engaging in professional areas
where a high language register is required – as in the area of law, for example.
Many people leave the education system after thirteen years of compulsory tuition
in the language without the adequate language skills to sit on a jury.
Somewhat surprisingly, perhaps, the Comprehensive Linguistic Study of the Use
of Irish in the Gaeltacht: Principal Findings and Recommendations (2007),
claims that while “the vast majority of students [in Gaeltacht schools] can
communicate in Irish by the time they leave school”, it also claims:
On the other hand, there is evidence from Harris (2006) that students in Irish-medium
schools outside the Gaeltacht outperform Gaeltacht students in some of the language
ability tests detailed in his research. It seems that the teaching of Irish to students as a
second language in the Gaeltacht and the linguistic complexity present in such schools
4
COGG was founded under the provisions of Article 31 of the Education Act of 1998 and
its role relates to both primary and post-primary education in the areas of the provision of
teaching resources, the provision of support services and research. Its website (http://www
.cogg.ie/en/about-us/) describes its mission statement thus: “To fulfil effectively, pro-
fessionally and at a high standard the responsibilities of An Chomhairle um Oideachas
Gaeltachta agus Gaelscolaíochta for the development of the Gaeltacht and Irish-medium
sector and the teaching of Irish in all schools.”
60
has negative implications for the ultimate academic outcomes which relate to linguistic
attainment for children raised through Irish (…) In other words, Irish-speaking children
are not evidencing the full range of linguistic competencies expected of native speakers
(…) (Ó Giollagáin et al. 2007: 11)
The same report further claims that:

The Gaeltacht education system is not succeeding in transforming those who come to
school as English speakers into active Irish speakers. Indeed, data from Mac Donnacha
et al. (2005) and from the survey on young people (…) show that it is having the opposite
effect: the participation of English speakers in the education system in Gaeltacht schools
is reinforcing the use of English among young native speakers of Irish. (Ó Giollagáin et
al. 2007: 11)
7.3. The Irish language at third level
The Irish language is widely studied at third level in Ireland, and because Irish is
a compulsory subject at both primary and secondary level, it is also a compulsory
subject for student-primary school teachers in colleges of education. Concern
about the standard of the teaching and learning of the Irish language in the third
level sector led to the establishment of the Meitheal um Theagasc na Gaeilge ar
an Tríú Leibhéal (Working Party for the Teaching of Irish at Third Level) in 2009,
and a common language course was developed – based on the Common European
Framework for Languages – for use in third level institutions across the island of
Ireland (See Teagascnagaeilge).
7.4. Professional training
Since the introduction of the Legal Practitioners (Irish Language) Act in 2008
there is no longer a specific language requirement for legal professionals,
although Irish-speaking judges will usually be appointed in Gaeltacht areas if
possible. There is no mandatory continuous professional development training in
the language either.
Another issue that needs to be addressed in the area of professional training is that
of the adequate development of legal terminology. Fortunately, this is not a major
problem in the case of the Irish language since much legal terminology can be
accessed on the terminology database (Tearma), one of the largest databases of its
61
kind in the world. Caoilfhionn Nic Pháidín, however, one of the original devel-
opers of the database, reminds us that “Corpus planning is only worthwhile in a
language in which poetry is still possible” (2008: 107). The everyday widespread
use of the language will ensure that the poetry remains, while corpus planning
ensures that spheres of life where high language registers are needed, as in the
sphere of law, will be adequately catered for.
The Irish language received status as a working language in the European Parlia-
ment in 2007, and in December 2015, it was announced that Irish would be grad-
ually upgraded to a full working language of the European institutions (Morgan
2015/2016). This will mean that well-qualified and highly-skilled interpreters will
be needed to work in the institutions. However, there is a lack of training courses
for interpreters, including legal interpreters in Ireland.5 This question must be
dealt with as a matter or urgency if Irish is to be used to a wide extent and in a
meaningful way in the European institutions.
8. Conclusion
To answer the questions posed in our paper, firstly, there is a right to an interpreter
for Irish speakers. However, this right may be inadequately addressed given the
poor quality of interpreting available in the Irish courts. There is a need for inter-
preters in the Irish courts if Ireland’s bilingual status is to be borne out in practice.
Secondly, the right to an interpreter has been provided for under the Official
Languages Act. This is not only a legal question, however, since the government
must provide the resources (provision and training of highly-skilled interpreters)
in order for the right to be adequately implemented. As can be seen from the
discussion of Ó Maicín, it is felt in some quarters that justice cannot be achieved
for Irish speakers through the use of interpreters. Indeed Ó Maicín points to the
wider question of the bilingual nature of the Irish state and citizens. While legally,
we are a bilingual state, in practice the education system has failed to produce a
5
An MA programme in Conference Interpreting (Ateangaireacht Chomhdhála) is offered
by Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta Gaeilge at the National University of Ireland, Galway.
62
fluent Irish-speaking population and the linguistic wealth of the Gaeltacht areas
has not been adequately protected. As Parry (2015: 220) comments:
The creation of the Irish state as a bilingual state was also an act of justice and a deliberate
renunciation of a colonial past when the Irish language was demeaned, routinely mocked
and excluded from the courts of justice. Yet, the issue of bilingual juries betrays the Irish
state’s neurosis about its bilingualism.
It is clear that if the government wishes to have a meaningful bilingual state, the
constitutional status as first official language is not enough. Adequate support, bo
th political and financial, is needed to make bilingualism a reality. In the current
context, this requires the government to address their general educational policies
and those specifically aimed at training court interpreters, legal practitioners and
the judiciary.
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Amy LAI (Vancouver)
Language, the rule of law, and threats of recolonization:

Safeguarding the autonomy of post-changeover Hong
Kong
Abstract
This paper studies the function of language in consolidating the rule of law tradition in Hong
Kong and its promising role in safeguarding Hong Kong’s autonomy. It first examines the rule
of law in English legal history, how the English language served to establish the rule of law
tradition in Hong Kong, and how Hong Kong’s legal system further evolved with the
introduction of Chinese (de facto standard Cantonese) as one of its two official languages. It
then contrasts Chinese legal history and culture with those of the English, before illuminating
how language can function both as a tool to dismantle Hong Kong’s legal system and as a
weapon to maintain its rule of law tradition and to safeguard its autonomy. This paper thereby
urges Hong Kong people to defend the legal status of English and Chinese (Cantonese) as
official languages of Hong Kong and its legal system, while continuing to engage in “rights
talk” to nurture their rights consciousness, in their struggles to safeguard – or reclaim – Hong
Kong’s autonomy as well as their cherished way of living.
Keywords: rule of law, freedom of speech, language, Cantonese, English
1. Introduction
The “Occupy Central” campaign in Hong Kong, initiated by law professor Benny
Tai, aimed to pressure the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
into granting an electoral system which “satisf[ies] the international standards in
relation to universal suffrage” in the Hong Kong Chief Executive Election in
2017, as promised in Article 45 of the Hong Kong Basic Law (Occupy Central
2013). The originators of the campaign, as well as the student groups which
played a part of it, adopted and adhered to the principle of non-violent civil
disobedience after Martin Luther King. On the night of 28 September 2014, the
police used tear gas on its participants. Adam Cotton, a New Yorker, coined the
term “Umbrella Revolution” on Twitter, with reference to the umbrellas that
participants used in defence against such violence (Maddy’15 2014). Many
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people, including the campaign originators, preferred to call it “Umbrella Move-

ment”, which they believed connotes the peacefulness of the campaign (Ishaan
Tharoor 2014).
Commentators have examined the positive aspects of the movement, for instance,
by pointing out that the movement has spawned new groups consisting of young
people called “Umbrella Soldiers” who are democrats and localists keen on de-
fending and advocating for the rights of Hong Kong people (BBC 2015). A few
of these democrats and localists even won seats in the district and legislative
council elections from seasoned politicians in 2015 and 2016 respectively.
This paper will offer a preliminary study of a potentially broad topic on law,
culture and language, by focusing on the function of language in consolidating
the rule of law tradition in Hong Kong and its promising role in safeguarding
Hong Kong’s autonomy. Section 2 will examine the rule of law in English legal
history, by discussing natural law theorist John Locke’s writings on freedom of
conscience/expression and the principle of proportionality. Using Hong Kong’s
Public Order Ordinance as an example, this section will explain how the English
language served to establish the rule of law tradition in the territory. Hong Kong’s
legal system further evolved with the introduction of Chinese (in the de facto
standard of Cantonese) as one of its two official languages.
Section 3 will contrast Chinese legal history and culture with those of the English,
by studying the lack of the rule of law tradition in China from its ancient days
through its contemporary period. Violations of the laws aimed to curtail free
speech have led to harsh, disproportionate punishments due to the lack of a pro-
portionality principle in Chinese criminal law.
Section 4 will further explain how language can function both as a tool to dis-
mantle Hong Kong’s legal system and as a weapon to maintain its rule of law
tradition and to safeguard its autonomy. It will describe the PRC government’s
countless attempts to impose its authoritarian control over Hong Kong through
Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing government after the territory was handed over to China
in 1997, thus eroding the rule of law and freedom of speech in the territory. Mean-
while, Hong Kong’s puppet government and pro-China businesses have attempt-
ed to replace the territory’s local culture, language, and ideology with those of
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Language, the rule of law, and threats of re-colonization
Mainland China. The Hong Kong Police’s public statement issued after the pro-
democracy protest in rehearsal of “Occupy Central,” which imported a Mainland
offence in Chinese criminal law to Hong Kong, exemplified a direct assault to the
rule of law through linguistic displacement. This paper thereby urges Hong Kong
people to defend the legal status of English and Cantonese as official languages
of Hong Kong and its legal system, as they continue to engage in “rights talk” to
nurture their rights consciousness, in their struggles to safeguard – or reclaim –
Hong Kong’s autonomy as well as their cherished way of living, of which the rule
of law and freedom of speech are indispensable parts.
2. The rule of law in English legal history and colonial

Hong Kong
John Locke is a major natural law theorist who had tremendous influences on the
English legal tradition.1 He asserts that “individual rights to life, liberty, and
property” are not granted by any superior authority, but are inalienable rights with
which people are naturally endowed. In Second Treatise of Government, he argues
for the rule of law and for a nation to be governed by law rather than by arbitrary
decisions of the government or individuals.2 Hence, people enter into a social
contract with the government and establish a legislature by consent (“The liberty
of man, in society, is to be under no other legislative power, but that established,
by consent, in the commonwealth” [Locke 1689a: 9]). Only when the rule of law
exists can people enjoy their innate rights and inviolate freedom (“[…] freedom
of men under government is, to have a standing rule to live by, common to every
one of that society, and made by the legislative power erected in it” [Locke 1689a:
1
Although the natural law concept existed long before Locke, natural law theorists all
agree that the act of positing law should be guided by universal and immutable principles
that are discoverable by reason, and that offer yardsticks against which to measure
positive law (Wacks 2014: 15, 22).
2
The concept originated from ancient philosophers such as Aristotle, who wrote “the rule
of the law, it is argued, is preferable to that of any individual.” in his Politics 3.16
(http://www.constitution.org/ari/polit_03.htm).
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9]). Its absence would lead to tyranny and chaos (“Where-ever law ends, tyranny
begins, if the law be transgressed to another’s harm” [Locke 1689a: 66]).
Locke’s contention that the law must be established by consent and grounded in
universal principles may suggest that people have no obligation to obey laws they
believe to be unjust and the state that has failed them. On the other hand, his
priority of a civil state and the security that it provides over the lawlessness of
nature may mean that he disapproves of what would come to be known as civil
disobedience, or breaking unjust laws as a sign of protest (Schlesinger 1976: 953).
Regardless of his views towards civil disobedience, Locke’s works were crucial
to the establishment of the English Bill of Rights, which secured freedom of
speech and of elections for members of Parliament (Hargreaves 2003: 110).
Locke’s A Letter Concerning Toleration is deemed to provide “the seventeenth
century’s most intellectually persuasive justification for the right to free speech”
after Milton’s Areopagitica (Hargreaves 2003: 104).3 At first glance, Locke’s
espousal of free speech is not obvious. He contends that the liberty of conscience
is an inalienable right, and the power of the government “consists only in outward
force” and cannot compel moral behavior that “consists in the inward persuasion
of the mind” (Locke 1689b: 7). It is reason that persuades men and leads them
towards the truth. In his other work, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding,
Locke continues to argue that without reason people’s opinions are “but the
effects of chance and hazard, of a mind floating at all adventures without choice,
and without direction” (Locke 1689c). Hence political and religious leaders, who
are in no superior position to grasp the truth than ordinary people armed with
reasoning faculties, have no right to force their opinions on them.4 Freedom of
3
Milton first addressed his work to the English Parliament which, at the height of the
English Civil War, instituted a regime of prior censorship through the Licensing Order of
1643. Central to Areopagitica, which he published without official approval in 1644, is
the belief that prior censorship is evil because it dampens reasoning, removes moral
choice, and obstructs the pursuit of truth. Milton argues that England should allow
unrestricted printing and only punish those who abuse this freedom (Milton 1644).
4
“For there being but one truth […] what hope is there that more men would be led into it
if they had no rule but the religion of the court and were put under the necessity to quit
the light of their own reason, and oppose the dictates of their own consciences, and blindly
to resign themselves up to the will of their governors and to the religion which either
ignorance, ambition, or superstition had chanced to establish in the countries where they
were born?” (Locke 1689b: 8).
70
thought is the precursor and progenitor of freedom of speech, and the right to
speak freely is implied in the freedom from coercion and to reason and pursue
what one considers the truth (Hargreaves 2003: 109). In addition, in Two Treatises
on Government, Locke endorses a limited government to preserve people’s nat-
ural rights, as well as the natural right to overthrow one’s government when it
becomes unjust or authoritarian. Therefore, it may be argued that freedom of
speech, along with freedom of action, is necessary to check the government’s
conduct to ensure that it does not assume a role independent of people’s welfare.
Locke also establishes the principle of proportionality in Second Treatise by
articulating a theory of punishment based upon natural right, justified by
retribution and deterrence, and rooted in claims of a natural moral universe in
which justice exists in full force even prior to the establishment of a political
order. Punishment of wrongdoers, its function being to “preserve the innocent and
restrain offenders,” must be “proportionate,” in reference to the specific trans-
gression, and limited by its purposes of deterrence, retribution, and incapacitation
(Locke 1689a: 4).5 Hence, the death penalty, if included among the punishments,
only extends to the most egregious crimes, and where a murderer continues to be
dangerous to others (Locke 1689a: 5–6).
The natural law tradition has been reflected in English laws governing speech and
public order offences. The Bill of Rights 1689 legally established the constitution-
al right of “freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament,” which
is still in effect (Parliament of England 1689, article 9). Whereas the right to
freedom of expression was traditionally considered to be residual in character
under English common law, Article 10 of the Human Rights Act 1998, by in-
corporating the European Convention of Human Rights, gives everyone the right
to freedom of expression, which includes “the freedom to hold opinions and to
receive and impart information and ideas without State interference.” In addition,
Article 11 gives everyone the right to protest and freedom of association, stating
that “freedom of peaceful assembly provides a means for public expression and
is one of the foundations of a democratic society.” Throughout the years, it has
5
“[E]ach offence may be punished severely enough to make it a bad bargain for the
offender, to give him reason to repent, and to terrify others from offending in the same
way” (Locke 1689a: 5).
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become easier to assemble and/or demonstrate legally for expressive purposes,

and penalties for illegal assemblies are proportionate to the offences and clearly
delineated in the statutes. The Public Order Act 1936, passed to control extremist
political movements in the 1930s, required police consent for political marches to
go ahead (s. 1(1)).6 The Public Order Act 1986, passed “to abolish the common
law offences of riot, rout, unlawful assembly and affray and certain statutory of-
fences relating to public order” and “to create new offences relating to public
order; to control public processions and assemblies”, requires advance notice –
not police consent – of public processions, and provides the police the power to
impose conditions on assemblies “to prevent serious public disorder, serious crim-
inal damage or serious disruption to the life of the community” (ss. 11, 12(1)(a)).
This law also imposed a maximum penalty of “10 years’ imprisonment and/or a
fine of unlimited amount” for “riot,” and a maximum penalty of “five years’ im-
prisonment and/or a fine of unlimited amount” for “violent disorder” (ss. 1(6),
2(5)).
The English language became the vehicle by which the English legal culture and
its rule of law tradition was consolidated in colonial Hong Kong. Following the
pro-communist riots in 1967, the colonial government passed the Public Order
Ordinance in the same year,7 which was subsequently amended in 1980. A
controversial law that put restraints on freedom of expression, especially through
its police licensing system, it was nonetheless very seldom invoked after the riots
in the late 1960s. In fact, beginning in the 1970s, the colonial government claimed
that the territory was governed by the rule of law (Jones 2014: 34). At the
countdown to the changeover, this “rule of law” rhetoric was made more powerful
by the frequent references to it by Chris Patten, Hong Kong’s last British govern-
or, as the foundation of the territory’s way of life (Jones 2014: 34).
In 1991, only six years from the changeover, the Hong Kong Bill of Rights
Ordinance was enacted, which transposed the International Covenant on Civil
6
It also banned the wearing of political uniforms in any public place or public meeting.
7
Before 1967, the law dealing with public order was to be found in the Public Order Ordi-
nance, the Peace Preservation Ordinance, the Summary Offences Ordinance and in com-
mon law. The 1967 version of the law was a consolidation of various pieces of preexisting
legislation (Legislative Council of Hong Kong 2000/2001: 1).
72
and Political Rights (ICCPR); in 1995, the Legislative Council repealed many
provisions in the Public Order Ordinance to bring Hong Kong law in line with
the ICCPR, so that protestors, rather than obtaining a license from the police like
they did in the past, would only need to give them prior notification (Wong 2004:
78). The PRC government was convinced that the 1995 amendment aimed to
reduce legitimate public order regulatory powers of the future Hong Kong govern-
ment. On 23 February 1997, the Standing Committee of the National People’s
Congress of China passed a resolution under Article 160 of the Hong Kong Basic
Law that major amendments to the Public Order Ordinance would be scrapped,
and the Office of the Chief Executive (CE) Designate proposed amendments to
this Ordinance in April 1997, which led to widespread criticisms that the future
Hong Kong government intended to restrict its people’s civil liberties (Li 1997:
180–181). Hong Kong’s colonial government even distributed a commentary
criticizing the proposals in an unusual manner (Li 1997: 180–181). On 15 May,
the CE Office scaled down the amendments, and the Hong Kong Provisional
Legislative Council enacted the new version of the Public Order Ordinance,
which came into force on 1 July 1997 (Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 2000–
2001). The new law struck a compromise by stating that public processions
consisting of more than 30 persons can only take place if the Police Commissioner
has been notified a week in advance and the Commissioner has notified the
organiser that he has no objection, and that the Commissioner may object to the
public processsion, but only if he “reasonably considers that the objection is
necessary in the interests of national security or public safety, public order or the
protection of the rights and freedoms of others” (ss. 13(1)(a)(b), 14(1)). Despite
the amendments throughout the years, certain proportions have remained similar
to their counterparts in the Public Order Act 1986 of the U.K. The current version
of the Public Order Ordinance states that any person taking part in an “unlawful
assembly” shall be liable on conviction on indictment to imprisonment for 5 years,
and on summary conviction to a fine of $5,000 and to imprisonment for 3 years
(s. 18(3)). Any person taking part in a “riot” shall be liable on conviction on
indictment to imprisonment for 10 years, and on summary conviction to a fine of
$5,000 and to imprisonment for 5 years (s. 19(2)).
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While English played an important role in consolidating the rule of law tradition
in Hong Kong, one must note that the Hong Kong legal system also evolved with
the introduction of Chinese (de facto, standard Cantonese)8 as an official language
of the territory. English was the sole official language of Hong Kong until 1974.
The exclusive use of English in legislation and in court proceedings resulted in a
“linguistic apartheid” that alienated Hong Kong’s Cantonese-speaking local
population from the legal system (Cheung 1997: 315). In 1974, Chinese
(Cantonese) became an official language in addition to English (Official Lan-
guages Ordinance (Cap. 5), s. 3(1)). Not only is legislation available in both
English and standardized written Chinese, but the Official Languages Ordinance
(Cap. 5) also enables any court in Hong Kong to use either or both of the official
languages in any proceedings as it sees fit (s. 5(3)(4)). Hence, both written Can-
tonese and standardized written Chinese are often used in Hong Kong’s court
proceedings. Regardless of whether English or Chinese (Cantonese) is used in the
proceedings, every person has a right to use the language of his choice to give
evidence, and the court will arrange interpreting facilities. The interchangeable
legal terms and the right to use the language of one’s choice have ensured that
everybody is entitled to just procedures. To conclude, English and Chinese (Can-
tonese) both played significant roles in consolidating the rule of law tradition in
the territory.
3. China, its rule-by-law state, and the criminal justice

system
China, on the contrary, does not have a rule of law tradition in its legal culture
and history. Confucianism and Legalism, two ancient schools of law, strongly
8
Cantonese is the spoken language of Hong Kong’s Chinese community. Cantonese has a
written form, which is often used in court proceedings and most frequently in informal
communications, and is different from the standardized written Chinese, for example,
which is used in government documents and taught at schools in Hong Kong. While the
standardized written Chinese used in Hong Kong is based upon Mandarin, it has been
heavily influenced by Hong Kong culture over the years, and is somewhat different from
Mandarin Chinese in terms of phraseology. Yet Mainland Chinese and Hong Kong
Chinese usually do not have trouble understanding each other in written communications.
74
influenced the idea of law in the nation. According to Confucianism, human

nature is fundamentally good and what the state needs to do is to enforce a moral
code, or li, to guide people towards virtues (Riegel 2013). Legalists, on the other
hand, believed that humans are inherently bad and must be governed by a system
of law, or fa, backed by state coercion (Pines 2014). Nonetheless, both Confu-
cianism and Legalism endorse, to different degrees, a paternalistic conception of
the state, and concede the ultimate authority to the ruler, who remains above and
beyond the li or the fa. China’s first attempt to reform the legal system occurred
in the last years of the Qing dynasty as part of its attempt to come to grips with
modernity and the idea of democracy, but its early reforms could not gain a
foothold in the chaotic Republican era of the early twentieth century (Peerenboom
2002: 1). While law subsequently took a back seat with the rise of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP), especially during the reign of Mao and the Cultural
Revolution, legal reforms and rule of law became a hot issue when Deng Xiaoping
announced his plan to modernize China in the late 1970s. Yet it remains doubtful
whether single-party socialism, under which the law becomes a tool of the CCP
and the state to serve the interests of the people and to attack the enemy, is
theoretically compatible at all with rule of law and a limited government
(Peerenboom 2002: 10). In addition, some claim that the rule of law practically
does not exist in authoritarian China. Although the Constitution was amended in
1999 to expressly provide for the establishment of a socialist rule-of-law state,
many Western legal scholars and political scientists have dismissed it as a
meaningless slogan, and some have even condemned it as a mask for oppression
and injustice (Peerenboom 2002: 2). While China is adopting some form of rule
of law in recent years,9 there is more evidence suggesting that it still abides by the
“rule by law,” or an instrumental conception of law in which law is merely a tool
9
Under Mao, China was governed mainly on the basis of Party policy and administrative
regulations that were often not made open to the general public. Today, it is increasingly
governed by publicly promulgated laws. In addition, lawyers who dismiss the law and
advise their clients that all is possible with the right connections (guanxi) would be guilty
of malpractice. One may even argue that law is beginning to impose restraints on the
ruling regime and Party interferences with specific court decisions are rare (Peerenboom
2002: 7).
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to be used as the state sees fit.10 Since Xi Jinping became the Party leader, he has
presided over the most sweeping crackdown on corruption that the nation has seen
in many years. Nevertheless, given his iron-fist policy towards political dissent-
ers, it is highly uncertain whether he intends to use the Constitution and the law
to check the power of the CCP (The Economist 2014).
Unsurprisingly, citizens of China have not enjoyed the right to free speech similar
to what people in Western democracies have taken for granted. Interestingly, the
fourth and most recent version of the Chinese Constitution contains an extensive
section on the fundamental rights of Chinese citizens, with Article 35 guarantee-
ing “freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession
and of demonstration,” while Article 37 prohibiting arrest without “approval or
by decision of a people’s procuratorate or... court,” the “unlawful deprivation or
restriction of citizens’ freedom of person by detention or other means,” and the
“unlawful search of the person of citizens.” Nevertheless, these provisions have
not been practically enforced, and China’s current human rights situation has been
described as the worst that has been seen in a quarter-century.11 Despite President
Xi’s vow to promote the “rule of law,” the government has recently proposed or
passed laws on state security, cybersecurity, counterterrorism, and the manage-
ment of foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that conflate peaceful
criticisms of the state with threats to national security. 12 Various NGOs were
closed and their staff detained on bogus charges, and human rights lawyers and
10
Party policies continue to trump laws. For example, the nomenklatura system whereby
the Party is able to appoint or at least veto the appointment of key members of the People’s
Congress and courts undermines the legitimacy, independence, and authority of the
legislature and judiciary. Furthermore, senior Party members are generally subject to
sanctions, if at all, by Party discipline committees rather than the courts, a practice that
violates the fundamental rule-of-law principle that the law applies equally to rulers and
ordinary people (Peerenboom 2002: 8).
11
The Hubei-based Civil rights and Livelihood Watch group described a “worsening and
regressive human rights situation,” and a domestic security regime more oppressive than
anything seen since the June 4 Incident in 1989 (Radio Free Asia 2015).
12
For example, the second draft of the Foreign Non-Governmental Organizations
Management Law imposes an onerous supervisory framework and restrictions on staffing
and operations of NGOs, and gives the police an expansive role in approving and monitor-
ing their work (Human Rights Watch 2016).
76
journalists frequently get imprisoned.13 Aside from tightening press restrictions,

the government has continued to censor politically unacceptable information
through the “Great Firewall” and other measures. At schools and universities,
sensitive teaching materials deemed subversive of state power are regularly
banned, and researchers and teachers are subject to ideological evaluations to
ensure that they toe the party line.14
One can only expect violations of Chinese laws aimed to curtail free speech to
meet with harsh punishments, considering the lack of a conception of proportion-
ality in its criminal system. China’s judicial system, with a great number of capital
offences and whereby minor and mid-level crimes pile up on the most serious
punishment end of the penalty spectrum, has its roots in its legal culture and
history. Confucianism, which prioritizes social harmony over individual liberty,
and the interests of the state over those of individuals, was influential throughout
the Imperial period (Florio 2008: 63–65). After the CCP took over China, it
repealed all the laws of the Republican government and any vestige of the western
legal concept, in favor of an oppressive regime inspired by the Soviet Union and
a “revolutionary judicial system characterized by informal mediation, mass trials,
retributive justice, and frequent summary executions” (Florio 2008: 67).15 To
bring about rapid political, economic and social transformations, the CCP im-
plemented laws and policies to eliminate all sources of political opposition, using
capital punishment and harsh criminal sanctions to “frighten the enemy and
13
Between July and September 2015, about 280 human rights lawyers and activists across
China were briefly detained and interrogated. About 40 remain in custody without access
to lawyers or family, some beyond legal time limits. In April of the same year, prominent
journalist Gao Yu was sentenced to seven years in prison for allegedly leaking an internal
CCP document calling for greater censorship of liberal and reformist ideas (Human
Rights Watch 2016).
14
In January 2015, the Education Minister told universities to ban teaching materials that
promote Western values and to censor instances of speech that “attack and slander against
the Party.” In July, the Party’s disciplinary commission announced that researchers at the
central Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had been “infiltrated by foreign forces” and
participated in “illegal collusion” during politically sensitive periods. It issued a rule that
subjects its researchers to ideological evaluations so that those who fail would be expelled
(Human Rights Watch 2015).
15
Originally from Davis (1987: 309).
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support the class struggle of the masses” (Florio 2008: 68).16 The era of economic
liberalization under Deng saw little in the cultivation of the proportionality
principle (Florio 2008: 70). Facing pressure and condemnation from foreign
investors and the international community at large, the National People’s Con-
gress finally amended the Criminal Procedure Law and Criminal Law in 1996
and 1997. Ironically, as if to carry on the legacy of Deng’s crime prevention cam-
paigns, it expanded the number of capital offenses while adding procedural
protections for criminal defendants (Florio 2008: 70).
4. Post-changeover Hong Kong, recolonization, and

resistance through languages and rights talks
According to the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed by Britain and China in

1984, Hong Kong shall be governed in accordance with the “one country, two
systems” principle for a period of 50 years after its handover in 1997 (Joint
Declaration). In other words, even though Hong Kong shall fall under the
sovereignty of the PRC government, it shall retain its own social, economic, and
legal systems, and shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy except for foreign and
defense affairs. Hence, the purpose of the Hong Kong Basic Law – its con-
stitutional document since 1997 – was not to integrate the legal systems of Hong
Kong and China, but rather to keep them apart (Ghai 2009: 16).17
4.1. Eroding the rule of law: Cultural/linguistic displacement

and the importation of an alien offence
Since the changeover, however, China has repeatedly violated the Declaration
and imposed its authoritarian control over Hong Kong through the pro-Beijing
Hong Kong government, thereby eroding the rule of law and freedom of speech
in the territory. For example, Article 27 of the Basic Law and Article 16 of the
16
Originally from Davis (1987: 312).
17
As Ghai argues, any convergence between the two systems that may have happened in
the area of private or commercial laws was not the result of the Basic Law, but the con-
sequences of external, global forces and China’s entry into world markets.
78
Bill of Rights Ordinance both protect Hong Kong people’s freedom of speech.
Since the changeover, Hong Kong’s newspapers and media operators nonetheless
have been put under considerable pressure by the PRC government, and self-
censorship has become increasingly common (Yeung 2015). One recent attack on
free speech came from Leung Chun-ying, Hong Kong’s unpopular Chief
Executive from 2012 to 2017, who used the occasion of his 2015 policy address
to criticize the Students’ Union of the University of Hong Kong for “advocating
independence” through the February issue of its official magazine Undergrad as
well as its book entitled Hong Kong Nationalism (Cheung et al. 2015). Following
Leung’s criticism, three prominent bookstores belonging to a pro-Beijing
publishing group took the books off their shelves (Lam 2015). Another recent
attack, which came directly from the Chinese government, involved the abduction
of booksellers of a Hong Kong bookstore selling controversial books that
criticized President Xi, and one of the kidnapping incidents even happened in
Hong Kong (Cheung / Siu 2016).18 On the arrest of one victim, China’s foreign
ministry claimed that he had broken Chinese laws and the Chinese authorities
across the border were within their rights to handle his case (Cheung / Siu 2016).
Yet printing and selling books, however controversial, is legal in Hong Kong, and
China therefore has no legal right to arrest or detain the Hong Kong booksellers,
let alone to bypass legal procedures in doing so (Cheung / Siu 2016).
Hong Kong’s puppet government has done more than attacking and eroding the
rule of law in the territory, by slowly replacing its local culture, language, and
ideology with those of Mainland China and the CCP. Since the changeover and
particularly over the past decade, Hong Kong has undergone what is known as
“Mainlandization.” Although this process can be felt strongly in everyday life, the
most sinister events have happened in education. Over the past decade, an increas-
ing number of primary and secondary schools, at the encouragement of the
government, have adopted Mandarin (the official language of Mainland China),
instead of Cantonese, in teaching the subject of Chinese. In 2011, the Education
18
Wing-Kee Lam, a victim who was later allowed to return to Hong Kong, disclosed to the
media how he was abducted, blindfolded and handcuffed in October 2015. Lam claimed
that he decided to speak out at the risk of his safety because Hong Kong’s autonomy had
been trampled upon by Beijing.
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Bureau proposed to transform moral and civic education in the primary school
curriculum into what would be known as “moral and national education”, rightly
suspected to be a tool of indoctrination as it was found to be biased towards the
CCP and its so-called “China model” and against democracy (The Associated
Press 2012). Following vehement oppositions from the public, the Hong Kong
government postponed the commencement of the subject. In 2016, the Education
Bureau issued a consultative document stating that children, rather than learning
traditional Chinese characters (used in Hong Kong and Taiwan), should begin
learning simplified Chinese characters, which were promulgated in the 1950s by
the State Council of the PRC and used in China since that time. At present,
Mandarin expressions are commonly found in newspapers, especially those
published by China-owned media companies or companies with vested interests
in China. The influx of Mainland Chinese tourists and immigrants no doubt has
offered a good excuse for businesses such as restaurants to supplement or even
replace traditional Chinese characters with simplified ones. These continued at-
tempts to Mainlandize the territory have caused feelings of cultural and linguistic
displacement among Hong Kong people and have been a main source of outrage
among them.
As discussed, the controversial Public Order Ordinance is similar to the Public
Order Act of the U.K. in certain aspects and is reasonable on its face. However,
its 1997 amendment equips the Hong Kong government with the power to prohibit
a public assembly or procession on the grounds of “national security” and “the
protection of the rights and freedoms of others,” in addition to pre-existing
grounds of “public safety” and “public order” (s. 14(1)). This amendment has
become a convenient tool for the government to prohibit otherwise peaceful
assemblies and demonstrations, especially those challenging its actions. On the
challenge to the constitutionality of the Ordinance,19 the Court of Final Appeal
held that the notification system, under which those planning an assembly or a
19
The post-changeover government first decided to prosecute protesters for violating the
notification rule in 2002 when veteran protestor Kwok-Hung and two other student
activists were charged with organizing an unauthorized public assembly or assisting in
organizing one because they did not notify the Police Commissioner in advance (Leung
Kwok-hung and Others v. HKSAR FACC No. 1 and 2 of 2005).
80
procession must notify the Police Commissioner a week in advance and the
Commissioner must notify the organizer that he has no objection for it to proceed,
was constitutional, and that the term “public order” was sufficiently precise to
survive (Wong 2005). It nonetheless indicated in dicta that the norm of
“protection of the rights and freedoms of others” was too wide and did not satisfy
the legal certainty requirement (Wong 2005). Year 2011 alone saw a record
number of participants in three mass protests prosecuted under the Ordinance
since the changeover (Kong 2015).
The pro-democracy coalition organised a protest on 1 July 2014 in rehearsal of
“Occupy Central” held later that year. The Hong Kong Police’s public statement
issued after the protest exemplified a direct assault to the rule of law and an
attempt at linguistic displacement: indeed, one can fairly say that such an assault
was facilitated by language. It is true that despite the peacefulness of Occupy
Central participants, numerous arrests and prosecutions were made under the
Public Order Ordinance. Precise figures of participants who were arrested and
prosecuted in relation to the Occupy Central events are not available, although in
2014, overall, 1726 people were arrested and 163 prosecuted in relation to “public
order events;” as of May 2015, there had been 112 arrests and 60 prosecutions in
that year (Kong 2015).20 Yet what was even more sinister than the use of the
Public Order Ordinance to suppress free speech was the statement issued by the
police regarding the arrests of protesters on July 1, which substituted the public
order offence under Hong Kong law with an offence called 尋釁滋事罪 found in
Article 293 of Chinese Criminal Law, to describe the conduct of the arrested
protesters. One must note that although both Mainland Chinese and Hong Kong’s
Cantonese-speaking people adopted standardized forms of written Chinese based
upon Mandarin, the written Chinese used by Hong Kong people has been shaped
by Hong Kong culture over the years and is somewhat different from that used by
the Mainlanders in terms of phraseology. It hardly came as a surprise that the
Mainland offence, especially the term 尋釁, was incomprehensible to most Hong
Kong Chinese whose mother tongue is Cantonese. Originating in China’s
20
The Security Bureau did not give precise information in response to a question by a
member of the Legislative Council regarding arrests and prosecutions in relation to the
Occupy Central events.
81
Amy Lai
monolingual legal system and criminal law, 尋釁滋事 also does not have an English
equivalent, and can be roughly translated as “Picking Quarrels and Provoking
Trouble” (Li 2010). While this Mainland offence apparently bears some
resemblance to Hong Kong’s public order offence, and carries a maximum five-
year fixed-term imprisonment, its vagueness allows it to encompass a broad range
of activities:21 in particular, one of the four types of conduct that would make a
person guilty of this offence, “booing and hooting and making trouble and causing
serious disturbance of public places,” lacks precision. In short, the offence 尋釁滋
事罪 has become an effective tool in Mainland China for suppressing free speech
and sentencing political dissidents to jail.22 The importation of this offence to
Hong Kong signifies an attempt to dismantle its rule of law tradition.
4.2. Nurturing rights consciousness, defending English and

Cantonese
The election of “Umbrella Soldiers”, who have vowed to defend the territory
against further assaults by the PRC and Hong Kong governments, to Hong Kong’s
district and legislative councils is a promising sign. What else can and should
Hong Kong people do to defend their legal system as well as their cherished way
of living, of which freedom of speech and the rule of law are indispensable parts?
Aside from defending activists who get prosecuted in courts, the nurturance of
legal, or rights, consciousness among the general public, accompanied by the
21
Chinese Criminal Law, article 293: “Whoever commits any of the following acts of
creating disturbance and undermines social order shall be sentenced to fixed-term im-
prisonment of not more than five years, criminal detention or public surveillance: (1)
beating another person at will and with flagrant circumstances; (2) pursuing, intercepting
or abusing another person with flagrant circumstances; (3) extorting forcibly or at will,
destroying or possessing and using public or private property with serious circumstances;
or (4) in public places, booing and hooting and making trouble and causing serious
disturbance of public places.” Amendment to Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of
China, http://www.asianlii.org/cn/legis/cen/laws/atcl217/. This English version of
Chinese Criminal Law does not offer a translation of the term尋釁滋事: it merely translates
the offending conduct.
22
A good example occurred in 2010 when food safety activist Zhao Lianhai was prosecuted
under this offence for disrupting social order by spreading rumors on the Internet and
subsequently was sentenced to two and a half years in jail (Li 2010).
82
assertion of status of English and Cantonese as the territory’s official languages

under the law, is the way to go.23
“Rights talk” is powerful because it articulates universal, enduring ideals and
reflects people’s learned sense of justice, as well as connotes a cache of malleable
strategic weapons for civil rights movements (McCann 1994: 234–236). Be they
activists or not, people feel empowered not merely or primarily in individualistic
ways, but collectively through connections to activists and political groups
(McCann 1994: 259–261). The belief in the rule of law or universal justice plays
an indispensable part in the formation and nurturance of rights consciousness.
Although the rule of law in Hong Kong has been in continuous decline since the
changeover, attempts to “Mainlandize” Hong Kong have only strengthened the
resolve of Hong Kong people to defend this tradition (Jones 2014: 37, 41). In fact,
the transformation of the “rule of law” into a cherished core value symbolizing all
that makes Hong Kong distinctive from the Mainland is the main reason for the
dramatic rise in the number of anti-government and anti-Mainlandization
demonstrations after the changeover in which journalists, lawyers, and pro-
democracy politicians united in defense of civil liberties (Jones 2014: 32, 34).
At this juncture, one should note that the Chinese (both Mandarin and Cantonese)
term for “rule of law” is 法治, which is easily misinterpreted as “rule by law” 以法
而治. When the Occupy Central campaign was under way, the true meaning of
“rule of law” and its implications was popularized among those concerned about
Hong Kong’s political future (Hilgers 2015). The Hong Kong government and
Chinese state officials and media repeatedly misled the public by stressing that
the “rule of law” means obedience and respect of laws, while democrats and
localists clarified that the “rule of law” is about the law as check and balance
against absolute governmental powers. Although the ending of the Umbrella
Movement was deemed a failure of Hong Kong people’s collective mobilization
for democracy (Hilgers 2015), the “rule of law” has continued to resurface in
many public debates, one example being pro-democracy activists’ accusation of
23
Robert W. McCann defines legal, or rights, consciousness as the “ongoing, dynamic
process of constructing one’s understanding of, and relationship to, the social world
through use of legal conventions and discourses” (1994: 7).
83
Amy Lai
the government’s overemphasis on “obeying the law”, which is the “hallmark of

a regime which is keen to use the law to constrain the governed rather than to
constrain the way it governs” (Lau 2015). Further, rights talks have become more
common, which testify to the rising rights consciousness of Hong Kong people
who feel increasingly empowered and ready to fight against injustice. 24 For
example, not long after the Umbrella Revolution ended, a 14-year-old girl was
arrested for criminal damage for drawing two flowers as a symbol of protest on
the wall which, during the Revolution, was covered with thousands of paper notes
bearing pro-democracy messages (Chan 2015). Protesters gathered on social
media and accused the court that issued the arrest order of bowing to
governmental pressure and losing its independence. Probably owing to the threat
of another civil disobedience action, the high court overturned this decision and
ordered the girl to be released on bail (Chan 2015).
As much as language can function as a tool to dismantle Hong Kong’s legal
system, it can be used as a weapon to maintain its rule of law tradition and to
safeguard its autonomy. The nurturance of rights consciousness must go hand in
hand with the assertion of both Chinese (Cantonese) and English as the official
languages in Hong Kong and the defense of their status in Hong Kong’s legal
system. Defending the status of English and Chinese (Cantonese) naturally forms
part of Hong Kong people’s struggle against Mainlandization. In addition, English
and Chinese (Cantonese) both served to establish and consolidate the rule of law
tradition in Hong Kong. Because the police’s importation of an alien Mainland
offence signified an attempt to dismantle the rule of law, defending this tradition
necessitates defending the status of these two languages in Hong Kong’s legal
system.
5. Conclusion
This paper has examined how language can function both as a tool to dismantle
Hong Kong’s legal system and as a weapon to maintain its rule of law tradition
24
Civil rights, human rights, and “the rule of law” have become popular topics on popular
Internet forums such as Facebook and Hong Kong Golden Forum.
84
and to safeguard its autonomy. While English and Chinese (Cantonese) served to
establish the rule of law tradition in Hong Kong, the government attempted to
dismantle it linguistically by importing an offence from an alien legal system.
Furthermore, this paper has urged Hong Kong people to defend the legal status of
English and Cantonese as official languages of Hong Kong and its legal system
as they continue to engage in “rights talk” to nurture their rights consciousness,
in their struggles to safeguard – or reclaim – Hong Kong’s autonomy as well as
their cherished way of living.
Due to its colonial history and politics, Hong Kong presents an interesting
example of how language, law, and culture interplay with one another. As a
preliminary exploration of a broad and vibrant topic, this chapter will hopefully
stimulate more research on language, law, and culture in different social and
political contexts.
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90
Karolina NARTOWSKA (Wien)
The role of court interpreters in criminal proceedings in the

context of the right to a fair trial. Case studies from a Polish
and an Austrian court
Abstract
The importance of an interpreter in criminal proceedings is stressed by regulations of inter-
national and Community law, which guarantee the right to interpretation for each person
charged or accused who does not speak the language of the proceedings. Thus, interpreters are
gaining visibility since they allow a person speaking a foreign language to claim his/her rights
– to ask questions and to an effective defence – as well as enable her/his presentation of the
case and active participation in the trial. This paper examines the actual role of interpreters in
a given criminal court interaction and the extent to which interpreters contribute to the guaran-
tee of the right to a fair trial. For this purpose, two interpreter-mediated criminal proceedings,
each with a German and a Polish interpreter, were audio-recorded and the transcriptions of the
hearings were subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis. The analysis demonstrates that the
appointed interpreters are active and visible participants in the proceedings who influence the
court interaction. Moreover, interpreters do not always fulfil their role as they do not allow the
foreign defendants active participation in the trial.
Keywords: court interpreting, interpreting in criminal proceedings, right to interpretation,

CDA
1. Introduction
Member States shall ensure that suspected or accused

persons who do not speak or understand the language
of the criminal proceedings concerned are provided,
without delay, with interpretation during criminal
proceedings before investigative and judicial auth-
orities […] (EU 2010, article 2 paragraph 1).
The interests of persons speaking a foreign language who have to stand before a
court have been given a lot of attention on both the international and Community
levels. The aforementioned Directive of the European Parliament on the right to
interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings as well as the European
Convention for Human Rights grant each person who speaks a foreign language
and who has been charged or accused of a crime the right to have an interpreter
Karolina Nartowska
appointed in criminal proceedings. Therefore, a key role of court interpreters in

criminal proceedings involving persons speaking a foreign language is empha-
sized by these legal provisions. At the same time, the responsibility of interpreters
as guarantors of the observance of human rights is confirmed since the right to
interpretation is an indispensable element of a fair trial.
Using examples from two authentic interpreter-mediated criminal proceedings in
Austria and Poland, this paper examines the actual role of interpreters in a given
criminal court interaction and the extent to which the interpreter’s presence in the
courtroom contributes to the guarantee of the right to a fair trial of the person
speaking a foreign language.
2. Right to a fair trial
2.1. ECHR
The Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms
(ECHR), in force for over 60 years, constitutes a legally binding treaty that should
guarantee “an effective transnational international protection of human rights” in
Europe (cf. Gollwitzer 2005: 104). The ECHR contains a catalogue of fundamen-
tal and human rights, the implementation of which is to be ensured by the Euro-
pean Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).
Article 6 of the ECHR guarantees as independent human rights, on the one hand,
the right to legal proceedings and, on the other, the right to important procedural
principles, which are fundamental, constitutive elements of a fair trial1 and which
are also highly relevant from the perspective of interpreting studies, especially
interpreting in criminal proceedings. A part of them is, firstly, the right of every
accused (article 6 paragraph 3a), but also of every arrested (article 5 paragraph 2),
person to be informed promptly of the reasons for his/her arrest and the accusation
against him/her. The provisions do not stipulate whether the information should
occur written or orally (through an interpreter). However, the ECtHR requires
1
ECtHR: Deweer v. Belgium, 27 February 1980, no. 6903/75.
94
Role of court interpreters in criminal proceedings
“special attention”2 to be paid to the notification of the arrest or accusation reasons

to the foreign person3 so that he/she can understand them and can claim his/her
right to prepare for the defence and his/her right to the defence itself (article 6
paragraphs 3b and c). In any case, the notification must take place in a language
which the foreign person can understand. Besides, every arrested or charged
person has the right to the free assistance of an interpreter (article 6 paragraph 3e).
According to the ECtHR’s case law, this provision applies to both court criminal
proceedings as well as preliminary proceedings.4
In addition, every accused person has the right to defend him/herself in the pro-
ceedings conducted against him/her as well as to examine witnesses (article 6
paragraphs 3c and 3d). This requirement corresponds with the principle of equal-
ity of arms, according to which persons facing each other in the proceedings are
on equal footing to protect their interests in court (Gollwitzer 2005: 315). In the
case of defendants speaking a foreign language it is, therefore, necessary that they
are able, through the appointing of an interpreter, to understand the flow of the
entire proceedings and follow them. The ECtHR has noted that all the documents
and oral statements must be translated or rather interpreted for the foreign person
if he/she relies on their understanding to have a fair trial.5 Although a translation
of all the written evidence or official documents is not necessary, a (sight) inter-
pretation of the documents is required according to the ECtHR’s case law: “In
that connection, it should be noted that the text of the relevant provisions refers
to an ‘interpreter’, not a ‘translator’. This suggests that oral linguistic assistance
may satisfy the requirements of the Convention.”6
2.2. Directive 2010/64/EU
The Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the right to inter-
pretation and translation in criminal proceedings, the provisions of which the
2
In the German version: “äußerst sorgfältig“ (cf. ECtHR, Kamasinski v. Austria, 19 De-
cember 1989, no. 9783/82).
3
ECtHR: Kamasinski v. Austria, 19 December 1989, no. 9783/82.
4
5
ECtHR: Luedicke, Belkacem and Koç v. Germany, 28 November 1978, no. 6210/73.
6
ECtHR: Husain v. Italy, 24 February 2005, no. 18913/03.
95
Karolina Nartowska
Member States had to implement into national law by 27th October 2013 (article
9 paragraph 1), determines common minimum rules for the right to interpretation
in criminal proceedings within the European Union (EU 2010). The Directive
should reaffirm “the importance of the rights of the individual in criminal pro-
ceedings as a fundamental value of the Union” (European Commission 2010). At
the same time, granting the right to interpretation, the Directive seeks to preserve
the right of a person speaking a foreign language to a fair trial, within the meaning
of article 6 of the ECHR (paragraph 14).
The Directive guarantees that any suspect or accused person who does not speak
or understand the language of the proceedings will receive, without delay, “free
and adequate linguistic assistance” (paragraph 17).7 The right of a foreign lan-
guage speaker to the assistance of an interpreter concerns the entire criminal pro-
ceedings and, consequently, includes court trials, police interrogations, and other
hearings before investigative and judicial authorities as well as any necessary
interim hearings, where the person speaking a foreign language is present. Inter-
preters must also be called in for the communication of the foreign person with
his/her defence throughout the whole proceedings to ensure that the foreign per-
son can fully exercise his/her rights of defence (article 2 paragraphs 1 and 2). The
right to an interpreter applies from the time in which a suspected or accused per-
son shall be informed of the suspicion or the accusation of having committed a
criminal offence until the conclusion of the proceedings; that is, the final settling
of the question whether he/she has committed the offense (article 1 paragraph 2).
Also, the Directive requires that persons speaking a foreign language must receive
a written translation of all essential documents including, among others, orders
depriving them of their liberty, and indictments and judgements – at least “the
relevant passages of such documents” (article 3 paragraphs 1 and 2). In excep-
tional situations8, the translation may be replaced by “an oral translation or an oral
7
This assistance “should be provided in the native language of the suspected or accused
persons or in any other language that they speak or understand…” (EU 2010, paragraph
22).
8
No examples of what would be an exceptional situation are given by the Directive so that
the reasons for this regulation are not clear. As Schweda Nicholson (2009: 85) notices,
though, it is surprising that an oral rendition of these critical documents would be accept-
able.
96
summary”; however, such a (sight or summary) interpretation must not preclude

a fair trial (article 3 paragraph 7).
Finally, the Directive imposes high demands on the quality of interpretation as
well as the professional qualifications of judicial translators and interpreters. The
Directive stipulates that the quality of interpreting services in criminal proceed-
ings must be sufficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings. Sufficient
quality means ensuring the foreign person knows of the accusation against him/
her and he/she is able to exercise his/her rights to a defence (article 3 paragraph 9
and article 2 paragraph 8). For the required high quality to be guaranteed, the
Directive stipulates that the interpreting services must be provided by appropri-
ately qualified interpreters who are competent in the field of legal terminology
(paragraph 31). If the person speaking a foreign language is convinced that the
quality of the delivered interpretation is insufficient to guarantee a fair trial, he/she
is entitled to complain (article 3 paragraph 5 and article 2 paragraph 5).
3. Role of interpreters in the courtroom
3.1. Professional guarantors of a fair trial
From a formal point of view, the appointing of interpreters in multilingual crimi-

nal proceedings is a constitutive element of the right to a fair trial. It is important
to emphasize here that the ECtHR has explicitly stated that interpreters under no
circumstances are part of the court9, and they should, by their effective assistance,
provide for the foreign person in “conducting his defence [...]”.10
As a result of the aforementioned legal provisions, interpreters become guarantors
of a fair trial and guardians of human rights through their active participation in
the proceedings. They are responsible for enabling the person speaking a foreign
9
“Court interpreters according to legal provisions are to be called in for the person speak-
ing a foreign language and not for justice representatives, although in court practice often
the latter is the case. Even though a foreign defendant has the right to an interpreter, in-
terpreters sometimes seemed to be appointed rather for the judge and/or prosecutor as the
defendant” European Commission (2010: 10f.).
10
ECtHR: Ucak v. United Kingdom, 24 January 2002, no. 44234/98.
97
Karolina Nartowska
language to participate in the trial and to enjoy full exercising of his/her rights.
The foreign person should receive the opportunity to “perceive acoustically and
visually” all events in the courtroom and to understand them, to participate in the
trial “in mental and physical terms”, and to lead his/her defence in “a sensible and
comprehensible manner” (Gollwitzer 2005: 388). The accused foreign person
must understand the facts of the case against him/her and defend him/herself
effectively by presenting his/her version of events to the court or by informing
about matters that are necessary for the defence.11 In order to question witnesses
the person speaking a foreign language needs a thorough understanding not only
of the questions addressed directly to him/her but also of the applications of the
prosecution and the defence as well as the testimonies. Hence, the normative re-
quirement for court interpreters is to interpret the entire court proceedings for the
person speaking a foreign language.
Furthermore, the Directive regards court interpreters as qualified experts who
have extensive expertise in the field of legal terminology. This is accompanied by
the normative requirement and duty of court interpreters to provide services that
meet the high demands on the quality of interpretation.
3.2. Communication facilitators and experts in intercultural

communication
In the theoretical discussion on the role of interpreters in court, which is mainly

based on purely descriptive approaches and subjective convictions (see Hale
2008: 101), there is a consensus that interpreters should eliminate the language
barrier existing between participants in the proceedings and enable their commu-
nication with each other. Nevertheless, there is controversy about the scope for
action given to court interpreters.
In countries of the Anglo-American legal tradition the view that interpreters
should limit their actions in the courtroom strictly to exact renditions of what is
said prevails (e.g. Edwards 1995; González et al. 1991; Mikkelson 1998).12 Their
11
12
This view is also supported by the lawyers’ perception of the interpreter’s role in common
law countries (e.g. Hale 2007; Ibrahim / Bell 2003; Laster / Taylor 1994; Lee 2009;
98
task consists of placing the foreign-language speaking person in an equal and not
a more favourable or unfavourable position than that of a person speaking the
language of the proceedings. Interpreters should, therefore, neither omit anything
in the rendition nor add anything nor clarify cultural differences. Some Anglo-
American authors, however, point out that the interpretation of the linguistic level
of an utterance alone is not enough to fully render its meaning (Colin / Morris
1996; de Jongh 1992; Hale 2004; Laster / Taylor 1994; Morris 1995). Conse-
quently, interpreters should assume the function of communication facilitators
and convey the content of a statement as well as the intention of the speaker.
In the continental legal tradition, court interpreters are granted a broader scope for
action (e.g. Driesen 2006; Kadrić 2009; Niska 1995). Interpreters should provide
the court necessary information, including the content implicitly contained in an
utterance, and they should, at the same time, enable the foreign-language speaking
person both to fully understand and to be fully understood. Therefore, not only
the language mediation but also the cultural mediation fall into interpreters’ area
of responsibility. According to Kadrić (2009: 54), interpreters are to be seen as
“experts of their own right, comprehensive intercultural communicators”, who are
entitled to act independently and with sole responsibility in the courtroom in order
to allow for the “effective communication” of all participants.
3.3. Active participants in the proceedings and power figures
Empirical research on the role of court interpreters in countries of both legal tra-
ditions (Berk-Seligson 1990; Hale 2004; Jansen 1995; Kadrić 2009; Nartowska
2014, 2015a, 2015b; Niska 1995; see also Fenton 1997) substantiates the inde-
pendent action of interpreters in the courtroom. Hence, interpreters are “active
verbal participant[s] in the interaction” (Berk-Seligson 1990: 64) and visible par-
ticipants in the trial, whose presence and actions influence the court interaction.
The visibility of interpreters is expressed, on the one hand, in numerous “clarifi-
cation procedures” (cf. Berk-Seligson 1990) which the nature of interpreter-me-
diated communication requires. For example, when a lawyer’s question or facts
Morris 1995, 1999), but also in Poland (Mendel 2011; Stawecka 2010), which consider
interpreters as translation machines or invisible persons.
99
Karolina Nartowska
provided by the foreign-language speaking person need clarification, interpreters

actively intervene in the interaction and try to clear up the ambiguity (e.g. by in-
quiring). Interpreters speak, similarly, with their own voice when they indepen-
dently provide explanations, comments, or additional information.
On the other hand, interpreters undertake coordination measures by controlling
statements of the foreign person (e.g. by requesting the person to reply, to repeat,
or to remain silent). They contribute, in this way, to a smooth and efficient course
of the trial while, at the same time, interpreters exercise “a measure of linguistic
coercion” (Berk-Seligson 1990: 96), which means power over the foreign-
language speaking person.
However, interpreters can also significantly influence the court interaction and
the communication situation by their passivity (cf. Kadrić 2009). When interpret-
ers show a lack of their own initiative in the courtroom by not taking on the ne-
cessary coordination or by refraining from necessary clarifications, communica-
tion problems and misunderstandings arise, which results in a change in the inter-
action. Moreover, due to the presence of interpreters in the courtroom, the typical,
prescribed basic constellation changes, as power shifts occur, and interpreters
become “power figure[s]” in the courtroom (Fenton 1997: 30). The power and
control, which in monolingual proceedings lay in the hands of lawyers or rather
judges, are suspended and handed over to interpreters in a mediated court hearing.
Since now interpreters and not lawyers ask questions to the foreign-language
speaking person, they have the legal authority, and they are regarded by foreign
persons as powerful participants in the trial (see Fenton 1997). In addition,
interpreters have the power to intervene in questions posed by lawyers and to
change the strategic purpose pursued by them, over which the lawyers have no
control (Berk-Seligson 1990; Hale 2004; Kadrić 2009; Nartowska 2014, 2015a,
2015b). Interpreters may also adversely influence the judge’s assessment of the
accused person by independently intervening in the language style or register of
the original utterances, which may affect the outcome of the proceedings.
100
4. Methodology
The object of analysis in this article comprises two interpreter-mediated court

trials in criminal proceedings, each one with a German interpreter in Poland and
a Polish interpreter in Austria. The main hearings were observed on 15/09/2011
at the Regional Criminal Court in Vienna and on 23/04/2013 at the District Court
in Głubczyce and audio-recorded on two recorders. The relatively small corpus is
a result of the difficult access to authentic data at a court.
The two recordings were computer-aided transcribed using EXMARaLDA ac-
cording to the HIAT system (Ehlich / Rehbein 1976). In addition to the application
of HIAT transcription conventions,13 “literary transcription” techniques (Rehbein
et al. 2004: 11)14 have been referenced in order to ensure a reproduction of the
entire court interaction which is as accurate and natural in every detail as possible.
All errors depicted in transcription are authentic errors of the participants in the
proceedings, including the interpreters. All names and details being subject to data
protection were made anonymous.
The transcripts of the recorded trials15 have been subjected to Critical Discourse
Analysis (CDA) in the manner of Fairclough (1995, 1998, 2001). CDA sees dis-
course as “a form of social practice” (Fairclough 1995: 131), hence the approach’s
focus lies on the investigation of the dialectical relationship between the use of
language and social structures: “Describing discourse as social practice implies a
dialectical relationship between a particular discursive event and the situation(s),
13
The following transcription conventions were applied:
• a micropause
•• a break up to 0.5 second
••• a break up to 1 second
… breaking off
/ repair
institution emphasis
() hardly audible
(()) inaudible
((whispers)) non-verbal features or explanatory comments
CAPITALS anonymous information
14
In German: “literarische Umschrift”.
15
The participants in the two proceedings were: J = Judge, D = Defendant, Pr = Prosecutor,
DC = Defence counsel, I (1, 2) = Interpreter.
101
Karolina Nartowska
institution(s) and social structure(s) which frame it” (Fairclough / Wodak 1997:
258). CDA is in particular interested in the demonstrating of relationships of
power and control, so it is especially suitable for investigating the interpreter’s
action in an institutional, highly formalized context like criminal court.16
5. Court interpreters in criminal proceedings
5.1. The Polish case
The subject of the trial was a road accident caused by the German defendant in
Poland when he hit a cyclist who subsequently suffered numerous injuries. The
appointed interpreter is a sworn interpreter for German and Polish, who has an
educational path typical for Poland: first, she completed German studies and af-
terwards a postgraduate course for translators and interpreters. She has worked as
a sworn translator and interpreter since 2002, but she interprets rarely for courts,
meaning she has little experience in court interpreting.
Example 1:
The first example shows some of the strategies used by the interpreter during ren-
dition of dialogical stages of the proceedings, e.g. during the hearing of the Ger-
man speaking defendant.
[41]
J [v] ((2,1s)) Czy posiada oskarżony jakiś majątek?
J [de] ((2,1s)) Besitzen Sie irgendein Vermögen?
J [en] ((2,1s)) Does the defendant possess some assets?
I1 [v] • • Äähm besit/ sind Sie im Besitz
I1 [en] • • Erm do you poss/ are you in possession
[42]
D [v] Nein.
I1 [v] von irgendwelchem Vermögen? Haben Sie etwa... Yy nie ma.
I1 [de] Äh nein.
I1 [en] of some assets? Do you have someth... Er he doesn’t have.
16
Cf. Nartowska 2014, 2015a, 2015b. The aim of the study was to describe in as much
detail as possible the role behaviour of professional court interpreters in an entire authen-
tic main court hearing; hereafter only selected research results are presented.
102
[43]
J [v] ((2.5s)) Yym. ((2,2s)) Stan rodzinny: czy ma żonę, dzieci?
J [de] ((2.5s)) Mhm. ((2,2s)) Familienstand: Haben Sie Ehefrau, Kinder?
J [en] ((2.5s)) Hm. ((2,2s)) Family status: does (the defendant) have wife, children?
I1 [v] Familienstand,
I1 [en] Marital status,
[44]
J [v] ((3,5s)) Czy b/ leczył się kiedyś
J [de] ((3,5s)) Wa/ haben Sie sich jemals psychiatrisch
J [en] ((3,5s)) Have you ever been/ undergone psychiatri c
D [v] Ledig!
D [en] Single!
I1 [v] also (Sie sind)... • • E czyli wolny.
I1 [de] • • Äh also ledig.
I1 [en] so (you are)... • • Er this means single.
[45]
J [v] psychiatrycznie?
J [de] behandeln lassen?
J [en] treatment?
D [v] Nein.
I1 [v] Sind Sie irgendwo psychiatrisch behandelt? Nie.
I1 [de] Nein.
I1 [en] Are you psychiatrically treated anywhere? No.
When interpreting the question of the judge regarding whether the defendant pos-
sesses any assets (l. 41), the interpreter starts with a self-correction: “• • Erm do
you poss/ are you in possession of any assets?”, as if she was thinking of the right
formulation. She first tries to render the question literally with the adequate verb
“to possess”, then she opts for the more formal empty verb construction (“be in
possession”). The defendant has already answered the question in the negative (l.
42), yet the interpreter makes a third attempt, intervening in the structure of the
hearing: “Do you have someth...” She breaks off the question, as she realized the
defendant’s answer.
When the judge questions the defendant on his family status, whether he has a
wife and children (l. 43), the interpreter renders it with: “Marital status, so (you
are...)” but she stops as soon as the defendant responds. She conveys only the first
part of the judge’s question (i.e. civil/marital status), which she wants to complete
with the question broken off whether the defendant is married. The question about
whether the defendant has children remains, however, unanswered.
To the last question of the judge in this example as to whether the defendant has
ever undergone psychiatric treatment (l. 44–45) the interpreter interprets: “Are
103
Karolina Nartowska
you being psychiatrically treated anywhere?” By incorrectly using the statal pas-
sive in the present tense and the addition of the adverb “anywhere” the interpreter
shifts the focus of the question to the present; originally it referred to the past and
the present. Thus, the negative response of the defendant (l. 45) means that he is
not currently undergoing psychiatric treatment and the judge doesn’t know that
her question remains partly unanswered.
Example 2:
The next example illustrates strategies used by this interpreter during interpreta-
tion of monological stages of the Polish proceedings.
[48]
I1 [de] Wir könne/ können wir uns
I1 [en] We can/ can we sit
Pr [v] Oskarżam Karla Fischer • o to, żee: • • w dniu DZIEŃ
Pr [de] Ich klage Karl Fischer • deswegen an, daass er: • • am TAG
Pr [en] I accuse Karl Fischer • because of this, thaat he: • • on the date DAY
[49]
I1 [v] usiąść? Wir können jetzt sitzen. ((2s)) Und jetzt ist diese... ((1,6s))
I1 [de] hinsetzen?
I1 [en] down? We can sit now. ((2s)) And now is the... ((1,6s))
I1 [k] ((whispers)) ((whispers))
Pr [v] MIESIĄC ROK w miejscowości NAZWA, gmina Głubczyce,
Pr [de] MONAT JAHR in der Ortschaft ORTSNAME, Gemeinde Głubczyce, )
Pr [en] MONTH YEAR in the city NAME, the municipality of Głubczyce, )
[50]
I1 [v] diese/ • • das hier (()) vorgelesen • • (()) und das. Nie
I1 [de] Hat
I1 [en] the/ • • this here (()) read out loud • • (()) and this. Did
Pr [v] naruszył zasady bezpieczeństwa w ruchu drogowym w ten sposób, że
Pr [de] Sicherheitsvorschriften im Straßenverkehr so verletzte, dass indem
Pr [en] violated road safety rules in this way, that
[51]
I1 [v] dostal yyy...?
I1 [de] er nicht bekommen ääh...?
I1 [en] he not get erm...?
DC [v] Skróconą
DC [de] Eine
DC [en] A
Pr [v] kierując samochodem osobowym marki MODEL POJAZDU NUMER
Pr [de] er den Personenkraftwagen der Marke FAHRZEUGMODELL KENNZEICHEN
Pr [en] driving passenger car MODEL VEHICLE REGISTRATION
[52]
DC [v] wersję.
DC [de] verkürzte Fassung.
DC [en] shortened version.
Pr [v] REJESTRACJI • • • na prostym odcinku drogi nie zachował należytej
Pr [de] lenkte und • • • auf einem geraden Straßenabschnitt die erforderliche Vorsicht nicht
Pr [en] NUMBER • • • on a straight stretch of road did not maintain due precaution
104
[53]
I1 [v] Das ist das hier.
I1 [de] This is this here.
Pr [v] ostrożności podczas wykonywania manewru wyprzedzania najechał na
Pr [de] beachtete bei der Ausführung des Überholungsmanövers fuhr er die mit dem Fahrrad
Pr [en] during passing manoeuvre drove over
The prosecutor begins reading the indictment (l. 48), but the interpreter, who is
sitting in the dock right next to the defendant, does not start with the rendition.
Instead, she asks the defence counsel on the front bench if she and the defendant
may sit down (l. 48–49) as she had realised that all other participants are sitting
while they both remain standing. Only when the defender nods does she inform
the defendant that now they can take their places again (l. 49).
In the meantime, the prosecutor reads out the data on the time and place of the
occurrence, and then proceeds to describe the alleged offence carried by the de-
fendant (l. 49–50). Although the interpreter seems then to follow the prosecutor
she still does not interpret but after a two-second break she tries to inform the
defendant what is happening at that moment: “And now is the...”. She does not
finish the sentence, however, as she could not remember the term “indictment”.
Then, the interpreter stops commenting and tries to search among the defendant’s
documents for the fragment which is being read out. Afterwards she points it out
to the defendant (“the/ • • this here (()) read out lout • • (()) and this”). The false
start and numerous demonstrative pronouns indicate the interpreter’s difficulties
with the interpretation of legal terminology.
Since the defendant does not react, which seems to unsettle the interpreter, she
addresses the defence counsel, again asking him this time whether the defendant
received the indictment (l. 50–51), as if she feared the consequences of the non-
interpretation of the indictment. The sudden abrupt question confirms that the in-
terpreter is not proficient in legal terminology. The counsel’s answer that the de-
fendant has received an abbreviated version of the indictment (l. 51–52), seems
to calm the interpreter, because she no longer tries hard to render the content of
the accusation being read out, but only once more shows the defendant the text
she found (l. 53).
105
Karolina Nartowska
Example 3:
In the third example from the Polish proceedings the defence counsel puts in a
formal application for voluntary submission to sentence (l. 68–70) while the in-
terpreter, because of her failed attempts at interpreting, delegates the responsibil-
ity for understanding onto the defendant.
[68]
DC [v] Chcieliśmy złożyć formalny wniosek
DC [de] Wir wollten einen formellen Antrag auf die
DC [en] We wanted to put in a formal application
[69]
J [v] Yhm.
J [de] Mhm.
DC [v] o dobrowolne poddanie się karze eeeh • • w myśl artykułu trzysta
DC [de] freiwillige Unterwerfung der Strafe äääh • • im Sinne Artikel
DC [en] for voluntary submission to sentence erm • • in the sense of article three hundred
[70]
I1 [v] Rechtanwalt fragt,
I1 [en] The solicitor asks,
DC [v] osiemdziesiąt siedem kodeksu postępowania karnego • • • i • • eeeh kara,
DC [de] dreihundertsiebenundachtzig der Strafprozessordnung stellen • • • und • • ääh die Strafe,
DC [en] eighty seven of the criminal proceedings code • • • and • • erm the penalty,
[71]
I1 [v] dass Sie sich freiwillig der Strafe (aussetzen).
I1 [en] that you (expose) yourself voluntarily to the sentence.
DC [v] którą proponuje eeh oskarżony, to jest kara roku pozbawienia wolności w
DC [de] die der ääh Angeklagte vorschlägt, das ist ein Jahr Freiheitsstrafe bedingt
DC [en] which erm the defendant suggests that is a prison sentence with probation
[72]
I1 [v] Das ist... • • • ein Jahr für/ für
I1 [en] This is... • • • one year for/ for
DC [v] zawieszeniu na trzy lata oraz kara grzywny eeh • • • dwieście stawek/ w
DC [de] auf drei Jahre sowie eine Geldstrafe ääh • • • von zweihundert Tagessätzen/ in
DC [en] of three years and a fine er • • • two hundred daily rates/ to the
[73]
I1 [v] (()) Strafen (()) drei Jahren, • ja. • • Aber Sie
I1 [en] (()) penalties (()) three years, • yes. • • But you
DC [v] wysokości dwustu stawek po • • ee dwadzieścia złotych.
DC [de] Höhe von zweihundert Sätzen je • • äh zwanzig Zloty.
DC [en] amount of two hundred rates each • • er twenty Zloty.
[74]
I1 [v] wissen, (was für Strafen)... • • • Sie haben mit dem Anwalt gesprochen.
I1 [en] know (what penalties)... • • • You spoke with the lawyer.
I1 [k] ((whispers very quietly))
The defence counsel speaks in his own name and on behalf of his client, and uses
the inclusive we-structure (“we wanted”). The interpreter uses a break in his
speech and addresses the defendant, however she does not really interpret, but
106
comments to him upon the course of events: “The solicitor asks, that you (expose)
yourself voluntarily to the sentence”. The interpreter refrains from using legal
jargon and conveys the content of the utterance in a simplified form, using the
incorrect verb “to expose” for “submission to sentence”. The interpreter also
eliminates the inclusive structure “we” and instead of an interpretation, renders
the content in the form of reported speech to the defendant.
The defence counsel continues with the suggested penalties: “the penalty which
erm the defendant suggests that is a prison sentence with probation of three years
and a fine er • • • two hundred daily rates/ to the amount of two hundred rates each
• • er twenty Zloty”. The interpreter tries to render this one long sentence with:
“This is… • • • one year for/ for () penalties () three years, • yes.” Although her
rendition is partly unintelligible in the audio recording, it shows that the inter-
preter did not remember the type and the size of the proposed sanctions and she
has considerable difficulties rendering these details. Apparently, the interpreter is
aware that her fragmentary interpretation is incomprehensible to the defendant,
because she adds whispering: “• • But you know (what penalties)... • • • You spoke
with the lawyer.” The interpreter assumes that the defendant spoke in the run-up
to the trial with his defender and therefore seems to excuse her inaction suggesting
the defendant should have the necessary knowledge.
5.2. The Austrian case
The subject of the Austrian trial was a dangerous threat and resistance to state
authority. The Polish defendant camped illegally on a campsite and under heavy
influence of alcohol threatened to cut off the campsite operator’s head. After the
operator had called the police, the defendant struck a police officer.
The enlisted interpreter is a certified court interpreter for the Polish language. He
has a master’s degree in translation and interpreting studies and nearly 35 years
of professional experience. Court interpreting forms the bulk of his professional
activity; he regards the Regional Criminal Court as his “second home”.
107
Karolina Nartowska
Example 4:
The first example from the Austrian trial shows that the Polish interpreter com-
pletely withdraws from the interaction for several minutes during a confrontation
and does not provide interpretation. By contrast, his interference in the interaction
involves active interventions of the interpreter in the individual statements.
[177]
J [v] Ähh ich sage Ihnen
J [en] Erm I just tell you
[178]
J [v] einfach, was der kurz/ was Polizist sagt in ana gültigen äh • Anzeige, ja?
J [en] what the short/ what the policeman says in a valid er • charge, yes?
I2 [v] Ja Panu od
I2 [de] Ich lese Ihnen
I2 [en] I read out
[179]
J [v] • • • Er sagt ääähh...
J [en] • • • He says eerm...
I2 [v] czytam zeznania policjantów. ((1,1s)) Ten jeden m/
I2 [de] Aussagen der Polizisten vor. ((1,1s)) Dieser eine hat ges/
I2 [en] to you statements of the police officers. ((1,1s)) This one was say/
[180]
J [v] ((1,1s)) So! • • Ääähhm • • • „FAMILIENNAME und
J [en] ((1,1s)) So! • • Eerm • • • “NAME and
I2 [v] zeznawał:
I2 [de] ausgesagt:
I2 [en] testifing:
[181]
J [v] FAMILIENNAME“ – das sind Ihre beiden Freunde offenbar – „• • verhielten
J [en] NAME“ - these are your two friends apparently – “• • behaved
[182]
J [v] sich ruhig und bauten ihr Zelt ab. • • K̲r̲a̲w̲c̲ z̲y̲k̲ beschimpfte die
J [en] calmly and took down their tent. • • Krawczyk insulted the
[183]
J [v] einschreitenden Polizisten in polnischer Sprache. ((1,1s)) Er schrie immer
J [en] intervening police officers in the Polish language. ((1,1s)) He kept
[184]
J [v] wieder in Richtung des Habarta“ – das ist der Campingplatzbetreiber –
J [en] shouting toward Habarta” – that is the campsite operator –
[185]
J [v] „• • dass er wieder kommen werde und Habarta t̲ ö̲t̲ e̲n̲ werde.“ ((2,1s)) Haben
J [en] “• • that he would return and would kill Habarta. ” ((2,1s)) Did
[186]
J [v] Sies verstanden oder? • • Ja? • • „Als Krawczyk • • schnellen Schrittes sich in
J [en] you understand it, didn’t you? • • Yes? • • “As Krawczyk • • were moving
D [v] (())
[187]
J [v] Richtung des Habarta bewegte • • • und dabei seine Hand zu einer Faust
J [en] briskly toward Habarta • • • clenching his hand into
108
[188]
J [v] ballte, • • • ergriff Meldungsleger
J [en] a fist, • • • the reporting police officer seized
[189]
J [v] mit seiner r̲e̲c̲ h̲t̲ e̲n̲ Hand das linke Handgelenk des Krawczyk, ((1,5s)) da
J [en] with his right hand the left wrist of Krawczyk, ((1,5)) as
[190]
J [v] anzunehmen war, dass er weitere strafbare Handlungen setzen werde.“ Gut.
J [en] it was to be expected that he would commit further offences.” Good.
[191]
J [v] • • Das heißt: • S̲i̲ e̲ gehn angeblich mit der Faust auf den los und der Polizist
J [en] • • This means: • You set allegedly off towards him with your fist and the policeman
[192]
J [v] ha/ hält sie dann, ja? ((1,2s)) W̲e̲i̲ t̲ e̲r̲! • Also Seite siebzehn und neuzehn
J [en] kee/ keeps it then, right? ((1,2s)) Further! • It means page seventeen and nineteen
[193]
J [v] • • • „Krawczyk, der sich zu dem Polizisten“ – zum
J [en] • • • “Krawczyk, who turned to the policeman” –
[194]
J [v] POLIZEIBEAMTEN1 nämlich - „d̲r̲e̲h̲t̲ e̲, • • • h̲o̲l̲ t̲ e̲ daraufhin mit seiner rechten
J [en] NAME1 namely, “• • • drew after that back his right
[195]
J [v] Hand, zu einer Faust geballt, zu einem S̲c̲ h̲l̲ a̲g̲ gegen Meldungsleger aus.“
J [en] hand, clenched into a fist, for a blow against the reporting policeman.”
[196]
J [v] ((1,2s)) Äääh • • Was nicht steht, is, ob er auf ihn auch geschlagen hat, aber
J [en] ((1,2s)) Erm • • What it doesn’t say is whether he punched him as well, but
[197]
J [v] das • kann man draus schließen/ aus dem nächsten Satz: „Krawczyk konnte
J [en] that • can be concluded from it/ from the next sentence: “However Krawczyk
[198]
J [v] jedoch diesen n̲i̲ c̲ h̲t̲ treffen und streifte diesen am rechten Ohr. • • Der Polizist
J [en] could not hit him and touched him on the right ear. • • The policeman
[199]
J [v] erlitt dadurch k̲e̲i̲ n̲e̲ Verletzungen.“ Der Polizist s̲ a̲g̲t̲ , • • Sie holen gegen den/
J [en] suffered through it no injuries.“ The policeman says, • • you draw back against the/
[200]
J [v] gegen den Habarta aus, • er kann Sie da festhalten • • und dann schlagen
J [en] against Habarta, • he can hold you there • • and then you punch
[201]
J [v] Sie ihn und treffen ihn da irgendwie ganz leicht am Ohr. Tre/ treffen ihn aber
J [en] him and hit him somehow lightly on the ear. But not really hi/ hit
[202]
J [v] nicht wirklich, sondern • s̲ t̲ r̲e̲i̲ f̲ e̲n̲ ihn am Ohr. ((1,1s)) Und dann aahm wurden
J [en] him but • touch him on the ear. ((1,1s)) And then erm you were
[203]
J [v] Sie • • • von dem a̲n̲d̲e̲r̲n̲ Polizisten auf den B̲o̲d̲e̲n̲ gebracht • • • und am
J [en] • • • brought to the ground by this other policeman • • • and yet on
[204]
J [v] Boden sollten Sie noch mit den F̲ü̲ü̲ß̲e̲n̲ um sich getreten haben.
J [en] the ground you should have kicked around you with your feet.
I2 [v] • • • Pana
109
Karolina Nartowska
I2 [de] • • • Sie haben

I2 [en] • • • They have
[205]
I2 [v] przewrócili i już leżąc na ziemi Pan próbował kopać i rzucać/ rrękami
I2 [de] Sie zu Boden geworfen und schon am Boden liegend haben Sie versucht, zu treten und zu werfen/ mit
I2 [en] thrown you and lying already on the ground you tried to kick and to throw/ to wave your
[206]
J [v] Wobei man sagen muss, • • das steht
I2 [v] wymachiwać wokół siebie.
I2 [de] den Aarmen um sich herumzufuchteln.
I2 [en] arms about around you.
The judge begins the confrontation, but before he starts reading out he informs
the defendant to integrate him into the events: “Erm I just tell you what the/ short/
what the policeman says in a valid er • charge, yes?” He turns directly to the
defendant and makes sure with the interrogative particle “yes” whether the defen-
dant can follow him. The Polish interpreter seated next to the judge renders it
with: “I read out to you statements of the police officers”. He omits the informa-
tion about the charge of a police officer and speaks instead of “what the policeman
says” about “statements of [several] police officers”. He also omits the inter-
rogative particle and hesitation, and changes the tone of voice of the judge’s com-
ment changing in this way the nature of the communication between the judge
and the defendant.
The judge then starts reading but continues to search for the right passage (l. 179).
The interpreter uses this break and interprets the beginning of the sentence: “This
one was say/ testifying.” This time he speaks about only one police officer,
however, with the demonstrative pronoun he assumes that the defendant is fam-
iliar with facts, although he just spoke about several policemen. The interpreter
speaks at all times about “testifying”, in the latter case he even corrects himself.
The judge then delivers explanatory comments about the mentioned persons. Two
friends of the defendant behaved calmly taking down their tent while he insulted
the intervening police officers in the Polish language (l. 180–183). After a break
(1.1 s) the judge continues, stating that the defendant threatened the campground
operator to come back and kill him (l. 183–185). Afterwards, the judge pauses for
2.1 seconds as if waiting for an interpretation; however, the interpreter does not
take the initiative. The judge does not demand the interpretation but concerned,
asks the defendant directly whether he has understood what had been read out (l.
110
185–186). It is of importance to the judge that the defendant understands the

charges against him, because he expects his statement about them. The defendant,
however, replies so quietly that it is not possible to determine whether his answer
is affirmative or negative. This is why the judge verifies with “Yes?”, but the
defendant does not react. Although this is a clear signal for the interpreter to
intervene, he remains invisible.
The judge continues to state that the defendant wanted to hit the campsite owner
with his fist, but the reporting policeman was able to prevent him from doing so
by seizing the hand of the defendant (l. 186–190). Then the judge summarizes the
complex content for the defendant with his own words (“Good. • • This means: •
You allegedly set off towards him with your fist and the policeman kee/keeps it
then, right?”). Although the judge expressly reproduces the words of the police
officer, he tries nevertheless to tone down the direct accusation of the defendant
(“allegedly”). Afterwards, the judge makes sure that the defendant can understand
him, but the defendant does not respond. Moreover, the interpreter ignores the
judge’s efforts and does not react.
After another break (1.2 s), the judge states that the defendant turned to the re-
porting policeman and took a swing with his fist to strike against the reporting
policeman (l. 192–195). Then the judge thinks out loud that the charge does not
say whether the defendant actually hit him, but he concludes that he did from the
next sentence: the defendant could not hit the policeman and only touched him on
the ear; in this way the policeman was also not injured (l. 196–199). Then the
judge summarizes the content once again for the defendant (l. 199–202). He ex-
plicitly emphasizes that the defendant did not hit the policeman, but touched him
only on the ear.
Afterwards the judge ends the confrontation, familiarizing himself at the same
time with the text, with: “And then erm you were • • • brought to the ground by
this other police officer • • • and yet on the ground you should have kicked around
you with your feet.” It is striking that the judge weakens the accusation of the
defendant using the modal verb “should”.
The interpreter obviously noticed that the judge had finished as he suddenly in-
tervenes in the interaction: “• • • They have thrown you down and already lying
111
Karolina Nartowska
on the ground you tried to kick and to throw/ to wave your arms about around
you.” The interpreter renders solely the very last sentence of the judge, the pre-
vious content is for unclear reasons ignored and not conveyed. The intervention
of the interpreter is grievous because the judge expects a clear defendant’s posi-
tion, making the settling of the question concerning his confession possible. How-
ever, the judge cannot reach his goal.
The interpreted content, however, is not adequate. The interpreter eliminates the
modal verb and formulates the sentence as a statement confronting the defendant
with a certain, accusing fact. This is further reinforced by the omission the defen-
dant was brought by another police officer to the ground. The interpreter elim-
inates the police officers as the acting persons, as he would not want to accuse
them, and instead uses the indefinite subject “they”, shifting the focus to the de-
fendant as the actively acting agent (“you tried to kick”). The interpreter also
seems to be aware that his interpretation turned out to be too short or to give sub-
stance to his own words as he adds independently: “to wave your arms about
around you.” The sentence taken out of context constitutes a clear reproach of the
interpreter towards the defendant.
Example 5:
In the second example from the Austrian case the interpreter with his actions in-
tervenes both in the utterances of the participants and in the interaction.
[273]
I2 [v] Ich nehme/ packe
I2 [en] I take/ pack
D [v] Biorę swoje rzeczy, dziewczynę, która na mnie czeka tutaj…
D [de] Ich nehme meine Sachen, meine Freundin, die hier auf mich wartet…
D [en] I take my things, my girlfriend, who is waiting for me here...
[274]
I2 [v] meine sieben Sachen, nehme mein Mädchen mit.
I2 [en] my stuff, take my girl with me.
D [v] • • • Mein Mädchen wartet
D [en] • • • My girl is waiting
[275]
J [v] ••
Und?
J [en] ••
And?
I2 [v] ((1,1s)) Ich hoffe!
I2 [en] ((1,1)) I hope so!
D [v] hier • • • yy • • • aaaa ((1,1s)) chyba. Ja.
D [de] • • • äh • • • aahh ((1,1s)) wohl. Yes.
112
D [en] here • • • er • • • eerm ((1,1s)) probably.

D [k] ((very quietly))
[276]
J [v] Gehen wieder zrück nach Polen oder was?
J [en] Are you going back to Poland or what?
I2 [v] I dalej? Pan wraca do Polski?
I2 [de] Und weiter? Sie gehen nach Polen zurück?
I2 [en] And further? You are going back to Poland?
[277]
D [v] Naaach Deutschland! Nach Keln ich fahre... M/ muszę odzyskać pracę.
D [de] Ich m/ muss meine Arbeit
D [en] Tooo Germany! To Cologne I’m going... I/ I have to get back my work!
[278]
D [v] • • • Do Polski nie wracam! ((1,1s)) Jadę do Niemiec.
D [de] zurückbekommen. • • • Nach Polen gehe ich nicht zurück! ((1,1s)) Ich fahre nach
D [en] • • • To Poland I’m not going back! ((1,1s)) I’m going to Germany.
[279]
J [v] Nach Köln oder
I2 [v] (Ich...) Ich reise dann nach Deutschland.
I2 [en] (I...) I travel then to Germany.
D [v] Jadę do Niemiec odzyskać pracę!
D [de] Deutschland. Ich fahre nach Deutschland die Arbeit zurückbekommen!
D [en] I’m going to Germany to get back my work!
D [k] ((louder))
The judge asks the defendant what he will do if he should be discharged again,
whether he wants to stay in Austria or go elsewhere. The settling of this question
seems to be important to the outcome of the proceeding. The defendant answers:
“I take my things, my girlfriend, who is waiting for me here...”, indicating in this
way he has a family and therefore serious plans. The interpreter interrupts him
and renders: “I take/ pack my stuff, take my girl with me.” He makes a completed
sentence from the defendant’s interrupted utterance and the information which
could potentially reinforce a positive image of the defendant, namely that his girl-
friend is waiting in Vienna, is omitted by the interpreter, so that his answer is
incomplete. The defendant seems to have understood that the interpreter did not
convey this important point for him, so he provides the judge with this information
directly in German (l. 274–275). The fact that the defendant waives the support
of the interpreter and acts independently proves the particular significance of this
information for the defendant. The interpreter does not repeat the statement of the
defendant made in German; rather, he interprets only the last word added in Polish
“probably” with “I hope so!”
113
Karolina Nartowska
The judge asks the defendant again what will happen then, whether he is going
back to Poland or what he is going to do (l. 276). The interpreter renders the first
part of the judge’s question: “You are going back to Poland?” With this interpret-
er’s statement of rising intonation the defendant is given no open alternative and
at the same time the interpreter suggests that an affirmative answer is expected.
The defendant says emphatically at the beginning in German and then in Polish:
“Tooo Germany! To Cologne I’m going... I/ I have to get my job back!” After a
longer break as if the defendant were waiting for an interpretation he adds loud
and categorically: “To Poland I’m not going back!” Again, the defendant draws a
positive image of himself showing that he has a certain position both in family
and working life, and so he has serious obligations. Thus, in the Polish language
the defendant gives a credible answer to the judge’s question. However, the inter-
preter remains out of communication and does not provide any interpretation.
After a break of more than 1 second the defendant repeats once again that he is
going to Germany and that he has to get his job back (l. 278–279). The firm,
louder tone of voice shows on the one hand that the defendant becomes impatient
due to the interpreter’s neglect and on the other it is of importance to him to
convey these details to the court.
The interpreter finally intervenes in the interaction and provides an interpretation:
“(I...) I travel then to Germany.” The rendition, however, refers to only one sen-
tence, and the defendant’s previous statements are filtered. There is no mention
either of where and for what the defendant wants to go nor how important it is for
him go back to Germany. By rendering with “travel to Germany” the interpreter
considerably intervenes both in the defendant’s statement and in the interaction.
Thus, the defendant’s answer in the German interpretation appears incredible and
not serious. This means that the interpreter not only does not convey the positive
image of the defendant, but he conveys the opposite, a distorted, negative image
of him as if he was not able to appropriately answer the judge’s question.
114
6. Discussion and conclusion
The initial objective of this study was to examine the actual role(s) of interpreters
in the given criminal proceedings. The analysis of the selected examples from the
two mediated court hearings shows that the appointed interpreters are, indeed,
active and visible participants in the interaction and, at the same time, power
figures in the courtroom. These results correspond to those of previous studies
(e.g. Berk-Seligson 1990; Fenton 1997; Hale 2004; Jansen 1995). However, in
contrast to the work of Berk-Seligson (1990), their visibility is not attributed to
clarification procedures or coordination measures but is often the result of their
independent actions.
The German interpreter in Poland acts as communication facilitator (Colin / Mor-
ris 1996; Hale 2004; Laster / Taylor 1994) or language and cultural mediator
(Driesen 2006; Kadrić 2009; Niska 1995) only to a certain degree. She enables
the communication between the judge and the defendant in dialogical stages of
the proceedings (e.g. examination of the defendant), but already here she
intervenes significantly in the original utterances. She asks one question repeat-
edly in different words, thereby changing the original form of examination. She
interprets questions only partially, or she changes the meaning of the question so
that the defendant does not provide the required answer, and the judge’s com-
municative objectives go unmet. This is consistent with Berk-Seligson’s (1990)
and Hale’s (2004) results. Moreover, the interpreter does not act as cultural
mediator by not explaining the Polish meaning of the term family status, which
results in an incomplete response on behalf of the defendant.
One interesting finding is that in monological stages of the proceedings the inter-
preter refrains completely from providing an interpretation of the course of events.
Furthermore, the behaviour of the interpreter during the reading of the indictment
indicates lack of knowledge of court procedure and legal terminology; thus, the
requirements of the Directive on the qualification of court interpreters are not met.
Instead of interpreting what is being read out she either replaces the interpretation
with her own uninformative comments or with the fragments of text she found, or
else she cues the defendant to activate his own background knowledge from
115
Karolina Nartowska
previous conversations with counsel. At the same time, the interpreter acts visibly
for all participants of the proceedings.
The same happens during the interpretation of the application for submission to
the sentence. The interpreter comments on the events in a simple language, chan-
ges the style of utterances, and omits important information such as the extent of
the punishment. By eliminating the pronoun “we” she changes the character of
the original communication. Finally, the interpreter delegates the responsibility
for the understanding to the defendant and withdraws herself. In this way, she
does not act as expert in intercultural communication nor as guarantor of a fair
trial (ECHR). She does not enable effective communication in the courtroom
(Kadrić 2009), and she does not allow the defendant to fully understand and to be
understood.
The Polish interpreter in Austria also does not act as an expert in intercultural
communication and guarantor of a fair trial because he does not entirely allow the
participation of the defendant in the hearing. During the defendant’s confrontation
by the judge, the interpreter behaves passively, remains invisible and provides no
real interpretation, despite this clearly being expected of him. Through his passi-
vity, however, the interpreter influences the interaction and the examination situa-
tion, similarly to Kadrić’s findings (2009), and becomes visible through his invi-
sibility. Only at the end of the exchange does the interpreter intervene, rendering
only the very last sentence of what was read and doing so in a very modified way.
By shifting the focus in the interpretation onto the defendant instead of onto the
police he becomes an accusing and blaming figure demonstrating to the defendant
his powerfulness. With his interventions the interpreter affects the entire inter-
action because after the confrontation the defendant does not answer the judge’s
question but reacts to the interpreter’s accusation. Consequently, the does not
receive an accurate and complete understanding of what is interpreted.
By intervening, in addition, in the judge’s statements, the interpreter changes their
contents and especially the nature of the communication between the judge and
the defendant (see Berk-Seligson 1990; Hale 2004; Nartowska 2014, 2015a,
2015b). However, he also intervenes in the defendant’s utterances, omitting in-
formation important for the defendant or rather systematically not interpreting the
content of his utterances and changing their nature (ibid.) so that the defendant
116
cannot reach his goals either. Moreover, the interpreter, in his passivity, forces the
defendant to provide the court information directly in German. The interpreter
filters important content and decides what and how to interpret, adopting a quasi-
prosecutorial role in the interaction. As a consequence, he conveys not the positive
image of the defendant to the court but a distorted picture of the defendant, who
seems to lack credibility and seriousness. This is also an expression of the power
exercised by the interpreter.
Although the analysis is based only on a limited number of examples, the two
case studies show that the appointed interpreters do not always fulfil their crucial
role which consists of the elimination of the language barrier between the partici-
pants in the proceedings. Furthermore, with respect to the question about the
extent to which they contribute to a fair trial, it turns out that the interpreters do
not fulfil their task resulting from legal provisions, according to which they should
ensure all parties involved understand and are understood. Their assistance in the
courtroom alone is, in these examples, not a means of guaranteeing equality under
law and a fair trial. In both cases, the interpreters do not enable the foreign lan-
guage speaking defendants their active participation in the trial, which means that
the two defendants are not equal participants in the proceedings. Moreover, the
fact that the entirety of the hearings were not interpreted – and that even essential
parts of the proceedings for which interpretation is absolutely compulsory (such
as the reading out of the indictment) were not conveyed – represents a violation
of the principle of fair trials. The minimum requirements of the Directive and the
ECHR remain, therefore, unfulfilled.
The findings emerging from the analysis show, at the same time, that the two court
interpreters have the power to decide what and how they interpret and that they
have control over utterances, both questions and answers, of other participants.
Consequently, the defendants are deprived of the opportunity to present them-
selves as they would like; the lawyers, especially judges, cannot reach their com-
municative goals at all or not immediately. Furthermore, the court interpreters
take on roles outside their profession. The interpreter in Austria adopts a pseudo-
prosecutorial role in the courtroom. The actions of the court interpreters lead to
changes in the basic constellation in the courtroom and to power shifts. They are
independent actors who significantly influence the course of the proceedings.
117
Karolina Nartowska
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Karin SIBUL (Tartu)
Legal interpreting in Estonia during the political

transition (1987–1997): Terminological resources
Abstract
This article aims to provide insight into the history of legal interpreting in Estonia. The author,
a conference interpreter, reflects on its evolution, offering an insider’s view of terminological
preparation for legal interpreting assignments in an Estonia undergoing transition (1987–1997).
The theoretical framework is based on the notion of symbolic capital as defined by French
sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Under Bourdieu’s definition, an interpreter is an agent who has the
privilege of contributing to the field in which he or she operates, and is thus associated with the
creation of the state’s symbolic capital (Sibul 2015). The interpreter’s act of interpreting,
facilitated by terminological fluency, is invisible, as is his or her terminological preparation.
The empirical material for this article is based on the author’s interpreter logbook, which covers
her 39 years (1977–2017) as a conference interpreter. The article examines interpreting from
the angle of non-existent legal terminology during the changeover from one legal system to
another, at a time when available reference sources were scarce. Based on the author’s exper-
ience, because of the lack of up-to-date LSP dictionaries, interpreters prepared for work by
compiling glossaries, by taking note of new terminology while interpreting and by consulting
with specialists.
Keywords: legal interpreting, socio-political transition, symbolic capital, terminology,

interpreter-made glossaries
1. Introduction
This article aims to provide insight into the history of legal interpreting in Estonia.
The author offers an insider’s view of terminological preparation for legal inter-
preting assignments in an Estonia under transition (1987–1997). This view re-
flects the complex interaction between interpreting and a transitioning socio-
political environment. Guaranteeing rule of law is one of the major challenges for
any independent country. In this particular context, Estonia, having recently re-
gained independence, reappeared on the international stage, using its state lan-
guage (i.e., Estonian). Doing so at a time when the country was creating the legal
system of an independent state can be interpreted as an accumulation of the state’s
symbolic capital. By the very act of interpreting, interpreters made an invisible
Karin Sibul
contribution to this process of accumulation. Such an accumulation takes place

only if the interpreting has a favourable impact (and the author’s default approach
is to say that it did). In order to make such a contribution, interpreters had to
prepare extensively, ensuring that they had the terminological fluency needed.
The author’s approach, therefore – that the interpreter’s terminological prepara-
tion contributed to the state’s symbolic capital – allows the interpreter’s work to
be appreciated from a new angle. The author also looks at how interpreters coped
with new terminology under the circumstances, since legislation had to be revised
and rewritten.
The empirical material for this article is based on the author’s interpreter logbook,
which covers her 39 years (1977–2017) as a conference interpreter and contains
every interpreting assignment she has completed. During the ten years under re-
view, the author completed 48 jobs in the legal field, representing 292 workdays;
that figure is 196 assignments and 720 workdays over her entire career.
The article will first introduce the changing framework of the transitional period
in order to analyse the environment that necessitated legal interpreting. It then
goes on to focus on the dilemma of non-existent legal terminology during the
changeover from one legal system to another; this was also the pre-Internet era
and available reference sources were scarce. The author has compiled hundreds
of bilingual glossaries (English and Estonian). One of the largest contains legal
terminology (about 20,000 terms) and consists of several sub-glossaries (includ-
ing legal terminology in British and American English).
The author will apply the term legal interpreting throughout this article, while
research literature also uses the terms court interpreting, forensic interpreting,
judiciary interpreting and police interpreting for this concept (Lee 2015). Legal
interpreting may occur in a variety of settings, such as courtrooms, police stations,
prisons and asylum settings (Hertog 2015: 230). For the benefit of this article,
legal interpreting is examined through the lens of terminology and involves either
interpreting for law enforcement agencies (22 jobs, 232 days) or in a judicial set-
ting (26 jobs, 60 days) in Estonia and abroad in the transition period. The author’s
legal interpreting assignments during the years under review did not include inter-
preting in court or at police stations or in other similar settings but rather at various
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Legal interpreting in Estonia during the political transition
training courses and conferences for law enforcement officers, judges, prosecu-
tors, lawyers and other relevant professionals, as well as interpreting for delega-
tions. The modes of interpreting used were mostly consecutive when working
with delegations and simultaneous at conferences and training sessions.
2. The socio-political transition in Estonia
To understand the significance of interpreting during the transition, it is necessary

to understand the political and economic environment of the period: one must
understand the plethora of political and economic reforms prepared and imple-
mented and the targets and goals set for future development. The years from 1987
to 1997 – the transition – can conditionally be divided into three subperiods: pol-
itical breakthrough (1987–1991), radical economic reforms (1991–1994) and
economic stabilisation (1994–1997) (Lauristin / Vihalemm / Rosengren / Weibull
1997).
After the restoration of political independence on August 20th, 1991, the Republic
of Estonia faced the task of transforming itself from a Soviet republic with an
introverted and command economy into a developing democracy and open market
economy. Orientations for independent economic policy and institutional changes
were outlined in policy debates as early as the second half of the 1980s, and the
concept of a self-managed Estonian economy was discussed in a local newspaper
in 1987. The underlying idea was to close the door to the Soviet Union, imple-
menting greater rights to self-management (Mole 2012). Without political inde-
pendence, though, possibilities to implement a more meaningful reform were
limited. Even so, according to Magnus Feldmann (2003: 518), “Estonia had been
in the vanguard of economic reforms prior to independence”, the establishment
of the first Estonian private bank in 1989 serving as one example. Economic
reforms had been underway for two years prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union
(Mole 2012: 104); they “started earlier, proceeded more quickly, and were more
radical than anywhere else in the former Soviet Union, even compared to the other
Baltic states” (Feldmann 2003: 518).
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Karin Sibul
Having regained full political independence in 1991, the Estonian government

had to start from scratch and “recreate every aspect of an independent state –
formal and maintained borders, armed forces, a central bank, a constitution, and
so forth” (Huang 2003a: 493). One of the initial steps was to establish control of
the country’s own monetary policy. When describing the reforms undertaken, the
governor of the Bank of Estonia at the time, Siim Kallas, said that they were
simple and quite radical and were done “fast, rapidly, and decisively” (Huang
2003b: 512). Reforms were carried out in parallel as monetary, fiscal, judicial,
property rights, trade, contractual, restitution and privatisation issues needed
handling all at once. Numerous meetings, although not strictly categorised as legal
interpreting assignments in the author’s logbook, involved interpreting at meet-
ings at which in addition to other issues legislative drafting was also discussed.
The early transition is also considered “a period of extraordinary politics” (Feld-
mann 2003: 525), marked by the inevitability of economic change. The need for
interpreters during periods of societal change, when numerous foreign consultants
arrive in a country, cannot be ignored. Entries in the author’s logbook indicate
that most consultants were from the United States, Germany, Finland and Sweden,
while others were from Denmark, Norway and the United Kingdom; the author
also noted that they spoke English. In addition, the World Bank and the Inter-
national Monetary Fund (IMF) had permanent missions to Estonia. Together, all
of this means that there was an exponential leap in the need for interpreting
services. The consultants and advisors invited by the Estonian government and
line ministries took stock of the situation and provided advice about further steps
needed to execute the changeover from the former sociopolitical and legal order.
There were also numerous heated discussions, since the advisers sometimes found
it difficult to grasp unfamiliar issues (such as fixed prices, state-owned land, the
lack of privately owned businesses or the need for privatisation). Extraordinary
politics and the introduction of new concepts therefore encouraged interpreters to
also make terminological decisions fast, rapidly and decisively.
Two concepts are applied to any discussion of the construction of Estonian state-
hood: transition and transformation (Kalev / Roosmaa 2012). While the former is
said to focus more on the building of a democratic state with a market economy
(in the early years of restored independence), the latter concentrates more on
126
changes in thinking and in the behaviour of people. Although foreign languages

were included in Soviet Estonia’s school curricula, knowledge of languages was
mostly passive and conversation skills poor. Under the circumtances, interpreters
had increased responsibility in fulfilling their assignments: the audience at various
training courses literally depended on the interpreter’s delivery, as did the success
of international consultants’ explanations of novel concepts that would enable the
socio-economic transition.
In the author’s experience, most of the communication at interpreted events dur-
ing the transition was on a peer-to-peer level, involving researchers and skilled
practitioners communicating with each other; in very few meetings were special-
ists talking to lay people. Such an environment sets high expectations for the in-
terpreters. For instance, the World Bank and IMF missions met with the president
and prime ministers of Estonia, with the governor of the Central Bank and with
ministers and high-level officials to discuss and draft new legislation. English
often played a key role at such meetings. For example, eight international and
regional training courses for senior law enforcement officials held in Budapest,
Hungary, used English as a pivot to interpret from and into Estonian, Latvian,
Lithuanian, Hungarian, Slovak, Polish and Russian. As for the author, her work-
ing languages are Estonian and English. This language combination has led her
to also interpret at conferences and meetings in which Estonian was used as a
pivot language, such as between German and English (e.g., “Land Register and
Notary Days”, 15–17 June 1995, 16–18 May 1996, held in Tallinn).
3. Symbolic capital
This article’s theoretical framework is based on the notion of symbolic capital as

defined by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002), who expanded
upon the concept of capital to include its different forms. Namely, he spoke not
only of economic capital, but also of cultural, social and symbolic capital. Bour-
dieu introduced the concepts of a field (‘a relatively autonomous structured social
space’), a social agent (‘defined by his or her relative position in the field’),
habitus (‘how an agent’s dispositions influence his or her choices’), a position (‘a
place the agent can occupy in the field’) and symbolic capital (‘something the
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Karin Sibul
agent can acquire in the field’); these concepts are widely used in different disci-
plines (see Bourdieu 1985: 723–724; Maton 2008: 52; Moor 2008: 105, 110;
Thomson 2008: 69, 74).
In analysing society’s need for interpreting services, the author concluded that the
concepts of symbolic capital, the field of interpreting and the agent operating in
the field can help define the interpreter’s significance during the transition period.
Activities (time, effort, money) of the social agents functioning within the field
accumulate as symbolic capital, with no direct economic effect (Bourdieu 1985:
724–726, 2011: 83–84). Hence political acts of agents increase symbolic capital
in their field only in terms of “their faces, their names and their honour” (Bourdieu
1999a: 119). As stated in Interpreters as diplomats, “language has always been
more than a simple communication tool: it has also been a mark of national
prestige, and interpreters have brought this prestige to the international arena”
(Delisle 1999: 2).
Attitudes toward interpreting and translation have recently changed in interpreting
studies. Interpreting is perceived “as a socially-situated practice” (Inghilleri 2005:
126) that is inherently linked to power and control and that “engages with ques-
tions which are of real importance for the past, present and future of humanity”
(Cronin 2003: 3). This is why the role of interpreters and translators as social
agents is also studied (Inghilleri 2005: 126). Although Bourdieu has not dedicated
any articles to translation (Meylaerts 2005: 277), he has discussed language and
linguistic exchange.
The interpreter, using his or her thesaurus, linguistic capabilities and professional-
ism, assumes a responsibility to interpret fairly, thus acquiring a reputation for
competence. The interpreter’s professional capital “is the product of a slow and
continuous accumulation which in general takes a whole lifetime” (Bourdieu
1999a: 194). Bourdieu (1997: 70) describes language-related linguistic capital as
capable of determining the speaker’s position in society. Expanding upon his ap-
proach and applying it not just to individuals but to states, it could be assumed
that it is possible for the state “to reap symbolic benefits” by speaking “with dis-
tinction and thereby distinguishing [itself] from all those who are less well en-
dowed with linguistic capital” (Thompson 1997: 21). Bourdieu (1999b: 221)
128
warns of “misunderstandings in international communication” because “texts do

not bring their context with them”.
During the transition period, the interpreter’s responsibility in adequately inter-
preting legal terminology in the process of building a state that had recently
regained its independence is significant, particularly as regards symbolic capital.
With the help of interpreters, Estonian, the state language of the Republic of Es-
tonia, was equivalent to other languages in the international environment. The
interpreters’ contribution to the accumulation of the state’s symbolic capital there-
fore existed, though it was invisible. As an interpreter herself, the author has first-
hand experience with the idea that “the more invisible the translator (or the inter-
preter), the greater the illusion of communication without mediation” (Alonso-
Araguás / Baigorri-Jalón 2004: 130). Applying the concept of symbolic capital
therefore allows the interpreter’s activity to be recognised from a new angle.
4. Methods and materials
The empirical evidence discussed here is based on the author’s interpreter log-
book. The logbook entries are brief: they mention the date, name of the interpreted
event (conference, visit, etc.) and the mode of interpretation (consecutive or sim-
ultaneous). Short comments are added only if something exceptional or remark-
able took place. Since 1997 the author has kept an electronic logbook. The sig-
nificance of the logbook lies in factual material that corroborates the changing
environment. The author has been unable to find any mention of interpreting
services in academic texts on Estonian history during the transition period. Thus,
though the logbook may reflect the career of a single interpreter, it contains facts
about events interpreted during the period under review.
From the start of her interpreting career the author has prepared glossaries for
each specific interpreting assignment, which provide valuable insight into the
evolution of terminology in Estonia in several fields. In addition to interpreter-
made glossaries, the author will also discuss lexicographic and terminological
sources available during the transition period: language for general purpose (LGP)
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Karin Sibul
and language for specific purpose (LSP) dictionaries and the Estonian Multi-
language LSP terminology bank (ESTERM) electronic database.
The author, a native Estonian, completed a five-year university degree in English
philology. The studies focused on British English, which was a standard approach
in the Soviet Union. A short introduction to American English was covered by a
course entitled “Varieties of English” (including English as spoken in the United
States, Canada, Australia, South Africa and elsewhere). Since most law enforce-
ment training courses were organised by the United States, the author primarily
acquired ad hoc American English legal terminology when preparing for inter-
preting assignments. The author also speaks Finnish and Russian, and though she
does not interpret from them, knowledge of these languages helped her termino-
logical preparations during the period under review.
Applying the ethnographic method means that the material (the logbook and ter-
minological resources) can be examined and used as a tool to enhance the reliabil-
ity and credibility of interpreters during the years of societal transition, stressing
the need for terminological preparation by the interpreters themselves. In doing
this, it is important to keep in mind the socio-political setting of the years under
discussion.
5. Preparation and terminology tools
In a situation where expectations vis-à-vis interpreters were high and the audi-
ence’s knowledge of foreign terminology was scarce, the success of interpreter-
mediated communication depended on the interpreter’s prior preparation. During
the years under review, the main focus in terms of knowledge management was
frequently to gather general knowledge and also to share that knowledge with
one’s interpreter colleague, as texts or background material relevant to the meet-
ing were unavailable. Occasionally the interpreters had no conference documents,
supplementary documents or human sources to consult. In the pre-Internet era,
even if the speakers or trainers had prepared presentations and were willing to
share them, this meant the physical handover of the printed or handwritten text
upon the speakers’ arrival: that is, meeting them in the hotel lobby. Thus, in the
130
author’s experience the peak of the preparation took place the night before the
interpreting assignment. This was additional last-minute preparation as the ad-
vance work may have been too general, depending, of course, on the interpreter’s
knowledge of the subject. In terms of background knowledge and terminology,
interpreters primarily relied on LGP dictionaries.
To familiarise herself with potentially necessary vocabulary (at the start of the
transition period the author had no idea what terminology law enforcement offi-
cials might use), the author looked through several crime novels to pick out words
related to police work. She also combed through dictionaries: first, to recall what
could be useful, and second, to find equivalent translations. Concepts such as
kainestusmaja (‘sobering-up station’) and hulkurite jaotuspunkt (‘tramps/vaga-
bonds distribution centre’) were not to be found in the dictionary. Indeed, the very
concept of the Tramps Reception and Distribution Centre was incomprehensible;
it was a world the author had never glimpsed before. The distribution centre
(closed down in 1991) dealt with people who slept on the streets and who had no
home, job or income.
It is impossible to list all the topics covered during the numerous legal training
courses that the author interpreted, as topics varied from investigations and legis-
lation to surveillance and prosecution. This opened up a challenging world that
was previously unfamiliar to the author. There were simply no dictionaries or
textbooks available in English or Estonian to figure out terminology like poly-
graphs, plea bargaining, probable cause, exculpatory evidence, witness security,
spectra shield and wiretapping, to name but a few. Even the term law enforcement
was unfamiliar in Estonia and finding an Estonian equivalent was a real headache.
“Police” was the only word used in those days.
6. Lexicographic and terminological resources used in

legal interpreting
Lexicographic and terminological resources are of paramount significance in le-

gal interpreting, considering that different legal orders apply different terminol-
ogy. Dictionaries and glossaries are an integral part of an interpreter’s preparation
131
Karin Sibul
before interpreting from and into the state language in an international arena and
thus promoting the state’s symbolic capital. In the following subsections the au-
thor discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the terminological resources at her
disposal during the transition.
6.1. Language for general-purpose (LGP) dictionaries
The LGP dictionaries (in English) available during the period under review are
listed below.
Hornby, Albert S. (1974): Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current
English. New Edition. With the assistance of A. P. Cowie and J. Windsor
Lewis. London: Oxford University Press.
Saagpakk, Paul F. (1982): Estonian-English Dictionary. New Haven/
London: Yale University Press.
Silvet, Johannes (1989): An English-Estonian Dictionary I. Third edition.
Tallinn: Valgus.
Silvet, Johannes (1990): An English-Estonian Dictionary II. Third edition.
Tallinn: Valgus.
Prior to acquiring Saagpakk’s dictionary in 1989, the only Estonian-English dic-
tionary available to the author was the Estonian-English Dictionary by Johannes
Silvet, published first in 1965 (Tallinn: Eesti Raamat), with a second edition print-
ed in 1980 (Tallinn: Valgus); this, however, had too few entries.
In 1994, during a two-month interpreting assignment in the United States, the au-
thor purchased Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of the English Lan-
guage Unabridged (Gove 1993), which comprised 450,000 words. The 2,662-
page hardcover dictionary weighed seven kilograms and was heavy to take home.
Although it was monolingual, its explanatory function was extremely useful in
helping the author gather relevant US terminology.
The author has discussed bilingual dictionaries available to her during the transi-
tion period in detail in another article (Sibul 2017).
132
6.2. Bilingual and multilingual law dictionaries

In legal LSP dictionaries there was a decades-long publication gap in Estonia. In
1971 the Estonian-Russian and Russian-Estonian Law Dictionary (Kask / Mäll /
Nigol / Paas / Sakkeus / Salumaa / Talvik 1971) was published; it was 23 years
before another two law dictionaries were published in 1993. The Finnish-Estonian
Law Dictionary (Gottberg / Kask / Kull / Lappalainen / Markvart / Mattila / Pelto-
nen / Roosimägi / Vettik 1993) contained 5,000 headwords and was highly praised
for its quality. Finnish and Estonian lawyers and linguists have excelled in
overcoming dictionary difficulties created by the different legal systems in the
two countries. In 1997, Tiiu Erelt reviewed the dictionary published in 1993,
pointing out that Estonian legal terminology had developed quickly since its pub-
lication. This was the period of economic reforms: from 1992 to 1995 the Estonian
parliament adopted 528 legislative decisions and acts.
The English-Estonian Law Glossary by John Grant (Glasgow) and Liina Soobik
(Tartu) was considered a failure not even worthy of critical review in the regular
five-year review of Estonian LSP dictionaries (Erelt 1997). The glossary includes
spelling mistakes in Estonian, and while numerous well-known words such as
war, terrorism, peace and wound can be found, more complicated terms cannot
(Erelt 1997: 818).
It is worth mentioning the book European Community Law: An Introduction by
David A. O. Edward and Robert C. Lane, also published in 1993 and originally
written for the Laws of Scotland: Stair Memorial Encyclopaedia collection. This
is not a dictionary but has parallel texts in English and Estonian. Thus, the author
treated it as an LSP source and could create her own glossary from it, picking new
terminology from the English text and an equivalent from the Estonian one. In
retrospect, it is evident that European community law could not be of termi-
nological use when interpreting for law enforcement training events. The glossary
the author compiled based on the book contains phrases such as supranational
powers, abortive attempts, qualified majority vote, legislative procedure, annul-
ment of a legislative act, preliminary ruling and others. The glossary was of limit-
ed value when interpreting for judicial events.
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Karin Sibul
In 1997 the American Law Glossary was published (Leesment / Soobik / Veinla
1997). Containing American terminology and Estonian equivalents, this was an
invaluable terminological support given that the author frequently provided si-
multaneous interpreting for Estonian judicial and law enforcement officials at
training courses at the International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) in Buda-
pest, Hungary, established by the United States in 1995. The ILEA was set up to
combat transnational organised crime in emerging democracies. It offers a core
programme of eight weeks (50 participants from three different countries), spe-
cialised training courses and regional seminars, all based on needs.
Another useful LSP source of terminology was the Finnish-English Law Diction-
ary by Matti Joutsen (1995). After a judicial training course in Tallinn, Joutsen
mailed the bilingual Finnish-English legal dictionary to the author as a gift. With
the help of Finnish, it was possible to understand otherwise incomprehensible
English terminology. Another bilingual LSP source was the English-Russian Law
Dictionary (Andrianov / Berson / Nikiforov 1993) containing about 50,000 terms:
this was of limited use in explaining terminology in English since there was no
reference to American English, which was prevailingly used in the training events
interpreted. More useful was the English-Russian Economic Dictionary of about
70,000 terms (Anikin 1981). Despite the concise format and limited number of
terms, it was an invaluable source prior to the publication of the first LSP dic-
tionaries in Estonian at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. Even if the dictionary
suggested no precise translation, it offered food for thought and more than once
offered a route out of a dead end. The author’s knowledge of Finnish and Russian
facilitated her use of the above resources.
The first law dictionary in English the author had during the transition period was
the Law Dictionary by Gifis (1991), “an indispensable reference tool for law
students, legal professionals, and anyone else who deals with legal terminalogy”;
this was a gift mailed by an American tourist the author had interpreted for. Its
updated, more compact 1996 version was intended to be
a portable, useful study aid for the law student or anyone else who, in a professional
way, comes in contact with unfamiliar legal jargon and wants a comprehensible expla-
nation which will permit a basic understanding of the word or phrase (Gifis 1996: iv).
134
It was perfect, as it was targeted to users such as the author, except that its 3,000
basic legal terms, though explained clearly and simply, did not include most of
the terms the author had to look up. Toward the end of the period under review
the series Estonian Legislation in Translation, launched by the Estonian Transla-
tion and Legislative Support Centre in 1996, turned out to be quite useful: it pub-
lished the texts of Estonian legal acts and the English translations thereof in
parallel.
6.3. Electronic terminological resources
In 1995 when the Estonian Legal Translation Centre1 was set up, it was not ready
to share its translation-based terminology, nor could its electronic database be
consulted as it was only for internal official use. To the author’s knowledge it was
the only known comprehensive electronic database in Estonia containing termi-
nology in Estonian and English.
During the early period under review the author maintained paper glossaries,
which reflect the evolutions in terminology. It is clear from examples in her
glossaries that the first suggested equivalents (from the early 1990s) were quite
descriptive, whereas the more recent improvements are usually cosmetic and a
matter of choosing a synonym. For example, take the entry for predicate offence:
‘omakasulik kuritegu’, ‘aluseks olev kuritegu’, ‘eelkuritegu’ (ESTERM). The
entry for probable cause – ‘tõenäoline põhjus’, ‘põhjendatud alus’, ‘õiguslik
alus’, ‘õiguslik põhjus’, ‘piisav alus’, ‘küllaldane alus’ (IATE) – has undergone
even more evolutionary changes, with the last approved IATE equivalent being
just a replaced synonym: piisav alus, in use for more than a decade, was replaced
in the IATE database by küllaldane alus in 2014. The IATE entry’s Estonian
equivalent is marked “reliable” with an explanation: “the EN concept ‘probable
cause’ is used in US criminal justice; küllaldane alus is its approximate equivalent
pursuant to the Estonian Code of Criminal Procedure [17/06/2014]” (IATE; the
author’s translation).
1
This was originally called the Estonian Translation and Legislative Support Centre.
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Karin Sibul
6.4. Interpreter-compiled glossaries
The author’s very first glossaries in the late seventies were born out of necessity
to prepare for short interpreting assignments: visits with tourists to kindergartens,
collective farms, fisheries, fire stations and other sites. They were wordlists.
Before a site visit the author looked up words in the dictionary, attempting to think
creatively about the potential vocabulary she might need. During the transition
period when the need for interpreting increased rapidly, there was nothing to rely
on for preparation apart from reading entries in encyclopaedias or other reference
sources for terminology in Estonian and searching English dictionaries for poten-
tially relevant terms in English. The author’s glossaries were born out of need
without any theoretical knowledge of lexicography.
The Dictionary of Lexicography defines a glossary as “a type of reference work
which lists a section of words or phrases, or the terms in a specialised field, usu-
ally in alphabetical order, together with minimal definitions or translation equiva-
lents” (Hartmann / James 2002: 63). Ranging “in scope, technicality and treat-
ment”, glossaries “derive from the medieval vocabulary lists of students of Latin,
informal manuscript compilations of regionalisms, and collections of the
vocabulary used in specific books and workshops” (Hartmann / James 2002: 63).
The author’s glossaries are mostly without definitions, though her legal glossary
is one of the few to contain them. The definitions have been added over time to
differentiate between nuances of meaning, the American and Estonian legal
systems and American and British English. The legal glossary is the only one that
provides two different Estonian equivalents for certain concepts in English, and
also differentiates by name between senior Justice Ministry officials who dis-
agreed on Estonian LSP. The author and one of her colleagues practiced using
different Estonian equivalents depending on the ministry official present in the
audience. This practice, however, did not last long, as new legal terminology be-
came established.
The author usually took notes on the terminology at conferences and training
courses, adding terms to her legal glossary that would have been impossible to
find in the available dictionaries. Fiction as well as international newspapers in
136
English available at hotels and on international flights provided useful new en-
tries. Any such unverified equivalent used either in Estonian or English transla-
tions was entered in the glossary with two question marks (??), which disappeared
only if the author had a chance to verify the term with an authoritative source.
Apart from a number of bilingual dictionaries and other reference sources men-
tioned above, the author’s interpreter-made glossary was most useful, containing
terminology, phrases and expressions from daily practice and reflecting the living
language that English-speaking lawyers and law enforcement officers used. Input
for the glossary came from different sources. Pre-conference meetings with the
speaker either the previous day in a hotel lobby or prior to the start of the event
were rare but occasionally possible. In hindsight, the author can only agree with
the wisdom of an AIIC colleague who said, “Going to work without previously
studying the documents was akin to asking a surgeon to operate without first
looking at the x-rays” (Smith 2014). This, however, was standard practice: it was
often impossible to obtain any documents in advance. If the speech was provided
just before delivery, interpreters might divide the text into lots to take turn pre-
paring it. The author and her colleagues usually divided the work as follows: the
interpreter who started got the first five pages or so and started interpreting while
her colleague hurriedly looked through another five pages, highlighting difficult
or new terminology and looking up unknown words in the dictionary. Frequently
the dictionary provided only a vague meaning and it was impossible to judge the
correct sense of the concept without context; several meanings were jotted down
with question marks, thus indicating their unreliability. This was a text-marking
strategy that worked well in the author’s booth. Teamwork with reliable and dili-
gent colleagues was invaluable.
Taking turns with one colleague looking through the documents and picking out
terms that might help improve output in English or Estonian, as well as those that
were unfamiliar to the interpreters, was common practice in the author’s experi-
ence. Gile (2009: 147) has very aptly described the process: “Often, because of
time pressure, interpreters just write down entries as they encounter them in docu-
ments or during the conference, sometimes on sheets of paper they happen to have
on hand”. The author made entries in an A3 format notebook, which she still has.
Looking back, it is informative to see what kind of terminology she considered
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Karin Sibul
worth entering in her ad hoc glossary. After the event the author did some post-
editing of her glossaries and now and again ended up entering new legal terms in
them. Each subject had several sub-glossaries: for example, types of crime, money
laundering, human trafficking, prosecution, etc. Today the computer’s search
function allows the author to use them without merging all legal terminology
glossaries into one. The author has had a laptop since 1996, but there was no
Google desktop search or any other search engine available to cross-search
glossaries at that time, nor was there an Internet connection or Wi-Fi in the booth.
Alphabetical paper glossaries were easy to handle, since the author had acquired
a portable Canon word processor in 1991 that simplified the alphabetic
arrangement of glossaries by language, compared to previous typewritten
glossaries. The author used to carry two sets of glossary printouts with her: alpha-
betically in Estonian and alphabetically in English.
Consultations with the client are always a helpful tool, provided the client masters
the terminology. Gradually the author came to understand that a specialist in
judicial issues might not be familiar with crime-fighting terminology. With the
overpowering influx of new foreign concepts such as plea bargaining, check kit-
ing, double jeopardy, dual criminality, fence network and hundreds of others,
professionals who worked in the field had no equivalents to suggest because the
concepts were unknown. For example, Estonian now has a well-known equivalent
for Financial Intelligence Unit, but it was several years before it appeared.
Today, with the spread of technological progress and the use of online resources,
tablets and iPads in the booth, the situation is the reverse: there may be an infor-
mation overload. The author has recently realised that through her in-depth prep-
aration, her glossaries tend to be far too detailed; that being said, they may none-
theless turn out to be useful at a later date or at another meeting.
When discussing terminology management, Dr. Anja Rütten of the Cologne Uni-
versity of Applied Sciences in Germany, who has researched information and
knowledge management, outlines three interwoven levels: mechanical retrieval of
texts, extraction of relevant terminology from the texts and checking what is
actively known and what needs memorising: “any gaps remaining should be
identified and filled post-process for future assignments on the same subject”
138
(Rütten 2015: 417). With state-of-the-art tools for computer-aided interpreting,

glossary work has dramatically changed.
During the transition, however, coping with the ever-changing topics and the
overwhelming amount of new vocabulary was a significant challenge. Concepts
and terminology were new and unfamiliar not only for the interpreters but also for
many experts. The vocabulary work done when compiling glossaries is very use-
ful to memorising terminology; it is a learning process. Using somebody else’s
glossary is a last resort when conducting an electronic search to quickly find a
word: “Never be a terminology freeloader, relying on others to do the work. [...]
On-the-fly glossary lookups while interpreting are distracting and difficult –
especially when using somebody else’s glossary” (AIIC 2004). Glossary building
is an evolving process: it starts with “reading conference materials beforehand”,
continues during the conference as you obtain knowledge and phraseology “from
various sources: speakers, colleagues, further conference materials or on-the-spot
consultation with experts” (Jiang 2013: 75) and may even roll over to post-
conference editing.
The transition years were very stressful for top interpreters. Twenty-four hours
were sometimes not enough time to prepare for a thirty-minute event. The limited
choice of LSP dictionaries made interpreters very creative and led to long dis-
cussions with colleagues to find the best equivalents. New terms and phrases the
author encountered contributed to her legal glossary of some 20,000 entries.
7. Changes in interpreters’ preparatory and ad hoc

knowledge acquisition since the transition period
Interpreters’ preparatory and ad hoc knowledge acquisition has undergone tre-

mendous changes since the period under review; it is not, however, within the
realm of this article to look at this topic in great detail. In brief, the Internet has
made various sources available, largely eliminating the guesswork interpreters
had to do during the transition upon encountering a new term or concept.
The Estonian Multilanguage LSP terminology bank (ESTERM) is now available
and has been fully updated since 2016. The Estonian Legal Translation Centre
139
Karin Sibul
maintained it from 1995 to 2006. After Estonia’s accession to the European Union
(EU) in 2004, the ESTERM was not updated for years as the Inter-Active
Terminology for Europe (IATE) database took over its function. IATE is the EU’s
inter-institutional terminology database, which has been used by the EU insti-
tutions and agencies since the summer of 2004 for the collection, dissemination
and shared management of EU-specific terminology. IATE incorporates all of the
existing terminology databases of the EU’s translation services. The database
contains approximately 1.4 million multilingual entries, and has been available to
the public since 2007. Its Estonian database is still quite limited; for example, the
above-mentioned concept of predicate offence is not included. The ESTERM
began to be updated again in 2015 when it was transferred to the Institute of the
Estonian Language’s server. The Estonian LSP database mostly contains equi-
valents in English but also has some in French, German and Finnish.
Apart from the abovementioned databases, several line ministries and agencies
have also made key terminology electronically available. The tradition of regular
dictionary reviews begun by Tiiu Erelt in 1976 has been continued by Arvi Tavast
since 2002. These reviews help interpreters sift through dictionaries, given the
increasing number of LSP dictionaries published. Today, although the author has
a few dictionaries that have not been of much use, she nevertheless has 731 good
friends: a few are quite worn out, a few have travelled with her near and far, a few
have not been helpful as they contain elementary vocabulary and a few are very
specific and therefore are rarely used but invaluable when and if they are needed.
8. Conclusion
The socio-political transition Estonia undertook from 1987 to 1997 was challeng-
ing for Estonian interpreters. Terminological resources available during the period
under review were scarce. The available language for special purposes applied to
a command economy and to a different political order than what was now emerg-
ing in Estonia. Numerous foreign consultants and advisers from all over the world
introduced new concepts, which lacked Estonian equivalents. Close cooperation
between experts to come up with new terminology was starting, enabling the
interpreter’s terminological professionalism to pre-empt the pace of growing
140
demand for legal interpreting. The updated and relevant terminology used by the
interpreters increased their audience’s confidence in them as well as their credi-
bility in the eyes of both Estonian listeners and foreign experts. Terminology is
an inescapable tool in the interpreter’s toolbox; the best way to upgrade that tool
was to compile interpreter-made glossaries that contained the latest terminology
not to be found in any bilingual or LSP dictionaries. Smooth communication and
a transfer of specialised knowledge were prerequisites for the accumulation of
terminology, hence making glossary work inevitable. Legal terminology was
mostly American, coming from oral sources. In retrospect, considering the evol-
ution of interpreting in the period under review, the conclusion to be drawn is that
although the interpreters’ significance in Estonia’s transitional period is difficult
to define, overall it was indispensable and favourable, contributing to the accumu-
lation of the Republic of Estonia’s symbolic capital. Interpreters’ knowledgeable
use of up-to-date terminology and their efforts to master terminology that was
continuously revised throughout the transitional period therefore was significant,
although it remained invisible. Smooth communication in a period when general
knowledge of foreign languages was mostly passive increased the responsibility
of the interpreters to deliver the message so that it was properly perceived, without
distortion or ambiguity. Linking interpreting to the state’s symbolic capital allows
us to value interpreters’ work and terminological preparation from a new point of
view.
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145
Anu VILJANMAA (Tampere) /
Anna MÄNTYNEN (Tampere)
“This is the way I have to act”: In search of court

interpreters’ ethics and role understanding
Abstract
Inspired by the seminal paper “The code and the culture: Sign language interpreting – In search
of the new breed’s ethics” by Granville and Tate (1997) on sign language interpreters’ under-
standing and application of their code of ethics, this article looks at the ethics of court inter-
preters in Finland in a similar manner by having them contemplate different hypothetical ethical
dilemmas. The authors designed an e-questionnaire with six hypothetical dilemmas, which was
then presented to practicing community and court interpreters in Finland. First, each hypothetic-
cal dilemma was presented in a neutral manner, after which each respondent was asked to
describe how he/she would act as an interpreter in that particular situation and why. The aim
was to explore how interpreting practitioners would act in situations where mechanistic deci-
sions – such as simply continuing to interpret – would not be possible without breaching other
articles of the code of ethics of court interpreters. A total of 85 community and court interpreters
representing 22 different working languages took part in the survey. The data in this article
consists of their open-ended answers to two court interpreting-specific cases. The authors ana-
lyzed the data qualitatively, focusing on interpreter action and reasoning. The interpreters’
answers illustrate a number of different ways of handling problematic situations, but at the same
time, they also reveal controversial attitudes and understandings concerning the interpreter’s
role and correct conduct when interpreting in court.
Keywords: role, ethics, reflexive coordination, court interpreting
1. Background
1.1. Court interpreters in Finland: Current situation
Until very recently, specific extensive training for court interpreters in Finland
was not available. Court interpreting1 has, however, formed part of the curricula
1
In this paper, court interpreting is defined according to the description of the work
contained in the examination grounds of the Specialist Qualification for Court Inter-
preters: Court interpreters most commonly work in judicial settings with authorities and
Anu Viljanmaa / Anne Mäntynen
in academic interpreter training for several years. It has also been included in pre-
paratory courses for the Vocational Qualification for Community Interpreters
(Asioimistulkin ammattitutkinto), which has been running in Finland since 1998.
In the vocational qualification, there are four topical working areas in which can-
didates need to demonstrate their professional working skills. Two of the working
areas fall into the category of legal interpreting, namely interpreting in court and
for the police, and interpreting for immigration services. Although the level of
command of court interpreting skills required to pass the vocational exam is rather
general in nature, possession of this vocational diploma can be regarded as some-
what reliable proof of the fulfilment of the basic requirements for acting as a com-
munity or court interpreter in Finland. To date, approximately 450 people have
passed the vocational exam in some 40 working languages, with the other working
language of the language pair always being Finnish or Swedish.
In 2013, a higher-level vocational exam, the Specialist Qualification for Court
Interpreters (Oikeustulkin erikoisammattitutkinto), was included in the Finnish
educational system. Interpreters who have passed this vocational exam are ac-
cepted by application onto the newly established National Registry for Court
Interpreters, a nationwide registry established in 2016 on the basis of the EU-wide
obligation to ensure the reliability of court interpreting in the member states (EU
2010). At the time of this writing, a university-level further education program is
in the pipeline, mainly for those with an academic or polytechnic degree wishing
to update their expertise in court interpreting (O-ERKO 2016; also see Wallace,
this volume). This program will be the other main entry route to the Registry. The
governing body of the Registry may accept applicants from other kinds of edu-
cational and professional backgrounds as well (for example, university graduates
in Translation Studies specializing in court interpreting), but the two above-
mentioned diplomas will guarantee entry without any further examination by the
governing body, provided other legal requirements are fulfilled.
Unfortunately, it is expected that the National Registry for Court Interpreters will
not contain sufficient numbers of qualified court interpreters in the near future,
their clients. These include, apart from courts of justice, the functions of the police, immi-
gration authorities, border control, customs, and prison services, as well as the admin-
istrative procedures of different authorities. (OPH 2013:29)
148
In search of court interpreters’ ethics and role understanding
because the selection criteria for entering it have been defined on such a narrow
basis, as described above. Therefore, the registry does not yet add much to the
practice of recruiting court interpreters in Finland, and the training background of
interpreters working in judicial contexts will remain as varied as it is currently for
several years to come.
According to the data collected in the e-questionnaire for this paper, there are still
many practitioners in the field without any training or only very little training,
such as crash courses in community interpreting lasting only a few days organized
by interpreting service providers. As formal training cannot reach everyone prac-
ticing the profession, other means of discussing best practices and the code of
ethics are needed, as is the dissemination of information about these issues. This
paper is an attempt to explore how both trained and untrained community and
court interpreters would act in interpreting situations requiring ethical choices. At
the same time, the authors hope to provide grounds for a discussion on the
different ways interpreters work in the domain of court interpreting in Finland.
1.2. The interpreter’s role: Perspectives on coordinating
Already in 1976, the sociologist Bruce Anderson wrote that the interpreter’s role
is characterized by “some degree of inadequacy of role prescription, role overload,
and role conflict resulting from his pivotal position in the interaction network”
(2002/1976: 212). Since then, many interpreting researchers have tried to shed
light on and outline the structure of the interpreter’s role, especially in the domain
of community interpreting (for example, Angelelli 2004; Roy 2002/1993;
Wadensjö 1998; Krystallidou 2016; Kaczmarek 2016). Metaphors of interpreters
created by interpreters themselves – both in sign language and spoken language
interpreting – have ranged from advocate and helper to the machine-like “con-
duit”; such metaphors later changed to more complex role descriptions like “com-
munication facilitator” and “bilingual, bicultural specialist” (Roy 2002/1993:
349–351). Professional codes of ethics, codes of professional conduct and stan-
dards of practice are intended to prescribe the way interpreters should act, repre-
senting an important tool for clarifying the interpreter’s role.
149
In the research on community interpreting in the past decades, it has been

acknowledged that in interpreted interaction, the interpreter is a visible participant
who actively co-constructs and coordinates the communication. Cecilia Wadensjö
(1998: 108–110) distinguishes between implicit and explicit coordination. She
describes the implicit coordination of the interpreter as an action where the inter-
preter coordinates the interaction simply by interpreting (giving a rendition of that
which is uttered), whereas explicit coordination refers to situations where the
interpreter conspicuously coordinates the situation by asking for repetition, clari-
fication, or time to translate, among other things – i.e., all kinds of non-renditions
(Wadensjö 1998: 108–110). Because the two types of coordination overlap in
certain areas, Baraldi and Gavioli (2012a: 4–5) suggest we look at Wadensjö’s
distinction between implicit and explicit as being “a distinction between basic and
reflexive coordination, both of which can potentially be achieved by renditions
and non-renditions” (Baraldi / Gavioli 2012a: 5). According to Baraldi and
Gavioli, basic coordination is “the smooth achievement of self-reference, without
any problems of understanding and/or acceptance of utterances and meanings,”
whereas reflexive coordination is “the achievement of self-reference through
actions that aim to improve, […], question or claim understanding and/or accept-
ance of utterances and meanings” (Baraldi / Gavioli 2012a: 5–6).
Reflexive coordination occurs in many community interpreting settings. Its com-
plexity is highlighted in many of the articles in the volume Coordinating Partici-
pation in Dialogue Interpreting edited by Gavioli and Baraldi (2012b). Reflexive
coordination covers the actions that exceed the act of simply interpreting an utter-
ance. It occurs, for example, when the interpreter asks for clarification when the
original utterance was not understood, if the interpreter thinks the addressee has
not understood the question in the intended way and must therefore repeat the
translation in other words, or when it is necessary to explain some culture-bound
items known as realia that do not exist in the target culture. Reflexive coordination
also occurs when the interpreter has to ask for the floor (a point of order) in order
to clarify or solve interpreting-related issues – for example, to remind the partici-
pants of the role requirements of the interpreter (neutrality, impartiality) or the
fact that the interpreter can interpret for only one speaker at a time as it is not
possible for the interpreter to interpret everything if several participants speak at
150
the same time. It has to be stressed that an interpreter referring to reflexive co-
ordination is not necessarily breaching the code of ethics, but may actually be
working according to the content of the code of ethics instead. For example, when
an interpreter in Finland stops interpreting and with a point of order draws the
participants’ attention to impossible or difficult working conditions (multiple
speakers) with a counter-suggestion for how to improve them (one speaker at a
time), the interpreter is actually working according to the content of the Code of
Ethics of Court Interpreters, namely article 10 that states: “The interpreter shall
report any aspects that essentially hinder interpreting during an interpreting situ-
ation” (SKTL 2016b). This is the case although the interpreter at the same time
does not interpret everything, which is required in article 6 of the same code: “The
interpreter shall interpret comprehensively, without omitting anything or adding
anything irrelevant” (SKTL 2016b; see also Tebble 2012).
Reflexivity forms an integral part of the work of community and court interpret-
ers. In interpreting situations, the interpreter has to weigh the importance of the
different articles of the code of ethics against each other according to the indi-
vidual context and keep in mind the specific communicative target of the inter-
active event. There are situations where the interpreter cannot follow each article
of the code at the same time. In those moments, the interpreter has to decide which
article(s) of the code should prevail and which should be put aside, temporarily or
completely. The decision has to be made within seconds or sometimes even in a
fraction of a second. The results of this weighing up form the basis upon which
the interpreter acts, or coordinates the situation. Reflexive coordination is under-
stood to describe even the results of this kind of measuring or weighing up be-
tween different aspects of the code by the interpreter in a given situation.
1.3. Inspiration: Observations from practice
In informal discussions with interpreter colleagues, the authors have sometimes

observed completely opposing opinions about what interpreters should do or are
allowed to do in cases where basic coordination is not possible and, instead, the
interpreter has to intervene in the interpreter-mediated interaction as an active
151
agent or participant with his/her own voice. A situation like this occurs, for ex-
ample, when one of the interpreter’s clients poses a question directly to the in-
terpreter. In this kind of situation, interpreters often need to resort to reflexive
coordination. They actively have to do something else than simply continue to
interpret utterances “passively.” They might need to ask for a “point of order” to
solve the situation, for example. In these situations, it comes down to the ethics
and moral understanding of each interpreter. In other words, how does the inter-
preter see his/her role and tasks in the communicative event, what is the inter-
preter’s most important task, what is the communicative goal of the event, and to
whom is the interpreter actually interpreting.
Of course, codes of ethics guide the work of interpreters in Finland too. In the
past, there used to be separate sets of codes for interpreters in general, for com-
munity interpreters, for court interpreters, and even for interpreting of spoken
languages and sign language. However, this system is currently being modified
by the organisations active in the field of interpreting2. In the novel system, a
general code of ethics applies to all interpreters, and the practical appliance of the
articles of this code is explained in field-specific guidelines in further detail. The
current “old-style” Code of Professional Conduct for Community Interpreters
(Asioimistulkin ammattisäännöstö) dates from 2013 (SKTL 2013), and the current
Code of Ethics for Court Interpreters – already redrafted according to the new
unified structure – was issued in 2016 (Oikeustulkin etiikka) (SKTL 2016a). The
unified general code of ethics has been translated into English by the Finnish
Association of Translators and Interpreters SKTL ry (SKTL 2016b), among seven
other languages3. The 12 articles of both codes cover, among other things, im-
partiality and neutrality (article 7), professional secrecy (article 1), and the duty
to interpret comprehensively and accurately (article 6). In addition, they speci-
fically state that “the interpreter shall not act as an assistant or advocate for those
being interpreted” (article 8 in the Code of Ethics for Court Interpreters, SKTL
2
Different (translator and) interpreter organisations such as The Finnish Association of
Translators and Interpreters SKTL ry and The Translation Industry Professionals KAJ,
among others.
3
The different language versions can be obtained from here: https://www.sktl.fi/?x1866
8=1017693.
152
2016b), and that the interpreter “shall report any aspects that essentially hinder
interpreting during an interpreting situation” (article 10). However, the problem
here is that not all interpreters are necessarily aware of the existence of such codes
(especially ad hoc interpreters or interpreters with no training in interpreting).
Furthermore, interpreters might have differing views and interpretations on the
recommended lines of action posed in the codes. In both cases, interpreters end
up acting on the basis of their own understanding of the correct behavior for an
interpreter. Inspired by their observations in the field, the authors decided to look
more closely at the matter and to explore what practicing interpreters really think
they should do in situations for which the codes of ethics provide incomplete,
unclear or contradictory solutions.
1.4. Inspiration: Tate and Turner’s research
In order to shed some light on the diversity of practicing interpreters’ opinions

about the interpreter’s role and ethics in practice, the authors revisited the meth-
odology of Tate and Turner’s research on sign language interpreters’ ethics. In
their seminal action research paper, “The code and the culture: Sign Language
interpreting – in search of a new breed’s ethics”, Tate and Turner (1997) posed
several illustrative cases of “problem circumstances” or “hypothetical dilemmas”
to sign language interpreters and asked how the interpreters would act in these
situations and why. Their aim was to “get a handle on some apparent discrep-
ancies between the profession’s encoded regulatory principles and their practical
realization” (Tate / Turner 2002/1997: 375). They felt that the dominant model of
(sign language) interpreting represented in the code of ethics of the time (in the
1990s) was still that of a “machine-like” kind of interpreting (Tate / Turner
2002/1997: 374, cf. Roy 2002/1997: 349), mostly due to the historical background
of empowering deaf people: “People fear less machine-like models because they
risk disempowering Deaf people” (Tate / Turner 2002/1997).
Following the machine metaphor in their research, Tate and Turner (2002/1997:
376ff.) classified the open answers they received as mechanistic (“machine-like”)
vs. non-mechanistic based on their own interpretative perceptions of the content,
and dealt with questions such as mechanistic nature (simply translating) or other
153
interpreter behavior, the use of professional judgment, and interpreter-generated

input in the interactional event. The answers obtained by Tate and Turner show
that most sign language interpreters (99% of respondents) tended to act in a non-
mechanistic way and generate interpreter input if the gravity of the situation was
very severe (for example, a patient was mistaking a powerful drug for a vitamin),
but there was a clear variance in the opinion of interpreters in less severe cases
(Tate / Turner 2002/1997: 381). Overall, Tate and Turner proved that an ethical
code reflecting a machine-like model of the interpreter’s role was not adherent to
the actual practice of sign language interpreters because there clearly was vari-
ance, and depending on the case described, a very high number of interpreters
stated that they would act against the instructions of the code.
The authors revisited the methodology of Tate and Turner’s original research in a
different time, location, and setting, focusing on the ethical decisions and de-
liberations made by the spoken-language community and court interpreters in
their daily practice in Finland in the 2010s. Unlike Tate and Turner, the authors’
main focus was not any discrepancy between the current code of ethics and the
understanding of the interpreter’s role and actual practice. Instead, the authors
wanted to shed light on the different views and role understandings presented by
interpreters of various backgrounds working in the public sector in Finland today. 4
Codes of ethics were deliberately not mentioned in the e-questionnaire, because
the authors wanted to see whether respondents would spontaneously refer to them
or their content in any form. For their research, the authors adapted one of the
original cases by Tate and Turner (2002/1997) (the baby scenario) because it was
suitable for the spoken language interpreting setting. In addition, the authors elab-
orated five new fictional yet realistic hypothetical dilemmas specifically for
spoken language court and community interpreting settings on the basis of their
own experience in working as community and court interpreters in Finland. The
cases were then piloted with a seasoned interpreter colleague who agreed to the
4
The profession of a court interpreter is not very well established in Finland, due to the
relatively small volume of court interpreting demand in most working languages. Instead,
many community or conference interpreters also work as court interpreters alongside with
their principal professional activity.
154
dilemmas being realistic ones5. The idea was to describe scenarios where it would
not be possible for the interpreter to keep interpreting in a mechanistic (machine-
like) manner and at the same time adhere to all articles of the current codes – for
example, interpreting “everything” comprehensively when two speakers speak at
the same time. The current paper presents the results of two of the cases, namely
those that are set in the Finnish courtroom milieu. The cases concerning com-
munity interpreting will be discussed on other occasions.
2. Method and data: E-questionnaire
As a first step in the research project, six hypothetical interpreting situations were
created. In the design process of the cases, the authors applied their extensive
practical knowledge of interpreting in community and court settings in Finland.
One case was adapted from Tate and Turner (2002/1997). Two of the six cases
were situated in community interpreting, the other four in court interpreting
settings. Of those four, one took place in a police setting, one in an immigration
office, and two in the courtroom; this paper concentrates on the latter two cases.
The data was collected with an e-questionnaire written in Finnish. The e-question-
naire first contained questions regarding the background of the respondents. These
included age, gender, educational background, experience in interpreting in years
(part-time/full-time), the most common interpreting settings the interpreters work
in, and the main geographic working area. These questions were either tick-box
or dropdown list questions. The background question section was followed by the
six example cases. Every case description started with the words “You are
interpreting at…” After each case description, the same two open-ended questions
were put to the respondents: “How would you act in this situation?” and “Why?”
After the section with the six example cases, there was an open field for comments
and any additional information the respondents might be willing to provide.
In spring 2016, the authors disseminated a link to the e-questionnaire and an in-
vitation to participate through major interpreter service providers to their staff and
5
Several respondents to the questionnaire also found in their comments the cases to be
very realistic and stated they had encountered similar or identical situations themselves.
155
freelancers. The invitation and link were also posted to two relevant Facebook
groups for interpreters, each of which has a few hundred members. The question-
naire was open for two weeks. The authors posted a reminder on the Facebook
groups’ pages a few days before the deadline. The two district court interpreting
scenarios – which this paper reports on – are cases 2 and 3 of the original question-
naire (the cases are numbered according to their original order of appearance in
the e-questionnaire). They are described as follows in the e-questionnaire:6
Description of Case 2 (Comments of the Accused): You are interpreting at a district court.
A foreign-language-speaking person is being accused and doesn’t have counsel present.
The person is not familiar with the procedure of Finnish courts and does not know when
it is his/her turn to speak. The accused comments to you on some allegations made in the
courtroom, even though it is somebody else’s turn to speak. The chairperson7 (judge) does
not seem to pay attention to the accused talking to you. How would you act in this situ-
ation? Why?
Description of Case 3 (Day Fine): You are interpreting at a district court. A foreign-lan-
guage-speaking person is being accused and doesn’t have counsel present. You are in-
terpreting the Finnish utterances using the whispering technique. When the sentence is
read aloud, ten day fines8 are ordered in sentencing. While you are interpreting, the ac-
cused asks you what a day fine is and how much the fines amount to. How would you act
in this situation? Why?
In Case 2, the dilemma is created by the fact that the interpreter simply cannot
interpret the utterances of two speakers speaking at the same time, but profes-
sional ethics require the interpreter to interpret everything comprehensively with-
out omitting anything. In addition, in this scenario the interpreter is likely to be
disturbed by the ongoing comments of the accused when trying to interpret the
other person speaking. Again, according to the court interpreters’ code of ethics,
the interpreter should report any aspects that essentially hinder interpreting during
an interpreting situation. The authors argue that the above scenario would clearly
be such a situation.
In Case 3, the basic dilemma is similar to that of Case 2. In Case 3, the accused
asks the interpreter what a day fine is and how much he/she has to pay in the midst
of the whispering interpretation of the sentencing. In addition to the difficulty of
having two people speaking at the same time, this scenario also raises the question
6
The authors translated the case descriptions from Finnish into English for this article.
7
In Finnish courtroom settings the judge is referred to as chairperson of the court.
8
The day fine is a fine based on the offender’s daily personal income.
156
of whether the term “day fine” is understood to be cultural realia that should or
could be explained automatically on a general level by the interpreter to the person
not familiar with the concept. At the same time, it can be argued that the contents
of the concept of the day fine are not necessarily known to the common Finn
either, so there would be no cultural reason for the interpreter to explain them or
ask for its clarification by a primary participant of the communication.
Both scenarios are made more challenging by the fact that the accused has no
counsel present, which unfortunately is a possible scenario in Finnish courts. The
accused has the right to legal counsel/aid, but is not obliged to take it if he/she
does not want to. Not everyone accused is aware of the right to free counsel and
thus some try to defend themselves in the legal process instead. It happens so often
that the accused then tries to resort to the interpreter for counsel or advice during
the proceedings, which results in the need for non-mechanistic solutions and re-
flexive coordination by the interpreter.
3. Results of the e-questionnaire
3.1. Demography of the respondents
A total of 85 respondents replied to the e-questionnaire. They were between 22

and 74 years of age; 38% were male and 62% were female. Almost half of the
respondents work in the capital region of Helsinki (46%), one-fourth (28%) in
other large cities, and the remainder (26%) in other towns or municipalities. Al-
most half of the respondents (46%) had worked as an interpreter for more than 10
years, every fourth respondent between six and 10 years, and every sixth re-
spondent between three and five years. The top five working languages (excluding
Finnish, which all interpreters had in their language combination), were English
(24 respondents), Russian (16), Arabic (13), French (10), and Estonian (10). Other
languages included Dari, Farsi, Hungarian, Mandarin, Portuguese, Somali, Span-
ish, Turkish, Thai, and Vietnamese. A total of 22 different working languages
were represented.
157
The educational background of the respondents was very heterogeneous: from no

training at all to a master’s or bachelor’s degree in translation studies or inter-
preting. The most common diploma was the Vocational Qualification in Com-
munity Interpreting, which 24 of the respondents (28%) had acquired. Three re-
spondents were participating in the first round of the newly established Specialist
Qualification in Court Interpreting, while eight (9%) reported not having any
training for the role and 16 (19%) had done only short courses. Three respondents
(3.5%) had acquired a bachelor’s degree in interpreting at polytechnic level and
15 (18%) reported having a master’s degree in translation studies. Of the
respondents, 14 had a master’s degree in some other topic.
30
25
Voc. Q in Comm. Int.

20
Spec. Q in Court Int.
Polytechnic (BA)
15
MA Translation Studies
Short courses
10 None
Other
5
0
Figure 1: Educational background in interpreting, % (n=85)
Figure 1: Educational background in interpreting.
As there is no statistical data available about the number of interpreters working

in Finland or their language combinations and educational background, there is
no clear answer to the question of whether the respondents are a representative
sample of the interpreters working in this field. The authors suggest, however,
that the most common paths to the profession are covered rather well. Better-
trained individuals might be overrepresented in relation to the actual situation in
professional life, since education generally tends to have a positive effect on
158
professionalism and self-reflection skills, which could lead to more active par-
ticipation in ethical discussions and surveys (see also the final section on the
limitations of the study).
3.2. Analysis: How does the interpreter act?
The authors did not prepare any ready-made categories to classify the open-ended
answers. Instead, they holistically looked at whether any patterns took form based
on the data offered by the respondents by asking themselves “how does the inter-
preter act?” The answers were marked and the action patterns that were deemed
similar to each other were grouped together and counted. Some interpreters de-
scribed more than one pattern of action in their answers; this was especially true
for Case 2. In such cases, each pattern of action was listed separately, which
resulted in there being more patterns of actions counted than there were respon-
dents in both cases. It was voluntary to answer the questions, and not all 85 inter-
preters replied to all questions. In Case 2, there were 73 respondents and 100
described patterns of actions. In Case 3, 76 interpreters gave an answer resulting
in 80 patterns of action.
In the second phase of the analysis, the authors attempted to gather the different
patterns of action into two groups: mechanistic/passive and non-mechanistic/
active (cf. Tate and Turner 1997). The idea was to classify anything that differed
from the standard of mechanistically interpreting “everything” as active patterns
of action, since they would imply that the interpreter had detected a deviation from
the standard situation and actively and consciously addressed the problem at hand.
However, the classifying task proved to be more complicated than expected, as it
was in part impossible to draw the line between reflective and basic coordination.
Even though at first glance, one action pattern could be perceived to be mechanis-
tic behavior, the reasoning given by the respondent would prove that this kind of
action was actually the result of reflective behavior and as such clearly an active
choice (see examples 8 and 9 below). Looking at the action alone was not enough
to classify whether the interpreter had been reflecting on his/her behavior before
deciding how to proceed. For the above reason, the authors decided to abandon
159
the original dichotomy of mechanistic/passive and non-mechanistic/active pat-

terns of action. Instead, they started to look at the reasoning behind the described
types of action by the respondents in order to see whether any implicit or explicit
reference to the codes of ethics were made. In addition, they decided to look at
other features and phenomena emerging from the data.
3.3. Answers to Case 2: Comments by the accused
The first case to be analyzed was Case 2, where the accused keeps making
comments to the interpreter at the same time as the interpreter interprets the ut-
terances of other speakers in court to the accused. A total of 73 interpreters gave
an answer to Case 2. The respondents depicted several patterns of action in their
answers, often deliberating between different lines of action. If an answer con-
tained several patterns of action, each pattern was calculated separately. There is
therefore a total of 100 described patterns of action. Some 26 responses (26%)
state that the interpreter would interrupt the main utterance (i.e., the judge speak-
ing) and ask for a point of order (examples 1 and 2) to deal with the situation. The
aim is to have either the judge (example 1) or the interpreter (examples 1 and 2)
explain the turns of talk in the courtroom.
Example 1. I’d use a gesture to show that the person to be interpreted had better be quiet.
If that was not enough, I would whisper that their turn will soon come. If even that’s not
enough, I’d use a so-called “point of order” and ask the chairperson to intervene. –
Experience has proven that a gesture or a gentle touch on the person’s arm will suffice. I
can’t do whispering if the accused that I’m interpreting to babbles […]9
Example 2. If I wasn’t able to interpret because of the comments, I’d ask the chairperson
for a break and an opportunity to explain it to the accused.
Some 22 responses (22%) state that the interpreter would discreetly advise the
accused on the procedure and inform the accused that it is not his/her turn to speak
now; the accused’s turn will come later (examples 1–4). In addition, 22 responses
(22%) state that the interpreter would “silence” the accused verbally or
non-verbally (examples 1, 4–7).
9
The authors translated the quotes from Finnish into English.
160
Example 3. I usually explain outside of the courtroom what happens in the court and who
will speak when. If there’s no time for that, I’ll explain that at this time, we cannot speak
at the same time. We wait for our turn.
Example 4. I’d tell the person that it’s not necessary for him/her to comment on the pro-
ceedings to me, because I’ll have to interpret everything he/she says and that he/she will
get to speak later on. An intervention is needed right at the beginning in order to prevent
the accused from making a habit of commenting. Alternatively, I’d start interpreting the
comments right away to make the chairperson intervene and inform the accused about the
procedure. – Paying attention to [the comments] out loud would interfere with the process,
therefore a short whispered notice normally suffices and the process can go on and I can
continue interpreting.
Example 5. I would whisper “later” to the person. – If the accused didn’t have an inter-
preter, they would have to be silent and listen to the others speak. Resorting to an inter-
preter isn’t a justification for babbling when it’s somebody else’s turn.
Example 6. I would ask him to be quiet. Because as an interpreter I should interpret (with
whispering interpreting) to him everything that is said in the courtroom, and I wouldn’t
be able to do this if the client keeps talking to me.
Example 7. I’d tell the client that he/she has to be quiet and just listen to my interpretation.
Because nobody else is going to say this on my behalf, and I need the opportunity to work
undisturbed.
Thirteen interpreters (13%) answered they would simply keep interpreting and
interpret the accused’s comments (examples 8 and 9). Although their chosen pat-
tern of action is the same, the level of their reasoning differs clearly from each
other.
Example 8. I try to interpret even utterances like this, and usually in this situation the
chairperson makes a remark to the person... – I try to put the foreign-language person in
a position as similar as possible to the position of a Finnish-speaking person. That is, the
others in the room would understand what he/she says and the other way around. This can
sometimes be tricky, when for example the chairperson and the others in the room don’t
pay attention to this point of view.
Example 9. I would interpret what the accused says. – It’s not up to the interpreter to
decide when the accused gets to speak.
Examples 8 and 9 present very different approaches to the task of an interpreter

and understanding of their role. In example 8, the respondent reflects on the po-
sition of the foreign language-speaking accused compared with a Finnish-
speaking person in the same situation, demonstrating a very proactive under-
standing of the role of an interpreter in the communicative setting of a courtroom.
On the other hand, the example 9 portrays a more “machine-like” interpreter who
interprets comprehensively what is said, implicitly adhering to article 6 of the
161
Code of Ethics for Court Interpreters, yet at the same time acknowledging that it
is not the task of the interpreter to decide when the accused is allowed to speak.
Ten respondents (10%) answered they would simply ignore the accused’s com-
ments (examples 10, 11, and 12). This is done because the respondents feel it is
not the task of the interpreter to answer the comments (example 11) or because it
is not the turn of the accused to speak, which is seen as the accused not having the
right to speak at all (example 12). The latter perception is similar to the perception
of those interpreters who would silence the accused (examples 6 and 7) in order
to be able to interpret to the accused what the other parties in the courtroom say.
Example 10. I wouldn’t react to what the accused says. – I’d continue interpreting when
the situation calms down and the process of speaking turns continues in a controlled
manner.
Example 11. I wouldn’t do anything. – I’m an interpreter, not a counsellor. [The accused]
can complain about the decision.
Example 12. I would not say anything at this point, because it is not my duty to interpret
the comments of the accused before the judge has granted him/her the permission to
speak.
30
25
20 Interrupt
Advise on procedure
15 Silence the accused
Interpret comments
10 Ignore comments
Other
0
Figure 2: Lines of action, Case 2, in % (n=100)
Figure 2: Lines of action, Case 2
All in all, in Case 2 the interpreters’ answers containing other kinds of action than
“simply interpreting everything” can be divided into the following patterns: 1)
asking for a point of order to either clarify themselves or have the judge clarify to
162
the accused that it is not his/her turn to speak yet or to translate the comments to
the court with the same objective, 2) “silencing” the accused either verbally or
non-verbally, 3) explaining to the accused how the court session proceeds and
when the accused is supposed to speak, and 4) simply ignoring the comments by
the accused and thus withdrawing his/her voice. While all of the above alter-
natives mean deviating from the standard of interpreting all that is said (cf. article
6 of the code), they reveal the different role understandings that interpreters have.
Some interpreters see it as their task to explain to the accused that he/she is not
supposed or allowed to speak at that time (this can be done with a point of order
or quickly and discreetly in midst of the interpreting process); others on the other
hand find that it is more the task of the judge to explain the court process to the
accused. They want to draw the judge’s attention to the fact that the accused is
not behaving as he/she should (babbling and continually commenting, which is
seen as disturbing to the interpreter) but resort to different means to the same end:
either points of order or an immediate interpretation of the comments by the
accused. The reasons stated for interpreting the accused’s comments immediately
are to make the judge react to them, i.e. to instruct the accused of the procedure
and when to speak. Some interpreters even hope that this way the judge will notice
the disturbance caused to the interpreter by the accused and end it. On the other
hand, some also state explicitly that they would interpret the comments because
it is not the task of the interpreter to decide when the accused is allowed to speak,
or because they attempt to put the foreign language speaker on the same footing
as a Finnish speaker.
3.4. Answers to Case 3: Day fine
In Case 3, during the reading of the sentencing, the accused asks the interpreter
about the day fine, wanting to know what it is and how much he/she would have
to pay. A total of 76 interpreters replied to this case. Unlike in Case 2, in Case 3
the vast majority of the respondents (72 interpreters) described a single pattern of
action in their answer, and only four interpreters mentioned two different ways to
act in the given situation, resulting in 80 patterns of actions described. Most inter-
preters described patterns of action that deviated from the straightforward
163
“interpret everything immediately” approach and mentioned reflexive coordi-

nation and/or interpreter-generated input. Forty interpreters (50%) replied they
would ask the judge to explain to the accused what a day fine is. This was the
most popular pattern of action. The respondents would do so by asking for a point
of order immediately (examples 11, 12, and 13) or after they had finished
interpreting the sentencing (example 14).
Example 13. I’d ask for a point of order and tell the judge that the accused doesn’t know
the concept of the day fine or how much the fine is. Because I am not there in the capacity
of a lawyer, but in the role of an interpreter. An interpreter is not authorized to give any
legal counsel, although I think the interpreter would know the right answer.
Example 14. I would raise my hand and ask for the right to speak, so that the expert [the
judge] could explain to the interviewee what a day fine is, etc. Because it is not the task
of the interpreter [to tell about the meaning of the day fine, etc.].
Example 15. I’d tell the judge that the accused has something to ask. This is what you are
supposed to do, naturally.
Example 16. I’d ask the client to listen and interpret the sentencing first, and when that is
finished, then I’d say to the judge that the accused has questions. I can’t interrupt the
sentencing in order to speak with the accused.
Another approach described by 18 interpreters (22.5%) is to interpret the question

to the judge, even though it was directed to the interpreter. Most answers state
how this is done after the sentencing has finished (examples 17, 18, 19, and 20),
but some would do it immediately (example 21). Those who would interpret the
question later refer to institutional constraints like the speaking order at court (one
“can’t interrupt the sentencing in order to speak with the accused,” example 16)
or the judge probably not being pleased if interrupted during sentencing (example
20).
Example 17. I would show/gesture with my hand, that a moment please, I will finish
speaking first. Then I would interpret the client’s question into Finnish. Because I don’t
like to be interrupted and because it is not the task of the interpreter to answer the client;
instead it is the task of the court officials.
Example 18. I’d take some notes and keep on interpreting, and after that I would interpret
the accused’s questions to the judge. I think this is how you should act.
Example 19. I would keep on and finish interpreting the sentence normally, and after that
also interpret the accused’s question into Finnish. The judge can answer the question
posed. I have been assigned to interpret the accused, and this is what I have to do.
164
Example 20. I will interpret the sentencing first and will after that interpret the question
of the accused to the judge. I suspect the judge would not be happy, if he/she is inter-
rupted. But he/she most probably will know how to answer to the question of the accused.
If the judge will not give an answer, I will myself, after the court session is over, explain
to the accused that the amount of the day fine depends on his/her income.
Example 21. I’d interpret the question to the judge. I can’t see any other option of how to
act in this situation. The accused poses a question to which he/she wants an answer. That
he/she can get from the judge.
Example 22. A. Well, I can’t know how much the day fine is for each single person. B. I
act as an interpreter, which means that I’ll interpret the question of the accused to the
judge. This is a matter of what type of profession you have chosen. In community inter-
preting you interpret everything comprehensively without omitting anything. It is up to
the judge to decide if he/she then answers the question or if he/she decides to finish
reading the sentencing instead.
Many of those who would ask for a point of order, and those who would interpret
the question directly to the judge state explicitly that it is not the task of the inter-
preter to give an answer to a legal question like that (examples 10, 11, 15, and
17); instead, these answers can be obtained from the judge (examples 17 and 19–
21). However, if the judge is not willing to answer, the interpreter will (example
20). Some answers also illustrate interpreter-generated input in the interaction
between the accused and the interpreter. They describe how the interpreter would
instruct the accused to wait until the sentencing was finished, which is done either
verbally or non-verbally (examples 16 and 17). Furthermore, there are also eight
answers (10%) that describe how the interpreter would react to the accused’s
question directly by promising to give an answer later (example 23), by asking if
the accused would like to pose the question to the judge (with the help of the
interpreter; examples 24 and 25), or by answering the question directly.
Example 23. I say, “I will tell you when the sentencing is finished.” It was in the midst of
ruling of the sentencing, and there I feel it is more important to continue with the in-
terpreting.
Example 24. I would ask the accused if he/she would like to ask the judge this with the
help of the interpreter.
Example 25. I would explain briefly to the client that we can ask the judge about these
matters.
Overall, in Case 3, there is less variation in the actions described by the inter-
preters when compared to the answers given to Case 2. Half of the interpreters
(50%) would ask for a point of order to either tell the judge that the accused had
165
a question and then interpret it, or highlight the accused’s gap in knowledge and
ask the judge to explain the concept of the day fine to the accused. They say they
would act in this way even though they knew the answer to the question them-
selves. However, there are also interpreters who would answer the question them-
selves, either in the midst of the situation or after the court proceedings. Another
pattern of action is to interpret the accused’s question, but not immediately.
Instead, many interpreters would either instruct the accused verbally or non-ver-
bally to wait while finishing interpreting the sentencing, and afterwards interpret
the question.
60
50
40
Ask judge to explain
30 Interpret question
Handle later
20 Other
10
0
Figure 3: Lines of action, Case 3, in % (n=80)
Figure 3: Lines of action, Case 3
From the role perspective, many of the interpreters consider it not their task to
explain the concept of the day fine to the accused; this should be done by the judge
instead. They use different strategies to draw the judge’s attention to the question
(asking for a point of order, or interpreting the question immediately or afterwards
to the judge). Some interpreters, on the other hand, think that because this is some-
thing that they know, they can very well explain it quickly to the accused them-
selves. By doing this, they do not interrupt the process in court or the judge. For
both groups – and also for those who note the accused’s question but interpret it
166
only when the sentencing has ended – it would seem to be important not to inter-
fere with the pre-set turns at talk in the actual courtroom procedure. Their actions
are at least partly influenced by institutional constraints.
4. Discussion
The present study shows how complex interpreting situations can be viewed from
the perspective of coordination, and highlights how, in order to succeed in their
task of enabling communication, in practice interpreters constantly need to make
choices as to what to interpret and which article of the code to prioritize. Some of
the respondents seem to pay attention to ethics in an even broader sense, beyond
the scope of the professional code. As one interpreter stated in an answer to a case
included in the survey of the authors, but not presented in this article: “The general
perception of morals overrules the code of ethics for interpreters.”
As it is not possible to discuss every single possible scenario in any academic or
non-academic curriculum for (court) interpreting in advance, the practitioners of
the profession must develop an independent mind for problem-solving in the field
based on a set of ethical rules and practical considerations. Their personal under-
standing of the roles of the participants in an interpreting situation – including the
interpreter – seems to play a central part in the choices they make and the reason-
ing that lies behind their actions.
In both cases, non-mechanistic interpreters who would “silence” the accused
without interpreting his/her comments exert their power over the right of the ac-
cused to speak, and thus work as “gatekeepers” of information. On the level of
consequences, the same applies to the choice of ignoring the comments by the
accused. Behind this approach seems to lie the fact that the interpreters themselves
know that a certain procedure is followed in court sessions and there are certain
times when the accused is supposed to speak, while at other times the accused is
supposed to show respect to the court by listening in silence and waiting for the
appropriate time to speak. In their reasoning, these gatekeeper interpreters deny
the accused the right to be heard or to speak because they do not want to interfere
167
with the standard procedure, turns at talk, and the smooth proceeding of the pro-
cess, but also because the commenting of the accused disturbs the interpreter’s
work. The underlying thought is that having an interpreter does not mean one is
allowed to go against institutional turns at talk, and this idea is executed by the
interpreter with non-renditions. Non-renditions can also work in favor of the
accused, because in this way the commenting might go unnoticed or the contents
of the comments remain hidden. Interestingly, some of the respondents also state
that they have to act this way, because otherwise they would not be able to inter-
pret everything for the accused (article 8). They say it is the interpreter’s task to
make it possible for the accused to understand and be informed of everything that
is said in court. What is forgotten or overlooked here is that this should work both
ways: the court officials should also be able to understand the accused.
The respondents’ answers showcase different approaches to the role and tasks of
the court interpreter and the articles in the code of ethics the interpreters prioritize.
Even though hardly any answers included an explicit reference to the code of
ethics, it is interesting to note that many of the answers did include strong state-
ments about the normativity of the described pattern of action. In their open
answers, respondents use phrases like “this is the way I have to act,” “this is what
you are supposed to do, naturally,” and “this is what I have to do.” This would
imply that these interpreters have formed clear ideas about what is the right thing
to do and what is not. Nevertheless, their ideas do not align with each other and
there are contradicting views in the data for both cases 2 and 3.
Some interpreters see themselves as advocates for their foreign-language clients,
teaming up with them against the system, figuratively speaking. This shows in
their choice of words in the answers: they speak of the accused and themselves in
the first-person plural, using “we” and “our turn” (Example 3). They think of
themselves as interpreters of and for just one party in the situation: “I have been
assigned to interpret the accused, and this is what I have to do” (Example 19).
Then there are the gatekeepers who seem to be on friendly terms with the system:
they ration the information provided – by deciding who gets to say and hear
certain things – and demonstrate their knowledge of the subject and procedure.
After the analysis of different patterns of action, the authors also tried to determine
if there is a correlation between the interpreters’ training background and their
168
chosen strategy/approach. However, in the first manual cross-checking analysis

of the two cases described in this article, no correlation could be found between
the respondents’ education or other background factors and their chosen lines of
action. Both trained and untrained interpreters alike chose certain patterns of
action and used the same perspectives to justify their actions. This would imply
that what counts is the individual’s understanding and perception of ethics and
their understanding of the participants’ role in the courtroom: at least in this data,
the role of training is not visible10.
Interestingly enough, an interpreter might act precisely according to the letter of
the code of ethics but end up in a situation where the best interest of the parties
might not be served in a moral sense. The authors suggest that a combination of
different roles, in a proportion defined by the overall and macro-level interpreting
situation at hand, might be necessary for a successful, impartial interpreting per-
formance. There are seldom right or wrong answers to ethical dilemmas in gen-
eral, and the same applies in the field of interpreting.
5. Summary and conclusion
In the study, practicing court interpreters working in Finnish courts were asked to
describe how they would handle certain ethically challenging situations occurring
in the courtroom. The answers of the 85 interpreters who participated in the survey
reveal different – even controversial – patterns of action that can aim at the same
goal (for example, to get the judge to coordinate the communication or reply to
the accused’s question). The active patterns of action – or different forms of
reflexive coordination – in the respondents’ answers include, among others,
asking for a point of order, ignoring the utterance of the accused, communicating
directly with him/her, and using non-verbal or verbal communication to silence
him/her.
The respondents’ answers also show that the underlying reasoning for even op-
posing behaviors can actually be the same, such as not wanting to interrupt the
10
However, the data is too small to make any generalizations on the basis of this finding.
169
actual process. On the other hand, the reasoning behind two identical behaviors
can be completely different: one interpreter interprets the comments of the ac-
cused in Case 2 because the task of the interpreter is to interpret everything,
whereas the other does it to draw the judge’s attention to the behavior of the ac-
cused. Furthermore, the answers to the survey indicate that some interpreters
strongly identify themselves as being part of the institution, coping with institu-
tional constraints and acting in alignment with the actual court proceedings, while
others seem to be taking the side of the accused, speaking of “we” and “us”. This
raises interesting questions concerning the neutrality and impartiality of the
interpreter. Although many interpreters explicitly reject the idea of being an advo-
cate for the accused and explain that the judge is responsible for the communi-
cation during the court hearing, there are others who in their answers explicitly
describe advocate-like behavior, for instance explaining the process and speaking
turns to the accused at their own initiative (cf. article 8 of the code).
There are some restrictions to the validity and reliability of the research at hand
that need to be addressed. First of all, people do not necessarily always act the
way they say they would. It is certainly possible that the respondents were inclined
to answer the way they think interpreters are supposed to act in certain situations
and that their answers were influenced by the desire to give a socially appropriate
or professionally normed answer that might be different from what they actually
do in practice. The authors were aware of this threat to the study’s reliability, and
tried to address this in advance through stressing how there were no right or wrong
answers to the questions, and that all participants would remain anonymous. In
addition, during the period the questionnaire was open, a question was posted
about the original motivation and background of the survey by a member of one
of the Facebook groups (where an invitation to participate in the questionnaire
was posted). The authors openly answered the question in the same Facebook
group, stating that they created the questionnaire at their own initiative and were
not acting on behalf of any interpreting services provider. Both on the basis of this
and the fact that so many different answers were received – even the kind that do
not adhere to the current code – the authors believe the data to be reliable enough
to give a picture of the different ways interpreters act in ethically challenging situ-
ations in courtroom settings.
170
Another fact that needs to be kept in mind is the voluntary nature of the partici-
pation in the e-questionnaire. As mentioned, the demographics of the participants
represent the estimated picture of court interpreters’ background in Finland today,
though there is possibly a slight overrepresentation of interpreters with a higher
education background. However, as participation in the survey was voluntary, it
is possible that only a certain kind of interpreters – those interested in research,
professional development, and self-reflection – took part in the survey. This may
have left other interpreters out of the survey who would have acted differently in
the described scenarios.
Despite the above limitations to the reliability and validity of the study, the data
obtained reveals the large scope of different ways for interpreters to act when
faced with ethical dilemmas – i.e., in situations where adhering to all articles of
the code is not possible. Nevertheless, future research would benefit from the
triangulation of the data with focus groups and/or interviews.
The answers draw a picture of the reality of interpreting in Finnish courts where
the individual interpreter’s approach to the role and tasks of the court interpreter
– as well as the interpreter’s (subconscious) understanding of the role of the other
participants – steer and guide the interpreter’s decisions and actions. It is not
surprising that there are misconceptions about the role of the interpreter, when
even interpreters themselves do not agree on what their role covers and what it
does not. At the same time, it is clear that knowing the code is not enough.
Because of the complexity of real-life situations, any ethical code can only be
indicative in its nature. The interpreter needs to understand the complexity and
consequences of the different lines of action taken. Often, right or wrong answers
do not exist, and court interpreters are faced with situations where they have to
make quick decisions based on their own instincts or intuition of what is the
morally right thing to do. The achieved understanding of the court interpreter’s
role affects the practical choices the interpreters make in ethically challenging
situations. In order to develop a sensitivity towards the complexity of (court)
interpreting situations, the authors stress the importance of addressing a broad
selection of ethically problematic scenarios in interpreter education and the need
to openly discuss as many problem-solving schemes as possible. This should take
171
place both during the training of new interpreters and in the further education of
interpreters who are already practicing.
References
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Pöchhacker, Franz / Shlesinger, Miriam [Eds.] (2002): 209–217.
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Baraldi, Claudio / Gavioli, Laura [Eds.] (2012b): Coordinating participation in
dialogue interpreting. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
and of the Council of 20 October 2010 on the right to interpretation and
translation in criminal proceedings. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/
EN/TXT/?uri=celex:32010L0064 [9.11.2016].
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framework.” In: Interpreting 18 (2), 172–197.
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http://www.uta.fi/ltl/en/o-erko.html [9.11.2016].
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ammattitutkinto 2013. [Finnish National Agency for Education: Exam-
ination grounds of the Specialist Qualification for Court Interpreters].
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14_011_2013.pdf [3.7.2017].
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säännöstö [The Finnish Association of Translators and Interpreters: Code of
Professional Conduct for Community Interpreters]. SKTL ry. https://sktl-
fi.directo.fi/@Bin/280271/Asioimistulkin_ammattiss%C3%A4%C3%A4nn
%C3%B6st%C3%B6.pdf [9.11.2016].
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Finnish Association of Translators and Interpreters: Code of Ethics for Court
Interpreters]. https://sktl-fi.directo.fi/@Bin/952493/Oikeustulk.16.pdf [9.11.
2016].
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professional interpreter adheres to a code of ethics. https://www.sktl.fi/@
Bin/1015311/Tulkin_etiikka_englanti.pdf [27.6.2017].
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Sign Language interpreting – In search of the new breed’s ethics.” In:
Pöchhacker, Franz / Shlesinger, Miriam [Eds.] (2002): 372–383.
Tebble, Helen (2012): “Interpreting or interfering?” In: Baraldi, Claudio / Gavioli,
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Wadensjö, Cecilia (1998): Interpreting as interaction. London / New York:
Longman.
173
Leena SALMI (Turku) /
Marja KIVILEHTO (Tampere)
Translation quality assessment: Proposals for developing

the Authorised Translator’s Examination in Finland
Abstract
The Finnish system for authorising translators to produce legally valid translations was re-
formed in 2008, from a test measuring language skills into an examination containing trans-
lation assignments. The examination consists of two translation assignments and a test on the
examinees’ knowledge of the authorised translator’s professional practices. In the assessment
of the translation products, a predefined, two-dimensional assessment system is used in which
translations are marked for both content and language quality. In this paper, we discuss the
Finnish assessment system and compare it with the assessment systems used on examinations
by the American Translators’ Association (ATA), the Canadian Translators, Terminologists
and Interpreters Council (CTTIC), and the translation quality evaluation models SAE J2450
and MQM-DQF used within the translation industry. Drawing on a previous analysis of the use
of the assessment system in the Finnish examinations and a pilot survey among the assessors in
the Finnish system, we propose a new, simplified assessment model.
Keywords: translator certification, translation assessment, translation of official documents,

legal translation, translators’ professional practices
1. Introduction
The systems of authorising or certifying translators vary between countries. In

some countries the examinees have to take translation tests, while in others, such
as Canada, it is possible to receive a certification by mentorship (CTTIC 2016a).
In Finland the system of authorising translators was reformed in 2008. It now
consists of two translation assignments and a test on the examinees’ knowledge
of the professional practices in an authorised translator’s work. In this article, we
discuss the assessment criteria used on this examination and on other similar
examinations and assessment systems.
Leena Salmi / Marja Kivilehto
In addition to the systems as such, the terminology related to certification also

varies: certification, accreditation and authorisation are all used, with slightly dif-
ferent meanings (see Melby 2013; Hlavac 2013; Pym et al. 2012: 15–16 and 25–
26, for discussions on terminology). We use the terms authorisation and author-
ised translator, as the certification here relates to the production of legally valid
translations only, and as these are the terms used in the Finnish system (see FNBE
2012).
Translation quality assessment is a vast area that is of interest in various contexts,
such as translator training, machine translation, technical communication, or the
practice of quality assessment in professional translation service provision. Our
perspective in this article is on assessing the translation product in an examination
context designed to determine whether a candidate demonstrates a level of com-
petence required for producing legally valid translations. This is why we limit our
discussion on the assessment of translations. This can be based on either an analy-
sis of errors or on a comparison of the translation with predefined criteria des-
cribing what the translation should be like or what translation skills it should de-
monstrate (Angelelli 2009: 40–41; Turner et al. 2010). Error analysis has been
regarded as reliable, and that is why it is used on many certification examinations
(cf. Hale et al. 2012: 58). Nevertheless, research shows that criterion-based assess-
ment can be as trustworthy as the assessment based on error analysis (Turner et
al. 2010).
On the following pages, we present the assessment system in the Finnish Autho-
rised Translator’s Examination, compare it with some other assessment systems
used in similar examinations and within the translation industry, and discuss poss-
ible modification of the Finnish system.
2. The assessment system used on the Authorised

Translator’s Examination in Finland
The Finnish Authorised Translator’s Examination consists of two translation as-

signments: one in the field of law and administration and the other in another
specialist field chosen by the examinee. The four specialist fields available are
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Proposals for developing the Authorised Translatorʼs Examination in Finland
business and economy, medicine, technology and education. The length of the
examination texts is defined in terms of characters and should be approximately
2,000 characters (with spaces) or equivalent for languages which use non-Latin
alphabets. The examinees have 2 hours and 45 minutes per translation assignment
at their disposal. They are allowed to use different translation aids, with the ex-
ception of machine translation, translation memories and direct contact with other
persons. After the examination, the assessors begin their work. Two assessors
mark the translations independently, but discuss their assessments afterwards
(FNBE 2015, FNBE 2016a). The goal is that the assessments are as consistent and
transparent as possible regardless of language combinations and directions. Lan-
guage combinations and directions are chosen by the examinee, provided that
there are examiners available for the combination in question, and either the
source or the target language in the combination must be Finnish, Swedish or
Sami.
2.1. The assessment system in general
In Finland, the assessment of translation assignments in the Authorised Transla-

tor’s Examination is based on an error analysis. In their work, the assessors look
at the correspondence of the source and target texts, on one hand, and at how
acceptable the translations are as target texts, on the other hand. The assessors use
a scoring chart (see Appendix 1) with two error categories: errors of equivalence
of content (‘C’ errors) and errors of acceptability and readability (‘A’ errors). In
the first error category, the meaning of the source text is not transferred into the
translation, and in the second category, there are problems in the target language
(style, register, grammar, punctuation, etc.). Both categories currently include
seven1 error types of different degrees of severity. The severity of an error is ex-
pressed in terms of fault points varying from 1 to 9. One 9-point error is enough
to fail the translation. However, it is not only the number of fault points that counts
on the examination. Other factors, such as the function of the translation, the diffi-
culty of the source text and the time constraint are taken into account as well.
Even translators’ notes can affect the assessment: if the examinee shows in a note
1
From 2012–2014 there were eight ‘C’ errors and seven ‘A’ errors on the scoring chart.
179
that he or she knows the proper professional practice, an inadequate translation

solution can be accepted. All these factors are considered in the overall statement
written by the assessors where they express their views about the translation
(FNBE 2015: 4–5).
The scoring chart is based on a proposal presented by Andrew Chesterman (2001)
in an article in Kääntäjä – Översättaren, the journal of the Finnish Association of
Translators and Interpreters, where he proposed dividing the errors into these two
categories. For defining the severity of an error, Chesterman (2001) proposed
using a severity scale with two levels; the severity could be defined as either se-
vere or not severe, or given either 4 or 1 fault points, respectively. The chart was
drafted by a working group preparing the implementation of the examination in
2008.
2.2. Assessment in the Finnish Authorised Translator’s

Examination in 2012–2014
In order to see how the scoring chart is used in the Finnish Authorised Translator’s
Examinations, we conducted a small-scale study of translations produced in the
examinations between 2012 and 2014. The results of this study are reported in
more detail in Kivilehto (2016), Kivilehto and Salmi (forthcoming) and Kivilehto
(2017). The data contained 56 translations from and into English (“the English
setting”), 48 from and into Swedish (“the Swedish setti ng”), and 28 from and into
German (“the German setting”). We counted all errors marked in the translations
and analysed which error types had been used by the assessors. For the error types
in use, see the scoring chart in Appendix 1. Table 1 shows the numbers of trans-
lations in the data, as well as the main results of the study.
As can be seen from Table 1, the most common error type both for language pairs
including English and German was a ‘C’ error, more precisely C7, “an individual
word/term that is imprecise, unsuitable or irrelevant or an omission or an addition
not essentially affecting the meaning of the text”. This type accounted for over
40% of all errors in both settings. In language pairs including Swedish, however,
180
the most common error type was the ‘A’ error A6, “individual style errors and
unidiomatic expressions”, accounting for 23% of all errors.
Table 1: Error types used by the assessors on the Finnish Authorised Translator’s
Examination (2012–2014)
English Swedish German

Number of evaluated 56 48 28
translations
Most common error C7 (41%) A6 (23%) C7 (42%)
type
Second most common A5 (26%) C7 (20%)
error type
Error types seldom C3 (0%) C4 (0.4%)
used C4 (0.1%) C3 (0.6%)
The second most common error type in the English setting was the acceptability
error A5, “a structural error that does not cause misinterpretation”, which account-
ed for about 26% of all errors, and in the Swedish setting, the C7 with 20%. In the
German setting, the rest of the errors were divided fairly evenly, so that in addition
to the C7 with 42%, no other type accounted for more than 10%, which is why
they are not shown in Table 1. In contrast to these frequently employed error
types, error types seldom used were C3, “the translation function is disregarded,
leading to inadequate results”, C4, “unfounded alternative translation equi-
valents”, and C8, “incomplete or erroneous equivalents for the cultural and social
context of the source language”.
The percentages show that C7 was frequent and C3 infrequent in all language
settings. The frequency of C7 may depend on the description of this error type.
There were actually three different kinds of errors included in the description:
incorrect term, omission and addition. We also noticed that ‘A’ errors were used
in the Swedish setting more often than ‘C’ errors. One reason for ‘C’ errors oc-
curring more seldom in the Swedish setting might be that the examinees have a
good knowledge of Swedish, it being one of the other official languages of Fin-
land. However, information on the linguistic background of the examinees is not
available in the system.
181
In sum, the results of our small-scale study show that some of the error types are
used by the assessors quite often, while others occur quite seldom. This points to
the fact that the scoring chart might need some adjustments.
2.3. Survey among assessors
In November 2016, we conducted a pilot survey on the assessment system among

the assessors of the Finnish examination. The survey was distributed in a seminar
organised shortly after the examination to allow the assessors to discuss the
assessment parameters (cf. Salmi / Kinnunen 2015: 235).
We received 24 responses in the seminar. There are over 60 assessors on the regis-
ter, but not all of them have translations to assess every year. This is why we
decided to distribute the pilot questionnaire on paper only to those present at the
seminar, as they would be the ones actively doing the assessment. We asked them
to evaluate the functionality and ease of use of the current error categories (equi-
valence of content and acceptability of target language) on a scale of 1 to 5, with
four different features expressed with adjectives (see Table 2). We also asked
whether they considered there to be too few or too many error types. In addition,
the questionnaire contained three open-ended questions (comments on the general
evaluation, comments on the numbers of error types, and suggestions for develop-
ing the current system). The averages of responses regarding the general evalu-
ation of the current categories are presented in Table 2:
Table 2: Evaluation of current error categories, scale from 1 to 5
Average Respondents
Functionality (criteria are functional / not functional) 4.1 21

Logic (criteria are logical / illogical) 3.8 21
Comprehensibility (criteria are easy / difficult to grasp) 3.6 22
Ease of use (criteria are easy / difficult to use) 3.5 21
As can be seen from Table 2, the current division into categories was found to be
functional (average 4.1 on a scale of 1 to 5), but their comprehensibility and ease
of use were less highly rated, though above scale midpoint (averages 3.5 and 3.6).
182
Seven respondents explicitly stated in their comments that it is sometimes difficult

to decide which error type to choose, and two mentioned that some of the error
types overlap. On the other hand, five gave positive comments on the current
system, and two specified that once you get used to the categories, the system
works well.
For the response to the question on the number of error types (1 = too few, 2 = ok,
3 = too many), the average was 2.3 (23 respondents). One respondent checked both
“1” and “3”, which was interpreted as “1” for the analysis. Table 3 shows the
distribution of the responses:
Table 3: Responses to question related to number of error types
The number of error types is…

...too large 9
…as it should be 12
…too small 2
Table 3 shows that half of the respondents (12) were satisfied with the number of
error types. However, the number of respondents (9) who considered the number
to be too large was clearly greater than that of those considering it too small (2).
3. Assessment systems elsewhere
As mentioned above, the terms used in the field of authorised translation vary. In
some countries certified translators are called ‘sworn translators’ or ‘official trans-
lators’ (Vigier et al. 2013: 40). In Finland, such translators are ‘authorised trans-
lators’. In the United States there exist no such appellations as ‘sworn translator’
or ‘official translator’, whereas in Canada, the title is ‘certified translator’. In addi-
tion to the appellations, there is also variation in the certification and authorisation
procedures, not to mention the assessment systems. In this section, we discuss, as
examples, the assessment systems in two certification examinations, ATA (the
United States) and CTTIC (Canada), as well as in two translation quality evalu-
ation models used within the translation industry, the SAE J2450 and the MQM-
183
DQF harmonised system. ATA and CTTIC are examples of certification examin-
ations, and the SAE J2450 and the MQM-DQF are examples of error category-
isation.
3.1. Assessment in certification examinations – ATA and

CTTIC
The American Translators Association (ATA) arranges translation examinations

for translators who want to become ATA certified. The examination consists of
three translation assignments: A, B and C. Assignment A is compulsory for all
examinees, while they can choose between B or C. A is a general text assignment,
and B and C are somewhat specialised texts. B is technical, scientific or medical,
and C is financial, business or legal in nature. The texts contain about 225 to 275
words each and the examinees have three hours to translate the texts. Dictionaries,
glossaries and non-interactive Internet resources are allowed, but CAT tools and
interactive Internet resources are prohibited (ATA 2016a, ATA 2016b).
The assessment system of the ATA translation examination is a combination of
error- and criterion-based assessment. Errors fall into 23 error types listed alpha-
betically from addition (A) to word form (WF) (see ATA 2016d). The translations
are assessed from the point of view of four areas of performance: usefulness/
transfer, terminology/style, idiomatic writing and target mechanics. Each of these
areas contains a description of performance with five error levels: standard,
strong, acceptable, deficient and minimal – standard being the ideal performance.
Errors are marked using a five-level fault point system (1, 2, 4, 8 and 16 fault
points), with the fail threshold being 18 fault points (ATA 2011, 2016c, ATA
2016d).
The Canadian Translators, Terminologists and Interpreters Council (CTTIC) or-
ganises translation examinations for professionals who want to use the appellation
‘certified translator’. The examination consists of two translation assignments,
one of which is a general text and compulsory, and the other a somewhat specia-
lised text assignment and selected from among two texts, either scientific/ techni-
cal/medical or economic/administrative. The texts contain approximately 175–
184
185 words each and the examinees have three hours to translate the texts. Dictio-
naries and reference works are allowed, but all technological aids are prohibited
(CTTIC 2016a, CTTIC 2016b).
The assessment system of the CTTIC translation examination is error-based. Er-
rors fall into two categories: translation errors and errors of expression. Trans-
lation errors are failures to render the meaning of the source text, i.e., misinter-
pretations and omissions of phrases and larger units. Errors of expression are er-
rors of the target language, including violation of syntax, grammar, vocabulary,
spelling and typographical rules. Errors are rated using fault points ranging from
3 to 10 points, 3–5 points standing for minor errors and 10 points for major errors.
To pass the examination, the examinee must gain 70% for each assignment
(CTTIC 2016c).
In sum, both ATA and CTTIC rely on detecting and counting errors. What is dif-
ferent, though, is that the ATA system is more comprehensive, combining both
error- and criterion-based assessment.
3.2. Assessment in Translation Quality Models – SAE and DQF-

MQM
Different systems to evaluate translation quality have been developed within com-
panies providing translation services (for a fairly recent overview, see O’Brien
2012). We present here two such systems where error-based assessment is used:
the typology described in the SAE J2450 standard, as well as the DQF-MQM,
which is a recently formulated comparison of two existing frameworks, the Multi-
dimensional Quality Metrics (MQM) and the Dynamic Quality Framework
(DQF) system formulated by TAUS, a resource centre for translation industries.
The SAE J2450 translation quality metric is a standard created by the Society of
Automotive Engineers for quality measurement in the automotive industry. It has
seven error categories: wrong term, syntactic error, omission, word structure or
agreement error, misspelling, punctuation error and miscellaneous error. The clas-
sification intentionally does not contain a category for style, register, tone, etc., as
it is “designed only for the evaluation of translations of service information” (SAE
International 2016: 5). A severity level is defined for each error, with two severity
185
levels (‘serious’ and ‘minor’). The error type and the severity level are converted
into a numeric value using a table with a predefined scale (e.g., syntactic error:
serious = 4 points, minor = 2 points), and the fault points are added up. The sum is
then divided with the number of words in the source text document, giving a
weighted score (SAE International 2016).
The SAE model takes some account of subjectivity, admitting that the severity
ranking is “always a judgment call by the evaluator, and necessarily so” (SAE
International 2016: 5). It provides a specific rule for how to deal with hesitation:
when hesitating between error types, the rule is to choose the error type appearing
first in the list, and when between severity levels, to mark the error as ‘serious’.
This is mechanical and arbitrary, but intended to create consistency, as long as all
evaluators follow the same rule (SAE International 2016).
The Multidimensional Quality Metrics (MQM) was developed to provide a frame-
work for describing and defining quality metrics used to assess the quality of
translated texts and to identify issues in those texts. It does not provide one single
metric, but rather a vocabulary for describing metrics and creating them with dif-
ferent types of foci. It “does not specify what must be checked, but rather provides
ways to describe what is checked” (Lommel et al. 2015: 23, emphasis in the orig-
inal).
Simultaneously with the development of the MQM, the Dynamic Quality Frame-
work (DQF) system had been formulated by TAUS, a resource centre for trans-
lation industries. These two were compared for harmonisation in an EU-funded
project, and Lommel et al. (2015) present, as a result of the process, an MQM-
compatible version of the DQF typology (Lommel et al. 2015: 12–13). There are
seven main error categories: accuracy, fluency, terminology, style, design, locale
conventions and verity, and a varying number (up to seven) of subcategories
within each of them. Accuracy relates to correspondence with the source text con-
tent (addition, omission, ambiguities etc.), and fluency to the target language
grammar, punctuation and other conventions; terminology and style have their
own categories. Design is related to the layout and formatting of the translation
and locale conventions to how issues like addresses or measurements are express-
ed (usually, they should follow the target culture conventions). Verity refers to
rendering culture-specific items. The DQF error typology is detailed in the TAUS
186
Quality Dashboard document (TAUS 2016) with examples. The examples given
reflect a functionalist approach and a domesticating strategy in that using the
Fahrenheit scale in a text translated into French, for example, is considered an
error (TAUS 2016: 23).
Both systems have been implemented in various CAT tools, allowing the quality
assessment of both human and machine translation. For example, a translation
memory system can compare the output in each segment to pre-established guide-
lines or glossary entries, during or after the translation process. This is partly why
the DQF-MQM comparison differentiates between “issues” and “errors”; issues
are “potential problems” that an automatic system may notice but that are not
necessarily errors (for example, the target language equivalent for a term could be
present in a glossary but missing from a translated segment, yet if the translator
has just replaced the term with a pronoun, this is not an error) (Lommel et al.
2015: 7). Another example of an issue would be an explanatory addition related
to a culture-specific item that the target audience would not be familiar with.
In addition to classifying the error type, the severity level of each error is defined.
The MQM system distinguishes between two levels, ‘major’ and ‘minor’. The
DQF system has five levels, of which Severity 1, 2 and 3 are errors that are
‘critical’, ‘major’ or ‘minor’, respectively; Severity 4 is used to mark other infor-
mation that is not an error, and kudos can be used to praise for exceptional
achievement (TAUS 2016: 23). In other words, MQM can be considered to have
two and DQF three severity levels for errors.
The harmonised system also contains the idea of weight, meaning that some issue
type may be given more importance than others. For example, terminology might
be weighted at 2.0 and style at 1.0 (Lommel et al. 2015: 8).
4. Proposals for a simplified assessment model
In developing the assessment used in the Finnish Authorised Translator’s Examin-

ation, we need to remember the nature of the examination. It is meant to sift out
the translators capable of producing legally valid translations. In this type of trans-
lating, documentary translation, rather than instrumental translation, is usually
187
needed, as a legally valid translation is meant to have the same evidentiary weight
as the original and it needs to represent the original document “as is”. Accuracy
is essential and nothing should be omitted, unless agreed beforehand with the
authority requesting the translation. All culture-specific items should reflect the
source-text culture, rather than be localised using target-culture items, and be ex-
plained in a translator’s note, if necessary. For example, educational or occupa-
tional qualifications should not be rendered with the nearest target language equi-
valent, as systems vary and as drawing equivalents is a task for the authorities of
the target culture (FNBE 2016b; Nord 1997: 47; Taibi / Ozolins 2016: 91).
The current system relies on error analysis, and the severity of an error is indicated
by fault points. Depending on the error type, the points given can range from 1 to
2, 2 to 6 or 6 to 9, but the exact score for each error is decided by the assessor.
There are currently 14 different error types, which was felt by 9 of our 23 respon-
dents to be too many. As the data analysis discussed in 2.2. showed, some types
are used frequently and others hardly at all. There would therefore be room for
rethinking the system. In the following, we present our suggestions for simplify-
ing it.
The current division into errors of equivalence of content (‘C’ errors) and errors
of acceptability and readability (‘A’ errors) is the same as the division in the
CTTIC system into Translation and Language errors. Our first suggestion for
simplifying the current system is to retain this division (‘C’ vs. ‘A’ errors), but
without subcategories.
An alternative to this would be to modify the MQM-DQF error typology to cor-
respond to the needs of a system for testing examinees in producing legally valid
translations. The error types ‘accuracy’ (correspondence with the source text),
‘fluency’ (adherence to the target language conventions regarding grammar, spell-
ing, punctuation etc.), ‘terminology’ and ‘style’ could be used without modifica-
tion. As the analysis of the examination assessments showed, there is strong evi-
dence from the assessments that use of terminology can form an error type of its
own. ‘Design’ could here refer to how the conventions of producing legally valid
translations are taken into account (for example, providing a heading for the
translation or adding a translator’s confirmation at the end). ‘Locale conventions’
could relate to how elements like addresses or measurements are dealt with in the
188
translations. ‘Verity’ could refer to the manner of rendering culture-specific items

and taking the target audience into account (as defined in the instructions given to
examinees).
In the current Finnish system, fault points are given as in the SAE system, where
the number of fault points is related to the error type. In the CTTIC system, fault
points are given according to the severity of the error (3, 5 or 10), the total fault
score is subtracted from 100, and 70 points are needed to pass (CTTIC 2016c). In
fact, the use of severity levels instead of fault points given by the assessor would
simplify the rating of the errors. The systems reviewed here have 2–5 severity
levels, and a division into three (‘minor’, ‘major’ and ‘critical’) might be suffi-
cient. In the SAE system, a weighted score is reached by dividing the total fault
score by the number of words in the original. As mentioned in section 2, in the
Finnish system, the length of the examination texts is approximately 2,000 char-
acters (or equivalent). A similar score could therefore be used (with the fault
points subtracted from a given figure or divided by the number of characters in
the source text). However, if fault points are used, whether in the form of severity
levels or numbers, a pass rate could also be defined and used consistently, as in
the CTTIC and ATA systems. This is our first suggestion: errors classified into
either two or seven error types, and the severity of the errors defined and summed
up as a single figure which is then used with a pass rate.
A pass rate expressed as a number or as a percentage presents some problems,
however. A legally valid translation may not contain severe errors, and this is
reflected in the current scoring chart by the inclusion of error types that are rated
at 9 points but lead to a failed examination (e.g., complete misinterpretation of an
idea or the omission of a sentence). One critical error can therefore be enough to
fail an otherwise acceptable translation. On the other hand, a translation may con-
tain plenty of minor errors but still be acceptable, as long as it renders the content
of the original as required for the translation task in question. A strict pass rate
might not do justice to such different cases.
Another problem with the use of pass rates is discussed in the CTTIC marker’s
guide (CTTIC 2016c). The document advises the assessors to try to distance them-
selves from the 70% pass mark as far as possible and, for translations that are
“borderline cases”, determine their overall acceptability and adjust their marking
189
accordingly. This is also recommended to avoid “complaints from unhappy candi-

dates” (CTTIC 2016c: 4–5).
If fault points are not used to define passing or failing, the assessors should give
an overall assessment on the translation, taking a stand on whether a) the transla-
tion is suitable to and usable in its intended purpose, as defined in the translation
instructions given to the examinee; and b) the translation has conveyed the mean-
ing of the source text. This could be developed along the lines of the ATA system,
where a criterion-based assessment is used (as described in 3.1.) for assessing
translations from the point of view of four different areas of performance and
defining an error level (from 1 to 5) for each of them. An acceptable translation
could be defined to reach, say, at least the second highest level in all four areas.
In this second suggestion, the assessment would combine error-based and cri-
terion-based assessment. In fact, this brings us back to the proposal by Andrew
Chesterman in 2001, in which he proposed rating the translation on a scale from
0 to 3 and accepting only the translations rated at 3.
As these are just initial proposals for a new scoring system, testing with a sample
set of examination translations would be needed next, in order to gain data on the
usability of the proposed error types and to refine them. A more thorough survey
of the assessors’ opinions could also be administered in a digital form to all the
current and former assessors.
In any case, marking the errors in each translation is necessary and useful for the
legal protection of the examinees, as they have the right to receive information on
why they have failed and how they could improve their skills. The CTTIC instruc-
tions for candidates clearly state that CTTIC is “not a teaching institution” and
that the “exam is only a tool used to assess candidates’ knowledge and capabil-
ities, not a development tool” (CTTIC 2016b). However, this is not quite the stand
taken by the Finnish Authorised Translators’ Examination Board, as “examinees
are informed of the way in which assessment criteria are applied to their perform-
ance in the examination” (FNBE 2012: 9), and this is currently done by sending
failed examinees a copy of their assessed translation.
190
5. Conclusions
In this article, we have given an overview of the assessment system used in the
Finnish Authorised Translator’s Examination. We focussed on how assessors as-
sess the translations and gave an account of what they think about the assessment
system. We also discussed the assessment systems in two certification examin-
ations – ATA and CTTIC – and two quality assessment models – SAE and MQM-
DQF.
As our overview points out, the assessment systems of the Finnish examination
and of the ATA and CTTIC examinations resemble each other. The CTTIC sys-
tem has the same division into categories as the Finnish system (errors in render-
ing the meaning of the source texts vs. errors of expression in the target language).
In each examination, error types are marked and fault points are counted. There
are, however, differences in how detailed the systems are. The ATA system is the
most detailed with its 23 error types, whereas the Canadian system seems more
holistic. The SAE and MQM-DQF systems fall in between these, having fewer
than ten error types.
The analysis of the translation assignments in the Finnish examination, as well as
our pilot survey among the assessors, provides grounds for a rethinking of the
assessment system. The analysis showed that not all the error types are used, while
some are used very often. Therefore, it might be useful to introduce a more holistic
system and to reduce the number of error types. We would like to propose either
a simplified version of the current error type division, corresponding to the CTTIC
system with two error categories, or a new error division system based on the
MQM-DQF classification with six or seven error types. The translations could be
rated as pass / fail by using either fault points with a determined pass threshold,
as in the SAE or CTTIC systems, or using descriptors as in the ATA system. In
any case, our next step will be to test the different rating systems with a sample
set of examination translations in order to study their usability, and to inquire the
assessors’ opinions with a more comprehensive survey than the pilot one reported
in this paper.
191
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Appendix 1
Scoring chart used by the assessors of the Authorised Translator’s Examination in

2012–2014
Error category Error type Points

Equivalence of content An idea is completely misinterpreted C1 9 p. leads to a failed exam-
(C); precise and faultless An entire sentence is left out ination
use of special A wrong term leading to the mis- C2 9 p. leads to a failed exam-
terminology. interpretation of the translation ination
The translation function is disregarded, C3 6 p. may lead to a failed
leading to an inadequate result examination
Unfounded alternative translation C4 6 p. may lead to a failed
equivalents, i.e. the choice is left to the examination
evaluator
An omission or an addition essentially C5 6–4 p. depending on the
affecting the meaning of the text, e.g. a severity of the omission; 6 p.
general and crucial abbreviation is not may lead to a failed
translated examination
Misinterpreted structure C6 6–2 p.
An individual word/term that is C7 4–2 p.
imprecise, unsuitable or irrelevant for
the content or culture but does not
necessarily lead to the misinter-
pretation of the translation
An omission or an addition not
essentially affecting the meaning of the
text
Incomplete or erroneous equivalents C8 2 p.
for the cultural and social context of
the source language
A structural error that is likely to cause A1 6–4 p. depending on the
misinterpretation severity of the error; 6 p. may
lead to a failed examination
Acceptability and Inconsistent terminology or style A2 6–2 p.
readability of text (A). A spelling mistake that affects the A3 4–2 p.
General acceptability and interpretation of the text section
readability of text; usage Inadequate translation in terms of the A4 2 p.
according to information structure of the text
orthographical, A structural error that does not cause A5 2 p.
morphological and misinterpretation
syntactic norms; register Individual style errors and unidiomatic A6 2–1 p.
and style correspond to expressions
the text function and the A spelling mistake that does not affect A7 1 p.
intended use of the the interpretation of the text section
translation.
196
Emilia LINDROOS (Rovaniemi / Köln)
Stefan KIRCHNER (Rovaniemi)
Language and the right to a fair trial: A normative

approach to legal interpreting in Finland and Germany
Abstract
Ensuring the right to translation and interpretation for persons who are involved in legal pro-
ceedings and do not understand the language used is a legal obligation in Europe, e.g. under the
right to a fair trial (Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights). On 20 October
2010, the European Parliament and the Council adopted Directive 2010/64/EU on the right to
interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings which aims at establishing common mini-
mum rules concerning interpretation and translation in criminal proceedings. The right to trans-
lation and interpretation in itself is not enough to guarantee a fair trial if the services provided
by translators and interpreters are not of a sufficiently high quality. Different measures have
been taken on the national level to ensure that such interpretation and translation meet the level
of quality required under Article 2 (8) and Article 3 (9) of the Directive. This article focuses on
the current situation in Finland and Germany, providing an outlook on the national statutory
regulation and discussing similarities and differences between these two EU member states that
may influence the quality of translation and interpretation services provided in criminal pro-
ceedings.
Keywords: Fair trial, legal interpreting, legislation, Finland, Germany
1. Introduction
The provision of high quality interpretation and translation services in legal pro-
ceedings is an important factor from numerous perspectives, inter alia, as a means
of guaranteeing equal access to justice across different languages and cultures (cf.
Hertog 2003). The role of legal interpretation and translation (hereinafter LIT) is
all the more crucial when safeguarding its quality is observed as a way of protect-
ing human rights, more specifically the right to a fair trial enshrined in Article 6
of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Emilia Lindroos / Stefan Kirchner
Freedoms1 (hereinafter ECHR). Guaranteeing a comparable degree of quality2 in

LIT3 as well as an equal degree of legal certainty across EU Member States seems
an unreachable ideal. Among the key reasons for this are the differences between
European legal systems as regards the provision of interpretation and translation
services in legal contexts as well as the diverse measures taken in EU Member
States to implement Directive 2010/64/EU4 on the right to interpretation and
translation in criminal proceedings (hereinafter “Directive”).
There are numerous factors that contribute to the overall quality of LIT, and con-
sequently, to the realization of the right to a fair trial in legal proceedings in EU
Member States: e.g. the national legal framework, the training, evaluation, and
accreditation of legal interpreters and translators, national guidelines and profes-
sional codes of conduct, and the collaboration between legal professionals and
legal interpreters and translators (see e.g. Zwischenberger / Behr 2015). Depend-
ing on the particular setting and context, technological factors may also have an
effect on the quality of LIT if the situation calls for remote interpreting such as
telephone interpreting or videoconference interpreting (cf. Hertog 2015: 234–235;
Braun / Taylor 2012). Although the aforementioned variables are all worthy of an
in-depth discussion and a comparative analysis, this article takes a normative ap-
proach in order to shed light on the current state of affairs in two EU Member
States, Finland and Germany, as regards the implementation of Article 5 (2) of
1
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (European
Convention on Human Rights), 4 November 1950, European Treaty Series No. 005,
http://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf.
2
The discussions regarding the quality of LIT are made even more difficult by the multi-
dimensionality of the notion of quality. As formulated by Pöchhacker (2004: 153), quality
can be understood “[…] as an essentially relative and multi-dimensional concept which
can and must be approached with different evaluation methods from a variety of perspec-
tives”.
3
The quality in LIT was explored from a comparative perspective e.g. in the European
projects Qualitas (Qualitas: Assessing LI Quality through Testing and Certification,
2011-2014) and QUALETRA (Quality of Legal Translation, 2013–2014), described in
detail on the website of the European Legal Interpreters and Translators Association
(EULITA, www.eulita.eu).
4
Directive 2010/64/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on the right to inter-
pretation and translation in criminal proceedings, OJ L 280, 26.10.2010, 1–7. Transposi-
tion date 27.10.2013 (EU 2010).
198
A normative approach to legal interpreting in Finland and Germany
the Directive and the national legislation concerning the register(s) of legal inter-
preters and translators.
2. The right to interpretation and translation under

Article 6 (3) (e) ECHR
The right to an interpreter in criminal proceedings finds its fundament not only in
the Directive but also in the right to a fair trial, which is codified for example in
Article 6 ECHR. Article 6 (3) (e) ECHR provides for a right to free (cf. van Dijk
et al. 2006: 649) interpretation in criminal trials as part of the right to a fair trial
(Luedicke, Belkacem and Koç 1977: 2; Airey 1989: 32). The right to an interpreter
already applies prior to the actual trial, (Kamasinski v. Austria, para. 74) after a
charge has been brought (Harris et al. 2014: 489 et seq.), but not yet at a stage
during which it would be highly practical: during the first questioning of a suspect
by the police (ibid. 489), even though Article 6 ECHR can play a role in the pre-
trial stage (Imbrioscia, 36; Phillips, 39).5 It has also been argued that Article 6 (3)
ECHR only applies until the accused has been proven guilty but not in the sentenc-
ing stage (assuming that there is a separate sentencing stage under domestic law)
of proceedings (Rainey et al. 2014: 280).6 The sentencing stage is an essential
element of the criminal process. It can be argued that a person who has been found
guilty but not yet given a sentence (again, assuming such a distinction) no longer
enjoys the right to an interpreter under Article 6 (3) (e) ECHR for any hearings
concerning the sentencing itself (ibid.). The inability to follow the court proceed-
ings due to language barriers is the starting point for the understanding of the
personal scope of the right protected under Article 6 (3) (e) ECHR. If the court
knows that the accused needs an interpreter, it has to provide one (van Dijk et al.
2006: 650). It is the obligation of the judge to determine if this is the case (ibid.).
If a defendant refuses to speak the language of the court for political reasons but
would actually be able to communicate with the court in the official language of
5
Under Articles 1 and 2 of the Directive, the right to an interpreter is expressis verbis
guaranteed also during police questioning.
6
According to Article 1 of the Directive, it covers also the sentencing stage.
199
the court, the defendant does not necessarily have a right to an interpreter under
the ECHR (Grabenwarter 2008: 367).
This makes it more difficult for minority rights activists to engage in language
rights activism, in particular when it comes to the recognition of minority rights.
This approach is hardly surprising. After all, access to the European Court of Hu-
man Rights (hereinafter ECtHR) is also dependent on using the obligatory appli-
cation forms issued by the ECtHR – forms which, with the exception of the Cat-
alan language, are only available in the official dominant languages of the states
which are parties to the ECHR but not in indigenous or minority languages, even
if they have an official status under domestic law, such as the Sami languages
spoken in Finland or Sorbian, Frisian or Roma language spoken in Germany. On
the other hand this restriction is a logical consequence of the function of Article
6 (3) (e) ECHR, which only is to secure the right to a fair trial through contributing
to at least somewhat of an “equality of arms” (Janis et al. 2008: 792) between the
parties in a criminal case.
The material scope of Article 6 (3) (e) ECHR extends beyond the wording of the
norm (cf. Reid 2008, 142) and includes not only interpretation but also the trans-
lation of court documents (Luedicke, Belkacem and Koç 1977: 20). This right
does not cover all court documents (van Dijk et al. 2006: 649) but at least all the
documents which are part of the proceedings and which are necessary in order to
enable the accused to understand the proceedings are included in the right to trans-
lation (cf. Reid 2008: 142). This in turn is an essential element of the right to a
fair trial (van Dijk et al. 2006: 649). Interpretation and translation, while often
confused by non-linguists, are here understood as having the same function from
a legal perspective in so far as both are essential for the effective realization of
the right to a fair trial by mounting an effective legal defense. This right is a right
of the accused which is to be used by him or her directly, i.e. not only through the
intermediating role of an attorney. For this reason it is not considered sufficient
that the lawyer speaks the language used in the court and is somehow capable of
communicating with his or her client (Harris et al. 2014: 491).
While it is not necessary to have the entire court file translated (van Dijk et al.
2006: 649), the defendant has to be able “to follow, and to form an opinion of, the
proceedings, so that he can put before the court his comment on the events” (ibid.
200
650). The right to a fair trial requires that the accused can actually take an active
part in the proceedings (Harris et al. 2014: 491). This approach is based on an
emphasis on questions of fact while a defendant who does not speak the language
used by the court might well be unable to follow any discussion on questions of
law, thus becoming more dependent on his or her lawyer than a defendant who
can actually follow the proceedings completely. The court has the obligation to
ensure an effective translation as part of its duty to secure a fair trial. This also
means that the court has to monitor the quality of the interpretation (van Dijk et
al. 2006: 650). The court must not merely rely on untested claims to language
skills (ibid.). This is particularly the case when the interpreter is provided by the
state. In such a case, the state has a duty to ensure that the interpreter is actually
adequately qualified (Harris et al. 2014: 491).
The later EU Directive, which binds those parties to the ECHR which are also
members of the EU,7 goes beyond the scope of the ECHR, in particular at the
early and late stages of the proceedings.
3. Transposition of Art. 5 (2) of Directive 2010/64/EU
Compliance with Article 6 ECHR becomes easier if Article 5 (2) of Directive

2010/64/EU has been implemented completely. While the Directive also covers
questioning by the police, in view of guaranteeing the right to a fair trial in court,
one of the many interesting questions in the implementation of the Directive is
related to its Article 5 (2). According to Article 5 (2), to ensure that the interpreta-
tion and translation provided meet the quality required under Article 2 (8) and
Article 3 (9)8, and “[…] to promote the adequacy of interpretation and translation
and efficient access thereto, Member States shall endeavour to establish a register
or registers of independent translators and interpreters who are appropriately
qualified” (italics added). When a register has been created, it “[…] shall, where
7
All members of the EU are also party to the ECHR but not vice versa.
8
According to Article 2 (8) and Article 3 (9) of the Directive, linguistic services provided
“[…] shall be of a quality sufficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings, in par-
ticular by ensuring that suspected or accused persons have knowledge of the case against
them and are able to exercise their right of defence”.
201
appropriate, be made available to legal counsel and relevant authorities”. As was

further specified in the final report of the TRAFUT project (Training for the Fu-
ture JUST/2010/JPEN/AG/1549)9 of the European Legal Interpreters and Trans-
lators Association, numerous factors should be taken into account when estab-
lishing new national registers or reviewing existing national registers in EU Mem-
ber States. Among other aspects, it was held that the legislation regulating the
register should cover the admission procedure regarding the entry into the national
register including general requirements (e.g. nationality, legal capacity, security
vetting, and absence of criminal record) as well as special requirements (e.g. edu-
cational background, professional experience) for persons acting as legal inter-
preters and translators.10 However, the diversity in the approaches taken in Mem-
ber States towards creating such national registers or modifying existing registers
was highlighted in 2013 in the report of the QUALITAS project entitled EU
Member State Profiles: The Current State of Affairs in Europe.11 In the following
country reports, the main emphasis is on the requirements for inclusion in the
registers of legal interpreters and translators as stipulated in national legislation.
3.1. Finland
In Finland, a working group at the Ministry of Education and Culture was ap-
pointed in 2013 and commissioned to assess and evaluate measures required to
implement the Directive and, in particular, to discuss questions related to the reg-
istration of translators and interpreters.12 As regards the register of legal trans-
lators, the working group came to the conclusion that authorised translators13 are
9
See Section entitled “Basic outline of a national register of legal interpreters and transla-
tors”, pp. 13–16, http://www.eulita.eu/sites/default/files/TRAFUT%20-%20final%20rep
ort.pdf.
10
TRAFUT final report, p. 14, http://www.eulita.eu/sites/default/files/TRAFUT%20-%20fi
nal%20report.pdf.
11
The QUALITAS report is available online at http://www.qualitas-project.eu/sites/quali
tas-project.eu/files/Final%20Country%20Profile%20Report_0.pdf.
12
Working group’s report on setting up a register of legal interpreters (2014). The report is
available only in Finnish, but the abstract can be found in English at http://www.min
edu.fi/OPM/Julkaisut/2014/Oikeustulkkien_rekisteri.html?lang=en.
13
Act on Authorised Translators (1231/2007) (Laki auktorisoiduista kääntäjistä) and Gov-
ernment Decree on Authorised Translators (1232/2007) (Valtioneuvoston asetus auktori-
soiduista kääntäjistä).
202
competent enough to meet the requirements defined in the Directive, and that the
existing register of authorised translators14 corresponds with the translators regis-
ter defined in the Directive15. However, as no such formal testing and certification
procedure was in place for legal interpreters and no official register of legal inter-
preters existed at the time16, it was suggested that a law be enacted on a register
of legal interpreters. In addition, a training program for legal interpreters leading
to a Specialist Qualification in Court Interpreting17 (Oikeustulkin erikoisammatti-
tutkinto, Specialyrkesexamen för rättstolk) was launched in 2015.18 After the Act
on the register of legal interpreters19 (Laki oikeustulkkirekisteristä 17.12.2015/
1590) was adopted, the register of legal interpreters was established on 1 April
2016. The detailed requirements for admittance into the register of legal inter-
preters are stipulated in Section 5 of the Act (original legislative text in Finnish
and English translation see next page).
It is stipulated in Section 5 Subsection 3 of the Act on the register of legal inter-
preters that further provisions e.g. on the applicable degrees and on the studies in
legal interpretation are enacted by a Government Decree (Government Decree on
the register of legal interpreters, Valtioneuvoston asetus oikeustulkkirekisteristä
17.3.2016/177). According to Section 2 of the Government Decree on the register
of legal interpreters, the required studies in legal interpretation shall include
courses concerning the Finnish legal system, legislation and concepts in different
fields of law, as well as legal procedures, amounting in total to a minimum of 15
14
The register of authorised translators, to be found online at http://www03.oph.fi/kaanta
jat/, is kept by the Finnish National Board of Education.
15
Working group’s report on setting up a register of legal interpreters (2014), p. 26.
16
Working group’s report on setting up a register of legal interpreters (2014), p. 21.
17
The unofficial English translation of the qualification title by the Finnish National Board
of Education: http://oph.fi/download/170691_387203_Oikeustulkin_erikoisammattitut
kinto_2013_EN.pdf. The training program is offered by the Tampere Adult Education
Centre (TAKK).
18
The qualification is obtained in specific competence tests which can also be passed suc-
cessfully without attending the training program. The detailed requirements can be found
in the Finnish National Board of Education regulation Näyttötutkinnon perusteet – Oi-
keustulkin erikoisammattitutkinto 2013 – Määräys 14/011/2013 (http://www.oph.fi/down
load/149846_Oikeustulkin_erikoisammattitutkinto_14_011_2013.pdf).
19
As an English translation of the legislative text is currently not available in the database
Finlex (www.finlex.fi) of the Ministry of Justice of Finland containing legislation and
translations of Finnish acts and decrees, the title of the act as well as relevant sections
have been translated into English by the authors of this article.
203
credits or a corresponding amount. Additionally, the studies in legal interpretation

shall contain courses in interpreting methods applicable in diverse contexts, inter-
preting technologies, and the working languages of the interpreter.
Original legislative text in Finnish English translation by the authors of this

article for information purposes only
5 § Oikeustulkkirekisteriin merkitsemisen Section 5 Requirements for admittance

edellytykset (1 ja 2 momentti) into the register of legal interpreters (Sub-
sections 1 and 2)
Oikeustulkkirekisterilautakunta merkitsee oi- The board governing the register of legal in-
keustulkkirekisteriin hakemuksesta tulkin: terpreters will, upon application, enter in the
register an interpreter
1) joka on täysi-ikäinen ja jonka toimintakel- 1) who is an adult and whose competency has
poisuutta ei ole rajoitettu; not been restricted;
2) joka on suorittanut: 2) who holds
a) ammatillisesta aikuiskoulutuksesta anne- a) a specialist qualification in court interpret-

tun lain (631/1998) nojalla säädetyn tutkinto- ing, the structure of which is regulated in the
rakenteen mukaisen oikeustulkin erikoisam- Vocational Adult Education Act (631/1998);
mattitutkinnon; tai or
b) tulkin tehtävään soveltuvan korkeakoulu- b) an applicable university degree and has

tutkinnon ja vähintään 35 opintopisteen tai completed a minimum of 35 credits or a cor-
sitä vastaavan laajuiset oikeustulkkauksen responding amount of studies in legal inter-
opinnot; preting;
3) joka on antanut oikeustulkkirekisterilauta- 3) who has provided the board governing the
kunnalle kirjallisen vakuutuksen ja jota ei ha- register of legal interpreters with a written
kemista edeltävän kolmen vuoden aikana ole assurance and who, in the last three years
poistettu oikeustulkkirekisteristä 7 §:n 1 mo- prior to submitting the application to be ad-
mentin 3 tai 4 kohdan perusteella. mitted into the register, has not been removed
from the register of legal interpreters on the
grounds laid down in Section 7 Subsection 1
(3) or Section 7 Subsection 1 (4).
Jos 1 momentin 2 kohdassa tarkoitettu tutkin- If the degree or studies mentioned in Subsec-
to tai opinnot on suoritettu aikaisemmin kuin tion 1 (2) have been completed earlier than
viisi vuotta ennen oikeustulkkirekisteriin five years prior to the date the application to
merkitsemistä koskevan hakemuksen vireille be admitted into the register of legal inter-
tuloa, on rekisteriin merkitsemisen edellytyk- preters becomes pending, it is required that
senä, että hakija osoittaa ylläpitäneensä oi- the applicant proves they have kept their
keustulkkaustaitoaan. professional competence in legal interpreting
up to date.
204
From the point of view of guaranteeing translation and interpreting “quality suf-
ficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings” (Art. 2 (8) and 3 (9) of the
Directive), it can be held that, under the current legislation, the criteria for the
educational background of legal interpreters and legal (authorised) translators are
divergent. In contrast to the specifically law-related training – albeit minor in ex-
tent – required of legal interpreters in the Government Decree on the register of
legal interpreters, neither the Act on Authorised Translators (2007) nor the
Government Decree on Authorised Translators (2007) pose such educational re-
quirements for becoming an authorised translator. Primarily, translators become
authorised through passing the Authorised Translators’ Examination arranged by
the Authorised Translators’ Examination Board in connection with the Finnish
National Board of Education (Chapter 3 of the Act on Authorised Translators),
whereby a degree or studies in languages or in translation is not required. The
examination consists of three parts: 1) a multiple choice test, 2) a compulsory
translation test in the field of law/administration, and 3) a second translation test,
the field of which can be chosen by the applicant from the following options:
education, medicine, economics, or technology (Section 5 of the Government
Decree on Authorised Translators). All parts need to be completed successfully
in order to pass the Authorised Translators’ Examination. In addition, it is possible
to become an authorised translator by completing specific courses as well as 60
or more credits of studies in the context of a university degree program in trans-
lation studies (Section 2 Subsection 2 of the Act on Authorised Translators, Salmi
/ Kinnunen 2015; Salmi / Penttilä 2013). However, with regard to comparative
legal knowledge crucial for accurate legal translations (e.g. in-depth understand-
ing of the legal systems and legal cultures, contrastive legal terminology and legal
phraseology20), the question arises as to whether the legal/administrative
translation test required to pass the Authorised Translators’ Examination is
enough to guarantee that the translator, after being authorised, is capable of pro-
ducing high quality legal translations (in all fields of law). With a view to meeting
the requirements defined in the Directive, further discussion on legal training of
translators should be encouraged.
20
On phraseology in legal language see e.g. Ruusila / Lindroos (2016).
205
3.2. Germany
In Germany, the transposition of the Directive led to the adoption of the Act for
strengthening the rights of the accused in criminal proceedings (Gesetz zur Stär-
kung der Verfahrensrechte von Beschuldigten im Strafverfahren 2.7.2013) in
2013, modifying, inter alia, the German Code of Criminal Procedure (Strafpro-
zessordnung, 12 September 1950, StPO) as regards the right to interpretation and/
or translation. Together, the sixteen federal states (Länder) have created a data-
base of interpreters and translators in Germany (Dolmetscher- und Übersetzer-
datenbank), sorted by language and court district,21 which has been available since
early 2010. However, the authorization, appointment and swearing-in of
interpreters and translators is governed by the laws of the individual states which
means that the requirements for interpreters and translators working in legal con-
texts vary from state to state. The example chosen to be discussed in this article
is the Act on Interpreters and Translators of the State of Hesse (Hessisches Dol-
metscher- und Übersetzergesetz 20.5.2010, DolmG).22 Section 2 of this Act lays
down specific requirements which have to be fulfilled in order for a person to be
allowed to take the oath at a court as an interpreter or translator:
Original legislative text in German English translation by the authors of this

article for information purposes only
§ 2 Voraussetzungen der allgemeinen Be- Section 2 Requirements for the general

eidigung swearing-in
(1) Als Dolmetscherinnen und Dolmetscher (1) Any person may, upon application, be
sind auf Antrag Personen allgemein zu beei- generally sworn-in as interpreter if the said
digen, die person
1. Staatsangehörige eines Mitgliedstaates der 1. is a national of a Member State of the

Europäischen Union oder eines anderen Ver- European Union or another signatory to the
tragsstaates des Abkommens über den Euro- Agreement on the European Economic Area,
päischen Wirtschaftsraum sind,
21
Available online: http://www.justiz-dolmetscher.de/.
22
While only one of the sixteen federal states of Germany, Hesse is a good example in so
far as it has a very international population, hence there is a particular need for legal
interpretation and translation.
206
2. ihre fachliche Eignung nachgewiesen ha- 2. has proven their professional competence,
ben,
3. zuverlässig sind und 3. is reliable and
4. volljährig sind. 4. is of legal age.
(2) 1 Sonstige ausländische oder staatenlose (2) 1 Other foreign or stateless applicants and
Antragstellerinnen und Antragsteller, die ih- applicants who have their permanent resi-
ren ständigen Wohnsitz oder ihre berufliche dence or their professional establishment wit-
Niederlassung im Gebiet des Landes Hessen hin the territory of the State of Hesse and
haben und die Voraussetzungen des Abs. 1 meet the requirements of Subsection 1 no. 2
Nr. 2 bis 4 erfüllen, können als Dolmetscherin to 4, can be generally sworn-in as interpret-
oder Dolmetscher allgemein beeidigt werden. ers.
2 Für die Überprüfung der Zuverlässigkeit ist 2 For examining the reliability of the person,
eine Stellungnahme der zuständigen Auslän- an opinion is to be obtained from the relevant
derbehörde einzuholen. immigration authorities.
(3) 1 Fachlich geeignet ist, wer eine staatliche (3) 1 Professionally qualified is a person who
Dolmetscherprüfung im Inland bestanden, ei- has passed a state examination for interpret-
nen inländischen Hochschul- oder Fachhoch- ers in Germany, who has obtained a degree in
schulabschluss im Bereich Dolmetschen oder interpreting from a university or a university
eine als gleichwertig anerkannte ausländische of applied sciences, or who has passed a
Dolmetscherprüfung abgelegt hat. foreign interpreters examination which is
recognized as equivalent.
2 Ist keine Stelle vorhanden, vor der eine 2 If no institution is available, at which the
staatliche Dolmetscherprüfung abgelegt wer- state interpreter exam can be taken, proof of
den kann, so ist der Nachweis der fachlichen professional competence must be furnished
Eignung durch eine Bescheinigung der Hes- by a certificate of Hessian Teachers Acad-
sischen Lehrkräfteakademie zu erbringen. emy.
(4) Die Zuverlässigkeit besitzt insbesondere (4) Reliability is lacking in particular in a

nicht, wer person who
1. in den letzten fünf Jahren vor Stellung des 1. in the last five years prior to the applica-
Antrags wegen eines Verbrechens oder eines tion, has been convicted of a felony or a
Vergehens nach dem Neunten oder Fünf- misdemeanor after the Ninth or Fifteenth
zehnten Abschnitt des Besonderen Teils des Chapter of the Special Part of the Criminal
Strafgesetzbuches oder nach dem Strafge- Code or under the Criminal Code for assist-
setzbuch wegen Begünstigung nach § 257, ance after the fact according to Section 257,
Strafvereitelung nach § 258, Betruges nach § for assistance in avoiding prosecution or
263 oder Urkundenfälschung nach § 267 oder punishment in accordance with Section 258,
wegen einer oder mehrerer anderer vorsätz- for fraud under Section 263 or forgery pur-
licher Straftaten zu einer Freiheits- oder Ju- suant to Section 267 or who has been con-
gendstrafe von mehr als einem Jahr rechts- victed of one or several other intentionally
kräftig verurteilt worden ist, committed criminal offences to imprison-
ment or youth custody for a period of at least
one year,
207
2. in ungeordneten Vermögensverhältnissen 2. lives in a disorderly financial situation,

lebt, insbesondere über wessen Vermögen das especially persons over whose assets in-
Insolvenzverfahren eröffnet worden oder wer solvency proceedings have been initiated or
in das Schuldnerverzeichnis eingetragen ist, who has been entered in the list of debtors, or
oder
3. aus gesundheitlichen Gründen nicht nur 3. who, for health reasons, is not only
vorübergehend unfähig ist, die Tätigkeit als temporarily unable to perform the task of an
Dolmetscherin oder Dolmetscher auszuüben. interpreter.
(5) Die antragstellende Person hat ein Füh- (5) The applicant has to apply for a certificate
rungszeugnis nach § 30 Abs. 5 des Bundes- in accordance with Section 30 Subsection 5
zentralregistergesetzes in der Fassung vom of the Federal Central Criminal Register Act
21. September 1984 (BGBl. I S. 1229, 1985 I in the version of 21 September 1984 (BGBl.
S. 195), zuletzt geändert durch Gesetz vom 6. I, p. 1229, 1985 I p 195), last amended by the
September 2013 (BGBl. I S. 3556), zur Act of 6 September 2013 (BGBl. I, p. 3556),
Vorlage bei der zuständigen Stelle nach § 10 for submission to the competent authority in
Abs. 1 zu beantragen. accordance with Section 10 Subsection 1.
(6) Dem Antrag sind die für den Nachweis der (6) The application shall include the docu-
fachlichen Eignung und Zuverlässigkeit er- ments necessary for proving professional
forderlichen Unterlagen, insbesondere eine qualification and reliability, in particular a
Erklärung darüber, ob eine Verurteilung nach statement of whether a conviction under Sub-
Abs. 4 Nr. 1 erfolgt ist, beizufügen. section 4 no. 1 has taken place.
The Act stipulates that the potential interpreters must be 18 years or older (Section
2 (1) no. 4 DolmG), that they must have proven their professional competence
(Section 2 (1) no. 2 DolmG) and that they have to be reliable (Section 2 (1) no. 3
DolmG). If they are citizens of a Member State of the European Union or the
European Economic Area, the interpreters have a right to be sworn in (Section 2
(1) no, 1 DolmG), otherwise the court may choose to authorize them but does not
have a duty to do so (Section 2 (1) s. 1 DolmG). An interpreter is not considered
reliable if he or she has been sentenced to a prison term of one year or more at
some time during the last five years (Section 2 (4) no. 1 DolmG) prior to the
application, is living in unclear economic conditions (Section 2 (4) no. 2
DolmG23) or who, for health reasons, is permanently unable to work as a translator
or interpreter (Section 2 (4) no. 3 DolmG). The professional qualification is con-
sidered to be sufficient if the applicant has passed a state-organized examination
23
A similar requirement exists for the admission of lawyers to the bar in order prevent mis-
conduct motivated by financial considerations.
208
for interpreters in Germany, has a German university degree (including univer-

sities of applied sciences) in interpreting or has passed a foreign interpreting
examination which has been accepted as equivalent (Section 2 (3) s. 1 DolmG).
If there is no institution available at which a state-organized examination could
be taken, for example if the language spoken by the applicant is very rare, a
certificate by the Hessen State Academy for Teachers can also suffice (Section 2
(3) s. 2 DolmG). Parallel norms exist for translators (Section 8 DolmG). The
DolmG, which predates the Directive, requires only training as an interpreter or
translator. It does not require any specific training in legal linguistics.
Already on 12 March 2004, the Permanent Conference of the Secretaries of Cul-
ture of the German Federal states, the coordinating body through which the states,
which have the legislative authority over educational issues, ensure the appli-
cation of minimum standards across Germany, adopted the Richtlinie zur Durch-
führung und Anerkennung von Prüfungen für Übersetzer/Übersetzerinnen, Dol-
metscher/Dolmetscherinnen und Gebärdensprachdolmetscher/Gebärdensprach-
dolmetscherinnen, i.e. guidelines for examinations which are considered to be
sufficient for the certification of translators and interpreters. Paragraph 5.1 of
these guidelines merely stipulates that translators and interpreters are required to
have a basic understanding of the legal-political system in question. Specifically,
interpreters and translators are required, in addition to solid general education, to
have sufficient knowledge of the public institutions, the legal order and the his-
torical, geographical, political, economic and cultural situation of the language
region of the foreign language and of Germany (“neben einer fundierten Allge-
meinbildung eine hinreichende Kenntnis der staatlichen Einrichtungen, der
Rechtsordnung und der geschichtlichen, geographischen, politischen, wirtschaft-
lichen und kulturellen Verhältnisse des Sprachraums der fremden Sprache und
Deutschland”). (KMK 2004) As a result, very little is expected of interpreters and
translators in terms of specific legal skills. It has to be noted that, as regards inter-
preters and translators, only these general requirements exist – there are no speci-
fic law-related requirements for interpreters or translators working in the legal
domain.
209
3.3. Comparative outlook
The brief description of national legislation governing the registers of (legal) in-
terpreters and translators in Finland and in Germany highlights the variation with-
in the European Union as regards the regulation of the profession as well as the
qualifications and competency of interpreters and translators working in the legal
domain. Due to the plurality of federal laws in Germany and the requirements
stipulated therein, the group of professional interpreters and translators entered
into the national register is more heterogeneous in Germany than in Finland. A
major concern as regards both legal systems is the fact that no legal education or
training (with the exception of the register of legal interpreters in Finland) is
required for working as a legal translator or as a legal interpreter. Seen from an-
other perspective, the courts and other legal institutions are not obliged to make
use of authorised or sworn-in translators or to recruit interpreters from the official
register of legal interpreters. In Finland the register currently24 contains the names
of only six interpreters, and as the training of new interpreters in various language
pairs to be admitted into the national register takes time, it is clear that legal pro-
fessionals will be resorting to ad-hoc recruitment of possibly unqualified inter-
preters also in the future. With reference to Article 5 (2) of the Directive, accord-
ing to which the establishment of national registers would contribute towards pro-
moting “[…] the adequacy of interpretation and translation and efficient access
thereto”, it can be stated that the differing requirements for translators and inter-
preters contained within national legislation in EU Member States, the general
lack of legal training, and the absence of an obligation to collaborate solely with
authorised or sworn-in translators and registered legal interpreters unavoidably
result in varying degrees of quality in LIT across Europe.
4. Concluding remarks
Despite the rising need for qualified legal interpreters and translators, resulting
from the ongoing globalization and internationalization of law, interpretation and
24
Register status on 28 March 2017, http://oikeustulkkirekisteri.oph.fi/.
210
translation related issues are still far too often dismissed as unimportant and irrel-
evant, the work of interpreters and translators therefore easily underestimated
and/or taken for granted. The current implementation of the Directive in Finland
and in Germany barely ensures vague minimum standards but does not secure the
high quality of interpretation and translation necessary for protecting the right to
a fair trial. As the remarks on legal interpretation in the ECHR have shown, trans-
lation is often seen merely as a side aspect of interpretation, even though both
interpretation and translation – in particular in the context of law – require specific
skill sets that go far beyond mere language proficiency. This indicates that further
measures are needed to raise awareness among legal professionals of the role and
work of interpreters and translators. At the same time, there is an undeniable need
for the harmonization of education and standards for legal interpreters and trans-
lators across the European Union. Such developments would contribute both to
the free movement of legal interpreters and translators as workers and to ensuring
legal certainty across borders; thus improving the right of defence for defendants.
To this end, in-depth comparative legal and legal linguistic research into the situ-
ation in EU Member States is vital.
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eduskunnalle laiksi oikeustulkkirekisteristä [Government Proposal HE 39/
2015 on the Act on the register of legal interpreters]. https://www.eduskunta
.fi/FI/vaski/HallituksenEsitys/Sivut/HE_39+2015.aspx [17.7.2017].
Finnish Government (2016): Valtioneuvoston asetus oikeustulkkirekisteristä
(177/2016) [Government Decree on the register of legal interpreters, English
translation by the authors of this article]. http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/alkup/
2016/20160177 [17.7.2017].
Grabenwarter, Christoph (2008): Europäische Menschenrechtskonvention. 3rd
ed. Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck.
Harris, David J. / O’Boyle, Michael / Bates, Ed / Buckley, Carla / Harvey, Paul /
Lafferty, Michelle / Cumper, Peter / Arai, Yutaka / Green, Heather (2014):
Law of the European Convention on Human Rights. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Hessischer Landtag (2010): Hessisches Dolmetscher- und Übersetzergesetz of 20
May 2010 [Act on Interpreters and Translators of the State of Hesse,
DolmG]. In: Gesetz- und Verordnungsblatt des Landes Hessen 2010, Teil II,
20–22.
Hertog, Erik [ed.] (2003): Equal access to justice across language and culture in
the EU. Grotius project 2001/GRP/015. Antwerp: Lessius Hogeschool.
Hertog, Erik (2015): “Legal interpreting.” In: Pöchhacker, Franz [Ed.] (2015):
Routledge encyclopedia of interpreting studies. Abingdon: Routledge. 230–
234.
Janis, Mark W. / Kay, Richard S. / Bradley, Anthony W. (2008): European human
rights law – text and materials. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
KMK (2004) = Ständige Konferenz der Kultusminister der Länder in der Bundes-
republik Deutschland: Richtlinie zur Durchführung und Anerkennung von
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Prüfungen für Übersetzer / Übersetzerinnen, Dolmetscher / Dolmetscherin-

nen und Gebärdensprachdolmetscher / Gebärdensprachdolmetscherinnen.
Decision No. 952 of 12 March 2004. http://www.kmk.org/fileadmin/Dateien/
veroeffentlichungen_beschluesse/2004/2004_03_12-RichtlinieDolmetscher.
pdf [17.7.2017].
Ministry of Education and Culture, Finland (2014): Oikeustulkkien rekisterin pe-
rustamista selvittävän työryhmän muistio [Working group’s report on setting
up a register of legal interpreters]. Reports of the Ministry of Education and
Culture, Finland 2014:22.
Parliament of Finland (2007): Laki auktorisoiduista kääntäjistä (1231/2007) [Act
on Authorised Translators]. http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/alkup/2007/200712
31 [17.7.2017].
Parliament of Finland (2015): Laki oikeustulkkirekisteristä (1590/2015) [Act on
the register of legal interpreters, English translation by the authors of this
article]. http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/ajantasa/2015/20151590 [17.7.2017].
Pöchhacker, Franz (2004): Introducing interpreting studies. London / New York:
Routledge.
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vention on Human Rights. 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reid, Karen (2008): A practitioner’s guide to the European Convention on Hu-
man Rights. 3rd ed. London: Sweet & Maxwell.
Ruusila, Anna / Lindroos, Emilia (2016): “Conditio sine qua non: On phraseology
in legal language and its translation.” In: Coulthard, Malcolm / Sousa-Silva,
Rui [Eds.] (2016): Language and Law - Linguagem e Direito 3 (1), 120–140.
Finland.” In: The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 3, 229–242.
Salmi, Leena / Penttilä, Ari (2013): “The system of authorizing translators in
Finland.” In: Tsagari, Dina / van Deemter, Roelof [Eds.] (2013): Assessment
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Zwischenberger, Cornelia / Behr, Martina [Eds.] (2015): Interpreting quality: A

look around and ahead. Berlin: Frank & Timme.
215
Melissa WALLACE (San Antonio)
Lessons from Finland: Diversity and flexibility in the

authorization of court interpreters
Abstract
Finland distinguishes itself not only for its expedient compliance with EU language rights legisla-
tion, but also for the diversity and flexibility with which it has developed a testing ground for a
tripartite certification system that offers access to the legal interpreting1 profession through uni-
versity studies and subsequent accreditation, vocational training, and national exams. This chapter
aims to examine accreditation models for court interpreters in a country with a consolidated tradi-
tion of translation and interpreting studies education at the postgraduate level as well as training
opportunities at vocational adult education centers that offer competency-based instruction and
assessment. In particular, the extent to which academic and non-academic stakeholder involvement
informs and supports training is examined. Concrete examples of how educators are partnering
with the profession in order to design curriculum and train novice legal interpreters and translators
(LITs) are presented. Still evolving, legal interpreter accreditation schemes are simply too new to
be assessed, although the argument will be made that Finland’s multiple gateways to the profession
have the potential to open up professionalization to interpreters of languages of lesser diffusion and
to directly improve the safeguarding of procedural rights in the justice system.
Keywords: Interpreter certification models, competency-based interpreter training, university

studies for interpreters, vocational interpreter training, language access compliance
1. Introduction: Compliance with language access

legislation in Finland
On 20 October 2010, Directive 2010/64/EU of the European Parliament (EU 2010)

was issued, stipulating the right to interpretation and translation in criminal proceed-
ings by appropriately qualified practitioners. This chapter represents a descriptive
1
Court interpreting and legal interpreting are used interchangeably throughout this chapter in
acknowledgement of the fact that some, if not much, of the work carried out by judicial in-
terpreters occurs outside of courtrooms.
Melissa Wallace
analysis of Finland’s compliance with two specific pieces of language access legis-
lation: European Directive 2010/64 and the Finnish decree that came into force on
April 1st, 2016, which stipulates that a national register of authorized court inter-
preters be established. It goes on to discuss the merits of offering several paths to
professionalization and accreditation2 for legal and court interpreters, examines new
models for authorization that combine performance-based testing for interpreters in
contrast with competency-based training and testing, and makes some observations
regarding potential pitfalls as the three pathways to authorization continue to develop
and consolidate3. The chapter focuses specifically on Finland and makes no attempt
to draw parallels between the ways that other, comparable countries have sought to
address the requirements of 2010/644.
The EU Directive guaranteeing translation and interpreting of “sufficient quality” in
criminal proceedings in all Member States has significant potential to be a driving
force for change, and has shown itself to be so in the Finnish context5. Nonetheless,
preliminary and anecdotal reflections by those who follow the transposition of the
Directive across EU Member States evince skepticism in the face of workaround
measures meant to please the competent authorities, or ineffectual national policies
that may not reflect the full spirit of the law. The Directive, while a step forward for
2
This chapter will use the terms authorization, accreditation and certification virtually inter-
changeably while acknowledging that they have different nuances of meaning in different
judicial and professional contexts. For the purposes of the present discussion, they all refer
to an officially sanctioned recognition of a practitioner’s having met a minimum threshold of
competence to interpret in legal proceedings or to translate legal and administrative docu-
ments. Authorisation (with British spelling) is the preferred term in Finland when translated
into English.
3
The authorization models discussed in this chapter were examined during the author’s time
as the Fulbright – University of Tampere Scholar at the School of Language, Translation and
Literary Studies (now housed within the Faculty of Communication Sciences) at the Uni-
versity of Tampere during the spring of 2016. The author gratefully acknowledges the sup-
port of the Fulbright Center, Finland, as well as that of many colleagues in Tampere who lent
their time and expertise. In some cases, personal interviews provided essential information
that is otherwise not available in print.
4
See the article by Lindroos and Kirchner, this volume, for a discussion on how the Directive
has been implemented in Germany.
5
See the full text of the Directive at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri
=OJ:L:2010:280:0001:0007:en:PDF.
218
Lessons from Finland: Diversity and flexibility in the authorization of court interpreters
many EU Member States, is criticized by some as being long overdue and in fea-
turing some glaring omissions, such as any stipulation for language access outside
the courtroom, and vague language regarding how “sufficient quality” is defined.
In spite of potential shortcomings, nonetheless, the Directive represents a highly
crucial piece of legislation. In the words of Erik Hertog,
[i]t is difficult to overestimate the importance of Directive 2010/64/EU of the European
Parliament and of the Council of 20 October 2010 on the right to interpretation and trans-
lation in criminal proceedings. It is the first directive under the Lisbon Treaty, the first di-
rective in the field of Justice, the first directive on language since the founding treaties of the
EU and, of course, the first directive on issues of translation and interpretation (2015, 83).
In it, essential documents are identified, albeit with little specificity6, and there is a
right to appeal in those cases in which translation or interpreting services are denied
(EU 2010: 2). Those Member States that do not already have national registers of
translators and interpreters deemed qualified to practice were tasked with putting
systems in place to identify these professionals and, presumably, to train, test, and
accredit them in some fashion.
1.1. Authorized translation in Finland: A point of departure
As human mobility and judicial harmonization in the European Union have spurred
an ever-increasing demand for official translations, the need to verify the accuracy
and fidelity of those translated documents as well as the accountability of the lan-
guage professionals who attest to them becomes all the more essential (Vigier / Klein
/ Festinger 2013: 49). As a country with two national languages, Finland already
boasts a longstanding system for authorizing translators of legal and administrative
documents. One of its most salient (albeit recent) characteristics is the fact that there
are two paths to authorization: one that includes the passing of a national exam and
another that consists of the successful completion of university studies followed by
6
Article 3 of the Directive states that “Essential documents shall include any decision depriv-
ing a person of his liberty, any charge or indictment, and any judgment” (EU 2010: 5). More
specific decisions regarding which documents are to be considered essential is left to the
competent authorities.
219
Melissa Wallace
an application for the title of Authorized Translator, a title which is protected under
Finnish legislation and which is valid for a period of 5 years, with renewability based
on work experience and continuing education7.
While systems for authorizing translators in Finland are discussed in depth elsewhere
(see Penttilä / Salmi 2013 and Salmi / Kinnunen 2015), a general understanding of
the two paths to authorization for legal translators serves as a useful point of depar-
ture in order to consider new initiatives geared towards constructing analogous train-
ing and testing options for legal interpreters, all with a view to complying with Di-
rective 2010/64/EU.
1.1.1. Authorized translation via national exams

With legislation that goes back nearly fifty years8, Finland has continuously revamp-
ed its accreditation mechanisms for translators and currently offers two paths to au-
thorization, both of which are essential to understand as the discussion of legal inter-
preters is brought to bear.
The national exam path for translators is open to anyone who is a permanent resident
of Finland, any Member State of the European Union, or another nation of the Euro-
pean Economic Area. It is taken in one language pair at a time, from one of the offi-
cial national languages into a foreign language or from a foreign language into Finn-
ish or Swedish (Penttilä / Salmi 2012). The national exam is also accessible in lan-
guage combinations not available for study at the university level9, and no university
7
It must be noted that although authorization for translators has existed since the late 1960s,
until 2007 it was only conferred via national exams. See Salmi / Penttilä 2013 for a discussion
of the origins of the examinations.
8
As a multilingual nation with speakers of Finnish, Swedish, and several Sami languages,
language access legislation dates back to the Act on Sworn Translators of 1967, updated in
1988 as the Act on Authorized Translators; and then subsequently modified as the Act on
Authorized Translators of 2007 (Penttilä / Salmi 2012).
9
In fact, the language pairs covered by the national exams depend on the applicants’ requests.
In other words, new exams are developed each year in the language pairs requested by exam-
inees (A. Viljanmaa, personal interview, March 11, 2016). Upon completion of the exam
cycle, old exams are posted on the Finnish National Agency for Education’s web site and can
220
degree is required in order to sit for them, effectively leveling the playing field for
speakers of rarer languages who have not completed formal schooling.
Preceded by a multiple choice section on professional practices, law, procedure, and
translation protocol, candidates then translate two texts: a compulsory one that is
legal or administrative, and then a second text of their choice, either technical or
medical in nature, or from the fields of education, economics, or business (Finnish
National Board of Education 2012: 2). Candidates can use any print or electronic
resources they wish with the exception of translation memory systems, machine
translation or personal contacts, and the exams are graded by two raters who con-
centrate on content and acceptability criteria. There is no predefined maximum num-
ber of errors, and evaluators ultimately decide whether a translation passes or fails
(Penttilä / Salmi 2012), a situation which has begun to be problematized (see Salmi
/ Kivilehto, this volume) in current scholarship.
In this accreditation path, other actors outside of higher education come to the fore.
For example, the Finnish National Agency for Education gives the examinations and
maintains the national register of authorized translators via the Authorized Trans-
lators’ Examination Board, a body that consists of nine members representing uni-
versities, translators’ organizations, and users of authorized translators’ services
(Penttilä / Salmi 2012). The Authorized Translators’ Examination Board confirms
the examination results and grants successful candidates the right to work as au-
thorized translators10.
This centrally managed system is generally praised for its uniformity, impartiality
and equality, especially given the fact that there are no requirements for examinees’
educational backgrounds, especially important for translators working into and from
languages in which no university-level education is available. One potential weak-
ness, nonetheless, especially from a testing theory perspective, is the fact that the
be accessed at http://www.oph.fi/koulutus_ja_tutkinnot/auktorisoidut_kaantajat/vanhat_tut
kintotehtavat.
10
See http://oph.fi/koulutus_ja_tutkinnot/auktorisoidut_kaantajat/usein_kysyttya/tutkintoon_
osallistujat.
221
Melissa Wallace
percentage of acceptable (passing) translation content is defined yearly by the Au-

thorized Translators’ Examination Board, and there is no predefined maximum
number of errors. Evaluators follow a standardized rubric11, apply the cut score
deemed appropriate depending on the perceived difficulty of that year’s translation
task, and then determine whether a translation passes or fails (Penttilä / Salmi 2012),
creating a margin of subjectivity that goes surprisingly uncontested (see Salmi /
Kivilehto, this volume).
1.1.2. Authorized Translation via university studies and application

Alternatively, authorized translator status may be conferred upon candidates via uni-
versity studies for applicants who have completed a master’s degree in translation
and interpreting or another field and who have completed sixty ECTS (European
Credit Transfer System) in translation studies, including six credits from the Author-
ized Translation curriculum. Those students may apply to the Authorized Transla-
tors’ Examination Board (exactly like those who accede to authorization through
national exams) to be granted the right to carry out authorized translations only for
the language pair studied in their degree and only in their A language (Finnish or
Swedish)12. The six credits in the Authorized Translation curriculum are divided up
differently in different universities, but they consist of two courses: a basic intro-
ductory course in Finnish that is theoretical in nature, and then a more specialized
course focusing on translation from the foreign language into the mother tongue,
either Finnish or Swedish13.
11
The assessment rubric is available in Finnish at http://www.oph.fi/download/177405_arvioi
ntiperusteet_2016.pdf.
12
Details regarding how to apply for authorization after having completed university studies
are available in Finnish at http://www.oph.fi/koulutus_ja_tutkinnot/auktorisoidut_kaantaja
t/kaantajien_auktorisointi.
13
At the University of Tampere, the introductory course is worth two credits and the practical,
language-specific course bears four credits. See https://www10.uta.fi/opas/opintojakso.htm?
id=25003&lang=en&uiLang=en and https://www10.uta.fi/opas/opintojakso.htm?id=25004
&lang=en.
222
At the end of the two-course sequence there is an exit exam that is meant to be,
although not required to be, analogous to the national exams for authorized transla-
tors. It is suggested that the assessment criteria used for end-of-studies exit exams as
well as the criteria used to assess the exams be as similar as possible to the national
exams, although there is no overseeing body that imposes such measures. University-
level instructors of authorized translation at the five Finnish universities that offer
the exit exam (in a variety of language pairs) work off of an unpublished consensus
document that they refer to informally as “Principles for authorized translation” (M.
Kivilehto, personal interview, January 19, 2016). In other words, curriculum and exit
exam criteria are decided by consensus amongst the university instructors of Au-
thorized Translation, and assessment criteria for university exit exams are not im-
posed by the Finnish National Agency for Education14.
1.2. Transposition in Finland: The creation of a national register
In spite of boasting two paths to authorization for legal translators, Finland has been
faced with the challenge and the necessity of creating paths to accreditation for legal
interpreters, and the Directive was the impetus to do so. As a direct result of the
Directive15, recent Finnish legislation passed on April 1st, 2016 mandates the estab-
lishment of a national register of court interpreters. In order to comply, a special
workgroup was commissioned to evaluate matters related to the registration of
translators and, in particular, interpreters, as well as to submit pertinent proposed
legislation (Ministry of Education and Culture, Finland, 2014). While the workgroup
decided that authorized translators (as accredited through the current systems) are
competent enough to meet the requirements defined in the Directive, and that the
14
Nonetheless, universities are represented on the Authorized Translators’ Examination Board,
which functions under the auspices of the Finnish National Agency for Education. Some
university instructors are also assessors on the national exams.
15
Article five, paragraph two states that “In order to promote the adequacy of interpretation
and translation and efficient access thereto, Member States shall endeavor to establish a
register or registers of independent translators and interpreters who are appropriately quali-
fied. Once established, such register or registers shall, where appropriate, be made available
to legal counsel and relevant authorities” (EU 2010: 6).
223
Melissa Wallace
register for authorized translators is equivalent to the translators’ register prescribed

in 2010/64/EU, the workgroup made specific recommendations for the decree that
related directly to legal interpreters16, such as:
1. A law will be enacted on a register of legal interpreters.
2. Interpreters with a legal interpreter specialist vocational qualification or an applicable higher
education degree who have completed the required amount of legal interpreting studies are
entered in the legal interpreter register.
3. In order to be registered in the legal interpreter register, interpreters must give a written as-
surance to guarantee that they will abide by the laws on interpreting and the codes of profes-
sional conduct.
4. The registration is valid for a fixed term period of five years. In order to renew the registration
the interpreters must prove they have kept their professional competence up to date.
5. Any interpreter found guilty of a crime while working as an interpreter or who otherwise
proves to be clearly unsuited to operate as a legal interpreter will be struck from the register.
6. The National Board of Education17 is responsible for maintaining the register on legal inter-
preters together with the authorized translators register. Matters related to registration and
de-registration are handled in a multi-member organ.
7. All public data in the register that is governed by the Act on the Openness of Government
Activities shall be available to all. Disclosure of data is subject to the provisions of the Per-
sonal Data Act and the Act on the Openness of Government Activities (Ministry of Education
and Culture, Finland, 2014).
Having an official register constitutes an important first step towards regulation and
professionalization for legal interpreters (Corsellis 2000; Corsellis / Cambridge /
Glegg / Robson 2007; Wallace 2015), even though in some Member States they do
not yet exist, do not have to be used obligatorily when commissioning interpretters
(Grollmann / Martinsen / Rasmussen n.d.; Ortega Herráez et al. 2013: 100), or they
may have become ineffective for a variety of reasons (Blasco Mayor 2013), the most
frequent reason being a national policy of outsourcing court interpreting work
(Ortega Herráez et al. 2013).
16
See the Laki Oikeustulkkirekisteristä (or, the Act on the Register for Legal Interpreters) in
Finnish at http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/ajantasa/2015/20151590.
17
At the beginning of 2017, the Finnish National Board of Education and the Centre for Inter-
national Mobility (CIMO) merged to form the Finnish National Agency for Education (Finn-
ish National Agency for Education 2016, n.p.).
224
2. What about “authorized” interpreting?
In light of Finland’s recent mandate to construct an official register of legal inter-

preters, the nation’s attempts to comply with language access legislation and to meet
the needs of speakers with limited proficiency in Finnish and Swedish has begged
the question, which “authorized” interpreters will populate the new register and how
will they be identified?
As of this writing, authorized interpreting does not exist, per se, with a protected
title, as is the case with authorized translation. Nonetheless, stakeholders all over
Finland and most especially in Tampere have mobilized to create opportunities for
long-time practitioners to legitimize their practices as well as to create programs of
study at the university and vocational levels so that new interpreters can enter the
profession. The next section aims to offer an overview of the three ways to gain
access to the new national register for court and legal interpreters; two of them are
currently benefitting interpreters on the national level. In brief, they are a specializa-
tion in court interpreting for students at the University of Tampere, a competency-
based training program offered to selected candidates at the Tampere Adult Educa-
tion Centre, and a new, grant-funded initiative to implement higher education train-
ing for court interpreters at the national level.
2.1. Multiple paths to authorization for legal interpreters:

Accreditation via university studies and application
At present, the only university in Finland that offers a thirty-five credit specialization
at the master’s degree level in court interpreting is the University of Tampere18. As
a direct response to the Directive, this specialization in court interpreting was created
for students studying on site, and it is considered to be comparable to the professional
18
Learning outcomes and available educational modules for this 35-credit concentration are
detailed at https://www10.uta.fi/opas/opintoKokonaisuus.htm?rid=11795&lang=en&uiLan
g=en&lvv=2016. Starting in the fall of 2017 this specialty will also be available at the Uni-
versity of Helsinki.
225
Melissa Wallace
degree offered at TAKK, the Tampere Adult Education Centre, which shall be dis-
cussed in the following section. The court interpreting specialization within the MA
is currently being offered between Finnish and the English, German and Russian
languages, and is one of the options for specialization offered in addition to audio-
visual and literary translation, technical and business translation, and general inter-
preting studies. This MA-level specialization, which runs on a two-year cycle, was
begun in anticipation of the national register for court interpreters even before the
requirements of the register were legislated and made public.
2.2. Vocational, competency-based training and testing
In keeping with Finland’s commitment to lifelong learning19, and given the fact that
Finnish law does not allow universities to offer professional qualification exams, the
Finnish National Agency for Education has authorized TAKK, the Adult Education
Centre in Tampere, to offer preparatory training and qualification exams, which in
turn can be used as the basis for which one can apply to be included on the new
interpreter register (Isolahti, personal interview, February 4, 2016). As in other ca-
reers for which vocational training exists, in Finland,
vocational adult education and training is very much based on the system of competency-
based qualifications. A specific benefit of this system is that it makes it possible to recog-
nise an individual’s vocational competencies regardless of whether they were acquired
through work experience, studies or other activities (EURYDICE 2012, n.p.).
The requirements for national qualifications are decided in cooperation with a variety
of stakeholders such as employers’ organizations, trade unions, national education
and training committees, as well as other representatives from “working life” – in
other words, representatives from related professions who participate as advisers or
consultants (Finnish National Board of Education 2014). For legal interpreters in
training, the way to complete these qualifications is by demonstrating the acquisition
19 Kansanvalistusseura, the Finnish Lifelong Learning Foundation, was founded in 1874

(https://ec.europa.eu/epale/en/organisations/kansanvalistusseura-finnish-lifelong-learning
-foundation). See also Myllymäki 2017.
226
of skills in tandem with preparatory training. Students selected to train at TAKK can
accede to the national, official register of legal interpreters by successfully com-
pleting all competency-based assessments offered in the training program or by
“testing out” of the individual units20 (Hildén et al., personal interview, February 16,
2016), and by then applying formally to the Finnish National Agency for Education.
TAKK representatives report that many of their community interpreters21 and legal
interpreters in training often have little formal schooling, so they are able to train
talented bilinguals who may not hold a university degree or who work with languages
not available in universities. The first cohort in their fourteen-month training cycle
consisted of interpreters between Finnish and Arabic, Russian and Estonian, and their
second cohort worked between Finnish and English, Russian and Farsi22. TAKK
instruction combines a rich online learning environment with one contact day a
month in Tampere. In order to complete the program, interpreters in training come
from all over Finland to be the first officially credited court interpreters to appear on
the new register (Hildén et al., personal interview, February 16, 2016).
As regards evaluation, TAKK faculty have built a rubric based on the required skills
and competences prescribed by the National Board of Education. Students are as-
sessed in four areas of competency23 through a variety of means including an ethics
portfolio and an evaluation discussion – two sorts of assessment mechanisms which
are designed to show whether or not students know how to prepare for an assignment
as well as carry out various practical aspects of the profession. Students demonstrate
knowledge of the Finnish legal system, carry out written exams on terminology and
20
As of the writing of this article, TAKK faculty reported that no one has opted to try to test
out; rather, everyone taking the exams offered by TAKK has thus far been a student enrolled
in their legal interpreter training program.
21
A vocational qualification for community interpreters was established in 1998 and forms part
of the same vocational education and qualification system as the court interpreter specialist
vocational qualification.
22
As of the spring of 2016, the first cohort was nearing the end of their studies and the second
was at the beginning of the year-and-a-half-long training cycle.
23
These four areas are listed in the Qualification Requirements of the Specialist Vocational
Exam in Court Interpreting, available in Finnish at http://www.oph.fi/download/149846_Oi
keustulkin_erikoisammattitutkinto_14_011_2013.pdf.
227
Melissa Wallace
translation tasks, and participate in role play-based testing in interpreting skills

(Hildén et al., personal interview, February 16, 2016). These methods are very much
in line with the Finnish national philosophy regarding vocational education for
adults, which emphasizes the fact that in competency-based qualifications,
assessment is always based on the vocational skills requirements and assessment criteria de-
termined within the relevant Qualification Requirements. Also, competence test performance
is evaluated in relation to these. Assessment makes diverse use of different and primarily
qualitative methods, such as observation, interviews, surveys, as well as group and self-as-
sessment (EURYDICE 2012, n.p.).
2.3. National standards for a specialization in legal interpreting
The third initiative in Finland’s tripartite approach to credentialing legal interpreters

represents the result of two years of planning on behalf of the O-ERKO workgroup:
the development of a shareable, importable, nationwide Specialization in Legal Inter-
preting, officially funded in April 2016 by the European Social Development Fund24.
The overarching objective of the project is to develop a model for a national special-
ization program enabling translation and interpreting professionals with a university
degree to specialize in legal interpreting, after which graduates can apply directly for
inclusion on the national register of legal interpreters. The project will consist of a
forty-credit specialization in legal interpreting created in very close collaboration
between four Finnish universities, two universities of applied sciences, and, most
saliently, in cooperation with representatives involved in language mediation from
outside of academia. The ten non-academic partners include private and municipal
interpreting centers, a translation professions trade union25, the Finnish Association
of Translators and Interpreters (SKTL)26, the Finnish Association of the Deaf, the
24
The O-ERKO steering committee is coordinated by Anneli Sorkio of the University of Tam-
pere. More information about its members can be found at http://www.uta.fi/ltl/en/o-er
ko/steering.html.
25
Translation Industry Professionals KAJ, a trade organization for translators, interpreters and
other experts in multilingual communication. See http://www.ka.fi/en.
26
In English at https://www.sktl.fi/in-english/.
228
Finnish Prosecution Service27, the national Police of Finland, and the Police Uni-
versity College (A. Sorkio, personal interview, April 12, 2016). All of the partners
will be consulted in the development of standards in direct dialog with the profession,
the first initiative in Finland to apply criteria related in any way to a job task analysis.
With each university contributing through its own special expertise and its own net-
works, the O-ERKO workgroup’s steering committee will determine baseline skills
for future applicants and assist in the identification and accreditation of their compe-
tences, eventually designing final accreditation exams and drafting a proposal for its
implementation. Once implemented, the specialization in legal interpreting will
improve the availability of qualified and vetted legal interpreters in order to meet the
needs of the judiciary, the prosecution service, the police and other bodies or indi-
viduals (A. Sorkio, personal interview, April 12, 2016). The steering committee’s
curriculum model, coordinated from the University of Tampere, will be available to
all universities in Finland.
3. Partnering with the profession and integrated learning
By taking full advantage of an educational system that prides itself on open access
and inclusiveness, Finland is creating a variety of accreditation models that are well
poised to expand across Finnish universities and which have clear implications for
transnational importability.
The idea of partnering representatives of higher education with professional stake-
holders reflects a recognition that the confluence between education, research, ac-
creditation and practice is absolutely the strongest approach to building an interpreter
certification scheme that is inclusive, comprehensive, and relevant. A certification
system that is truly valid and reliable must meet stakeholder demands, must be built
through consensus, and must offer the flexibility of capitalizing on all kinds of
expertise at the same time as it offers real possibilities for credentialing interpreters
27
See https://oikeus.fi/syyttaja/en/index.html.
229
Melissa Wallace
who work with languages of lesser diffusion. One key part of this process consists
of the recognition of the central role that both university education and vocational
training can play. Claudia Angelelli defines the difference between (vocational)
training and (university-level) education as follows:
While education is the act or process of imparting or acquiring general knowledge of a field
or particular knowledge or skills for a trade or profession, developing the powers of reasoning
and judgment, and generally of preparing oneself or others intellectually for such a profes-
sion, training implies practical learning to do, or practice, usually under some type of super-
vision (2005: 35).
There seems to be a consensus that a combination of both procedural knowledge as

well as declarative knowledge are the clear way to contravene Sandra Hale’s ob-
servation that “Very few interpreters are able to justify their interpreting choices
when asked to do so” (Hale 2007: 184). Hale, in fact, concisely captures the value in
acknowledging the need for partnership between higher education and the profes-
sion:
Whereas it is crucial for the validity of courses to have the input of practitioners, it is also
crucial to ensure that those practitioners who are trainers have the appropriate academic and
research background to inform their teaching. As already argued, there needs to be cross-
fertilisation between research, training and practice: where the research informs the training
and the practice, the training improves the practice and generates research questions, and the
practice improves the training and generates research questions. There is very little value in
teaching interpreting theory and practice to students as two distinct and unrelated subjects.
The practical subjects need to draw on the theory and on research results to achieve an ef-
fective approach to interpreter learning (2007: 184).
Finland’s multiple paths to accreditation for legal translators and interpreters (LITs)
take these vital considerations into account, with one of the most potentially valuable
initiatives being the concept of integrated learning, a marriage between traditional
academic departments and continuing education centers that allows professionals
who already hold a university degree to participate in university classes for credit.
As early as 2012, the Principles of Authorized Translation course sequence was
opened to active members of the Finnish Association of Translators and Interpreters
(SKTL) and offered at the Universities of Tampere, Helsinki, Turku, Vaasa and
Eastern Finland, thus advancing a model of partnership between the academy and
230
the profession. The positive anecdotal feedback generated by these courses, espe-
cially in Helsinki, invites evidence-based examination (Laakso-Tammisto 2012).
This open-door policy for translators started in recent years at the University of Tam-
pere when coordinators from a centralized Continuing Education Centre were sepa-
rated and embedded directly in specific schools or faculties, bringing them closer to
teachers, students, and fields of specialization (A. Sorkio, personal interview, April
12, 2016). While it has gotten off to a slow start, possibly due to timetables that are
difficult for working translators, translation faculty have shown a willingness to
connect with professionals in the community in order to share expertise.
4. Lessons from Finland: A reflection
This chapter is based on the premise that valid and reliable accreditation for language
mediators in civil and criminal justice systems matters, and that a serious contemp-
lation of certification models, be they based on performance-based exams, university
accreditation or vocational, competency-based training and testing – is a fundamental
way to begin to protect the procedural rights of all users of judicial systems. It stems
also from the belief that certification signals competence to stakeholders and that it
serves as a measure of protection for victims and defendants in the criminal justice
system, in this way helping to foment the mutual trust that underpins Directive
2010/64/EU. While scholars such as Budin, Gerhard, Krajcso and Lommel (2013)
assert that current certification paradigms do not enjoy full acceptance in the
marketplace, there is consensus that the need to find ways to “signal” quality to the
market and to institutional end-users is paramount in the quest for the mutual trust
that Directive 2010/64 aims to deliver.
Finland’s diverse and flexible approaches to authorizing translators and interpreters
through various assessment mechanisms and training platforms demonstrate the
country’s commitment to compliance with language access legislation through con-
crete measures. Nonetheless, for certification mechanisms to be considered valid and
231
Melissa Wallace
reliable, they must enjoy face validity, or the perception by all stakeholders that they
are valid, reliable, sound and defensible. Koby and Melby assert that
By ‘sound’ we mean that the examination is a good indicator of professional competence,
and by ‘defensible’ we mean that if someone challenges his or her failure to receive a cre-
dential, the examination can be defended on the grounds that it was developed based on
widely accepted principles and requirements of assessment (Koby / Melby 2013: 174).
Although seemingly uncontroversial, Finland’s authorization models do leave them-

selves open to some amount of potential criticism that academic and community
stakeholders may wish to contemplate as authorization schemes continue to evolve
for LITs. While an in-depth discussion of the psychometric features of interpreting
exams is beyond the scope of this chapter, stakeholders should be able to expect
empirical evidence that the examinations actually measure those abilities, areas of
knowledge, skills, and attributes that comprise competence in the translational
professions. It must also be shown that the assessment methods can be graded
reliably and impartially across language pairs, iterations, raters, and exam years.
To this end, discussions of authorization must go beyond examinations, as valid and
reliable accreditation is more properly discussed in terms of certification schemes,
which Koby and Melby describe as the certification test taken into account “along
with the procedures used to create new versions of the examination and to grade the
examination” (Koby / Melby 2013: 176). It includes considerations such as data
keeping, item testing, security, administration protocols, and rater training. It implies
the necessity of psychometric norming, the examination of individual test items, the
keeping of statistics, and a commitment to fairness and uniformity.
As a counterpoint to systems in which performance-based exams represent the only
gateway to authorization to practice as an LIT, such as is the case for court inter-
preters in the United States, competency-based training and testing programs and
university accreditation have the potential to account for knowledge, skills and abil-
ities that performance-based exams do not, compounding the compelling case for the
benefits of multiple paths to authorization. Specifically, competency-based paths of
study, either in the university or in a vocational setting, are designed specifically to
offer the opportunity for students to receive ongoing, formative feedback while at
232
the same time endowing educators with the potential to evaluate their students in a
variety of areas of competency over a sustained period of time.
In addition to re-evaluating certain aspects of current testing and administration pro-
tocols in order to consider the testing principles of reliability and validity, Finland
might consider strengthening its commitment to collaboration between university
and vocational trainers and their partners in the work world. This could be done by
conducting a nationwide job task analysis, a process in which survey-based inquiry
and / or focus groups are used to gather data from TI practitioners and TI employers
regarding the real attitudinal and practical areas of competency that are used on the
job every day in Finnish legal contexts. Indeed, a job task analysis can (and should)
be used to establish examination validity, as vigorously argued by Kolby and Melby.
In their 2013 study comparing the job task analysis results of the American
Translators Association, which carried out the study as a part of a comprehensive
review of its translator certification program alongside the competences identified
by the European Master’s in Translation project Expert Group (EMT Expert Group
2009), the authors found “remarkable congruity” between ATA and EMT compe-
tencies (Koby / Melby 2013: 200). One was informed by practitioners, the other by
academic experts, but the input of both groups is considered invaluable. The validity
of a certification program should be established through such a comprehensive
survey of knowledge, skills and abilities, and these should constitute the compe-
tencies measured by a certification scheme (Koby / Melby 2013: 207). Similarly,
Finland’s direct outreach from academia to practicing professionals, in the form of
integrated learning programs, holds great promise for exportability.
A final reflection on Finland’s current and emerging authorization systems must ac-
knowledge the indisputable value of the effort that is made to offer access to inter-
preters of languages of lesser diffusion and to non-degree holders. In our globalized
world, competent LITs in all too many of the language pairs required by legal and
community interpreters are simply not available. Universities that train legal transla-
tors and interpreters continue to offer coursework almost exclusively in the more
common European languages. Erik Hertog encapsulates the limits of a university
path of studies as an authorization mechanism when he observes that, although
233
Melissa Wallace
[…] academic programmes have clear advantages, such as the possibility of selecting stu-
dents (on the basis of degrees or previous education), staff expertise, appropriate infra-
structure, a certain thoroughness and depth of learning, a grounding in supporting and related
subjects. And importantly, they lead to recognised certification and accreditation. On the
other hand, these institutions by necessity can offer only a limited range of languages, there
is the risk of a lack of specific LIT competences in a broader curriculum and the academic
staff may not always possess the necessary practical experience; the selection of students is
based on official qualifications rather than background, or experience, or indeed on the needs
of the country or region […] (Hertog 2015: 93).
As we have seen, vocational training centers are filling the gap to provide access to
rigorous training to non-degree holders and speakers of vital languages for which no
university path of studies is available.
What is clear is that no certification system is perfect. Nonetheless, it has been en-
lightening to learn from the change-makers in Finland – people at universities, pro-
fessional associations, trade unions, adult education centers, practitioners, and stu-
dents. The commitment and the depth to which language access problems are evalu-
ated and systematically solved, with input from so many stakeholders, constitutes an
important lesson in civic engagement and social commitment.
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Gerhard EDELMANN (Wien)
Qualitätssicherung von Übersetzungsleistungen durch

Integrierung des Fachwissens in die Ausbildung
Abstract
The right to interpretation and translation in legal proceedings is a fundamental right laid down in
the European Convention on Human Rights, in national Constitutions and in the rules of Procedure.
However, these legal texts consider merely the formal aspects. In this contribution I shall discuss
quality assurance of translation through measures adopted in the education of legal translators.
Legal expertise is an indispensable prerequisite for the translation of legal texts. By means of
concrete examples I will show that without a profound knowledge of legal methods it is impossible
to correctly translate even fundamental legal terms. Although the necessity of imparting legal
knowledge in the education of legal translators to a greater extent has been claimed repeatedly, the
curricula do not follow this approach. Translatological literature claims for the education of legal
translators to lay a strong emphasis on imparting legal knowledge across different legal systems
and their comparison and encourages the development of a separate legal translation curriculum
apart from other special translation modules. In my contribution I shall discuss practical approaches
based on already existing initiatives for solving this problem and present my own ideas on
developing an efficient education of legal translators that will be appropriate to assure the legal
equality before law courts and authorities through the intermediation of interpreters and translators,
which is required by law.
Keywords: Quality assurance, right to interpretation and translation, training, specialised trans-
lation expertise
1. Einleitung
Es besteht Einigkeit darüber, dass das Recht auf Beistellung eines Übersetzers und
Dolmetschers vor Gericht ein Grundrecht darstellt. In diesem Beitrag befasse ich
mich damit, wie die Qualität dieser Leistungen in der Ausbildung von Übersetzern
und Dolmetschern gewährleistet werden kann.
Ich beginne mit einer überblicksmäßigen Darstellung der Tätigkeiten der Übersetzer
und Dolmetscher vor Gericht und versuche, unter Hinweis auf konkrete Beispiele
Gerhard Edelmann
aus der Praxis ein Anforderungsprofil zu erstellen, das eine professionelle Erfüllung
der Aufgaben gewährleistet. Dabei ist es wichtig, die Unterschiede zwischen Über-
setzen und Dolmetschen zu beachten. Schließlich stelle ich Überlegungen an, wie
die Forderung nach Sicherung einer ausreichenden Qualität in der Ausbildung ver-
wirklicht werden kann.
2. Recht auf Beistellung von Dolmetschern und Übersetzern
Das Recht auf Beistellung von Übersetzern und Dolmetschern für Personen, denen
die Sprache des Gerichtes nicht geläufig ist, ist ein Grundrecht, das unter anderem in
der Menschenrechtskonvention, im Europarecht sowie in den nationalen Verfassun-
gen und Verfahrensgesetzen verankert ist.
Für den europäischen Bereich sind die Richtlinien 2010/64/EU über das Recht auf
Dolmetschleistungen und Übersetzungen in Strafverfahren (EU 2010) und 2012/
13/EU über das Recht auf Belehrung und Unterrichtung in Strafverfahren (EU 2012)
zu erwähnen. Die EU-Mitgliedstaaten müssen sicherstellen, dass die Qualität der
Dolmetschleistungen und Übersetzungen im Strafverfahren ausreichend ist, damit
verdächtigte oder beschuldigte Personen wissen, was ihnen zur Last gelegt wird, und
imstande sind, ihre Verteidigungsrechte wahrzunehmen. Zu diesem Zweck sollten
EU-Mitgliedstaaten konkrete Maßnahmen ergreifen und vor allem ein oder mehrere
Register mit unabhängigen Übersetzern und Dolmetschern einrichten, die angemes-
sen qualifiziert sind. Die Richtlinien behandeln jedoch eher formale Aspekte. Es wird
zwar gefordert, dass die Mitgliedstaaten konkrete Maßnahmen ergreifen sollen, um
die Qualität von Dolmetschleistungen und Übersetzungen sicherzustellen, aber
nichts darüber ausgesagt, was unter angemessener Qualifikation zu verstehen ist und
wie diese zu erreichen ist.
Die Zulassungsvoraussetzungen für die Eintragung als Gerichtsdolmetscher und
-übersetzer sind in den europäischen Staaten sehr unterschiedlich geregelt. In Ös-
terreich zum Beispiel müssen Bewerber eine Berufserfahrung als Dolmetscher und
242
Qualitätssicherung durch Integrierung des Fachwissens in die Ausbildung
Übersetzer nachweisen. Für Absolventen der Studienrichtung „Übersetzer- und Dol-

metscherausbildung“ ist ein Nachweis über eine zweijährige Berufstätigkeit als
Übersetzer und Dolmetscher, für alle anderen Bewerber ein Nachweis über eine
fünfjährige Berufstätigkeit als Übersetzer und Dolmetscher erforderlich. Zum Be-
weis der Eignung ist eine Prüfung vor einer Kommission abzulegen, die die fachliche
Eignung der Eintragungsbewerber beurteilt. (ÖVGD.)
3. Frage der Qualität
Wie ausgeführt, findet man in den zitierten Richtlinien keine Aussage darüber, was
unter angemessener Qualifikation von Dolmetsch- und Übersetzungsleistungen vor
Gericht zu verstehen ist und wie die Qualität dieser Leistungen gesichert werden
kann.
Die Neue Richtervereinigung (NRV), ein Interessenverband von Richtern und
Staatsanwälten in Deutschland, wies in ihrer Stellungnahme zur Umsetzung der
Richtlinien in Deutschland darauf hin, dass die Qualität der bei Gericht und Polizei
tätigen beeidigten Dolmetscher und Übersetzer „nicht durchgehend akzeptabel“ sei,
und regte an, das Qualitätserfordernis in einem Bundesgesetz als Anforderung zu
definieren. (Neue Richtervereinigung 2014) Ich bin als Lektor am Zentrum für
Translationswissenschaft der Universität Wien mit dem Schwerpunkt Rechtsüber-
setzen Spanisch/Deutsch und als Sprachprüfer bei der Zertifizierungskommission
des OLG Wien sehr eng mit Fragen der Übersetzerausbildung befasst. Aus meiner
Erfahrung kann ich sagen, dass die Ausbildung für Rechtsübersetzer nicht optimal
ist.
4. Aufgabenprofil
Die Aufgaben der beeideten Dolmetscher sind vielschichtig. Kadrić (2009: 216)
nennt folgende Teilbereiche der translatorischen Tätigkeit:
243
Gerhard Edelmann
Dolmetschen in die und aus der Fremdsprache bzw. Gerichtssprache in der Gerichtsverhand-
lung;
Vom-Blatt-Dolmetschen in der Verhandlung;
Sachverständige Stellungnahmen zu bestimmten kulturbezogenen Sachverhalten;
Anfertigung von Übersetzungen im gerichtlichen Auftrag, die verschiedene Textsorten um-
fassen können, z. B. Gutachten aus medizinischen, verkehrstechnischen, steuerrechtlichen
und ähnlichen Fachgebieten; des Weiteren Übersetzung von gerichtlichen Schriftstücken,
wie z. B. Anklageschriften, gerichtlichen Entscheidungen, verschiedenen Anfragen im Wege
der internationalen Rechtshilfe etc. sowohl aus der Gerichtssprache in die Fremdsprache als
auch vice versa;
Anfertigung von Übersetzungen außerhalb des gerichtlichen Auftrags, die ebenfalls verschie-
dene Textsorten umfassen können: Übersetzung verschiedener Dokumente, wie z.B. Verträ-
ge, Diplome, Zeugnisse, verschiedene Bescheinigungen, Ausweise etc.
Die Autorin (Kadrić 2009: 18) führte eine empirische Studie zur Frage, wie Richter
beeidete Dolmetscher sehen, durch, in deren Rahmen sie an Richter an allen Wiener
Bezirksgerichten (Gerichten erster Instanz) Fragebögen verteilte. Es wurden 208
Fragebögen verteilt, von denen 133 ausgefüllt zurückgestellt wurden, was einer
Rücklaufquote von 64 % entspricht. Zu beachten ist, dass sich die Befragung nur auf
die Erbringung von Dolmetschleistungen bezieht.
Nach den Ergebnissen dieser Studie sieht die Mehrzahl der Richter in den beeideten
Dolmetschern ein Hilfsorgan des Gerichtes (Kadrić 2009: 108); ihre vornehmliche
Aufgabe liege in der Kulturmittlung für die Fremdsprachigen (Kadrić 2009: 126) und
für das Gericht selbst (Kadrić 2009: 130). Die Frage nach den erforderlichen Kompe-
tenzen wurde dahingehend beantwortet, dass in erster Linie die Dolmetschkompe-
tenz, das Kulturverständnis und auch die Kenntnis des Gerichtsbetriebs wichtig
seien, während juristischen Grundkenntnissen keine besondere Bedeutung zugewie-
sen wurde (Kadrić 2009: 132). Erwähnt sei noch, dass 97 % der befragten Richter
erklärten, mit der Dolmetschpraxis bei Gericht sehr zufrieden und zufrieden zu sein
(Kadrić 2009: 139).
244
5. Übersetzen
5.1. Grundsätzliche Unterschiede Dolmetschen und Übersetzen
Wie oben ausgeführt wurde, umfasst die Tätigkeit der beeideten Übersetzer eine
breite Palette von Aufgaben, die man vor allem in Dolmetschen bei Gericht und
Übersetzen für das Gericht gliedern kann. Diese Tätigkeiten sind sehr verschieden
und fordern vor allem verschiedene Qualifikationen.
Dolmetschen wird sich in aller Regel auf faktische Fragen konzentrieren, die natür-
lich an die Sprach- und Kulturkenntnisse der Dolmetscher hohe Ansprüche stellen,
weil die zu dolmetschenden Sachverhalte sich auf eine Vielzahl von Lebenssitua-
tionen beziehen können. Die Art der Kommunikation ist dadurch gekennzeichnet,
dass der Richter und die gedolmetschte Person (z. B. Zeuge, Angeklagter) persönlich
anwesend sind und Fragen, Missverständnisse usw. sofort geklärt werden können.
Anders verhält es sich beim Übersetzen, wo es vor allem um Rechtsfragen, die oft
sehr kompliziert sind, geht, und wo in aller Regel die Handelnden nicht gemeinsam
persönlich anwesend und in vielen Fällen, wie z. B. bei Übersetzung eines Rechts-
hilfeersuchens für ein ausländisches Gericht, dem Übersetzer sogar unbekannt sind.
5.2. Praktische Beispiele

Die Texte, die beeidete Übersetzer für das Gericht zu übersetzen haben, sind sehr
kompliziert und verlangen hohes Fachwissen des Übersetzers. Ich möchte hier nicht
theoretisch die Probleme der Rechtsübersetzung darstellen, sondern versuchen, an
konkreten Beispielen aus der Praxis die mit dieser Art der Übersetzung verbundenen
Schwierigkeiten aufzuzeigen.
5.2.1. Beispiel Klage
Ich gehe vom Beispiel einer Klage aus, die der Masseverwalter im Konkurs einer
österreichischen Gesellschaft gegen die ausländische Muttergesellschaft einbrachte
245
Gerhard Edelmann
und im Wesentlichen vorbrachte, dass diese vom Konkurs der Tochter gewusst habe
und die von der Mutter an die Tochter gewährten Kredite und Darlehen Eigen-
kapitalcharakter haben. Bei Übersetzung dieser Klage für ein ausländisches Gericht
muss der Übersetzer auf sehr vielen Rechtsgebieten profunde Kenntnisse haben. Da
die Bilanzsituation der in Konkurs geratenen Gesellschaft eine wesentliche Rolle
spielt, müssen die Ausführungen über die Vermögens- und Ertragssituation termino-
logisch und sachlich korrekt übersetzt werden. Wenn die Tochtergesellschaft Anlei-
hen begeben hat, ist auch der Bereich des Kapitalmarktrechts für die Übersetzung
relevant. In meinem Beispiel verweist der Kläger häufig auf österreichisches Kon-
kursrecht, um seinen Standpunkt zu untermauern. Der Übersetzer muss daher die
Bestimmungen des österreichischen Konkursrechts unter Beachtung der Institutio-
nen und der Terminologie des Insolvenzrechts der Zielrechtsordnung und Zielspra-
che wiedergeben, damit der ausländische Rechtsanwender die Argumente des Klä-
gers richtig würdigen kann.
Der Anspruch des Klägers stützte sich auf das österreichische Eigenkapitalersatz-
Gesetz, das vorschreibt, dass ein Kredit, den ein Gesellschafter der Gesellschaft in
der Krise gewährt, Eigenkapital ersetzt, und eine Fülle von bank-, insolvenz- und
gesellschaftsrechtlichen Bestimmungen enthält, die der Übersetzer im Sinne der
Rechtsvergleichung mit ähnlichen Bestimmungen der Zielrechtsordnung verglei-
chen muss, um äquivalente Übersetzungen zu finden. Schließlich verwies der Kläger
zur Unterstützung seiner Argumentation auf österreichische Judikatur und Meinun-
gen in der Lehre, die dem ausländischen Rechtsanwender oft nicht geläufig sein wer-
den, weshalb der Übersetzer sie erklärend darstellen muss, was aber natürlich voraus-
setzt, dass er sich mit der Judikatur und Lehre sowohl der Ausgangsrechtsordnung
als auch der Zielrechtsordnung auseinandersetzt. Zusammenfassend kann man sa-
gen, dass der Übersetzer für die Übersetzung juristische Arbeit leisten muss, was
entsprechende Kenntnisse und Ausbildung voraussetzt.
246
5.2.2. Beispiel Drogenrecht

Einteilung der Stoffe
Die nationalen Gesetzgebungen auf dem Gebiet der Drogen haben ihren Ursprung
vor allem in internationalen Abkommen, von denen besonders die Einzige Sucht-
giftkonvention 1961 (Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961) und die Psycho-
tropenkonvention 1971 (Convention on Psychotropic Substances, 1971) der Verein-
ten Nationen zu nennen sind. Allerdings haben die einzelnen Staaten in der Folge
eigene Terminologien entwickelt, sodass in der Sprache der einzelnen Rechtsord-
nungen wesentliche Unterschiede bestehen (s. Abb. 1).
Spanien Deutschland Österreich Schweiz
drogas (tóxicas) Betäubungsmittel Suchtmittel -----------
estupefacientes ----------- Suchtgifte Betäubungsmittel
sustancias ----------- Psychotrope Stoffe Psychotrope Stoffe

psicotrópicas
----------- Nicht verkehrsfähige ----------- -----------

Betäubungsmittel
----------- Verkehrsfähige, aber ----------- -----------

nicht
verschreibungsfähige
Betäubungsmittel
----------- Verschreibungsfähige ----------- -----------

Betäubungsmittel
Abb. 1: Einteilung der Drogen in Spanien, Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz1
Der Übersetzer muss sich mit den Systemen in den einzelnen Ländern ausein-
andersetzen, um sachgerechte Übersetzungen dieser obersten Termini zu finden.
Schon der einfache und für die spanische Drogenterminologie richtige Satz La
1
Eigene Tabelle.
247
Gerhard Edelmann
metamfetamina es una sustancia psicotrópica bereitet Schwierigkeiten, weil die

Einordnung von Methamphetamin in den verschiedenen Rechtsordnungen auf Grund
der unterschiedlichen Systeme verschieden ist:
Deutschland: Verkehrsfähiges, aber nicht verschreibungsfähiges Betäubungs-
mittel
Österreich: Suchtgift (nicht psychotroper Stoff!!)
Schweiz: Gehört zu den Kontrollierten Substanzen
Spanien: Sustancia psicotrópica (psychotroper Stoff)
Besonders interessant ist das Verhältnis der spanischen zur österreichischen Termi-
nologie, weil die beiden Systeme über weite Strecken identisch sind, aber in einigen
Fällen, wie in dem gezeigten Beispiel der Einordnung von Methamphetamin, doch
abweichen.
Inverkehrsetzen
Der Straftatbestand des österreichischen Suchtmittelgesetzes (Bundeskanzleramt
2015) bestimmt:
§ 28. (1) Wer vorschriftswidrig Suchtgift in einer die Grenzmenge (§ 28b) übersteigenden
Menge mit dem Vorsatz erwirbt, besitzt oder befördert, dass es in Verkehr gesetzt werde, ist
mit Freiheitsstrafe bis zu drei Jahren zu bestrafen.
Wenn etwa im Rahmen eines Rechtshilfeersuchens diese Vorschrift in die spanische

Sprache zu übersetzen ist, muss der Übersetzer zuerst die Bedeutung des Terminus
Inverkehrsetzen erforschen, was wichtig ist, da der Vorsatz darauf bezogen sein
muss. Im konkreten Fall muss er anhand der österreichischen Kommentarliteratur
klären, ob Inverkehrsetzen identisch mit Überlassen oder aber als Oberbegriff für
Anbieten, Verschaffen und Überlassen anzusehen ist (Litzka / Matzka / Zeder 2009:
169). Nach dieser Klärung auf Grundlage des österreichischen Rechts hat eine Un-
tersuchung des spanischen Rechts zu erfolgen, um zu klären, ob Inverkehrsetzen mit
den in vergleichbaren spanischen Strafbestimmungen verwendeten Termini propor-
cionar oder facilitar oder anderen Ausdrücken äquivalent ist.
Das bedeutet, dass der Übersetzer in juristischer Methodenlehre geschult sein muss,
und dies sogar für die Anwendung in mehreren Rechtsordnungen, er muss also
248
rechtsvergleichend tätig sein. Die Frage der richtigen Übersetzung ist deswegen so
wichtig, weil sich zur Verwirklichung des Tatbestands der Vorsatz eben auf dieses
Inverkehrsetzen beziehen muss. Eine falsche Übersetzung könnte fatale Folgen ha-
ben und sogar die Haftung des Übersetzers nach sich ziehen.
5.2.3. Rechnungslegung
Rücklagen vs. Rückstellungen im Russischen
Auf der Passivseite der Konsolidierten Bilanz 2015 der russischen Gesellschaft
Rostelekom sehen wir folgende Posten (s. Abb. 2) (Rostelekom 2015):
Капитал и обязательства
Капитал, причитающийся акционерам Группы
Акционерный капитал
Добавочный капитал
Собственные акции, выкупленные у акционеров
Нераспределенная прибыль и прочие резервы
Долгосрочные обязательства
Кредиты и займы
Обязательства по вознаграждениям сотрудникам
Отложенные налоговые обязательства
Кредиторская задолженность, резервы и начисленные расходы
Прочие долгосрочные обязательства
Краткосрочные обязательства
Кредиты и займы
Кредиторская задолженность, резервы и начисленные расходы
Обязательства по текущему налогу на прибыль
Прочие краткосрочные обязательства
Abb. 2: Passivseite der Konsolidierten Bilanz 2015 von Rostelekom

249
Gerhard Edelmann
Sowohl unter dem Kapital als auch unter den Langfristigen Verbindlichkeiten
scheint der Bilanzposten резервы auf. Es wäre ein grober und fataler Fehler, diesen
Terminus in beiden Fällen mit Rücklagen (Reserven) zu übersetzen. Rücklagen ge-
hören zum Eigenkapital, während Rückstellungen Fremdkapital und, vereinfacht
ausgedrückt, für zukünftige Ausgaben und zukünftige Mindereinnahmen zu bilden
sind. Der Übersetzer muss die Grundsätze des Bilanzrechts beherrschen und wissen,
dass es im Fremdkapital keine Rücklagen geben kann.
6. Forderung: Sachwissen in der Ausbildung
Die im letzten Kapitel dargestellten Anforderungen an das rechtliche Sachwissen le-

gen nahe, dass dieses schon in der Übersetzerausbildung vermittelt werden muss.
Diese Forderung kann auch mit anderen Argumenten begründet werden, die in der
Folge kurz dargestellt werden.
6.1. Übersetzungstheorie
Budin (2002: 84) verweist auf die Relevanz des Wissensmanagements für das
Fachübersetzen und fasst seine Überlegungen wie folgt zusammen:
Jedenfalls weicht das klassische Übersetzen immer mehr einem Tätigkeitskomplex, der zwar
auch Übersetzen im eigentlichen Sinn beinhaltet, meist aber andere Managementfähigkeiten
und unterschiedliche Wissensbereiche miteinander kombiniert.
Die für das Fachübersetzen wesentlichen Wissensarten sind laut Budin (2002: 74 ff.)
neben dem Sprach- und Kommunikationswissen, dem Terminologiewissen, dem
translatorischen Methodenwissen, dem Referenz- bzw. Informationsverwaltungs-
und -organisationswissen und Managementwissen, dem medientechnischen Wissen
und dem sozialen und interkulturellen Handlungswissen vor allem auch das fachge-
bietsspezifische Sachwissen.
Stolze (2013: 21) führt in ihrer Darstellung des Fachübersetzens aus:
250
Da die Spezialisierung in allen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen, in den Bereichen der Wirtschaft,

des Rechts, des Sozialwesens und aller ingenieurwissenschaftlichen Bereiche immer mehr
voranschreitet, ist man einerseits gezwungen, überhaupt Sachwissen zu erwerben und an-
dererseits sich auf bestimmte Bereiche zu spezialisieren. Ohne Fachwissen ist es unmöglich,
einen Fachtext zu verstehen.
6.2. Koordinierungsausschuss (KA)

Der Koordinierungsausschuss „Praxis und Lehre“ des Bundesverbandes der Über-
setzer und Dolmetscher stellte schon vor mehreren Jahrzehnten fest, dass fachge-
rechtes Übersetzen und Dolmetschen ohne fundierte Sachkenntnisse nicht möglich
sei und jeder Dolmetscher und Übersetzer schon während seiner Ausbildung entspre-
chende Kenntnisse erwerben müsse, und empfahl, einen Studiengang vorzusehen, in
welchem das Sachfach ein eigenständiges Gewicht erhält. Dieses Sachfach solle
durch Fachleute des entsprechenden Gebietes gelehrt werden. Es solle sich dabei um
ein nicht-translatorisches Fach handeln, das im Nebenstudium studiert werde und
nicht notwendig mit dem translatorischen Studium verknüpft sei (Schmitt 2005: 17).
6.3. Rechtsübersetzung und Rechtswissen Griebel

Griebel (2013: 398) berichtet, dass sie in ihrer Fachübersetzungsübung Recht am
FTSK in Germersheim feststellen musste, dass im Fach Recht „die Progression der
Studierenden nicht die erwünschte Steigerung aufweist“. In ihrer Arbeit Rechtsüber-
setzung und Rechtswissen untersucht sie die Rechtsübersetzung aus kognitionstrans-
latologischer Sicht und stellt Hypothesen auf, die sie empirisch untersucht. Die wich-
tigste und grundlegende Hypothese besagt, dass es den Studierenden in der Rechts-
übersetzung sowohl an deklarativem als auch an prozeduralem Wissen, das heißt, an
dem für die Rechtsübersetzung geeigneten Wissenserwerb (Griebel 2013: 248) man-
gelt. Die empirische Untersuchung bestätigt die Hypothese von einer sehr geringen
Progression im Kompetenzzuwachs, „die […] der im Studium angestrebten Kompe-
tenzentwicklung nicht entspricht“ (Griebel 2013: 395).
251
Gerhard Edelmann
Die Autorin kommt daher zu dem Schluss, dass es notwendig erscheint, den Schwer-
punkt bei Rechtsübersetzern verstärkt auf die Vermittlung rechtssystemüber-
greifender Inhalte und den Rechtsvergleich zu legen. Sie regt daher die Entwicklung
eines eigenen von anderen Fachübersetzungen sich unterscheidenden Translations-
curriculums an.
Griebel (2013: 402) zieht aus dem Ergebnis ihrer Untersuchungen folgendes Fazit:
Angesichts des umfassenden rechtstheoretischen, rechtssystemübergreifenden und rechtsver-
gleichenden Wissens, das der Rechtsübersetzer benötigt und möglichst bei seinem Berufs-
einstieg in seinen Grundzügen erworben haben sollte, erscheint es notwendig, den Schwer-
punkt bei Rechtsübersetzern verstärkt auf die Vermittlung rechtssystemübergreifender Inhal-
te und den Rechtsvergleich zu legen, an dem kein Weg vorbeiführt, wenn mehr als eine
Rechtskultur betroffen ist. […]
Eine Vermittlung dieser fachlichen, metatranslatorischen Inhalte innerhalb der Rechtsüber-

setzungsübung kann nur fragmentarisch und insgesamt unbefriedigend bleiben.
In meinen praktischen Beispielen habe ich versucht zu zeigen, dass fachgerechte

Übersetzungen anspruchsvoller juristischer Texte eben jenes rechtstheoretische und
rechtsvergleichende Wissen voraussetzen, von dem Griebel (2013) spricht. Des Wei-
teren führt die Autorin aus (Griebel 2013: 403):
Aus diesen Gründen und gestützt durch die in der empirischen Untersuchung herausgearbei-
teten Ergebnisse stellt sich somit die Frage, ob die Ausbildung zum juristischen Fachüber-
setzer insbesondere im Rahmen des MA-Studiengangs nicht der Entwicklung eines eigenen
von anderen Fachübersetzungen sich unterscheidenden Translationscurriculums bedarf, in
dem zusätzlich zu dem üblichen Sachfachunterricht, in dem bisher meist kulturell unmarkier-
tes Fachwissen vermittelt wird (Reinart 2009: 465) ein weiterer Schwerpunkt auf eine Ein-
führung in andere Rechtsordnungen sowie in die Grundlagen der Rechtsvergleichung gelegt
wird. Denn erst auf einer solchen juristisch fundierten Grundlage erscheint es möglich und
sinnvoll, die oben erwähnten didaktisch-konzeptuellen Ideen für den Translationsunterricht
in der Rechtsübersetzungsübung erfolgreich umzusetzen.
7. Vorschläge für die Ausbildung
Leider tragen die Curricula der Universitäten der Forderung, der Vermittlung von
Fachwissen in der Ausbildung mehr Raum zu geben, im Allgemeinen nicht Rech-
nung.
252
7.1. Fachwissen ist nicht Recherchekompetenz oder

Retrievalkompetenz
Im Kompetenzprofil des europäischen Master-Studiengangs EMT (Europäischer
Master Übersetzen) wird das Fachwissen zwar erwähnt, aber, wie in der Praxis leider
üblich, mit der Recherchekompetenz gleichgesetzt (EMT 2009):
Unter den erforderlichen Kompetenzen wird neben der Dienstleistungskompetenz, der Tech-
nikkompetenz, der Recherchenkompetenz, der Interkulturellen Kompetenz und der Spra-
chenkompetenz auch die Fachkompetenz genannt. Allerdings wird diese wie folgt definiert:
In der Lage sein,
- die geeigneten Informationen zu beschaffen, um die fachlichen Aspekte eines Dokuments
zu erfassen (vgl. Retrievalkompetenz);
- eigene Kenntnisse auf Fachgebieten und in Anwendungsbereichen zu vertiefen (Beherr-
schung von Begriffssystemen, Argumentationsweisen, Präsentationsformen, kontrollierter
Sprache, Terminologie usw.) („lernen zu lernen“);
- die eigene Wissbegierde wach zu halten und das analytische Denken, sein Denken in Zu-
sammenhängen zu schulen.
Das ist natürlich viel zu wenig für die professionelle Übersetzung eines anspruchs-
vollen Rechtstextes. Es besteht die Gefahr, dass die unspezifische Ausbildung an den
Übersetzer- und Dolmetschausbildungsstätten nur mehr für eher unspezifische Über-
setzungen qualifiziert, die eher weniger nachgefragt werden, und Fachübersetzun-
gen, in meinem Fall Rechts- und Wirtschaftsübersetzungen von Juristen und Ökono-
men mit Sprachkenntnissen übernommen werden. Aus meiner Sicht sollte einem
derartigen Verdrängungswettbewerb mit konkreten Maßnahmen entgegengetreten
werden.
Griebel (2013: 406) schließt ihre Ausführungen mit folgenden Worten:
Ein rechtstranslatologisches Curriculum […] würde weit über die Anforderungen an ermäch-
tigte bzw. beeidigte Übersetzerinnen und Übersetzer hinausgehen und die angehenden
Rechtsübersetzer würden mit Selbstvertrauen und einem soliden Wissensfundament ihre
Berufslaufbahn als Rechtssprach- und Rechtskulturmittler beginnen werden können.
253
Gerhard Edelmann
7.2. Durchführung
Wie der Koordinierungsausschuss (s. o.) und Griebel (2013: 405) vorschlagen, müss-
te das Sachfach wohl in einem Modul außerhalb der translatologischen Curriculums
von Juristen einschlägiger Kenntnis des Rechts vermittelt werden.
Natürlich dürfen die organisatorischen und auch finanziellen Probleme für eine sol-
che Gestaltungsform nicht übersehen werden. Im Rahmen dieses Beitrags kann keine
konkrete Lösung für die beste Organisationsform gegeben werden, zumal diese von
den jeweiligen Gegebenheiten an den Ausbildungsstätten abhängt. So wäre zum Bei-
spiel aus der Sicht der Situation an der Universität Wien die Vermittlung des öster-
reichischen Rechts relativ leicht umsetzbar. Hier könnte man das bestehende Erwei-
terungscurriculum für Studierende nichtjuristischer Fachrichtungen an der Universi-
tät Wien heranziehen. Das Erweiterungscurriculum „Einführung in die Rechtswis-
senschaften“ dient dazu, Studierende anderer Studienrichtungen mit den Grundzügen
der Rechtswissenschaften vertraut zu machen. Dabei steht die Vermittlung der
Grundbegriffe der Rechtswissenschaften und der Kenntnis grundlegender Institutio-
nen der Rechtsordnung im Vordergrund. Ziel ist es, ein Verständnis für die Methodik
des juristischen Arbeitens zu erwerben. Das Erweiterungscurriculum besteht aus
einem Grundkurs und Ergänzungskursen. Die Teilnahme an den Ergänzungskursen
ist grundsätzlich erst nach positiver Absolvierung des Grundkurses möglich.
Es müssten in dieser Ausbildung auch die einzelnen ausländischen Rechte vermittelt
werden. Zu diesem Zweck wäre wohl eine Zusammenarbeit der Universitäten ziel-
führend. Vielleicht wäre eine derartige Zusammenarbeit auch im Rahmen des Eras-
mus-Systems möglich.
8. Schlussfolgerungen
Zur Beantwortung der Frage, wie die Qualität der Dolmetsch- und Übersetzungsleis-
tungen bei Gericht durch Maßnahmen in der Ausbildung gesichert werden kann, ist
vor allem die Unterschiedlichkeit der Dolmetsch- und der Übersetzungsleistungen
254
zu berücksichtigen. Während im Bereich des Dolmetschens die herkömmliche Aus-

bildung durchaus ausreichend erscheint, scheinen für das Übersetzen zusätzliche
Maßnahmen notwendig zu sein. In Theorie und Praxis besteht Einhelligkeit darüber,
dass Fachwissen ein unabdingbarer Teil des Fachübersetzens ist. Ich habe an prakti-
schen Beispielen gezeigt, dass ohne fundierte Rechtskenntnisse eine fachgerechte
Übersetzung von Rechtstexten nicht möglich ist. Leider tragen die meisten Curricula
dieser Einsicht nicht Rechnung. Ein Beispiel für viele ist das Kompetenzprofil des
europäischen Masterlehrgangs EMT, in dem das Fachwissen zwar erwähnt, aber, wie
in der Praxis leider üblich, mit der Recherchekompetenz gleichgestellt wird. Ich sehe
die Gefahr, dass die unspezifische Ausbildung an den Übersetzer- und Dolmetsch-
ausbildungsstätten nur mehr für eher unspezifische Übersetzungen qualifiziert, die
eher weniger nachgefragt werden, und Fachübersetzungen, in meinem Fall Rechts-
und Wirtschaftsübersetzungen, von Juristen und Ökonomen mit Sprachkenntnissen
übernommen werden. Aus meiner Sicht sollte einem derartigen Verdrängungswett-
bewerb mit konkreten Maßnahmen entgegengetreten werden.
Ein vielversprechender Ansatz fordert die Integrierung einer rechtlichen und wirt-
schaftlichen Fachausbildung in die Übersetzerausbildung. Griebel (2013) regt die
Entwicklung eines eigenen von anderen Fachübersetzungen sich unterscheidenden
Translationscurriculums an. Ich schließe mich dieser Forderung an und meine, dass
ein solches Curriculum in der Praxis durchaus im Rahmen der bestehenden Institu-
tionen verwirklicht werden könnte.
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257
Iwona JACEWICZ (Warschau)
Allen Menschen Recht getan, ist es wirklich eine Kunst, die

niemand kann? Rechtsübersetzer als Hüter und Verräter
der Kommunikations- und Rechtsgemeinschaften – eine
besondere Herausforderung für die Translationsdidaktik
im Zeitalter der Wissensrevolution
„Die Analphabeten des 21. Jahrhunderts werden nicht

diejenigen sein, die nicht lesen und schreiben, sondern
diejenigen, die nicht lernen, verlernen und wieder lernen
können.“ (Toffler 1982.)
Abstract
The paper discusses the special role played by the legal translator, who must be both a guardian
and a traitor. Legal translators in particular have a task twice as tough as translators of medical
or technical texts, because they need to change not only the communication community but also
both the language and legal community as part of their activities. In addition, they must also
compete with the phenomenon of the simultaneous orality and literacy of respective legal texts.
These topics, seen today as a major challenge by young translators, are discussed in this paper
in the context of rapid technological, economic and social development as well as in terms of
the new ways of thinking and attitudes of generations Y and Z to translation studies and to legal
translation in particular. The paper starts with underlining the new challenges for teaching legal
translation, with a particular focus on document translation as well as the information require-
ments and expectations of the source text and the target text recipients. Subsequently, by refer-
ence to contrastive translation text analysis, the paper discusses problems arising while trans-
lating legal texts (documents) in order to observe them in the context of the didactic imple-
mentation of the legal translation process. Finally, a didactic model for a technical translation
class is provided for discussion purposes. The model is divided into three phases, according to
the three stages of the translation process, and is discussed using the example of the practical
application of legal texts in the education process.
Keywords: translation teaching, legal text, legal translation, generation Y, generation Z
1. Einleitung
In diesem Beitrag wird auf eine besondere Rolle des Übersetzers der Rechtstexte
eingegangen, dem zugleich die Rolle eines Hüters und Verräters zufällt. Rechts-
Iwona Jacewicz
übersetzer haben nämlich eine doppelt so schwere Aufgabe zu bewältigen als

Übersetzer der medizinischen oder technischen Texte, da sie im Rahmen ihrer
Tätigkeit nicht nur die Kommunikationsgemeinschaft, sondern auch die Rechts-
gemeinschaft wechseln müssen. Darüber hinaus müssen sie sich auch mit dem
Phänomen der gleichzeitigen Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit entsprechender
Rechtstexte messen können. Auf die oben angeführten Themenbereiche, die heut-
zutage von den angehenden jungen Rechtsübersetzern als große Herausforderun-
gen gesehen werden, wird in diesem Beitrag im Zusammenhang sowohl mit der
durch die rasche technologische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Entwick-
lung hervorgerufene Wissensrevolution als auch der neuen Denkweise und Ein-
stellung der Generationen Y und Z zum Translationsstudium und insbesondere
zum Rechtsübersetzen eingegangen. Zunächst wird auf neue Herausforderungen
für die Translationsdidaktik des Rechtsübersetzens hingewiesen, insbesondere auf
die Urkundenübersetzung als auch auf Informationsvoraussetzungen und Erwar-
tungen der Ausgangstext- und Zieltextempfänger. Nachfolgend werden anhand
der kontrastiven translatorischen Textanalyse Probleme, die bei der Übersetzung
der Rechtstexte (Urkunden) entstehen, mit dem Ziel, sie im Rahmen der Didakti-
sierung des Rechtsübersetzungsprozesses zu beachten, besprochen. Abschließend
wird ein didaktisches Modell des Fachübersetzungsunterrichts zur Diskussion ge-
stellt, das in drei Phasen, entsprechend der drei Phasen des Übersetzungspro-
zesses, gegliedert ist, und am Beispiel der praktischen Anwendung der Rechts-
texte im didaktischen Prozess besprochen.
2. Rechtstexte im Fachübersetzungsunterricht und die

damit verbundenen Probleme
Rechtstexte, vor allem Urkunden, sind Texte, auf die alle professionellen Über-
setzer im Rahmen ihrer translatorischen Tätigkeit früher oder später stoßen wer-
den. Diese Aussage wird von der von Schmitt (1999: 10) in Deutschland durchge-
führten Studie bzgl. der Textsortenrelevanz in der Übersetzungspraxis bestätigt.
Da fiel den Rechtstexten aus dem Bereich „Gerichtssachen“ die dritte Stelle, nach
der Technik und Wirtschaft, zu. Deswegen wird im Rahmen des Fachüberset-
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Translationsdidaktik im Zeitalter der Wissensrevolution
zungsunterrichts in vielen Instituten in Europa1, die künftige Übersetzer und Dol-

metscher ausbilden, das Übersetzen verschiedener Textsorten aus dem Bereich
des Rechts angeboten. Im Institut für Fach- und Interkulturkommunikation der
Universität Warschau sind es u. a. Gerichtsurteile, Anklageschriften, Ladungen,
Vernehmungsprotokolle, Gutachten, Polizeiprotokolle und Vertragstexte. Die
Autorin bietet seit sieben Jahren für die Studierenden des letzten Studienjahres im
Masterstudiengang einen zweisemestrigen Kurs „Fachübersetzen: Rechtstexte –
Anklageschriften und Strafurteile“ an. Die langjährige Erfahrung hat gezeigt, dass
das Engagement der TeilnehmerInnen des Kurses jedes Jahr zurücknimmt, was
die Autorin dazu bewogen hat, dem Problem auf den Grund zu gehen und zu
versuchen, eine Lösung dafür zu finden.
In den Jahren 2009–2015 (mit zwei Pausen in den Jahren 2010 und 2014) haben
am oben erwähnten Kurs insgesamt 102 StudentInnen2 teilgenommen. Jedes Jahr
wurde unter den TeilnehmerInnen zum Abschluss des Kurses eine anonyme Um-
frage durchgeführt, mit dem Ziel festzustellen, wie die Einstellung der StudentIn-
nen zum Rechtsübersetzen nach dem Kurs ist.
Den ProbandInnen wurden zwei Fragen gestellt:
- Haben Sie es vor, in der Zukunft Rechtstexte zu übersetzen? Begründen Sie
bitte Ihre Meinung.
- Welche Hauptschwierigkeiten stellt das Übersetzen der Rechtstexte für Sie
dar?
Die erste Frage haben nur 14,7 % (15 Personen) der Befragten positiv beantwortet,
87 (85,3 %) haben es also nicht vor, sich in ihrer beruflichen Zukunft mit Rechts
1
Siehe z.B. Modulhandbuch am Fachbereich 06. Translations-, Sprach- und Kulturwissen-
schaft der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz (http://www.fb06.uni-mainz.de/studi
um/Dateien/Modulbeschreibungen-MAT.pdf), Curriculum für das Masterstudium Trans-
lation an der Universität Wien Zentrum für Translationswissenschaft (https://transvien
na.univie.ac.at/fileadmin/user_upload/z_translationswiss/Studium/Curricula/Curriculu
m_Masterstudium_Translation_2015.pdf), Studienprogramm im Institut für Fach- und
Interkulturkommunikation an der Universität Warschau (http://www.iksi.uw.edu.pl/sta
cjonarne-2.st).
2
An dem Kurs haben 2009: 12, 2011: 19, 2012: 16, 2013: 26 und 2015: 29 StudentInnen
teilgenommen.
261
Iwona Jacewicz
texten zu beschäftigen. Die Begründungen der Meinung3 der positiv eingestellten

ProbandInnen sahen wie folgt aus:
- Rechtstexte sind sehr interessant (26,6 %),
- Übersetzer von Rechtstexten bekommen viele Aufträge und werden gut be-
zahlt (20 %),
- Rechtstexte sind schwierig, aber logisch (13,3 %),
- in den Rechtstexten wiederholt sich vieles (13,3 %),
- ich habe es vor, in der Zukunft Rechtstexte zu übersetzen, muss jedoch noch
viel lernen und Erfahrung sammeln (6,6 %).
Die 87 Personen, die es in der Zukunft nicht vorhaben, sich mit den Rechtstexten
zu messen, haben ihre Meinung4 wie folgt begründet:
- ich habe kein Interesse an Rechtstexten (25,2 %),
- sie sind zu schwer für mich (20,6 %),
- mein Fachwissen in dem Bereich lässt viel zu wünschen übrig (14,9 %),
- Rechtstexte sind langweilig und ähneln einander zu sehr (8 %),
- Rechtstexte sind zu wichtig und ich zu unsicher (1,1 %).
Auf die zweite Frage5, die die Hauptschwierigkeiten beim Übersetzen der Rechts-
texte betraf, haben die ProbandInnen folgende Antworten geliefert6:
- Fachwissen (72,5 %),
- Terminologie (60,7 %),
- Rechtsvergleichung (57,8 %),
- unterschiedliche Fachbereiche (26,2 %),
- Satzkonstruktionen (25,4 %).
3
Alle Antworten waren spontan. Drei von den 15 positiv eingestellten StudentInnen haben
ihre Meinung nicht begründet.
4
Alle Antworten waren spontan. Sieben von den 87 negativ eingestellten StudentInnen
haben ihre Meinung nicht begründet.
5
Die zweite Frage war auch eine offene Frage.
6
Acht von den 102 ProbandInnen haben die Frage nicht beantwortet.
262
Die Auswertung der Umfrage und ihre Ergebnisse zeigen eine starke Verunsiche-
rung, Mängel an übersetzerischem Selbstvertrauen und beinahe sofortiges Ver-
zichten auf schwierigere Aufgaben der angehenden FachübersetzerInnen. Dies
wiederum zieht hinter sich die Frage, ob und wenn ja, inwieweit dies mit der
neuen Denkweise, mit der Wissensrevolution, die vor unseren Augen geschieht,
und mit der Einstellung der jungen Generationen zum Leben, Lernen und dem
Berufsleben zu tun hat.
3. Generation Y: wie sie denkt, wie sie lebt und wie sie
arbeitet
Zugegeben, Verallgemeinerungen sind schädlich und es ist nicht einfach, Mitglie-

der einer ganzen Generation über einen Kamm zu scheren, doch es lassen sich
sehr viele Gemeinsamkeiten feststellen, die ihre Bestätigung auch in der oben be-
sprochenen Umfrage gefunden haben.
Vertreter der Generation Y, anders Millennials oder Ypsiloner genannt, wurden
in den Jahren 1980–1994 geboren7. Die letzten Jahrgänge werden also die Univer-
sitäten in den Jahren 2018 und 2019 verlassen, die ältesten Ypsiloner sind heute
36 Jahre alt. Diese lange Zeitspanne lässt einige Schlüsse sowohl über diese Gene-
ration als solche als auch über ihre Einstellung zum Studium und dem späteren
Berufsleben ziehen.
Mitglieder der Generation Y werden für positiv eingestellte Idealisten, die gut im
Team arbeiten können, gehalten. Sich selber betrachten sie als sehr anspruchsvoll,
selbstbewusst und gut qualifiziert. Es ist die Generation des schnellen Aufstiegs
und ihre internationale Ausbildung hat dazu geführt, dass sie auch globalorien-
tiert, offener und toleranter als die älteren Generationen ist. Facebook, Twitter
und iPhone garantieren ihr die beste Vernetzung, weswegen sie sich ein langes
Sitzen am Schreibtisch nicht vorstellen kann. Sie betrachten so eine Arbeit als
einen reinen Zeitverlust. Sie, als diejenigen, die mit dem Internet aufgewachsen
und mit dem Smartphone immer online sind, können ihre Verpflichtungen überall
7
Die UmfrageteilnehmerInnen wurden in den Jahren 1989–1993 geboren.
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Iwona Jacewicz
und jede Zeit erledigen. Der unbegrenzte Zugang zu Informationen, zum Wissen
im Internet und die Überzeugung, dass sie sich in der digitalen Welt viel besser
orientieren als die älteren Generationen, hat dazu geführt, dass die Generation Y
von klein auf gewohnt ist, sich mit Autoritäten auf Augenhöhe auseinander-
zusetzen und kein Blatt vor den Mund zu nehmen, wenn ihr etwas unsinnig er-
scheint. (Vgl. Scholz 2014; Buchhorn / Werle 2011.)
Von den Universitäten hat die Generation Y ein kurzes praxisorientiertes und
selbstgestaltbares Studium, unbedingt mit Praktika und Auslandsaufenthalten er-
wartet. Die im Rahmen vom Bologna Prozess entwickelten Studienprogramme
wurden von ihr als Erfolgsformel ohne kritische Distanz akzeptiert. (Scholz 2014:
47) Die Generation Y bekam als erste die Möglichkeit, sich ihre Studienprog-
ramme selbst zusammenzustellen, frei entscheiden zu können, wann sie welche
Module/Kurse absolviert. Es führte sehr oft dazu, dass dabei die logische Konti-
nuität und die allmähliche Einführung in ein Thema verletzt wurden. Die Leh-
renden gingen nämlich davon aus, dass die selbstbewusste Generation Y selbst
am besten feststellen kann, was und wann (und ob überhaupt) sie lernen will.
Im erwachsenen Alter erfreut sich die Generation Y eines erfüllten Lebens, jedoch
neben der Arbeit. Die Prioritäten haben sich bei ihr – im Vergleich zu der Genera-
tion ihrer Eltern – verschoben: Karriere um jeden Preis ist für sie nichts wert. Vor
der Arbeit stehen definitiv Freizeit, Hobbys, Familie und Freunde. Wichtig bei
der Arbeit sind für sie eine angenehme Atmosphäre und flexible Arbeitszeiten.
Die Millennials arbeiten gerne im Team und lieber als Stellvertreter als als Chef.
Es ist die erste Generation, die im Wohlstand aufgewachsen ist und international
ausgebildet wurde. Eine Generation, die es von Geburt an gewohnt ist, im Mittel-
punkt zu stehen und in allen Belangen gefragt zu werden, was ihr besser gefallen
und was sie lieber tun würde. Es sind auch diejenigen, die von klein auf alles
ausprobieren konnten und dadurch sehr wählerisch sind, deswegen arbeiten sie
heute am liebsten an abwechslungsreichen, sinnvollen Projekten in kleinen
Teams. Und wenn so ein Projekt für sie nicht mehr interessant sein wird (unab-
hängig davon, wie gut sie daran verdienen werden), werden sie ihm möglichst
schnell den Rücken zuwenden und nach etwas Neuem suchen, da sie nicht von
der großen Karriere und dem großen Geld träumen. Ihr Ziel ist es, die Welt gleich
zu verändern. (Vgl. Weiguny 2012: 27.)
264
Die Arbeitgeber bezeichnen sie als die anspruchsvollste und selbstbewussteste

Generation aller Zeiten, die sowohl im geographischen als auch im fachlichen
Sinne mobil ist. Für die Ypsiloner ist es also kein Problem, die Studienrichtung
oder den Job zu wechseln, da sie an ihre Karriere drei konkrete Erwartungen ha-
ben, nämlich Perspektive, Abwechslung und eine ausgewogene Work-Life-Ba-
lance. Die Generation weiß genau, dass der Arbeitsmarkt heutzutage sehr instabil
ist und sie sucht die Stabilitätsfaktoren in der Familie und bei Freunden. Auf der
einen Seite sind die jungen Millennials sehr selbstbewusst, auf der anderen for-
dern sie jedoch viel Aufmerksamkeit, Fürsorge und Wertschätzung von ihren Kol-
legen und Chefs. Diese Lebenseinstellung erklärt, warum sie so gerne – gerade
bei schwierigen Projekten – in Teams arbeiten wollen. (Vgl. Rettig 2013.)
Die Generation Y verabschiedet sich langsam von den Universitäten, die letzten
Jahrgänge werden die Hochschulausbildung in zwei-drei Jahren beenden. Dank
ihr haben wir viel über die Jugend von morgen gelernt, was uns ermöglicht, uns
besser und bewusster auf den Vormarsch der nächsten Generation, der Generation
Z, vorzubereiten.
4. Generation Z: wie sie denkt, wie sie lebt und wie sie
studiert
Die ersten Mitglieder der Generation Z kamen 1995 auf die Welt und studieren
heute an unseren Universitäten im dritten bzw. vierten Studienjahr. Für diese
Generation, anders auch „Net Generation“ genannt, ist die virtuelle Welt eine
Selbstverständlichkeit, weil sie ihr die uneingeschränkte Mobilität und Kommu-
nikation garantiert. Die Vertreter der Generation Z sind hochgradig auf eigene
Ziele konzentriert, die – ähnlich wie im Falle der Generation Y – nicht unbedingt
mit dem Berufsleben verbunden sein müssen. Die beiden Generationen verbindet
auch Bindung nur zu interessanten Projekten, sie beide wissen ihre Zeit zu schät-
zen und werden dem, was ihnen nicht interessant scheint, nicht loyal sein. Darin
liegt eine große Gefahr für die Universitäten und für konkrete Studienrichtungen.
(Vgl. Scholz 2014: 20.)
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Iwona Jacewicz
Die Generation Z wird zugleich als Hoffnungsträger und Problemfall gesehen, sie
kennt sich nämlich am besten im Bereich der Neuen Medien aus und ist nicht
unbedingt bereit, ihr Wissen mit älteren Generationen zu teilen. Sie ist die erste
Generation, für die das Leben in zwei Welten von Geburt an selbstverständlich
ist. Zum ersten Mal ist es also in der Geschichte dazu gekommen, dass die jüngste
Generation den älteren Generationen etwas beibringen kann.
Was die Generation Z ansonsten noch auszeichnet, ist eine räumliche Unabhän-
gigkeit und eine fließende Verbindung von Berufs- und Privatleben. Diese Gene-
ration weiß ganz genau, was auf sie im Berufsleben zukommt, und deswegen ent-
wickelt sie schon heute eine sehr realistische Einstellung zu der Zukunft. (Scholz
2014: 33.)
Was für die Universitäten am wichtigsten zu sein scheint, ist die Tatsache, dass
die Generation Z – im Vergleich zu den anderen Generationen – als cleverer als
die Generation Y, jedoch als leichter zu beeinflussen als ältere Generationen, be-
zeichnet wird. Sie spürt keine emotionale Bindung oder Loyalität zu irgendwel-
chen Gruppierungen, die Universitäten inbegriffen, sie sucht nach Kurzzeit-
beziehungen, da das Leben für sie eine Ansammlung aus Lebensabschnittspart-
nerschaften aus unterschiedlichen Bereichen ist. Für sie ist es nicht mehr interes-
sant, an ein paar Fakultäten parallel zu studieren wie es im Falle der Generation
Y war. (Scholz 2014: 33.)
In Hinsicht darauf, dass die Mitglieder der Generation Z nicht loyal sind und Bin-
dung nur zu interessanten Projekten empfinden, sollten wir versuchen, möglichst
schnell entsprechende Lehrmethoden zu finden, die in der Ära der Wissensrevo-
lution auf ihr Interesse stoßen werden.
5. Wissensrevolution und ihr Einfluss auf die Didaktik
Von der digitalen Wissensrevolution wird seit Anfang der 90er Jahre gesprochen,
d. h., seitdem das Internet für viele zugänglich wurde. Wie jede Revolution hat
auch die sowohl Befürworter als auch Kritiker. Die Befürworter bezeichnen sie
als die größte Revolution seit der Erfindung der Schrift. Die Kritiker dagegen be-
266
trachten den Umbruch, den sie mit sich bringt, als Krise, da heutzutage Wissen-
schaftler, Forscher, Lehrer, wie alle Internetnutzer, an der wissenschaftlichen Dis-
kussion im Internet unbegrenzt teilnehmen. Dank dem allgegenwärtigen Internet-
zugang haben wir es mit der Informationsanarchie zu tun. Das Wissen ist heute
wilder und schwerer zu kontrollieren. Vertrauenswürdiges Wissen ist also schwe-
rer herauszufinden und verlangt von jedem Internetnutzer eine sehr kritische Ein-
stellung. Gerade diese Eigenschaft – die kritische Einstellung – ist für die jungen
Generationen keine Offensichtlichkeit und bringt viele Probleme mit sich, die ih-
rerseits eine Herausforderung für die Didaktik, also auch für die Translations-
didaktik, darstellt. (Vgl. Reuter 2013; Weinberger 2013; Gleick 2011.)
Viele betonen jedoch positive Seiten der Wissensrevolution. Dank ihr kann neues
Wissen sofort diskutiert und kommentiert werden, Wissenschaftler und Forscher
haben also sofort die Chance, gehört (gelesen) zu werden. Alles wird sofort ver-
linkt, was verursacht, dass neue Ideen viel schneller viel größeres Publikum als je
zuvor erreichen können und mit den Ideen der anderen konfrontiert werden. Die
Digitalisierung des Wissens machte uns alle zum Medium und führte dazu, dass
die Welt des Wissens keine Veranstaltung nur für Eliten ist, sondern ein Labor für
neue Ideen, in dem das Wissen demokratisiert wurde. (Vgl. Reuter 2013; Wein-
berger 2013.)
Einerseits hat die Wissensrevolution dank zeitgenössischen Strategien, Methoden
und Technologien die Bildung für Millionen auf der ganzen Welt personalisiert,
andererseits hat sie die Didaktiker vor die Frage gestellt: was soll eigentlich ge-
lehrt werden? Die Frage danach, wie dieses was vermittelt werden soll, wurde
auch noch nicht befriedigend beantwortet, sie scheint aber heutzutage besser ver-
standen zu sein. (Vgl. Floridi 2015: 114 f.) Zurückkehrend zu der Antwort auf die
Was-Frage muss bemerkt werden, dass sie von einer anderen Antwort abhängt,
und zwar: was soll die Bildung heutzutage leisten? Was soll sie bei der illoyalen,
leicht zu beeinflussenden Generation Z leisten? Insbesondere bei denen ihrer Mit-
glieder, die das Translationsstudium gewählt haben.
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Iwona Jacewicz
6. Rechtsübersetzen im Rahmen des Fachübersetzungs-

unterrichts: neue Herausforderungen
Die Vorbereitung auf die Zusammenarbeit mit den StudentInnen der Generation
Z, die online zur Welt kam und in einer – heute noch unbekannten neuen – Realität
arbeiten wird, verlangt von uns einer Überlegung, welchen Fähigkeiten der Vor-
zug gegeben werden sollte, um die Rechtsübersetzer von morgen darin zu unter-
richten.
Die StudentInnen, die an der von der Autorin durchgeführten Umfrage teilgenom-
men haben, waren in der Zukunft an der Übersetzung der Rechtstexte eher nicht
interessiert, weil sie, erstens, heutzutage in der Welt leben, wo alle das Recht auf
Nichtwissen haben. Junge Leute genieren sich heute kaum, wenn sie zugeben
müssen, dass etwas für sie unbekannt ist. Meistens lautet ihre Antwort auf die
Frage, warum es der Fall ist: „ich habe es im Internet nicht gefunden“. Zweitens
nimmt heute sehr stark das Phänomen des gemeinsamen Wissens zu, das Wissen
wird nämlich über soziale Medien geteilt und nicht mehr in traditionellen Quellen,
wie Lehrwerken oder Wörterbüchern gesucht. Es reicht aus, die StudentInnen zu
fragen, wo sie nach dem Äquivalent eines Terminus in der Fremdsprache gesucht
haben. Es finden sich garantiert viele, die sagen werden: „ich habe andere Über-
setzer im Internet konsultiert“. Natürlich ohne kritische Distanz. Drittens verstärkt
sich heute immer schneller der Effekt der Informationsüberflutung, was verur-
sacht, dass die Mitglieder der Generation Z sich verloren und unsicher fühlen und
nicht selten ganz einfach bei der Suche nach etwas aufgeben. (Vgl. Floridi 2015:
66.)
In dem Zusammenhang entsteht also die Frage: welche Ziele sollte sich der
Rechtsübersetzungsunterricht von morgen stellen, damit er die künftigen Fach-
übersetzer nicht abschreckt?
1. Er soll sich auf den Auf- und Ausbau der translatorischen Kompetenzen der
StudentInnen konzentrieren, indem er seine Hauptaufgabe in der Wissensvermitt-
lung sieht. Dem angehenden Fachübersetzer der Rechtstexte soll beigebracht wer-
den:
268
a) welche Bewusstseinsvorgänge während des Übersetzungsprozesses ablau-

fen,
b) welche Wissensarten er auf den einzelnen Etappen des Übersetzungs-pro-
zesses braucht,
c) wie er sein Wissen aktualisieren kann,
d) wie viel Zeit er für die Aneignung/Aktualisierung des Wissens braucht.
2. Der Rechtsübersetzungsunterricht soll den StudentInnen vor die Augen führen,
dass sie Hintergrundinformationen brauchen, bevor neue Informationen eine Be-
deutung bekommen und kritisch angeeignet werden können. Hintergrundinforma-
tionen und neue Informationen sollten auf eine durchdachte Art und Weise ver-
mittelt werden. In Hinsicht darauf sollte der konkrete Fachübersetzungsunterricht
(im idealsten Falle zwei Semester lang) nur einer konkreten Fachtextsorte gewid-
met werden, z. B. dem Strafurteil. Er sollte auch in drei Phasen/Etappen gegliedert
werden:
(Re)produktionsphase Terminologiewissen medientechnisches Wissen
(ZT)
fachsprachenspezifisches Wissen translatorisches Methodenwissen
(ZT)
Rechtswissen übersetzungsrelevante
(ZT) ZT-Analyse
Rechtswissen (AT) Rechtswissen (ZT)

Transferphase fachsprachenspezifisches fachsprachenspezifisches
Wissen (AT) Wissen (ZT)
Terminologiewissen (AT) Terminologiewissen (ZT)
medientechnisches Wissen
übersetzungsrelevante übersetzungsrelevante
AT-Analyse ZT-Analyse
Rechtswissen (AT) Terminologiewissen (AT)

Rezeptionsphase fachsprachenspezifisches Wissen (AT)
medientechnisches Wissen
übersetzungsrelevante
AT-Analyse
Abb. 1: Drei Phasen des Fachübersetzungsprozesses (vgl. Gerzymisch-Arbogast 1999: 9)
269
Iwona Jacewicz
Drei Phasen, die sich voneinander unterscheiden, in Hinsicht auf die Entscheidun-
gen des Fachübersetzers, die er auf seinen einzelnen Etappen trifft, und in Hin-
sicht auf Wissensarten, die er zur Lösung der übersetzerischen Probleme auf den
einzelnen Etappen benötigt.
So ist die Rezeptionsphase des Fachtextes mit dem Verstehen des Ausgangstextes
(AT) verbunden. Auf dieser Ebene wird der AT dem kritischen Verstehen unter-
zogen, indem der Übersetzer sein Wissen über ein ihm gut bekanntes Modell einer
konkreten Textsorte des AT mit dem vor ihm liegenden AT vergleicht. Dies
erfolgt im Rahmen der kontrastiven translatorischen Fachtextanalyse, indem sich
der Übersetzer zunächst Fragen nach den textexternen Faktoren stellt (Nord 2007:
41):
- wer übermittelt Textproduzent/Sender
- wozu Senderintention
- wem Textempfänger
- über welches Medium Medium/Kanal
- wo Ort
- wann Zeit
- warum Kommunikationsanlass
einen Text mit
- welcher Funktion Textfunktion
und dann nach den textinternen Faktoren:
- worüber Thematik
sagt er
- was Textinhalt
- (was nicht) Präsuppositionen
- in welcher Reihenfolge Textaufbau
- unter Einsatz welcher nonverbalen Elemente
- in welchen Worten Lexik
- in was für Sätzen Syntax
- in welchem Ton suprasegmentale Merkmale
- mit welcher Wirkung.
270
In der Transferphase soll sich der Fachübersetzer auf das kontrastive Wissen be-
rufen, d. h. auf das fachgebietsspezifische Sachwissen in der Zielkultur bezogen
auf die Ausgangskultur und das fachsprachenbezogene Wissen, d. h. Wissen über
eine konkrete Fachtextsorte. Auf dieser Ebene der Analyse kommt es zum Ver-
gleich der Ergebnisse der von dem Übersetzer durchgeführten übersetzungsrele-
vanten AT-Analyse mit dem ihm bekannten Modell einer entsprechenden Text-
sorte in der Zielkultur. Der Übersetzer führt also eine übersetzungsrelevante Ana-
lyse des ihm bekannten Modells eines entsprechenden Textes in der Zielkultur
durch und vergleicht die Ergebnisse. Von Bedeutung, insbesondere im Falle einer
Urkunde, sind die Unterschiede bezüglich der Makrostruktur des AT und ZT, da
hier das ausgangssprachliche Modell angewendet werden soll.
In der (Re)produktionsphase wird ein Zieltext (ZT) in der Zielsprache und -kultur
formuliert. Erst hier findet auch der Übergang von der kontrastiven Analyse zur
individuellen Ebene des ZT statt. Auf dieser Etappe benötigt der Fachübersetzer
sowohl fachsprachenspezifisches Wissen (Wissen um Texte), Terminologiewis-
sen (Wissen im Fach) und translatorisches Methodenwissen, wobei es wichtig
wäre, zu betonen, dass alle Arten des Wissens gleich wichtig sind.
3. Last, but not least soll dem Fachübersetzer der Rechtstexte, insbesondere der
Urkunden, klar gemacht werden, was für eine besondere Rolle ihm zukommt.
Ihm, dem Übersetzer, der zugleich die Rolle des Hüters und Verräters spielt.
Fragen, die mit der besonderen Rolle verbunden sind, lassen sich nicht allein in
Sprachproblemen erschöpfen. Sie sind nämlich mit der Tatsache verbunden, dass
die Urkunden an die geltende Rechtsordnung des betreffenden Landes gebunden
sind und ihre Übersetzung nur ein Hilfsmittel für den Juristen ist, um die Urkunde
zu verstehen, wobei ihre Gültigkeit an das Original gebunden ist. Die Übersetzung
allein findet also keine Anwendung in der Zielkultur.
Die besonderen Rollen des Hüters und Verräters werden im Folgenden, bezogen
auf die einzelnen Stufen des Modells der kontrastiven translatorischen Fachtext-
analyse (vgl. Abb. 1) besprochen. In dem Modell werden die sog. textexternen
und textinternen Faktoren unterschieden. (Nord 2007: 41.) Zu den textexternen
Faktoren gehören: der Textproduzent/-sender, die Senderintention, der/die Emp-
fänger, das Medium/der Kanal, der Ort, die Zeit, der Kommunikationsanlass und
die Textfunktion. Die textinternen Faktoren betreffen die Thematik des Textes,
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Iwona Jacewicz
den Textinhalt, die Präsuppositionen, den Textaufbau, die Lexik, die Syntax, den
Ton und die Wirkung des Textes.
Es bleibt also dem angehenden Fachübersetzer der Rechtstexte zu veranschau-
lichen, im Falle von welchen von den oben angeführten Analysefaktoren ihm die
Rolle des Hüters und bei welchem diejenige des Verräters zufällt.
a) Textproduzent/-sender des AT und seine Intention – ist in diesem Falle ein
Jurist8, dessen Entscheidungen an die geltende Rechtsordnung des betreffen-
den Landes gebunden sind. Dem Übersetzer kommt hier die Rolle des Hüters
zu, der sich dessen bewusst ist, dass die Gültigkeit des übersetzten Textes in
der Rechtsordnung des Ausgangstextes verbleibt.
b) Der/die Empfänger – der Empfänger des ZT ist ein Jurist aus einem anderen
Land, der nie den Eindruck verlieren darf, dass er es mit einem übersetzten
Text zu tun hat. Normalerweise geht es beim Übersetzungsprozess, z. B. der
literarischen Texte oder publizistischen Texte darum, den Empfänger ver-
gessen zu lassen, dass er es mit einer Übersetzung zu tun hat. Der Übersetzer
ist also in dem Falle ein Verräter des ZT-Empfängers, da seine Rolle darin
besteht, im ZT das Fremde sichtbar werden zu lassen.
c) Der Kommunikationsanlass – ein Jurist aus einem anderen Land benötigt die
Übersetzung einer Urkunde nur als ein Hilfsmittel, um sie zu verstehen, wo-
bei ihre Gültigkeit an das Original gebunden bleibt. Die Übersetzung findet
also keine Anwendung in der Rechtszielkultur. In dem Falle ist der Über-
setzer auch der Hüter des Fremden.
d) Der Textinhalt – er ist im Falle der Rechtstexte von großer Bedeutung, da es
in diesen Texten um Rechtsfragen geht. Der Übersetzer trägt eine besondere
Verantwortung, da sein Handeln Rechtsfolgen haben kann. Der Vollständig-
keit und vor allem der terminologischen Richtigkeit der Übersetzung wird
dementsprechend die größte Priorität zuerkannt. Die Rolle des Übersetzers
besteht hier darin, die ausgangskulturellen Besonderheiten zu verdeutlichen,
8
Zu den Empfängern der Rechtstexte gehören natürlich auch Laien, aber die Hauptemp-
fänger sind immer Juristen. Rechtstexte werden von Juristen an Juristen gesendet.
272
d. h. wiederum Hüter des Fremden zu bleiben. Aber zugleich auch das Ähn-
liche/Identische in den beiden Rechtsordnungen, die miteinander in Kontakt
treten, zu erkennen und entsprechend in der Terminologie der Zielsprache
wiederzugeben. Die Rolle könnte als diejenige des Verräters bezeichnet wer-
den, denn der Effekt des Fremden geht doch dabei verloren.
e) Die Präsuppositionen – das Übersetzungsproblem betrifft Rechtsinstitute als
solche, die von der Einmaligkeit jeder Rechtsordnung und der Individualität
des fremden Rechts zeugen. Der Übersetzer muss sich hier mit der Rechts-
vergleichung messen, einem der schwierigsten Probleme beim Übersetzen
der Rechtstexte. Seine Rolle ist diejenige des Hüters des Fremden auf der
einen Seite, auf der anderen Seite jedoch muss er dafür sorgen, dass der ZT-
Empfänger den ZT versteht, dass die Kommunikation gewährleistet wird.
Nicht selten behelfen sich die Übersetzer an der Stelle der sog. Anmerkungen
des Übersetzers, wo sie auf einem zusätzlichen Blatt Papier versuchen, das
Fremde mit dem Heimischen zu vergleichen und die Aufmerksamkeit des
ZT-Empfängers auf die Unterschiede zu lenken. Solcher Art Vorgehen sollte
als Verräter-Vorgehen bezeichnet werden.
f) Der Textaufbau – der AT, als Urkunde, soll möglichst genau optisch nach-
gebildet werden. Dem Übersetzer fällt also die Rolle des Hüters des Fremden
zu, und zugleich diejenige des Verräters der Erwartungen des ZT-Empfän-
gers – eines Juristen, der mit der gleichen Textsorte in seiner beruflichen
Praxis jeden Tag zu tun hat. Der Aufbau der Texte dieser Textsorte sieht
jedoch anders aus.
g) Die Lexik/die Terminologie – von dem Übersetzer wird erwartet, dass er
Wissen um die fachgebietsspezifische Terminologie und die spezifische
Sprachform einzelner Textsorten, in dem Falle der Urkunden, sowohl in der
AT- als auch in der ZT-Kultur besitzt. Darüber hinaus sollte er sich auch mit
der aktuellen Rechtsentwicklung (Rechtsterminologie) verschiedener Recht-
systeme auskennen. Zu beachten wären auch archaisierende Ausdruckswie-
sen der Juristen, die auf diese Art und Weise auch heutzutage, in der moder-
nen digitalisierten Welt, die Tradition des Rechts pflegen. Ähnlich wie im
Falle des Textinhalts fällt dem Übersetzer auch hier eine doppelte Rolle zu,
d. h. diejenige des Hüters und diejenige des Verräters, der sich bemüht, das
273
Iwona Jacewicz
Fremde sichtbar zu lassen, aber zugleich das Ähnliche/Identische entspre-

chend in der Terminologie der Zielsprache wiederzugeben. Nicht zu verges-
sen sind die sog. festen Formulierungen, wie z. B. X wird angeklagt…, auf
Polnisch oskarżam (‚ich klage an…‘), die doch immer in der Zielsprache
formuliert werden. Dem Übersetzer kommt wieder die Rolle des Verräters
dem Original gegenüber zu.
7. Fazit
Es wurde festgestellt, dass junge angehende Übersetzer kaum Interesse an der

Übersetzung der Rechtstexte finden und Angst vor ihr haben, was Anlass zur Be-
sorgnis darstellt. Deswegen wurde mit dem vorliegenden Beitrag das Ziel ver-
folgt, diesem Problem die Stirn zu bieten. Die ältesten Vertreter der Generation Z
studieren schon in den ersten Semestern an unseren Universitäten, in der nächsten
Zukunft werden wir sie auch beim Fachübersetzungsunterricht der Rechtstexte
willkommen heißen. Wir müssen uns möglichst schnell auf sie einstellen und sie
kennenlernen. In der heutigen Welt der immer stärker zunehmenden Informa-
tionsflut fühlen wir uns alle verloren und alleine gelassen, geschweige schon von
den Jugendlichen, die im Internet ausschließlich die Rolle der Nutzer und Konsu-
menten spielen. Damit sie im Rahmen der digitalisierten Informationsgesellschaft
die Rolle der Gestalter und Produzenten übernehmen können, müssen wir sie auf
eine durchdachte und geordnete Art und Weise mit dem Fachwissen versorgen.
Der Fachübersetzungsunterricht sollte also seine wichtigste Aufgabe darin sehen,
den StudentInnen ihre besondere und jeweils andere Rolle bezüglich einer konk-
reten Fachtextsorte zu veranschaulichen, um dadurch ihr selbstbewusstes transla-
torisches Handeln zu unterstützen. Dies kann nur dann gelingen, wenn im Rahmen
des Fachübersetzungsunterrichts
- der Lehr- und Lernprozess systematisiert wird (nach dem Prinzip der drei
Etappen des Übersetzungsprozesses und der in ihn eingebauten kontrastiven
translatorischen Fachtextanalyse),
- eine sinnvolle Kontrolle der Lernfortschritte eingeführt wird,
274
- das in Folge der durchgeführten Textanalyse gewonnene Wissen den einzel-

nen Etappen des Übersetzungsprozesses und -unterrichts richtig zugeordnet
wird,
- parallel mit dem Fachübersetzungsunterricht ein Kurs der entsprechenden
Fachterminologie eingeführt wird und
- wenigstens ein Semester einer konkreten Fachtextsorte, z. B. der Anklage-
schrift, gewidmet wird.
Buchhorn, Eva / Werle, Klaus (2011): Generation Y. Die Gewinner des Arbeits-
markts. http://www.spiegel.de/karriere/berufsstart/generation-y-die-gewinn
er-des-arbeitsmarkts-a-766883.html [15.06.2015].
Floridi, Luciano (2015): Die 4. Revolution. Wie die Infosphäre unser Leben ver-
ändert. Berlin: Suhrkamp.
Gerzymisch-Arbogast, Heidrun (1999): Fach-Text-Übersetzen. In: Buhl, Silke /
Gerzymisch-Arbogast, Heidrun [Hg.] (1999): Fach-Text-Übersetzen. Theo-
rie, Praxis, Didaktik mit ausgewählten Beiträgen des Saarbrücker Symposi-
ums 1996. St. Ingbert: Röhrig. 3–20.
Gleick, James (2011): The information. A history, a theory, a flood. New York:
Pantheon Books.
Nord, Christiane (2007): Textanalyse und Übersetzen. Theoretische Grundlagen,
Methode und didaktische Anwendung einer übersetzungsrelevanten Text-
analyse. Unv. Nachdruck der 3. Aufl. 1995. Heidelberg: Groos.
Rettig, Daniel (2013): Die Chefs von morgen. In: WirtschaftsWoche 16 (15.04.
2013), 82–86.
Reuter, Benjamin (2013): Interview mit David Weinberger, Lernen, wie Wissen
entsteht. In: WirtschaftsWoche 15 (8.4.2013), 96–97.
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Schmitt, Peter A. (1999): Marktsituation der Übersetzer. In: Snell-Hornby, Mary

/ Hönig, Hans G. / Kußmaul, Paul / Schmitt, Peter A. [Hg.] (1999): Hand-
buch Translation. 2. Aufl. Tübingen: Stauffenburg. 5–13.
Scholz, Christian (2014): Generation Z. Wie sie tickt, was sie verändert und wa-
rum sie uns alle ansteckt. Weinheim: Viley-VCH Verlag.
Toffler, Alvin (1982): Der Zukunftsschock. Strategien für die Welt von morgen.
München: Goldmann Verlag.
Weiguny, Bettina (2012): Generation Weichei. FAS (23.12.2012), 27.
Weinberger, David (2013): Too big to know: das Wissen neu denken, denn Fakten
sind keine Fakten mehr, die Experten sitzen überall, und die schlaueste Per-
son im Raum ist der Raum. Bern: Huber.
276
Agata DE LAFORCADE (Paris)
Rapprochement entre le monde juridique et linguistique à

travers une innovation pédagogique, l’exemple de la
« Communication juridique interculturelle »
Abstract
Since October 2014, ISIT has developed the training “Cross-culture legal communication”.
This project is supported by European Commission (Programme Erasmus+, Jean Monnet Mod-
ule). The aim of this pluridisciplinary and innovative training is to strengthen the links between
lawyers and linguists. This project was born after the adoption of the Directive 2010/64/UE of
the European Parliament and the Council of 20th October 2010 on the right to interpretation
and translation in criminal proceedings (UE 2010). This Directive was implemented in French
law by the act n° 2013-711 of 5th August 2013 on adaptation of Justice to the law of European
Union and the international commitments. The program “cross-cultural legal communication”
is designed to help lawyers to work in the international and multicultural environment and to
improve their collaboration with translators and interpreters. This training is also an opportunity
to progress in legal English and to attend innovative law classes. This pedagogical experience
supports a good comprehension and collaboration between the lawyers and the linguists.
Keywords: higher education, law schools, foreign languages, interculturality
1. Introduction
Il existe un lien étroit entre la langue et le droit ; chaque système de droit possède
son propre langage et certaines notions n’ont pas leur exact correspondant dans
un autre système. La nécessité de chercher un rapprochement entre le monde
juridique et linguistique est devenue une évidence suite à l’adoption de la
Directive 2010/64/UE du 20 octobre 2010 du Parlement européenne et du Conseil
relative au droit à l’interprétation et à la traduction dans le cadre des procédures
pénales (UE 2010).
Le quasi-monopole de l’Université en France pour former les futurs juristes ne
facilite pas toujours ce rapprochement. L’enseignement supérieur du droit est
souvent critiqué en France notamment pour son éloignement par rapport aux
besoins du marché de travail contemporain (Buchberger 2015b : 21, Millard
Agata de Laforcade
2007 : 344, Wickers 2012 : 13). Force est de constater que l’Université n’a pas,
toute seule, les moyens humains et matériels de mettre en œuvre l’ensemble des
formations de caractère juridique en France. Ainsi, la diversification des offres de
formation pour les juristes, dans des structures qui peuvent être d’ailleurs pu-
bliques ou privées, est devenue essentielle aujourd’hui (Aynes / Teyssie 2013 :
10, Jamin / Xifaras 2015 : 100).
Il est évident que l’un des moyens permettant d’obtenir le rapprochement entre le
monde juridique et le monde linguistique est l’enseignement supérieur et la forma-
tion continue des juristes, d’un côté, et des traducteurs et des interprètes, de l’autre
côté. L’ISIT, école parisienne d’enseignement supérieure œuvre dans ce sens
depuis longtemps. L’ISIT a été créé en 1957, pour répondre aux besoins dip-
lomatiques de la France en matière de traduction et interprétation au moment de
la création des communautés européennes. Aujourd’hui, l’école propose des
formations dans plus de 30 combinaisons linguistiques. Les formations s’ar-
ticulent autour du multilinguisme et de l’interculturalité notamment dans le
domaine du management, de la communication et du droit. L’objectif de cette
communication est de présenter la dernière initiative en date de l’ISIT qui a pour
finalité le rapprochement entre le monde juridique et linguistique. Il s’agit du
programme « Communication juridique interculturelle ». Avant de présenter le
contenu de ce programme (section 3), il me semble utile de revenir sur le contexte
de sa création (section 2).
2. Le contexte de la création du programme

« Communication juridique interculturelle »
Force est de constater que l’enseignement du droit en France présente des points
forts mais également des faiblesses (A) qui nécessitent une amélioration (B).
278
Présentation de la formation « Communication juridique interculturelle »
2.1. Les imperfections dans « l’enseignement classique » du

droit en France
La discussion sur les forces et faiblesses des méthodes françaises d’enseignement

du droit est rarement abordée de façon officielle (Buchberger 2015a : 20, Lasserre
2013 : 26, Jamin 2012). Cette absence de publicité des réflexions sur l’enseigne-
ment du droit est regrettable. D’autant plus qu’il faut constater que les méthodes
d’enseignement du droit ont peu évolué ces dernières années à l’Université. Ainsi,
il est possible d’identifier plusieurs points faibles de « l’enseignement classique »
du droit en France : langues, mises en situations pratiques, nouvelles technologies.
2.1.1. Les langues à l’université

La majorité des professionnels du droit formés en France ont suivi un « parcours
classique » s’articulant autour d’études des différents domaines du droit français
avec quelques éléments du droit européen et international. Cependant, aujour-
d’hui, il est essentiel que tous les étudiants de droit puissent au cours de leurs
études approfondir leurs connaissances en langues étrangères pour pouvoir
ensuite travailler dans les différentes langues. Or, l’enseignement de langues
étrangères à l’Université reste insuffisant. Dans la plupart de cas, il s’agit des
travaux dirigés de langue, parfois facultatif et avec des effectifs très importants.
Certes ces dernières années, l’Université a développé les doubles formations
conduites en partenariat avec une Université étrangère permettant aux étudiants
d’acquérir la maitrise d’une langue étrangère et d’un droit étranger, mais ces
formations sélectives concernent un petit pourcentage des étudiants en droit. Dans
ce contexte, il est très utile pour les juristes travaillant dans l’environnement
international et pour les étudiants en droit de compléter leur formation initiale/
classique par des programmes centrés sur la problématique linguistique et inter-
culturelle.
2.1.2. Les mises en situations pratiques

Les étudiants français à l’Université suivent des cours magistraux dans les
amphithéâtres (où ils sont souvent plusieurs centaines dans les universités pari-
siennes) et des travaux dirigés (au cours desquels, les étudiants réunis dans plus
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Agata de Laforcade
petits groupes peuvent approfondir les questions vues en cours et s’entrainer à la

méthodologie de dissertation, de commentaire d’arrêt et de cas pratiques). Ce
système permet aux étudiants de bien maîtriser la méthodologie des exercices
enseignées, il les forme notamment à apprendre à analyser la jurisprudence et à
pouvoir structurer leurs idées (le fameux plan en deux parties). Cependant, il est
souvent reproché aux universitaires, que cet enseignement est trop théorique et
finalement peu adapté aux besoins des praticiens. Bien qu’il faille constater que
la pratique ne s’enseigne pas mais qu’elle s’apprend par l’expérience, il faut aussi
admettre qu’un effort plus important vers une confrontation avec les praticiens et
la pratique du droit au cours des études est souhaitable. Une telle approche
pourrait préparer mieux les futures juristes aux enjeux de la vie professionnelle et
faciliter leur insertion professionnelle.
2.1.3. Les nouvelles technologies

L’arrivée des nouvelles technologies doit nécessairement conduire à une certaine
remise en cause de la façon d’enseigner le droit. Bien évidemment, l’enseigne-
ment en présentiel conserve des atouts indiscutables notamment pour les langues
mais également dans le domaine du droit. Il reste que les nouvelles technologies
devraient stimuler la réflexion sur la façon d’enseigner. Il est regrettable que de
nombreux enseignants en France regardent avec méfiance l’arrivée des nouvelles
technologies. On peut invoquer la crainte que le e-learning impliquerait la dis-
parition de la relation pédagogique et provoquerait le vidage des amphithéâtres.
Les enseignants refusant souvent de voir dans les nouvelles technologies autre
chose qu’un gadget pas très utile et le recours aux nouvelles technologies à
l’Université reste compliqué (par exemple l’utilisation du Powerpoint). Quelles
sont les solutions qu’on peut proposer face à ces critiques ?
2.2. Les pistes d’amélioration de « l’enseignent classique » du

droit
La réflexion sur l’amélioration et la modernisation de l’enseignement classique

du droit devrait être menée. Plusieurs directions peuvent être suivies dans ce
280
contexte. En ce qui concerne le rapprochement entre le monde juridique et lin-

guistique, je voudrais invoquer deux pistes de réflexions – pluridisciplinarité et
innovation pédagogique – pour exposer ensuite comment l’ISIT s’efforce de
mettre en pratique ces idées.
2.2.1. La pluridisciplinarité
La loi n° 2013-660 du 22 juillet 2013 relative à l’enseignement supérieure et à la
recherche a imposé le principe de pluridisciplinarité dans l’enseignement
supérieure. Ce principe peut être une bonne réponse à l’hyperspécialisation des
étudiants. Il favorise l’amélioration de la formation, en permettant d’approfondir
ses connaissances à la lumière d’une autre discipline. La pluridisciplinarité permet
d’apprendre à traiter des situations complexes et de construire un savoir en
adéquation avec la société actuelle largement mondialisée (Lasserre 2013 : 24).
Pour les juristes, la pluridisciplinarité nécessite une véritable ouverture d’esprit
pour des disciplines plus éloignées du droit afin de comprendre ses enjeux. Les
Universités françaises ont mis en place ces dernières années les diplômes bi-
compétence couvrant un besoin spécifique, comme par exemple : droit-histoire,
droit-économie, droit-gestion ou encore droit et langues. Dans le cadre de ce
dernier exemple, la pluridisciplinarité permet d’enseigner aux juristes des langues
(et particulièrement pour l’ISIT la traduction juridique). Les étudiants pourront
ensuite utiliser les connaissances linguistiques acquises grâce à cette approche
pluridisciplinaire au service du droit. Aujourd’hui, il parait indispensable de
favoriser la diversification des formations juridiques en fonction de l’extrême
diversité des métiers et des professions juridiques.
2.2.2. L’innovation pédagogique

« L’enseignement classique » du droit doit se moderniser pour s’adapter aux
enjeux contemporains du monde professionnel. Dans ce contexte, les nouvelles
technologies peuvent avoir un aspect positif sur l’enseignement du droit. Elles
permettent le développement de l’enseignement à distance et elles offrent plus
grande accessibilité aux sources du droit et à leurs commentaires. Les nouvelles
technologies contribuent à modifier les manières d’enseigner en incitant les
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Agata de Laforcade
enseignants à nous interroger sur les méthodes classiques (cours magistraux et

travaux dirigés).
De même, les mises en situation réelles, les simulations professionnelles et des
activités ludiques stimulent l’intérêt des participants et permettent de diversifier
le parcours classique proposé actuellement. Elles donnent une réponse aux
critiques portant sur l’insuffisance des formations universitaires classiques du
point de vue professionnel. L’enseignement de droit classique devrait inclure la
réflexion tournée vers la résolution de véritables enjeux pratiques.
2.2.3. Les programmes de l’ISIT

L’un des axes d’enseignement de l’ISIT est son pôle juridique qui propose deux
programmes, à savoir : « Juriste-linguiste » et « Communication juridique inter-
culturelle ».
2.2.3.1. Juriste-Linguiste
Le programme Juriste-Linguiste est une double formation destinée aux étudiants
en droit. Dans ce contexte, l’ISIT a signé un partenariat avec l’Université Paris
Sud, Faculté Jean Monnet il y a quarante ans. En outre, un nouveau partenariat a
été signé en 2016 avec l’Université Panthéon-Assas, Paris 2. Ainsi, les étudiants
en droit à l’Université suivent également une formation linguistique et intercul-
turelle de caractère juridique à l’ISIT. Le programme permet d’obtenir un double
diplôme : Master Droit et Master Juriste-Linguiste. Il permet d’acquérir une
maitrise écrite et orale de deux langues étrangères, terminologie juridique com-
prise, il donne une très forte compétence en traduction juridique et enfin il élargit
le champ culturel des étudiants, notamment leur compétence interculturelle et
notions du droit comparé.
La formation juriste-linguiste, en pleine expansion suite à la signature du nouveau
partenariat, est actuellement suivie par environ 50 étudiants, qui ont réussi les
épreuves d’admission de l’ISIT ou qui ont pu entrer directement en bénéficiant de
la convention signée en 2016 avec l’Université Panthéon-Assas, Paris 2. Grâce à
ce programme, l’ISIT forme des juristes-linguistes étant capables de travailler
dans plusieurs langues, qui intègrent souvent des organisations internationales,
282
mais également des cabinets d’avocat internationaux et entreprises inter-

nationales.
2.2.3.2. « Communication Juridique Interculturelle »

Le programme « Communication juridique interculturelle » est une innovation
pédagogique, qui est une initiative beaucoup plus récente. Il se donne pour
objectif de favoriser la compréhension transversale et interculturelle des pro-
blèmes juridiques. Premièrement, le programme permet de confronter des étu-
diants et des professionnels du droit avec des professionnels exerçant des métiers
linguistiques, ce qui favorise la collaboration efficace entre eux. Deuxièmement,
la formation renforce les compétences linguistiques des juristes (des Français
travaillent en anglais) en utilisant des méthodes interactives.
Comme mentionné Supra, le certificat en « Communication juridique inter-
culturelle » a pour finalité de pallier des imperfections de la formation initiale.
Pour cette raison, il est proposé soit dans le cadre de la formation continue, soit
dans le cadre du programme complétant la formation dans l’école des avocats.
Pour être admis au programme, les candidats doivent envoyer leur CV et lettre de
motivation en anglais. Le jury d’admission se réserve la possibilité de les
convoquer pour un entretien ayant pour finalité de tester leurs motivations et leurs
capacités d’expression en langue anglaise. Le programme permet d’obtenir 60
crédits ECTS et le certificat de l’ISIT en « Communication juridique inter-
culturelle ». Il sera présenté de façon plus précise.
3. La mise en œuvre de l’innovation pédagogique à

travers le programme « Communication juridique
interculturelle »
Après avoir expliqué la genèse du programme « Communication juridique inter-

culturelle » (A), le contenu de ce programme sera exposé (B).
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3.1. La genèse du programme « Communication juridique

interculturelle »
Suite à l’adoption de la Directive 2010/64/UE du 20 octobre 2010 du Parlement

européen et Conseil relative au droit à l’interprétation et à la traduction dans le
cadre des procédures pénales (UE 2010), le législateur français en transposant
cette Directive dans la loi n° 2013-711 du 5 août 2013 portant diverses dis-
positions d’adaptation dans le domaine de la justice en application du droit de
l’Union européenne et des engagements internationaux de la France a consacré
officiellement le principe d’un droit à l’interprétation et d’un droit à la traduction
des pièces essentielles du dossier. Le législateur français a également édicté une
série de mesures pour assurer l’effectivité de ce droit à l’interprétation et à la
traduction dans le cadre des procédures pénales.
Pour concrétiser ces dispositions au niveau de l’enseignement supérieur et de la
formation continue, l’ISIT a signé un partenariat avec l’HEDAC. La Haute Ecole
des Avocats Conseil – école professionnelle qui représente quatre Barreaux de la
Cour dʼappel de Versailles et qui délivre le CAPA : certificat d’aptitude à la
profession d’avocat. Elle forme des futurs avocats. L’objectif de cette action a été
de mettre en place une formation à la « Communication juridique interculturelle »
à destination des élèves avocats. La finalité du programme est de faciliter
l’intégration des problématiques linguistiques et interculturelles dans l’exercice
de leur profession. Ainsi, cette action a pour objectif de contribuer au dévelop-
pement des profils juridiques opérant dans un contexte linguistique et culturel
mondialisé et de favoriser l’internationalisation des métiers du droit.
En 2014, l’ISIT a obtenu le soutien de la Commission européenne sous forme du
Module Jean Monnet (Programme Erasmus +) pour le développement du pro-
gramme la « Communication juridique interculturelle » sous forme de la
formation continue à destination des avocats, des juges et des juristes. Cette
formation, actuellement en cours de création, se fera en présentiel ou à distance.
La formation en présentiel se déroulera de façon semblable que la formation
suivie actuellement par les élèves avocats. La formation à distance, quant à elle,
se fera sur la base de la plateforme extranet interactive Moodle. Ainsi, le pro-
gramme implique le développement des outils pédagogiques digitaux innovants.
284
La plateforme actuellement en cours de création contient un matériel didactique

pour différents modules avec le contenu du cours (notamment en visio-
conférence), exercices et tests d’évaluations…
Ainsi, grâce au programme Jean Monnet la formation « Communication juridique
interculturelle » sera destinée non seulement aux jeunes diplômes en droit mais
également à des professionnels expérimentés qui éprouvent un besoin de renforcer
leur compétences linguistiques et interculturelles, ainsi que d’appréhender mieux
les enjeux des autres professionnels avec lesquels ils sont ou pourront être amenés
à travailler. Il convient d’examiner désormais le contenu du programme.
3.2. Le contenu du programme « Communication juridique

interculturelle »
Les participants suivent des différents modules permettant de compléter leur
formation initiale en droit.
3.2.1. Coopération avec les interprètes dans le cadre des juridictions

internationales
Ce module réunit des élèves avocats et avec des étudiants en interprétation de
l’ISIT. Il donne une approche multidisciplinaire de métier d’avocat et d’interprète.
Cette approche a pour finalité de favoriser la meilleure coopération des juristes
avec d’autres professionnels, en l’occurrence les interprètes et ainsi de mieux
appliquer la Directive de 2010. Il permet d’obtenir 4 crédits ECTS.
En travaillant avec les étudiants en interprétation, les juristes découvrent les
mécanismes et les spécificités du métier d’interprète juridique. Les participants
sont sensibilisés à la problématique de l’évaluation de la nécessité de l’inter-
prétation ; de la compréhension des critères de recrutement d’un interprète et d’un
traducteur dans les institutions internationales. Ils réfléchissent sur les questions
de la contribution au succès de la communication assistée d’un interprète. Ils se
familiarisent avec la déontologie de l’interprète et du traducteur. Ils assistent à
l’atelier de démonstration des techniques d’interprétation. Enfin, les élèves
avocats et les étudiants en interprétation font ensemble les exercices de simulation
de la communication assistée d’un interprète dans un contexte juridique (procès,
conférence…).
285
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Pour compléter ce module, les élèves avocats effectuent une visite d’étude à la
Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, où ils assistent à une audience devant la
Grande Chambre et ils rencontrent les professionnels travaillant à la Cour :
magistrats, greffiers et interprètes.
3.2.2. Approche de la traduction juridique

Le rapprochement avec le métier de traducteur se réalise dans le cadre du module
permettant aux juristes de mieux appréhender ce métier. Les participants obtien-
nent 8 crédits ECTS.
La traduction joue un important rôle dans la coopération judiciaire et plus
généralement dans les relations juridiques impliquant un élément d’extranéité. La
traduction juridique pose des difficultés particulières car le texte traduit comporte
souvent des termes chargés de références à la culture juridique de l’Etat d’origine,
mais ne trouve pas d’équivalent parfaitement exact dans la culture et dans la
langue juridique de l’Etat de destination (Monjean-Decaudin 2010).
L’objectif de ce cours n’est pas d’enseigner aux juristes les techniques de la tra-
duction juridique, mais de les inciter à travailler avec les traducteurs plutôt que de
traduire eux-mêmes, quel que soit leur niveau de langue. Ce module se donne
pour finalité de favoriser une bonne collaboration entre les deux professions, en
donnant des outils pour cette collaboration fructueuse et en démontrant la spéci-
ficité de la traduction juridique, et des méthodes de recherche terminologique
fiable.
3.2.3. Interculturalité
Les participants du programme « Communication juridique interculturelle » se
familiarisent avec la problématique d’interculturalité dans le cadre du module
« Fondamentaux d’interculturalité ». Ils travaillent sur la définition de la culture,
le processus d’acculturation, les principaux groupes culturels dans le monde, les
théories des différences culturelles, les moyens pratiques pour s’adapter à d’autres
cultures. Ce module permet d’obtenir 3 crédits ECTS.
Ils approfondissent cette problématique dans le cadre du cours portant sur la
« Communication interculturelle en droit des affaires », portant sur la pratique du
286
droit dans l’environnement multiculturel, spécialement dans les cabinets d’avocat

d’affaires internationaux.
3.2.4. Les cours de « caractère juridiques »

Les participants du programme « Communication juridique interculturelle
» suivent également des modules à « caractère juridique » : « Arbitrage inter-
national », « Droit pénal international », « Common law/civil law », « Prise de
parole professionnelle ». Ces cours cherchent à créer un lien plus fort entre la
théorie et la pratique. Les méthodes utilisées sont des mises en situation, par
exemple : l’arbitrage fictif, le scénario fictif impliquant une activité de conseil ;
présentations interactives. Les enseignements à caractère juridique pour les
professionnels français se déroulent en anglais. Ils permettent d’obtenir 15 crédits
ECTS.
3.2.5. Perfectionnement linguistique

Le perfectionnement de l’anglais juridique et de la terminologie juridique est une
étape essentielle pour favoriser une meilleure communication juridique inter-
culturelle. Il répond aux besoins actuels des juristes français. Dans le cadre du
programme « Communication juridique interculturelle », les élèves avocats
préparent et passent l’examen ILEC (International Legal English Certificat) et
obtiennent 4 crédits ECTS.
4. Conclusion
Comme la « formation classique » en droit n’est pas totalement satisfaisante,

notamment dans le contexte du rapprochement entre le monde juridique et
linguistique, il faut diversifier l’offre de formations juridiques. Le programme
« Communication juridique interculturelle » vise à promouvoir l’excellence dans
l’enseignement en proposant un programme innovant et en favorisant ce
rapprochement. Les témoignages des anciens participants montrent que objectifs
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posés au moment de la création du programme semblent être atteints 1. Pour

développer davantage cette approche et promouvoir le dialogue interprofession-
nel, il nous faut d’autres initiatives semblables.
Références
Aynes, Laurent / Teyssie, Bernard (2013) : La privatisation de l’enseignent du

droit. In : Revue de droit d’Assas 7, 10–13. https://www.u-paris2.fr/fr/rech
erche/revues-en-ligne/revue-de-droit-dassas/n-7-fevrier-2013 [15.6.2017].
Buchberger, Matthieu (2015a) : ‘Des idées pour l’université’ : introduction à la
rubrique. In : Revue de droit d’Assas 11, 20. https://www.u-paris2.fr/fr/reche
rche/revues-en-ligne/revue-de-droit-dassas/n-11-octobre-2015 [14.6.2017].
Buchberger, Matthieu (2015b) : Les nouvelles méthodes d’enseignement ‘pré-
sentiel’... quelques illustrations. In : Revue de droit d'Assas 11, 21–24.
https://www.u-paris2.fr/fr/recherche/revues-en-ligne/revue-de-droit-assas/
n-11-octobre-2015 [14.6.2017].
Jamin, Christophe (2012) : La cuisine du droit. LGDJ.
Jamin, Christophe / Xifaras, Mikhail (2015) : Retour sur la « critique intellec-
tuelle » des facultés de droit. In : JCP 4, doct. 100.
1
La réponse de Mohamad SOBH, promotion 2012 à la question « Que vous a apporté cette
formation » : « Non seulement des bases en droit anglais et en droit international, mais
également la possibilité de mettre des mots sur des situations que j’avais déjà pu vivre
lors de rencontres interculturelles. Les cours de traduction, de négociations et de présen-
tation en anglais m’ont également été utiles pour la pratique de la langue à l’écrit et à
l’oral. Autre atout : l’opportunité de travailler directement avec des interprètes de l’ISIT
et de mieux comprendre la relation interprète/avocat. Je serai amené à travailler avec des
interprètes, que ce soit pour un client en garde à vue, au sein de tribunaux internationaux
ou de juridictions européennes ».
La réponse à la même question de Sophie GABILLOT, promotion 2012 : « Elle [la
formation] m’a sensibilisé à certaines difficultés interculturelles auxquelles les avocats
sont confrontés. Le stage m’a conforté dans l’idée que la profession d’avocat prend un
jour nouveau quand elle s’exerce à l’international. Il m’a aussi permis de réaliser en
pratique quelles étaient les difficultés de ce qu’on nomme la « communication inter-
culturelle » et d’utiliser certaines clefs qui m’avaient été données lors de ma formation ».
288
Lasserre, Valérie (2013) : Du progrès et de la promotion des savoirs. L’Université

et l’enseignent du droit au XXIe siècle. In : Revue de droit d'Assas 8, 24.
Millard, Eric (2007) : Sur un argument d’analogie entre l’activité universitaire des
juristes et des médecins. In : Droits et libertés en question, Billets d’humeur
en l’honneur de Danièle Lochak. LGDJ, 344.
Monjean-Decaudin, Sylvie (2010) : La traduction du droit dans la procédure
judiciaire. Contribution à l’étude de la linguistique juridique. Thèse de
doctorat en Droit privé, Université de Paris Quest, en cotutelle avec
Universidad de Málaga.
UE (2010) = Union européenne : Directive 2010/64/UE du Parlement européen
et du Conseil du 20 octobre 2010 relative au droit à l’interprétation et à la
traduction dans le cadre des procédures pénales. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/
legal-content/FR/TXT/?qid=1499965589069&uri=CELEX%3A32010L00
64 [13.7.2017].
Wickers, Thierry (2012) : Remettre la faculté de droit au service de la profession
d’avocat. In : Gazette du Palais, 16 octobre 2012, 13.
289
Ingrid SIMONNÆS (Bergen)
Teaching legal translation: Didactic considerations – The

online course JurDist1
“Not only does [legal translation] require basic knowledge of the

respective legal systems, familiarity with the relevant terminol-
ogy and competence in the target language’s specific legal style
of writing, but also an extensive knowledge of the respective legal
topic in both source and target language” (Bhatia / Candlin /
Allori 2008: 17).
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to discuss some didactic considerations in teaching legal translation in
a country where almost no translation training programmes exist. The paper begins with a short
overview of some theoretical aspects of legal translation. Subsequently the paper deals with the
online course in teaching legal translation, JurDist, and describes some details and reasons for
its interdisciplinary approach. Since legal translation always has an impact as a means of guar-
anteeing equality under law, ‘access to justice’ is a relevant issue for discussion with regard to
implications for JurDist. Finally, the paper contains some concluding remarks on possible
necessary didactic changes to JurDist for 2017–2018.
Keywords: legal translation, translation competence, distance learning, ‘access to justice’
1. Introduction
Teaching basic knowledge of two legal systems and their language use to future
translators is considered an essential condition for facilitating ‘access to justice’.
It is here that a legal translator/interpreter intervenes. But where does (s)he acquire
the required translation competences?
I try to answer this question; first by discussing various theoretical aspects of legal
translation in general terms, and then by describing the online course JurDist, its
approach and intended outcome.
1
I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for helpful comments on a previous version
of this paper. Any remaining faults are, of course, solely my responsibility.
Ingrid Simonnæs
2. Theoretical aspects of legal translation – Challenges
2.1. Legal texts
Legal translation is a particular communicative activity in the legal domain. By

building on and adapting Lasswell’s communication model to legal translation,
the model’s questions become crucial. Its focus is on the sender (‘who’), the re-
cipient/addressee (‘to whom’), the content (‘what’), where (‘in which channel’),
and the aim of the communication act (‘with what effect’).2 Let us begin with the
question of where; here narrowed down to legal texts. Keeping in mind that clas-
sifications are always for particular purposes, there are different kinds of classi-
fication of legal text types. Well known is i.a. Šarčević’s classification in primary-
ly prescriptive, primarily descriptive but also prescriptive, and purely descriptive
legal texts (Šarčević 1997: 11). Other often cited classifications are e.g. Busse
(2000), Biel (2011)3, Cao (2013) and Prieto Ramos (2014)4, to name but a few.
Taking into account that this paper focuses on teaching legal translation, another
classification could be (1) genres5 that further the understanding of the law at stake
and (2) genres that are often translated in practice. One vital sub-genre among
these two categories are judicial decisions. At least in civil-law countries, particu-
lar legal rules are explicitly referred to in such texts6, which again might ease the
understanding of the topic at hand and consequently facilitate the translation after-
wards. In cross-border settings, the end user/recipient of a translation needs to
know all the details of the document exactly in order to be aware of the legal
implications of a foreign legal system (‘with what (legal) effect’).
2
Cf. already known since Hermagoras of Temnos (2nd century BC) as rhetorical advice
quis, quid, quando, ubi, cur, quem, ad modum quibus adminiculis (who, what, when,
where, why, in what way, by what means).
3
Cf. Biel (2011) on the selection of text types (op.cit.: 167) in a legal translation module
at MA level with authentic teaching material in Polish and English.
4
Prieto Ramos’ (2014: 265) reference to relevant text types for legal translation studies.
5
‘Genre’ and ‘text type’ are here used interchangeably.
6
See Orts Llopis (2016) who discusses the issue of references to sections of acts in Spanish
judgments as phenomenon of intertextuality.
292
Teaching legal translation: Didactic considerations – The online course JurDist
In such an interdisciplinary didactic approach, the insight into different legal sys-
tems provides a sound basis for the acquisition of ‘translation competence’. 7 In
various models (PACTE 2003, 2009; Pym 2003; Göpferich 2008, 2013; Hurtado
Albir (2015), and more specifically towards legal translation competence, Prieto
Ramos 2011 and 2015), this competence is seen as consisting of a number of sub-
competences (with different designations), but all with a particular focus on the
strategic competence on how to solve specific translation problems/challenges.
2.2. Translation of legal concepts
In literature on legal translation, concepts such as EQUITY, TORT, TRUST,

FORCE MAJEURE, HÖHERE GEWALT8, are often referred to as examples of
untranslatability9 because of missing or only partially overlapping parallel con-
cepts in other legal systems with the result of lexical gaps or a term that only
partially covers the meaning of the concept.10
For reasons of space, I discuss only one example under this heading, i.e. the re-
cently introduced concept of MEDMOR(SKAP) (‘co-motherhood’) and the re-
definition of FORELDRESKAP (‘parenthood’) in Norwegian family law legis-
lation.11 The concept under discussion clearly shows how social changes influence
law (Picht 2013). The understanding of FORELDRESKAP is traditionally estab-
lished between a father and mother. However, in the new legislation concerning
7
For an in-depth discussion of various definitions of translation competence, see Koby /
Melby (2013: 189 ff.). They point e.g. to the model of PACTE (2003) where the definition
of translation competence reads as: “Translation competence is the underlying system of
knowledge needed to translate. […] It is made up of five sub-competencies (bilingual,
extra-linguistic, knowledge about translation, instrumental and strategic) and it activates
a series of psycho-physiological mechanisms” (op.cit.: 58, emphasis added).
8
Capitals are used for the designation of the concept and inverted commas [‘ ’] for the
linguistic expression, and when necessary italics for the translation of the linguistic
expression.
9
“As long as the text treats non-linguistic reality, translatability is only dependent on
whether the treated object may be presented in another language with sufficient precision.
This will normally be the case in regular legal texts like statutes and contracts” (Mincke
1991: 465; cited in Engberg 2013: 12).
10
Cf. for instance Way (2016), who points to the problem of translating the concept of
DIVORCE, because of the different conceptual content with respect to period of prior
separation yes or no, or different length of the period required in different legal systems.
11
For a more detailed discussion, see Simonnæs (2014).
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Ingrid Simonnæs
same-sex marriages in Norway, the concept of FATHER totally disappears in

favour of the legal concept of MEDMOR (‘co-mother’) as the non-birth mother,
or in my way of explaining it, the other legal female part in parenthood. In a same-
sex marriage, the birth mother and the non-birth mother constitute the legal
parenthood (juridisk foreldreskap). Since same-sex marriages are not allowed in
Germany, the same legal reality is non-existent and hence a designation (by way
of either neologism or calque) has to be created for a (legal) concept that is
missing in the German legal culture.
2.3. Translation of ‘legal realia’
It is commonly agreed that a recurrent challenge for every translator of legal texts
is how to transfer legal information contained in legal concepts from one legal
system that only partially overlaps with another legal system 12 or how to render
institutional nomenclatures within the executive, judicial and legislative branches
from the source legal culture to target legal culture. In the following, I discuss
some examples in the language combination Norwegian-German.
Institutional nomenclatures are one kind of legal realia representing a recurrent
challenge to a translator, which is often discussed in the literature (Fleck 1998;
Stolze 2014). Let us look at a Norwegian court document, more precisely a notice
of proceedings. Here some examples of institutional nomenclatures are easily
detected. In the notice (1) the title of the court Oslo tingrett (Oslo District Court),
(2) the name of the defendant Staten v/ Likestillings- og diskrimineringsnemnda
(The State, represented by the Equality and Anti-discrimination Tribunal13) and
(3) the name of his counsel Regjeringsadvokaten (The Attorney General) are
given. How should these institutions be rendered and/or translated in a German
legal setting? A proposed rendering and translation could be (1) Amtsgericht Oslo
or Landgericht Oslo, depending on the difficulty of the case, which is to be taken
12
See e.g. Pozzo (2015:73), who holds that problems of legal translation “arise from the
need to transpose concepts from one language into another in the course of comparative
law analysis, with the aim of gaining knowledge, seeking divergences and convergences,
unveiling traps and concrete difficulties in finding divergences and convergences in legal
concepts.”
13
Translation taken from the home page of the body.
294
into account in the translation process, (2) Der norwegische Staat vertreten durch
die Gleichstellungs- und Anti-Diskriminierungsstelle and (3) Anwalt der norwe-
gischen Regierung, each time accompanied by the original designation in square
brackets. This is in line with what Kjær (2011: 335) describes as “double strat-
egies”, consisting of translated concepts accompanied by untranslated concepts in
the foreign language.
A parallel example is the following: In Forskrift om offentlige anskaffelser (The
Norwegian Public Procurement Regulation), competent bodies are referred to as
statlige, kommunale og fylkeskommunale myndigheter (central, local and re-
gional government authorities). Since the division in administrative units is not
the same in Norway and Germany, staatliche, kommunale und regionale Behör-
den might possibly need an explicitation when rendering fylkeskommunal, for
instance, by adding either the original designation in square brackets or by some
other kind of explicitation, such as a footnote on the three levels of the admin-
istrative structure of Norway. This would depend on the degree of information
asked for in the translation brief and is in line with Engberg’s (2015) definition of
what characterises the translation process. Engberg rightly claims that choosing
relevant parts of the complex conceptual knowledge represented in the source text
is of paramount interest to the translator “in order to present the aspects exactly
relevant for this text in the target text situation in order to enable a receiver to
construct the intended cognitive structure” (op. cit.: 5; author’s emphasis).
Finally, within this category, a civil judgment from an appeal court might be a
good example, because of its explicit reference to (parts of) the Norwegian court
hierarchy, i.e. Forliksråd (Conciliation Board), Oslo tingrett (Oslo District Court)
and Borgarting lagmannsrett (Borgarting Court of Appeal).14 In a recently
published German translation of the Norwegian Dispute Act 2005 (tvisteloven) in
Lipp / Fredriksen (2011), the German rendering of Vergleichsstelle for Forliksråd
is found. The translators there, Bessing, Schrader and Lipp (2011: 135), argued
that “The translation [into German] was kept closely to the original wording of
14
For a more detailed discussion of different renderings of Oslo tingrett and Borgarting
lagmannsrett, see also Simonnæs (2011: 10 ff.).
295
Ingrid Simonnæs
the Norwegian text”. The translators used the Norwegian designation first, accom-
panied by their suggested German translation in round brackets: “Der forliksråd
(Vergleichsstelle) kann […]” (section 6-1). Another possible rendering/trans-
lation could be Gütestelle, found in section 15a Einführungsgesetz zur Zivilpro-
zessordnung (EGZPO; Introductory Law to the German Code of Civil Procedure;
BRD 2017 [1877]) accompanied by ‘Norwegian’, in order to make clear that the
designation is used for an institution within the Norwegian legal setting.
After this more theoretically oriented discussion of some essential parts of legal
translation, I now turn to the practical part on teaching legal translation.
3. Reasons for offering an online course in legal

translation
There are three important reasons for offering an online course in legal translation:
Firstly, in line with current trends in distance learning, the online course offers
students the flexibility of studying from anywhere and at any time over the
Internet. Secondly, the raison d’être of the online course in legal translation, Jur-
Dist, is closely related to the particular situation of almost non-existing translation
programmes in Norway.15 However, there is the National Translator Accreditation
Exam (NTAE, autorisasjonsprøve i oversettelse)16, for which NHH Norwegian
School of Economics is responsible. Thirdly, financial constraints did not allow
NHH to continue with its annual offer of 1–2 day courses in LSP translation,
15
This is contrary to e.g. in Finland with its university training programmes in translation
(Salmi / Kinnunen 2015). In comparison to translation programmes given in continental
Europe and the UK, Norway has almost no translation training programmes at all. How-
ever, a Master’s programme in translation studies, primarily geared towards non-LSP
texts, is offered at the University of Oslo. At the University of Agder, a Bachelor’s degree
in English is offered with focus on translation and intercultural communication. The Uni-
versity of Bergen offers an undergraduate course in translation. Until recently, NHH of-
fered 1–2 day courses in LSP translation in preparation for the NTAE. As part of the
bachelor degree for lawyers, the Faculty of Law at the University of Oslo offers a 15
ECTS course for law students in French and German and a 30 ECTS course in English
with the objective of i.a. enabling the students to translate “texts with legal content to and
from Norwegian” (author’s translation).
16
A comparison of different accreditation practices in other European countries can be
found in Vigier / Klein / Festinger (2015).
296
including legal translation, in preparation for that exam. Therefore, a brief outline
of the exam follows before details of the JurDist programme are given.
4. The National Translator Accreditation Exam (NTAE)
The NTAE represents the highest Norwegian qualification for written translations
into and from Norwegian of LSP texts dealing with law, economics and
technology. Candidates are also required to translate one text dealing with gen-
eral-purpose language. After serious discussion, a steering committee at the De-
partment of Professional and Intercultural Communication decides on the usabil-
ity of the texts for the exam.
On its home page, the objective of the exam is “to qualify candidates for taking
on assignments for industry, public authorities and individuals”17 and tests the
candidate’s translation competence. In contrast, a much narrower objective can be
inferred from the home page of the Association of Government Authorized
Translators in Norway (Statsautoriserte translatørers forening): i.e. to authorise
translators to produce certified translations of legal and administrative docu-
ments.18 This objective is of special interest regarding the issue of ‘access to
justice’ to which I return below.
About 80 candidates sit this exam each year – most of them in the language
combination Norwegian-English/French/German and Spanish. The candidates
come from all parts of Norway and some do not even live in the country. They
are typically mature and have various types of professional and educational back-
grounds; many lack any formal linguistic or translational training. Not surprising-
ly, the failure rate is consequently extremely high, about 80%. This is due to two
main reasons: Firstly, in Norway, there are no study programmes leading up to
the exam and hence there is very little course material geared towards translators
working into and from Norwegian. Secondly, in Norway with about five million
native speakers, there is a lack of specialised bilingual dictionaries and/or legal
17
https://www.nhh.no/institutt/fagsprak-og-interkulturell-kommunikasjon/autorisasjonspr
ove-i-oversettelse/
18
https://www.translatorportalen.com/en/stf/about-stf/
297
Ingrid Simonnæs
encyclopaedias, which could function as a first step when trying to understand a

particular expression and its content (meaning) in the source language.19
To become a state authorised translator (statsautorisert translatør), the candidate
is required to have successfully passed the NTAE. Authorisation is subsequently
granted by the Norwegian government. In accordance with section 1 of the per-
tinent regulation (FOR-2005-12-01-1391 – Forskrift om bevilling som statsauto-
risert translatør), the certificates of authorisation have been issued by NHH since
2003. Only state authorised translators are permitted to stamp and sign their
translations with ‘True Translation Certified’.
Over the last two decades, the NTAE has been constantly revised to comply in the
best possible way with new requirements for the graduates’ employability as
professional translators. Candidates now first need to pass a home exam. It is to
be delivered electronically within 5 days, together with a reflective essay (a kind
of written think aloud protocol (TAP)) on his/her particular choices in view of the
translation brief, overall translation strategy as well as information mining (com-
petence), duly documented and critically discussed. All kinds of resources, in-
cluding internet access, are permitted.
Then, only those who pass the home exam take part in the classroom exam. This
exam tests the candidates’ ability to deliver good translations of three LSP texts
(economic-administrative, legal and technical) either into or from Norwegian.
Internet access has been allowed since 2006, but no use of any computer-assisted
translation (CAT) tools or electronic communication with external contacts is
permitted. The subject areas chosen in the exam have long traditions and the legal
text is seen as relevant to the kind of translations that require an official stamp of
an authorised translator.
19
Exceptions include Lind (2003, 2007) and Gisle et al. (2010), both for the language
combination Norwegian-English, and Simonnæs (1994) for Norwegian-German.
298
5. JurDist distance learning programme
The JurDist programme on MA level is unique in Norway. It was offered for the
first time in 2013–2014 and was taught in a slightly extended format in the
academic year 2015–2016. The admissions requirements are that the students
have already obtained a bachelor degree and that their language proficiency in
both Norwegian and the foreign language is on C2 level of the Common European
Framework of Reference for Languages (p. 24).20
As mentioned above, one important reason for starting a distance learning pro-
gramme in legal translation is the particular situation of almost non-existing trans-
lation programmes in Norway. In the assessment process of the NTAE, we ex-
perienced over a long period that translating the legal text was often considered
the most difficult translation task. In 2012, looking for an efficient and practical
solution to cater for the needs of a heterogeneous group of candidates who prepare
for taking the NTAE and the current trend in offering distance learning courses,
we applied for and were granted funding21 to offer an online course in legal trans-
lation. Another reason for establishing this programme was that the demand for
legal translation has increased steadily in the last 10–20 years due to the ongoing
internationalisation and globalisation process22 where translation of legal docu-
ments and/or transposition of legal provisions is one natural consequence. With
regard to criminal proceedings, this follows automatically from the Directive
2010/64/EU (EU 2010) to which I return below.
20
http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/linguistic/Source/Framework_EN.pdf (Council of Europe, n.d.).
21
In Norway, distance learning in higher education is promoted i.a. by The Norwegian
Agency for Digital Learning in Higher Education (Norgesuniversitetet) and one of its
main tasks is project funding.
22
Cf. Norway’s membership in the UN, NATO and especially EEA. Article 3 of the EEA
Agreement stipulates that Norwegian legislation must be in accordance with EEA obli-
gation. This is done by way of transposition into Norwegian law, which requires trans-
lation.
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Ingrid Simonnæs
5.1. Details about the JurDist course 2013–201423
After thorough preparation on how to organise a course in legal translation, where

we reviewed relevant literature on this topic (e.g. Kieffer 1997 and Harvey 2003,
2012; Hjort-Pedersen / Faber 2005; Pardillos 2007), JurDist was offered for the
first time in 2013–2014 to students working between Norwegian and French,
German or Spanish.
JurDist is a 15 ECTS module at MA level stretching over the academic year from
August to December and from January to June. In the autumn semester, a one-
hour seminar has been given to all students on a biweekly basis, independent of
their target language. Four professors shared the responsibility for the following
topics: introduction to the legal system, sources of law, legislative procedure, ju-
dicial authorities and the court system, all with regard to Norway, and to the re-
lationship between national and international law as well as supranational law
(EU-law).24 Then the students were asked to compare this information with their
corresponding legal systems in France, Germany, and Spain respectively. In doing
so, they were trained in acquiring information retrieval competence, an important
sub competence of translation competence.
The class was held in the afternoons, thus allowing the students to continue their
full-time jobs. The students could follow the class either synchronously or asyn-
chronously as the lectures were recorded together with questions and comments
from the students attending the professor’s presentation, usually with PowerPoint
files. Most students followed the lectures synchronously. The remaining weeks in
the autumn semester were devoted to online interaction between the language-
specific groups and their professors in French, German and Spanish respectively
by way of discussions on the itslearning teaching platform. During the dis-
cussions, feedback was given on their homework using a comparative approach.
23
For more details, see also Simonnæs et al. (2015).
24
A recent publication (Way 2014) mentions some of the same topics (table 8.2., page
145ff.) as objectives for a legal translation course. See also Bergmans (1987: 89) who
proposes a teaching method that tries to exploit to the greatest extent the simultaneous
implication of legal and linguistic aspects: “Expliquer le sens exact d’un terme exige en
effet qu’il soit replacé dans l’ensemble du système, ce qui nécessite alors en même temps
un cours d’introduction au droit étranger dont il fait partie” (op.cit.: 92).
300
The spring semester started with a short introduction to modern theories of

translation (e.g. Nord 2010) with specific focus on legal translation and its special
challenges where we drew on recently published articles from international re-
nowned scholars (i.a. Garzone 2000; Biel 2009; Cao 2010; Picht 2013 and Hjort-
Pedersen / Faber 2013; in addition Roald / Whittaker 2012). As supplementary
reading, we had prepared a short summary on translation theories (Simonnæs
2013b). For the rest of the spring semester weekly translation exercises from Nor-
wegian into French, German and Spanish or vice versa were guided in language
specific groups by the respective professor. The students used their acquired
insight into the similarities/differences of the legal systems involved in their trans-
lations of various legal texts, with Norwegian as either source or target language.
The translation exercises featured various genres. Here we took into account that
abstract translation theory is not of much interest to our students, while application
of translation theory is deemed important. A comparative approach was used,
dealing with those parts of the Norwegian and language specific legal systems
that were dealt with in the autumn semester.
Instead of a final class room exam we used individual portfolio assessment as an
evaluation tool which measures the candidate’s ability over time with the gradings
‘Pass’ and ‘Not passed’ at the end of the course. In the first course, all students
(25) finally obtained ‘Pass’.
5.2. Changes in the JurDist course 2015–2016
For 2015–2016, we made one important addendum and some minor adjustments
to the course. The first one consists of an additional language combination, i.e.
Norwegian-English. Not surprisingly far more candidates (22 out of 45) attended
here than in the other language combinations. For practical reasons, we also
adopted some minor adjustments. The most important was that we had to choose
asynchronous presentations instead of synchronic online presentations. Only the
introduction and summary lectures were given synchronically to all students in
each semester. To compensate for the previous interactive participation during
lectures, we strongly recommended the students to discuss specific legal issues
and/or translation problems in their respective discussion forums or even in a
301
Ingrid Simonnæs
language-neutral discussion forum on the e-learning platform itslearning. How-

ever, to our disappointment, the participation rate was rather low.
Because of different varieties of English used in countries across the world and
their legal reality, the students in the language combination Norwegian-English
dealt with source texts not only from the UK, but also from Scotland, South
Africa, the US and Canada (the English-speaking part). The same applies to
variations of Spanish (Peninsular Spanish and Latin American Spanish). In the
course (2015–2016), 23 out of 36 students finally obtained ‘Pass’.25
5.3. Translation issues in teaching JurDist
For practical reasons we often use texts that have been previously given at the
NTAE, because one of the main aims of JurDist is geared towards students who
want to prepare for this exam and who have no or little experience in legal knowl-
edge and legal translation. For this reason, we focus i.a. on domestic legislation
(laws and regulations). By translating texts from this genre, the students meet not
only the dynamicity of the legal world, especially when the particular legal sys-
tems differ in their development (e.g. within family law – Roald / Whittaker 2012;
Simonnæs 2013a), but also acquire knowledge of these systems.
In addition, we use different genres that are often translated in practice. Examples
include legal documents (in a narrow sense, e.g. summons, indictments), various
kinds of contracts, general terms and conditions (GTC) and other types of legal
texts. Each genre has its particular legal language and structure that has to be taken
into account in the translation. The translation brief contains the necessary infor-
mation for the appropriate approach. In each case, we deal with authentic texts
both in Norwegian and in the respective foreign languages.
Obviously, a recurrent challenge for the students is the translation of legal
concepts and legal realia. When a suggested rendering of a particular text is
discussed in the lecture, we argue for our suggested rendering and point to how
25
Personal reasons, such as illness, being the most common reason for not completing the
course.
302
one can draw on comparable texts, i.e. non-translated texts, being similar in com-
position, size and other attributes, in search for a starting point to adaptable trans-
lation solutions. The same applies in the search for more information about phras-
eological units and typical syntactic patterns in a particular legal genre, e.g. the
well know verbosity in English or the frequent use of nominalisations in German.
Comparable texts usually reveal important linguistic features to the (student)
translator, but they have to be trained to look for such features.
6. Access to justice – Implications of ‘access to justice’ to

JurDist
Regarding the conference theme Translation and Interpreting as a Means of

Guaranteeing Equality under Law, I now turn to the issue of ‘access to justice’,
seen from a Norwegian viewpoint. In the particular legal setting of proceedings,
this access is enshrined in Article 6 of the European Convention for the Protection
of Human Rights (ECHR, Right to a fair trial) and particularly regarding criminal
proceedings, in Article 3 Directive 2010/64/EU (EU 2010; Right to translation
of essential documents, emphasis added). The objective of Article 3 is to safe-
guard the fairness of the proceedings which requires that essential documents, “or
at least the relevant passages of such documents”, shall be translated for the bene-
fit of suspected or accused persons who do not understand the language of the
proceedings. Art. 3 also states that translation “provided under this Article shall
be of a quality sufficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings, in particular
by ensuring that suspected or accused persons have knowledge of the case against
them and are able to exercise their right of defence” (Art. 3(9)). Obviously, when
a suspected or accused person does not understand the allegations against him/her,
(s)he cannot exercise his/her right of defence adequately.
Although Norway is not a member state of the EU, the right to translation is
regulated in Norwegian law, i.a. in the Norwegian Prosecution Instructions
section 2–8 (Forskrift om ordningen av påtalemyndigheten (FOR-1985-06-28-
1679)/Påtaleinstruksen). Moreover, Norway has incorporated the ECHR by way
303
Ingrid Simonnæs
of the Human Rights Act of 1999 (menneskerettsloven)26. Its section 3 states that
in the event of conflict, the incorporated conventions and protocols take preced-
ence over other legislative provisions. This is because the Norwegian legal system
adheres to the dualist notion of the relationship between national (domestic) and
international law, which gives the supremacy to the Convention norms when
national and international norms conflict.
Generally speaking, ‘access to justice’ should be applied to legal settings other
than criminal proceedings. Future translators should of course be duly qualified
for the demanding task of written translation of court documents in criminal pro-
ceedings since undetected translation errors might have serious consequences for
the accused person or even lead to an invalid judgment. However, the qualifi-
cation argument is also applicable to other kinds of documents where rights and
obligations are laid down, e.g. court documents in civil proceedings or contracts.
During the first semester of JurDist, we therefore deal with key issues of the Nor-
wegian legal system and some of its most relevant laws in comparison with the
same issues of the foreign legal systems. With the acquired background knowl-
edge, the students then engage in demanding translation exercises on e.g. legis-
lative acts, indictments, notice of proceedings, judgments, contracts etc. This ap-
proach should enhance their knowledge and skills and further their translation
competence.
7. JurDist and its implications for the NTAE
Unfortunately, due to the Norwegian Personal Data Act (personopplysnings-

loven), we are not allowed to collect data about a candidate’s performance after
having passed the JurDist course in combination with the application for ad-
mission to the NTAE. However, the results after the 2016 exam seem not to be
better than results before candidates were allowed to have internet access. We are
inclined to see the weaker results, especially with respect to the task of legal (and
economic) translation, in the candidates’ lack of the knowledge structures of the
26
This is the more popular title of Lov om styrking av menneskerettighetenes stilling i norsk
rett.
304
pertinent legal (and economic) domain. This assumption is in line with the argu-
mentation of i.a. Stolze (2016: 32f.) who claims that the translator of LSP texts
needs to have acquired cultural and especially specialist knowledge to be able to
translate.27 Obviously, our conclusion is only preliminary, since this is the first
exam with internet access.
8. Concluding remarks
In this paper, I have first discussed some theoretical aspects about legal translation
in general, before presenting the reasons for the online course in legal translation,
JurDist. I have argued for the course’s didactic interdisciplinary approach es-
pecially with respect to the students’ future participation in the NTAE: the (future)
translator needs at least basic knowledge of the legal systems involved and
translation competence to be able to produce acceptable/adequate legal trans-
lations. The focus has therefore i.a. been on the information retrieval competence
and the strategic competence, both being sub competences of the translation com-
petence. With respect to authorised translation, where the translator certifies the
translation with his/her stamp, generally more in-depth legal knowledge in both
legal systems is needed. The acquired translation competence should enable future
authorised translators to fulfil this task.
To my knowledge, NHH is the only university in Norway where legal translation
sui generis is taught in an interdisciplinary approach by focusing on basic legal
issues of the Norwegian legal system in contrast to the legal systems of English-,
French-, German- and Spanish-speaking countries. Our starting point has been the
observed difficulties encountered by the candidates of the NTAE in their trans-
lation task of legal texts that have led to the JurDist course as described above.
The future will show if the demand for this type of course is big enough in today’s
offer of language combinations and/or whether the course can continue with
minor changes or whether more profound changes are deemed necessary, among
other things including a Norwegian lawyer’s contribution in the first semester.
27
In contrast, it seems that the translation of the technical text is easier to cope with, because
of the more concrete and internationally available knowledge.
305
Ingrid Simonnæs
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5. Terms and tools
Linda DEWOLF (Bruxelles)
Etude centrée sur les problèmes de définition posés par

l’émergence de nouveaux concepts dans le Code de la route
belge
Abstract
This study addresses the issues related to the development of autonomous vehicles (AVA) also
called connected and driverless cars, self-driving cars or driverless cars from the point of view
of legal terminology. The objective is to formulate definitions adapted to this type of vehicle.
The legislation surrounding this technology is currently almost non-existent. The autonomous
vehicle would change driving habits and a legal gap raises the question of liability in case of
accidents, according to the driver’s level of disengagement. A legal definition is needed to
determine further obligations. As long as drivers keep their hands on the wheel, the regulation
set in the Vienna Convention on Road Traffic of 8 November 1968 does not need to change but
if a driver is no longer involved, shall the Highway Code need to be modified to integrate
concepts linked to new vehicles? The Belgian Highway Code is examined as an example, as it
is no longer adapted to the reality despite the many successive amendments because the
meaning of words can change, appear or disappear overnight. Several examples illustrating a
need for clarity in key concepts such as driver and vehicle were examined. An update of the
present Belgian Highway Code will mean rewriting the text and integrating the terminology
related to new technology in the rules.
Keywords: autonomous vehicle, Highway Code, legal definition, terminological definition,

simplification
1. Introduction
Le but de cette étude est d’explorer les relations qui existent entre des concepts
clés du domaine de la circulation routière et la nécessité de revoir certaines notions
que l’on trouve actuellement dans le Code de la route belge afin de les rendre plus
claires. Les définitions des véhicules proviennent essentiellement de l’arrêté royal
du 1er décembre 1975 et d’autres définitions ont également été rédigées dans un
Code de bonnes pratiques d’expérimentation en Belgique (Véhicules autonomes
2016). Le facteur de motivation ayant guidé ce travail trouve son origine non
seulement dans le caractère inédit de ce thème, mais également dans la possibilité
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de pouvoir confronter des notions plutôt courantes du Code de la route, telles que
conducteur ou véhicule, à des désignations moins connues et des néologismes,
comme truck platooning, engins de déplacement ou speed pedelec. Notre
démarche s’est appuyée conjointement sur une série d’entretiens exploratoires
avec des spécialistes et des experts d’un groupe de travail et de réflexion constitué
de membres des autorités fédérales et régionales chargées de la mobilité et des
transports et de membres de la police fédérale de la route qui s’est penché sur
divers systèmes de véhicules autonomes afin d’analyser les perspectives d’intro-
duction sur nos routes de nouveaux types de véhicules et les risques potentiels de
ces systèmes sur la sécurité routière.
Rares sont les études qui ont déjà été réalisées sur les définitions des véhicules
autonomes dans les textes juridiques. Toutefois, les définitions proposées par les
lois et les règlements doivent être claires et précises car elles peuvent susciter
diverses interprétations. Or le véhicule autonome suscite des attentes mais aussi
des interrogations quant à ses eﬀets. Ethique automobile, questions de
responsabilité, autorisation d’essais : tels sont les mots-clés concernant la
conduite autonome rencontrés jusqu’ici et qui font l’objet de discussions mais ce
ne sont pas les seuls.
L’étude de la littérature scientifique montre que les publications françaises sont
encore peu nombreuses. Dans le cadre de divers essais et scénarios, les membres
de la police et des autorités publiques fédérales belges ont analysé les chances et
les risques de la conduite autonome et des discussions de groupe sont menées sur
le thème de l’utilisation de la voiture du futur en vue de rendre possible des essais
sur route impliquant des véhicules autonomes. Le tableau qui en ressort est
toutefois nuancé et donne lieu à un débat nourri. Un certain scepticisme règne en
ce qui concerne les questions de responsabilité en cas d’accident et la police se
demande comment se préparer à des tests-pilotes sur la voie publique et intégrer
la conduite autonome dans le réseau routier et dans le flux de circulation normal.
La présente étude ne vise toutefois pas à traiter en détail les implications en
matière de responsabilité assurantielle ou pénale qui mériteraient d’être étudiées
à part, tel n’est pas notre propos. Une première partie de cet article est consacrée
à un exercice de définition de la voiture autonome. Les questions qui sous-tendent
la problématique étudiée dans la deuxième partie ici sont les suivantes : y a-t-il de
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Problèmes liés à l’émergence de nouveaux concepts dans le Code de la route belge
nouvelles définitions à adapter, à ajouter ou à supprimer dans le Code de la route

belge ? Notre étude s’articulera autour d’une analyse lexicale et syntaxique de la
terminologie du Code de la route.
2. Essais de définition des véhicules dits « autonomes »
Il n’existe pas de définition unique du terme « voiture autonome » qui recouvre

une acception assez large. Les appellations varient en fonction des constructeurs,
on trouve ainsi en français : véhicules automatisés, véhicules semi-autonomes ou
autonomes, voitures à conduite déléguée ou voitures sans chauffeur. Ce sont des
appellations auxquelles nous préfèrerons les terminologies de voitures autonomes
ou voitures à pilotage automatique. Si certains de ces termes font l’objet d’une
définition partagée et convergente dans la communauté technique, ce n’est pas le
cas de tous.
Un véhicule automatisé désigne un véhicule automobile qui fonctionne selon le
niveau d’automatisation de conduite 3, 4 ou 5 de la SAE International (2014). On
appelle communément une voiture autonome une voiture capable de se déplacer
toute seule (accélérer, freiner, tourner, éviter les obstacles…), sans conducteur,
ou avec une aide plus ou moins importante de celui-ci. C’est sur cette propriété
d’autonomie que sont centrées la plupart des définitions. La définition que l’on
peut lire sur Wikipédia (2017) est la suivante :
Un véhicule autonome est un véhicule automobile apte à rouler, sur route ouverte, sans
intervention d’un conducteur. Le but à terme est de développer un véhicule pouvant
opérer en toute situation dans le trafic réel et sur une infrastructure non spécifique sans
l’intervention d’un être humain. C’est une application typique du domaine de la robotique
mobile dans laquelle de nombreux acteurs sont engagés. Néanmoins de nombreux
problèmes techniques et légaux restent à résoudre. (Wikipédia 2017.)
Les anglophones parlent de Google car, self-driving vehicles, de driverless

vehicles, d’autonomous vehicles, etc. La National Highway Traffic Safety
Administration (NHTSA) aux États-Unis est convenue d’appeler Autonomous
Vehicle (AV) tout véhicule qui peut être conduit, à un moment ou à un autre, par
un système d’autonomie sans surveillance constante d’un conducteur.
Selon qu’elles sont passives, semi-autonomes ou totalement autonomes, les
voitures n’ont pas toutes le même niveau d’autonomie, allant de la capacité à se
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garer, jusqu’à traverser une ville, toute seule aux heures de pointe par exemple.
Aujourd’hui, la majorité des voitures sont déjà plus ou moins automatisées et
permettent la conduite intuitive : par exemple, le système de phares qui s’allument
tout seuls, les essuie-glaces qui se mettent en route automatiquement lorsque la
pluie se met à tomber, ou encore le système qui permet à la voiture de rester sur
sa voie lorsque que le conducteur commence à s’endormir. Les différents degrés
d’autonomie ont été déterminés par l’agence américaine de sécurité routière
(NHTSA) et SAE International (Society of automotive engineers). Le classement
le plus utilisé est celui de la SAE International dans sa norme J3016 de janvier
2014 ; c’est l’échelle utilisée en Europe qui distingue cinq niveaux (croissants de
1 à 5) (voir tableau 1).
Un certain nombre de systèmes d’assistance à la conduite de niveau 0 (aucune
automatisation) et de niveau 1 (aide au conducteur), et quelques systèmes de
niveau 2 (automatisation partielle) existent déjà sur le marché, principalement sur
les voitures de passagers pour assister la conduite sur autoroute ou les manœuvres
de stationnement. Les constructeurs automobiles investissent par ailleurs dans la
recherche de systèmes d’automatisation plus avancés, dits de niveau 3 (auto-
matisation conditionnelle), qui devraient encore améliorer la sécurité et le confort
des voitures individuelles et des recherches et des tests sont conduits sur des
systèmes d’automatisation avancés (niveau 4 – automatisation élevée – et niveau
5 – automatisation complète). Les véhicules autonomes représentent donc le
summum de l’automatisation, mais leur mise au point nécessite encore des efforts
de recherche supplémentaires et des progrès technologiques.
Les premiers camions à conduite automatique ont circulé sur les autoroutes belges
le 5 avril 2016. Il s’agit de convois de camions à conduite automatisée (Truck
Platooning1) formés de deux ou de trois camions qui se suivent à la queue-leu-
leu. La « connexion » est assurée par une communication avancée des systèmes
d’assistance à la conduite dans les camions concernés. Le système veille à ce que
les camions suivants suivent les mouvements du premier camion. Ils utilisent à
cet effet un système coopératif de régulateur de vitesse (cruise control) adaptatif.
1
Platooning : attelage virtuel.
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Tableau 1 : Niveau d’automatisation pour les véhicules circulant sur la route (SAE
International and J3016, 2014)
Niveau Nom Contrôle du Surveillance de Reprise de Capacité du

volant et l’environnemen la conduite système
accélération/ t de conduit dynamique (situations
décélération si besoin de conduite)
0 Aucune conducteur conducteur conducteur /
automatisation
1 Assistance à la conducteur conducteur conducteur Quelques
conduite situations
2 Automatisation conducteur conducteur conducteur Quelques
partielle situations
Système de conduite automatisé (système) surveille l’environnement de conduite
3 Automatisation système système conducteur Quelques

conditionnelle situations
4 Automatisation système système système Quelques
élevée situations
5 Automatisation système système système Quelques
complète situations
2.1. Les notions de conducteur et de véhicule
On peut se demander qu’est-ce qu’un conducteur au sens du Code de la route et

ce que signifient des termes tels que conducteur et véhicule qui régissent les
conditions d’application de normes. Le Code de la route belge définit certains
termes usuels tels que le véhicule à moteur ou encore certaines voies qui
constituent le domaine public (chaussée, bande de circulation, autoroute, route
pour automobile, etc.). Selon le Manuel de l’assurance automobile (Landel /
Namin 2003 : 130), le conducteur est celui qui tient les commandes du véhicule :
« c’est la personne qui prend la place devant le volant ou le guidon et qui agit sur
les organes de commande et de direction du véhicule ». Pour retrouver une
définition normative de conducteur, il convient néanmoins de se référer à Con-
vention de Vienne du 8 novembre 1968 sur la circulation routière.
Actuellement, la qualité de conducteur est attribuée conformément à l’article 2.13
du Code de la route belge à « toute personne qui assure la direction d’un véhicule
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ou qui guide ou garde des animaux de trait, de charge, de monture ou des

bestiaux ». L’article 8.1 de ce même code précise par ailleurs que « Tout véhicule
ou train de véhicules en mouvement doit avoir un conducteur. »
Même si une voiture autonome n’a normalement pas besoin de chauffeur, la
législation impose toutefois encore un conducteur aux prototypes. A ce propos,
Centrex, le centre de connaissance et d’expertise en circulation routière de la
police fédérale de la route belge fait observer qu’une remarque importante
s’impose à l’égard des véhicules autonomes, à savoir que la personne qui donne
des instructions au véhicule, le programme ou le met en mouvement doit être
considérée comme un « conducteur ». Cette personne reste le responsable final et
elle doit intervenir au cas où la technologie viendrait à défaillir. Une comparaison
avec l’aviation a même été évoquée. Le conducteur reste donc soumis aux
obligations du permis de conduire, les règles régissant la conduite sous influence
restent intégralement applicables. Cependant, cela ne nécessiterait pas une
adaptation de la définition du « conducteur ».
Pour en revenir au véhicule, à l’article 2.14 du Code de la route, le terme véhicule
est défini comme suit : « Le terme « véhicules » désigne tout moyen de transport
par terre, ainsi que tout matériel mobile ou agricole ou industriel. »
2.2. La définition juridique et la définition terminologique dans

le droit routier
Bien que la vocation générique de toute définition juridique soit sa fonction

normative, cette fonction est assumée différemment par les divers types de
définitions selon le contexte. L’acception juridique d’un terme diffère parfois de
son acception générale, la description de termes peut permettre de donner du sens
à des concepts issus de la langue usuelle, alors qu’ils n’apparaissent pas en tant
que tels dans un système juridique. Il convient de prendre garde aux termes dont
l’emploi a ou peut avoir une incidence différente dans le champ d’application du
Code de la route. Il en va ainsi, en particulier, du mot « intempéries » qui peut être
employé soit dans son acception purement usuelle ou juridique.
Dans le contexte du Code de la route belge actuel, le dépassement par temps de
pluie, par exemple, est interdit aux camions. Dans cet exemple, le terme « par
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temps de pluie » utilisé à l’article 17.2.6 de l’arrêté royal du 1er décembre 1975,
ne couvrait pas entièrement la notion voulue, il a été remplacé par
« précipitations » dans l’arrêté royal du 21 décembre 2006. Ainsi, l’interdiction
de dépasser en cas de précipitations est d’application depuis le 1er février 2007,
qu’il s’agisse de pluie, de neige ou de grêle. Le terme « précipitations » n’a pas
été défini dans le code de la route et les définitions reprises dans les dictionnaires
ne sont pas unanimes.
D’autres exemples illustrant un besoin de clarté se trouvent dans les notions
mêmes de conducteur, d’infraction, de voie publique, de lieu public et de lieu
privé. Ces cas mis à part, on retiendra surtout une caractéristique concernant les
concepts juridiques : ils sont dotés d’un effet juridique contraignant. La définition
juridique comme son nom l’indique, conditionne des obligations au niveau de
l’application du code de la route et peut parfois différer du sens couramment
employé en pratique mais c’est dans le seul sens juridique que les définitions
seront retenues ci-après.
2.3. Ancrage des nouvelles définitions dans la réglementation

routière actuelle
En l’état actuel, la législation n’a pas encore intégré de dispositions qui

permettraient de régir la mise en circulation des véhicules autonomes mais rien
n’est mentionné à ce sujet dans le Code de la route belge. Or, il faut avant toute
chose donner un cadre juridique à la voiture autonome. En attendant, il est
possible de la faire circuler sur des voies non ouvertes à la circulation publique,
sur lesquelles naturellement le Code de la route ne s’applique pas. Se pose alors
la question de l’imputabilité des infractions pénales. Sur le plan juridique, le
véhicule autonome conduit à des évolutions sur le partage des responsabilités
entre les conducteurs, les constructeurs, les gestionnaires d’infrastructures.
Comment définira-t-on l’imputabilité des infractions pénales ; du conducteur ou
du constructeur : qui sera tenu responsable ? Comment établira-t-on la
constatation des infractions qui seraient commises par la voiture dont le
conducteur n’a pas le contrôle ni la maîtrise ? La responsabilité lui sera-t-elle
imputée en qualité de gardien du véhicule ou bien sera-t-elle orientée vers
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l’éditeur du logiciel informatique le commandant, ou encore vers le constructeur,

astreint à une obligation générale de responsabilité ? C’est la loi qui devra définir
ces règles et imposer éventuellement un statut de celui qui se trouve dans le
véhicule : conducteur, passager, passager actif ? Conformément au paragraphe 5
de l’accord européen du 1er mai 1971 (article 5) « tout conducteur doit rester
maître de son véhicule de façon à pouvoir se conformer en toutes circonstances
aux exigences de la prudence ». Au-delà de ces interrogations concernant
l’imputation de la faute en cas d’accident la problématique du respect de la vie
privée spécifiquement liée au développement du véhicule autonome reste
prégnante. De nombreuses difficultés juridiques se poseront car la voiture auto-
nome va nécessairement collecter des données personnelles liées aux trajets
réalisés, avec les habitudes et manières de conduite de chacun.
Un Code de bonnes pratiques (Véhicules autonomes 2016) publié sur le site
Internet du Service public fédéral Mobilité et Transports inspiré de The Pathway
to driverless Cars : A Code of Practice for testing qui a été rédigé par le UK
Department for Transport en juillet 2015 donne des recommandations aux
organismes qui souhaitent tester des technologies de conduite assistée de vé-
hicules ou des véhicules automatisés sur la voie publique ou dans d’autres lieux
publics en Belgique. Ce code de bonnes pratiques définit des directives pour
garantir la sécurité lors de cette phase d’essais et regroupe les définitions sui-
vantes :
Véhicule automatisé
2.5. Véhicule nécessitant la présence d’un conducteur à bord, prêt à reprendre le contrôle
manuel de la conduite à tout moment. Dans certaines situations cependant, le véhicule
pourra proposer un « mode de conduite automatisé » autorisant le conducteur à se
désengager de la conduite pour accomplir éventuellement d’autres tâches.
Les véhicules automatisés disposent d’un mode de conduite automatisée dans certaines
circonstances bien définies, comme la conduite sur autoroute à la vitesse de croisière ou
la conduite à faible vitesse. À mesure que la technologie évoluera, le véhicule sera capable
de rouler en mode automatisé dans un spectre de plus en plus large de conditions de
conduite.
Véhicule complètement automatisé
2.6. Ce type de véhicule ne nécessite plus de conducteur. Le véhicule a été conçu pour
couvrir des trajets en toute sécurité sans l’intervention d’un conducteur, dans toutes les
conditions de circulation, routières et météorologiques gérables par un conducteur humain
compétent.
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Les occupants de ce type de véhicule seront en mesure de s’adonner à d’autres tâches que
la conduite pendant tout le trajet. Les véhicules complètement automatisés pourront
toujours être équipés d’un jeu complet de commandes pour permettre à un conducteur de
conduire manuellement s’il le souhaite. (Véhicules autonomes 2016 : 4.)
Par conséquent, tôt ou tard, les conventions de circulation séculaires devront être
revues et le législateur devra adapter le Code de la route. Nous nous proposons ici
de partir d’une interrogation préalable sur la manière dont est actuellement
envisagée la révision du Code de la route belge et nous évoquerons quelques
modifications de définitions nécessaires ou suggérées.
3. Propositions pour une mise à niveau du Code de la

route belge
On constate à la lecture des dispositions du Code de la route belge qu’elles sont

anciennes et plus adaptées à la vie moderne. Nous développerons ci-après
quelques points que les différents groupes d’intérêt (associations de cyclistes, de
piétons, automobilistes, professionnels, transporteurs…) souhaiteraient voir
modifiés de longue date.
Le Code de la route belge est actuellement soumis à une révision approfondie
dans l’objectif notamment d’intégrer les nouveautés dont font partie les nouveaux
véhicules comme le speed pedelec, les quads et les progrès technologiques liés à
la mobilité et à la circulation routière.
3.1. Champ lexical et jargon du Code de la route
Le Code de la route recèle de nombreux termes techniques renvoyant à une

matière très complexe, de sorte que le citoyen ou le candidat à l’examen du permis
de conduire ne peut se lancer dans son apprentissage sans connaître au préalable
le jargon qui y est utilisé. Les règles du Code de la route sont nombreuses et
peuvent parfois paraître compliquées pour l’usager de la voie publique. Cette
complexité est encore plus marquée d’un point de vue juridique du fait de
l’utilisation de périphrases et de phraséologismes juridiques.
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Ce qu’on appelle communément le Code de la route en Belgique est officiellement

l’Arrêté royal du 1er décembre 1975 portant règlement général sur la police de la
circulation routière et de l’usage de la voie publique, publié dans le Moniteur
belge du 9 décembre 1975 ; ce texte compte 216 pages et 540 obligations. La
structure du Code de la route comprend cinq grandes parties subdivisées en
chapitres scindés en 87 articles. Le constat est qu’après 40 ans d’existence, même
s’il a été amendé à plus de 55 reprises à la suite de la promulgation de plus de 80
arrêtés, le Code de la route belge présente des lacunes qui se situent au niveau
aussi bien de la structure que de sa terminologie. Depuis 1975, les textes
réglementant le permis de conduire ont subi de nombreuses modifications, dues
tant à l’évolution normale qu’à l’influence grandissante des réglementations
européennes. Toujours est-il que le code de la route est enrichi, commenté, annoté
et mis à jour en continu. Parmi les évolutions les plus récentes, il convient de citer
l’introduction de la tirette (voir plus loin).
En 2010, la décision a été prise de remanier le Code de la route tout entier, d’une
part, pour répondre à certaines exigences de lisibilité du texte et de logique, en
restructurant, regroupant ou en simplifiant certaines dispositions et d’autre part,
pour mieux tenir compte des évolutions technologiques. A la demande et suite
aux revendications de nombreux acteurs du monde de la sécurité routière, une
entreprise de simplification a donc été entamée. Tel était également le souhait
exprimé dans l’accord de gouvernement du 10 octobre 2014 (p 213) dans lequel
on peut lire ce qui suit : « Le gouvernement procédera à une simplification
approfondie du Code de la route, en étroite concertation avec les Régions, et
rectifiera toutes les anomalies qu’il contient. Il se chargera par ailleurs d’une
nouvelle codification ». Il s’agit d’une « simplification » au sens véritable du
terme bien que le projet ne vise pas à modifier l’essence de la réglementation
routière, même si certaines améliorations formelles ont été rendues nécessaires
par les exigences de nature légistique.
Le champ lexical du Code de la route n’est pas toujours évident à cerner. Pour se
familiariser avec la terminologie, il faut se référer aux définitions de l’arrêté royal
du 01/12/75. Dans le chapitre I, les parties de la voie publique sont d’abord
définies, ensuite les usagers et finalement quelques définitions diverses. Elles ont
également été organisées d’une manière plus logique et hiérarchique. Dans la
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réglementation relative à la circulation routière, et plus particulièrement dans les

arrêtés, la phraséologie est très normalisée et donc contraignante. Prenons un
exemple de contexte définitoire juridique : le concept de rue cyclable a été
introduit par la loi du 10 janvier parue le 3 février 2012 au Moniteur Belge en vue
de son inscription dans le Code de la route.
Des définitions de nouveaux concepts ont fait leur apparition, par exemple, celle
de la bande réservée aux heures de pointe ou de la tirette. Le passage en alternance
des voitures en cas de rétrécissement routier ou manœuvre d’insertion mieux
connue sous l’appellation fermeture éclair (en néerlandais ritsen) est désormais
explicitement prévu dans le Code de la route par un arrêté royal du 29.01.2014,
dans lequel il a été inséré l’article suivant :
Art. 12bis. – Tirette
Les conducteurs qui, lorsque la circulation est fortement ralentie, circulent sur une bande
de circulation qui prend fin ou sur laquelle la circulation est interrompue, peuvent
s’intercaler sur la bande libre adjacente seulement juste devant le rétrécissement.
La bande de circulation est définie à l’article 2.64 comme suit

2.64. Le terme « bande réservée aux heures de pointe » désigne la partie de la voie
publique délimitée par le marquage visé à l’article 72.7.
Autre nouveauté : le Code de la route intègre toute une série de règles relatives
aux cycles et au vélo électrique rapide. Nous ne nous attarderons pas sur le sujet,
mais nous précisons toutefois qu’il faut distinguer le vélo électrique du vélo
motorisé et le speed pedelec.
La définition de cycle figure déjà dans le code de la route (art. 2.15.1). Lorsqu’il
est équipé d’un moteur électrique d’une puissance nominale continue maximale
de 0,25 kW, dont la force motrice diminue progressivement et ensuite, est
interrompue lorsque le véhicule atteint une vitesse de 25 km/heure, ou plutôt, si
le conducteur arrête de pédaler, cela ne modifie pas sa classification en tant que
cycle. Tant qu’un cycle satisfait à ces conditions, il conserve cette qualité propre.
L’arrêté royal du 21 juillet 20162 modifiant l’arrêté royal du 1er décembre 1975
portant règlement général sur la police de la circulation routière et de l’usage de
2
Dénommé l’AR Speed pedelec.
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Linda Dewolf
la voie publique3 et l’arrêté royal du 23 mars 1998 relatif au permis de conduire4

a été publié dans le Moniteur belge le 9 septembre 2016. Cet arrêté modifie le
Code de la route et, en exécution du Règlement n°168/2013 du Parlement
européen et du Conseil du 15 janvier 2013 relatif à la réception et à la surveillance
du marché des véhicules à deux ou trois roues et des quadricycles, introduit les
nouvelles dispositions suivantes : le cycle motorisé et le speed pedelec.
La définition des cyclomoteurs de classe A et de classe B a été modifiée dans le
Code de la route.
Ancien texte à modifier :
2.15.2 Le terme « engin de déplacement » désigne :
2° soit un « engin de déplacement motorisé », c’est-à-dire tout véhicule à moteur à une
roue ou plus dont la vitesse maximale est, par construction, limitée à 18 km à l’heure.
L’utilisateur d’un engin de déplacement qui roule à une vitesse qui ne dépasse pas l’allure
du pas n’est pas assimilé à un conducteur.
Nouveau texte :
L’article 2.15.2, alinéa 1er est modifié comme suit :
2° soit un « engin de déplacement motorisé », c’est-à-dire tout véhicule à moteur à une
roue ou plus dont la vitesse maximale est, par construction, limitée à 18 km à l’heure.
Un nouvel article 2.15.3 est inséré, rédigé comme suit :

2.15.3. Le terme « cycle motorisé » désigne tout véhicule à deux, trois ou quatre roues à
pédales, équipé d’un mode de propulsion auxiliaire dans le but premier d’aider au
pédalage et dont l’alimentation du système auxiliaire de propulsion est interrompue
lorsque le véhicule atteint une vitesse maximale de 25 km à l’heure, à l’exclusion des
cycles visés à l’article 2.15.1, alinéa 2.
Les monocycles sont assimilés à des engins de déplacement au sens de l’article

2.15.7 du Code de la route. Les engins de déplacement sont répartis en deux
catégories dans le Code de la route :
- les engins de déplacement non motorisés, où l’on retrouve les engins qui ne répondent
pas à la définition du cycle mais qui sont propulsés par la simple force musculaire. Il
s’agit par exemple du fauteuil roulant pour personnes handicapées, de monocycles, des
trottinettes ;
3
Dénommé : le Code de la route.
4
Dénommé : l’AR permis de conduire.
326
- les « engins de déplacement motorisés », c'est-à-dire les véhicules à moteur à une roue ou
plus dont la vitesse maximale est, par construction, limitée à 18 km à l’heure.
Le Code de la route actuel comporte un certain nombre d’archaïsmes. Exemples :

A certains endroits, on trouve des notions désuètes ; c’est le cas des charrettes à
bras. La charrette à bras a pratiquement disparu de la circulation à ce jour, et par
conséquent, elle n’a plus de raison d’être dans le Code de la route. L’article 54 qui
dit : « Lorsqu’une charrette à bras ou son chargement ne laisse pas au conducteur
une visibilité suffisante vers l’avant, le conducteur doit tirer son véhicule. » sera
donc supprimé.
A l’aube de la voiture autonome, les modes de transport obsolètes comme le
trolleybus ou les animaux attelés ne se rencontrent plus guère sur les routes, la
suppression de ces termes pourrait donc elle aussi être envisagée. L’article 52
mentionne encore la gendarmerie alors qu’elle a été dissoute en Belgique suite à
la réforme des polices ; il convient de remplacer le mot « gendarmerie » par
« police fédérale ». Par ailleurs, le terme « gendarme » apparaît encore à six
reprises.
A l’article 53.5 la notion de triqueballe est peu usitée dans le langage courant il
est donc préférable de lui substituer un synonyme : « charriot » ou « fardier ».
Considérons par exemple l’article 3 du Code de la route sur les agents qualifiés :
le texte devra être adapté à la situation actuelle, compte tenu des nouvelles
dénominations et des services qui ont été transférés et relèvent de la compétence
des régions. Ainsi, à l’article 3.8°: « 8 les officiers et agents de la police des
chemins de fer, dans la limite de leur compétence territoriale », la police des
chemins de fer est supprimée. Les officiers et agents de police des chemins de fer
ont été remplacés par une section spécialisée de la police fédérale. Jadis, ils étaient
limités au niveau territorial, alors qu’aujourd’hui ce sont des policiers capables
d’intervenir sur tout le territoire.
Le halage est une notion obsolète et pourtant encore toujours présente dans le
Code de la route à l’article 56.2 qui stipule : « le croisement et le dépassement des
véhicules et des animaux qui, pour haler des bateaux, circulent sur la gauche de
la voie empruntée, s’effectuent respectivement à gauche et à droite. »
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Linda Dewolf
L’article 58 : « Limitations de la circulation en période de dégel » est supprimé

car il n’y a plus guère de routes provinciales (cette disposition visait les routes
avec des pavés) ; ce sont les gestionnaires de voiries qui sont désormais
compétents.
Sous le Titre III, la signalisation routière contenue doit être retravaillée pour
préciser plus clairement la signification des signaux routiers belges et les cas dans
lesquels ils peuvent ou ne peuvent pas être utilisés. Dans le langage courant, on
parle plus volontiers de « panneaux » : panneaux de danger, panneaux
d’interdiction, etc. mais aux yeux du Code de la route, il est question de « signal ».
Le « panneau » quant à lui est additionnel et il complète ou spécifie le signal.
A l’article 65.3 sous le titre « Signalisation à message variable », une proposition
des régions relative à la terminologie (signalisation à message dynamique ou
variable). Le texte devra être rédigé de manière moins complexe ; il nécessite une
modification purement textuelle et il a été proposé d’introduire la signalisation à
validité temporaire (avec un fond jaune) mais les gestionnaires de voirie n’y sont
pas favorables.
A l’article 65.4 : signalisation par bande de circulation et signalisation d’appli-
cation sur des parties de la voie publique : « le site réservé » est remplacé par
« autre partie de la voie publique ».
Sous l’article 66 « signaux de danger », le panneau de signalisation A13 indique
la proximité d’un « cassis ou dos d’âne ». En français, ce qu’on appelle un « dos
d’âne » est un ralentisseur disposé sur les routes afin que les véhicules
ralentissent, il est surélevé à ne pas confondre avec « cassis ». Si l’on se réfère au
dictionnaire, on trouve sous l’entrée « cassis » la définition d’une « brusque
dénivellation concave et transversale, sur la chaussée d’une route », soit le
contraire de la définition du dos-d’âne : « bosse présentant deux pentes séparées
par une arête, sur une route ». La signification du panneau A13 devient : « dos
d’âne ou chaussée en mauvais état », ce qui permet de lever toute ambiguïté. Plus
loin, la signification du panneau A13 devient : « chute de pierres ou pierres sur la
voie publique ».
A l’article 5 : Force obligatoire de la signalisation routière
328
- Article 5.3 (dans le texte français) : le terme « injonctions » doit être

remplacé par « indications ».
- Article 5.3 : le terme « signaleurs » est remplacé par « régulateurs du

trafic ».
3.2. Modifications rédactionnelles
Les modifications réglementaires entraînent un changement de numérotation de

paragraphes et d’alinéas ainsi qu’un changement de la terminologie. Le nombre
de dispositions du Code de la route ne diminue pas, au contraire, mais l’ar-
ticulation de celles-ci entre elles devrait permettre une interprétation plus aisée
qu’actuellement. Nous évoquerons ici quelques exemples (articles du Code de la
route existant) sur lesquels les rédacteurs et membres du groupe de travail chargé
du projet de simplification du code de la route se sont penchés pour avancer des
propositions en vue de restructurer le texte et d’en améliorer la lisibilité.
Simplification modifications et insertions :
Ancien texte :
Article 1 : Champ d’application
Le présent règlement régit la circulation sur de la voie publique et l’usage de celle-ci, par
les piétons, les véhicules, ainsi que les animaux de trait, de charge ou de monture et les
bestiaux.) Les véhicules sur rails empruntant la voie publique ne tombent pas sous
l’application du présent règlement.
Nouveau texte :
Le présent règlement régit la circulation … et l’usage de celle-ci. Les véhicules sur rails
empruntant la voie publique ne tombent pas sous l’application du présent règlement.
Dans l’article 2, les définitions devraient être regroupées en trois parties : voie
publique, usagers de la route et divers. Une proposition a été formulée pour
adapter la numérotation de l’article 2. Ainsi, toutes les définitions ayant trait à la
voie publique tombent sous les dispositions du point 2.1, suivi d’un numéro
d’ordre. Les définitions relatives aux usagers de la route peuvent alors tomber
sous le point 2.2, après quoi, on peut recommencer avec le numéro d’ordre 1.
L’avantage de ce système est que les nouvelles dispositions ou les suppressions
sont plus claires. La proposition n’a pas été retenue parce qu’elle crée un niveau
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Linda Dewolf
supplémentaire (s’ajoutant aux 6 niveaux déjà existants) et que cela est difficile à
accorder avec les articles régionalisés.
4. Conclusions préliminaires
La problématique de la présente étude reposait sur deux questions de recherche :

la conception d’une définition des véhicules autonomes et une réflexion sur les
définitions à mieux cerner ou à bannir du Code de la route actuel.
Pour tenter d’y répondre plusieurs axes ont été explorés : 1) l’aspect juridique et
la réglementation, 2) l’autonomie des véhicules et enfin, 3) la nécessité de clarté
des définitions du Code de la route belge et la modernisation de celui-ci. Le
constat est que face au Code de la route actuel, le citoyen éprouve des difficultés
majeures de deux ordres : tout d’abord d’ordre phraséologique, puis d’ordre
terminologique.
Le véhicule autonome n’est plus une fiction mais bien une projection concrète de
ce que nos voitures seront à l’horizon 2020. Cette évolution rapide et inéluctable
va transformer nos habitudes et le paradigme de mobilité qui touche à la fois le
secteur automobile, le monde politique et met la police sous tension. La mise en
circulation de la voiture autonome n’est pas sans rencontrer certaines barrières
juridiques que le législateur devra nécessairement lever. Tous les constructeurs et
équipementiers automobiles et les acteurs investis dans ce genre de projet
s’accordent aussi à dire que cela passera par une phase de transition avec des
applications qui se limiteront à un usage précis vraisemblablement sur autoroute.
En attendant de combler les lacunes dans le cadre réglementaire sur la
responsabilité juridique, loi devra s’adapter à la voiture autonome et lui donner
un cadre juridique. Cette démarche s’annonce longue mais la Belgique a d’ores et
déjà effectué des tests à titre expérimental sur autoroute. Au fil du temps, la
législation relative à la circulation routière a connu de nombreuses modifications
d’autant que la problématique de la sécurité routière est une question d’intérêt
sociétal et un enjeu considérable tant pour la sécurité routière que pour la politique
policière.
330
Le Code de la route va devoir faire peau neuve pour assimiler les nouveaux
véhicules autonomes se conformer aux modes de transport de la vie moderne et
répondre à un besoin de simplification rédactionnelle. La conjonction des facteurs
que nous venons d’évoquer explique que la terminologie doive s’affiner en
fonction de nouvelles infrastructures. Les rédacteurs du Code de la route
s’efforcent actuellement de définir une terminologie précise des voies sur
lesquelles les dispositions du code s’appliquent. Les travaux actuels ont déjà
produit quelques enseignements intéressants.
Dans le Code de la route, le sens des mots peut changer, s’imposer, apparaître ou
disparaître du jour au lendemain. Au travers de l’analyse de ce qui précède, il est
apparu que des nouvelles définitions telles que celles de la rue cyclable, le speed
pedelec, le quad, la tirette, … sont apparues afin d’assurer une plus grande
convivialité et être en phase avec les modes de transport modernes. Certaines
modifications terminologiques de notions obsolètes, des moyens de transport
vieillots, des appellations démodées dans le Code de la route sont d’ordre
anecdotique, d’autres changements sont plus importants. Le Code de la route est
essentiellement mis à jour pour être davantage en adéquation avec l’actualité. La
réalisation d’un tel projet demande du temps pour un travail en profondeur. Les
définitions remaniées devraient donc fournir un nouveau cadre de référence en
sus de plusieurs mesures déjà en place, de nombreux défis sont encore à relever
pour mener à bien cette vaste entreprise qui est de permettre concrètement une
lecture plus limpide du code.
Une mise à jour dans le champ lexical est une chose, une réécriture en profondeur
des droits et obligations des usagers de la route en est une autre. Le remaniement
du Code est un projet à part entière et de longue haleine, un projet de grande
envergure aussi pour tout ce qu’il représente pour les usagers de la route et justifié
par la place omniprésente qu’occupe le code de la route dans la vie quotidienne.
La conclusion à tirer est d’importance et les conséquences sont de taille en raison
des effets liés à l’application de la réglementation. La modernisation et la
simplification du Code de la route telles que préconisées doivent rester dans la
ligne du développement progressif de la circulation en mode autonome, ceci
engendrera l’adaptation graduelle de la réglementation, à concilier avec la sécurité
routière.
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Linda Dewolf
Cette réforme ne change pas fondamentalement la philosophie du code de la route,

à cet égard il reste stable. Il ne s’agit pas d’ajouter de la difficulté à la difficulté
mais de garder le code tel qu’il est : très peu de nouvelles procédures entrent en
ligne de compte mais on privilégie désormais un peu moins la lettre du Code de
la route et davantage son esprit. Ces premières conclusions, restent cependant à
étayer par une investigation plus conséquente dans un champ de recherche quasi-
vierge et encore en chantier.
Références bibliographiques
Accord européen du 1er mai 1971 complétant la Convention sur la circulation

routière ouverte à la signature à Vienne le 8 novembre 1968.
Accord de gouvernement du 10 octobre 2014.
Arrêté royal du 23 mars 1998 relatif au permis de conduire (Moniteur Belge
9.9.1998).
Arrêté royal du 1er décembre 1975 portant règlement général sur la police de la
circulation routière et de l’usage de la voie publique (Moniteur Belge
9.12.1975).
Arrêté royal du 21 juillet 2016 modifiant l’arrêté royal du 1er décembre 1975
portant règlement général sur la police de la circulation routière et de l’usage
de la voie publique et l’arrêté royal du 23 mars 1998 relatif au permis de
conduire (Moniteur Belge 9.9.2016).
Convention de Vienne sur la circulation routière du 8 novembre 1968.
ISO 704 : 2000. Travail terminologique – Principes et méthodes. Second edition.
Landel, James / Namin Lionel (2003) : Manuel de l’assurance automobile. Paris :
Editions l’Argus de l’Assurance.
Loi du 16 mars 1968 relative à la police de la circulation routière, dénommée « la
loi sur la circulation routière » (Moniteur Belge 27.3.1968).
Loi du 21 novembre 1989 relative à l’assurance obligatoire de la responsabilité
en matière de véhicules automoteurs (Moniteur Belge 8.12.1989).
332
Loi du 6 décembre 2015 relative à l’utilisation de trains miniatures touristiques

sur la voie publique (Moniteur Belge 18.1.16).
SAE International (2014) : Taxonomy and Definitions for Terms Related to
Driving Automation Systems for On-Road Motor Vehicles. SAE J3016.
Véhicules autonomes. Code de bonnes pratiques d’expérimentation en Belgique.
2016. Editeur responsable : SPF Mobilité et Transports, Eugeen Van
Craeyvelt, président a.i. http://mobilit.belgium.be/sites/default/files/resource
s/files/code_of_practice_fr_2016_09.pdf [le 21 juin 2017].
Wikipédia 2017. Véhicule autonome. Dernière modification : le 13 juin 2017.
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/V%C3%A9hicule_autonome [le 22 juin 2017].
333
Evgeniya KAKZANOVA (Moskau)
Lexikographische Fixierung der juristischen und anderen

fachspezifischen eponymischen Termini
Abstract
The paper looks at eponymic terms of legal language. Given that no juridical eponym dictionary
has been compiled so far, the terms have been elicited from two law dictionaries (one printed,
one electronic) using a continuous sampling method. Scientific experience in the sphere of
Onomastics for Special Purposes enables the author to put forth a hypothesis of underrepre-
sentation of eponymic terminology in the law sublanguage. It should be noted in advance that
the suggested hypothesis has been confirmed (0.1 % of eponymic terms only). It was found out
that structurally juridical eponyms are represented by one-word terms, compound words and
word-combinations. All one-word eponymic terms in the law sublanguage are international. As
their proper component, juridical eponyms include toponyms or anthroponyms. The paper
might be of interest for terminology scientists in the juridical field, as well as for those looking
into other scientific disciplines.
Keywords: eponyms, eponymic terms, legal terminology, dictionaries
1. Einleitung: Begriff des Eponyms
Eponym ist ein Terminus, der in seinem Bestand einen Eigennamen (Personenna-
men, Ortsnamen oder Mythonym) und ein Gattungswort bei der Bezeichnung ei-
nes Fachbegriffs innehat, z. B. Wagner-Gesetz (aus dem Jura-Bereich). Auch kann
der eponymische Terminus affixlos von einem Eigennamen (Personennamen,
Ortsnamen oder Mythonym) auf dem Wege der metonymischen Übertragung
gebildet sein, z. B. Ampere. Zur dritten Gruppe gehören affixale Ableitungen von
einem Eigennamen (Personennamen, Ortsnamen oder Mythonym), z. B. Jakobian
(aus dem Bereich der Mathematik).
Seit vielen Jahren beschäftige ich mich mit der Fachsprachenonomastik, insbe-
sondere mit den eponymischen Termini aus verschiedenen Wissensbereichen,
und bin zu der Schlussfolgerung gelangt, dass die eponymischen Termini im Ge-
gensatz zu den traditionellen Vorstellungen am häufigsten in der Fachsprache der
Mathematik vorkommen, sogar häufiger als in der Fachsprache der Medizin. Wie
Evgeniya Kakzanova
verhalten sich eigentlich die eponymischen Termini in den Geisteswissenschaf-

ten, insbesondere in der juristischen Fachsprache? Meine Intuition als Spezialistin
der Fachsprachenonomastik erlaubt mir zu behaupten, dass die Rechtssprache arm
an eponymischen Termini ist. Diese Kenntnisse a priori brauchen natürlich wis-
senschaftliche Beweise. Diesen Beweisen ist mein vorliegender Artikel gewid-
met.
2. Forschungsstand: Lexikographische Fixierung der

eponymischen Termini
In der vergangenen Zeit ist eine große Menge von Wörterbüchern der eponymi-
schen Termini in verschiedenen Sprachen – Deutsch, Englisch, Russisch, Spa-
nisch u. a. – erschienen. Bekannt sind eponymische Wörterbücher im Bereich der
Psychologie (Zusne 1987), der organischen Chemie (Laue / Plagens 1998), der
antiken Mythologie und Geschichte sowie der Wissenschaft und Technik (Caspar
2004). Im Jahre 2001 erschien in der englischen Sprache das Wörterbuch der
Eponymtermini aus dem Bereich der Wirtschaft, Geschichte, Religion, Kultur,
Wissenschaft und Technik, Politik, des Sports und anderer Bereiche (Letusé
2001). Im Jahre 2003 wurde in der englischen Sprache das Wörterbuch der epo-
nymischen Vogelnamen veröffentlicht (Beolens / Watkins 2003), und 2009 haben
dieselben Verfasser das Wörterbuch der eponymischen Tiernamen herausgegeben
(Beolens / Watkins / Grayson 2009). Da die eponymischen Termini in der Medi-
zin stark verbreitet sind, sind viele Wörterbücher der medizinischen eponymi-
schen Termini erschienen, dabei oft für jede medizinische Fachrichtung extra. Es
sind orthopädische Eponyme (Albrecht 1990), Eponyme im Bereich der Psychi-
atrie (Arenz 2001), anatomische Eponyme (Olry 1995), Eponyme im Bereich der
Neurologie und Psychiatrie (Draaisma 2008), mythologische Gestalten in den
medizinischen eponymischen Termini (Karenberg 2005), klinische Eponyme
(Leiber / Olbert / Naujoks 1968; Winkelmann 2009), dermatologische Eponyme
(Schwarz / Alex 2000; Löser / Plewig 2008), angiologisch-phlebologische Epony-
me (Wormer 1991), Eponyme im Bereich der Geburtshilfe und Gynäkologie
(Baskett 1998) lexikographisch fixiert. Im Jahre 1997 erschien in der deutschen
Sprache das Wörterbuch der gebräuchlichsten examensorientierten medizinischen
336
Lexikographische Fixierung der juristischen eponymischen Termini
eponymischen Termini (Erbrich / Grundmann / Grunter / Hafemann 1997). Im

Jahre 1986 erschien das medizinische eponymische Wörterbuch The Man behind
the Syndrome (Beighton / Beighton 1986), und elf Jahre später haben dieselben
Verfasser eine Fortsetzung erstellt, nämlich The Person behind the Syndrome
(Beighton / Beighton / Wiedemann 1997) (eine ausführlichere Liste der Wörter-
bücher in Kakzanova 2012).
Ich habe keine Wörterbücher der juristischen Eponyme gefunden. Deshalb habe
ich beschlossen, die juristischen Wörterbücher zu analysieren und die lexikogra-
phische Fixierung der juristischen Eponyme festzustellen.
3. Untersuchungsmethoden und Materialien
Was die Methoden meiner Untersuchung anbetrifft, so bin ich hier drei Wege ge-
gangen: Untersuchung der Internationalismen, Untersuchung der Onomastik und
Untersuchung der Terminologie. Da ich mit drei Sprachen gearbeitet habe
(Deutsch, Russisch und Englisch), kann man über die Verwendung der komparati-
ven Analyse sprechen. Bei der Untersuchung der Bedeutungen von Begriffen aus
drei Sprachen handelt es sich um die Methoden der etymologischen Analyse, der
semantischen Analyse, der Komponentenanalyse und der Analyse der lexikogra-
phischen Definitionen.
Als Materialien dienten vor allem die mir zur Verfügung gestellten juristischen
Wörterbücher, dann die vorhandenen Wörterbücher der internationalen Lexik in
drei Sprachen, die vorhandenen Wörterbücher der Eponyme und wissenschaft-
liche Artikel aus verschiedenen Fachbereichen.
4. Vorhandensein der juristischen eponymischen Termini

in den lexikographischen Quellen
Zwecks der wissenschaftlichen Bestätigung meiner Behauptung, dass die Rechts-

sprache arm an eponymischen Termini sei, habe ich das Russisch-Deutsche juris-
tische Wörterbuch (Russko-nemetskij juriditscheskij slowar 2000) einer durch-
337
Evgeniya Kakzanova
gängigen Auswahl unterzogen. Unter den 50 000 Termini des betreffenden Wör-
terbuchs gibt es nur 33 eponymische Termini, was 0,1 % beträgt. Es handelt sich
sowohl um Simplizia, die dann international sind, als auch um eponymische Zu-
sammensetzungen und terminologische Wortverbindungen. Ich möchte die Ana-
lyse mit den internationalen juristischen Eponymen beginnen.
4.1. Lexikographische Fixierung der internationalen

juristischen und anderer fachspezifischer Simplizia
Der erste vorhandene eponymische Terminus heißt Amnesie. Im juristischen Wör-

terbuch ist er mit dem Vermerk „Kriminalistik“ versehen. In der Kriminalistik
sind unersetzbare Verluste in den von den Geschädigten zu erhaltenden Aussagen
möglich, wo infolge der enormen psychischen Nervenanspannung wegen des be-
gangenen Verbrechens eine Amnesie entsteht – der teilweise oder volle unum-
kehrbare Ausfall des verlorenen Ereignisses aus dem Gedächtnis. Die Amnesie
kann infolge des Bewusstseinsverlustes sowie beim kurzdauernden Zustand der
Benommenheit entstehen, die oft nach besonders schweren körperlichen Betäti-
gungen der Kriminellen vorkommen und von Kontusionen und Gehirnerschütte-
rungen mit unterschiedlichem Schweregrad sowie von verschiedenen Schockzu-
ständen begleitet werden können. Der Name Amnesie ist vom negativen altgrie-
chischen Präfix a- (‚ohne, nicht‘) und der Wurzel -mnesis (‚Erinnerung‛) gebildet.
Die altgriechische Göttin Mnemosine ist die Göttin des Gedächtnisses. Man kann
auch darüber sprechen, dass der sich ergebende Stamm des eponymischen Termi-
nus ein Mythonym ist.
Der nächste Terminus heißt Boykott, ein Verfahren des politischen und wirtschaft-
lichen Kampfes, das ein volles oder teilweises Abbrechen der Kontakte mit einer
einzelnen natürlichen oder juristischen Person voraussetzt. Benannt nach dem Na-
men eines Geschäftsführers eines Großbesitzes in Irland, des Engländers Charles
Boykott (1832–1897), gegen den die irischen Farmer, empört wegen der harten
Ausbeutung, auf Anordnung der irischen Bodenliga zum ersten Mal 1880 diese
Kampfmethode verwendet haben. In der Definition des Begriffs (Verfahren des
politischen Kampfes) gibt es einen direkten Hinweis darauf, zu welcher Diskurs-
338
art man diesen Terminus zählen kann, nämlich zur politischen. In der Rechtswis-
senschaft aber gibt es kein Gesetz über Boykott. Im Jahr 2000 wurden in Russland
Aufrufe zum Boykott der Präsidentschaftswahlen laut. Der damalige Vorsitzende
der Zentralen Wahlkommission warnte vor der Strafverantwortung für die Aufru-
fe zum Boykott der Wahlen und drohte mit der Verwendung des Artikels 141 des
Strafgesetzbuches. Der Artikel 141 des Strafgesetzbuches der Russischen Föde-
ration (RF) setzt die Strafverantwortung für die Verhinderung der Verwirklichung
von Wahlrechten oder der Arbeit von Wahlkommissionen voraus. Der Artikel 141
des Strafgesetzbuches der RF nennt Boykott keinen Tatbestand. Im russischen
Strafgesetzbuch gibt es keinen Artikel, der die Verantwortung für den Boykott der
Wahlen voraussetzt. Im Jahre 2011 wurde im israelischen Parlament das Gesetz
über die Verantwortung für die Organisierung der Anti-Israelboykotte verabschie-
det. Das Gesetz sieht Strafsanktionen und Strafen für Personen vor, die Anti-Is-
raelboykotte organisieren und unterstützen. Das Gesetz gibt auch dem wegen des
Boykotts Betroffenen das Recht, finanzielle Entschädigung für den zugefügten
Schaden gerichtlich zu verlangen. Es sei gleichzeitig betont, dass etwa 40 % der
Deputierten gegen dieses Gesetz waren, indem sie meinten, dass es die Freiheit
der politischen Selbstverwirklichung der Bürger begrenzt. Ins analysierte juristi-
sche Wörterbuch gehören neben dem Terminus Boykott auch seine Ableitungen –
das Substantiv Boykottieren und das Verb boykottieren. Ich bin der Auffassung,
dass in einem juristischen Wörterbuch der eponymische Terminus Boykott mit
dem Vermerk „politisch“ versehen sein sollte.
Der nächste internationale eponymische Terminus, der im juristischen Wörter-
buch vertreten ist, heißt Guillotine. Es handelt sich um eine Einrichtung für die
Enthauptung der Verbrecher, die zur Todesstrafe verurteilt wurden. Diese Ein-
richtung diente seinerzeit als Straf-, Abschreckungs- und Vernichtungsmittel
hauptsächlich zu politischen Zwecken. Benannt nach dem Namen eines französi-
schen Arztes, der 1789 vorschlug, die Guillotine als „menschenfreundlichere“
Strafe der Verbrecher zu verwenden. Ich denke, dass der eponymische Terminus
Guillotine in einem juristischen Wörterbuch auch mit dem Vermerk „politisch“
versehen sein sollte. Der eponymische Terminus Guillotine entstand in Frankreich
während der Großen Französischen Revolution, und der französische Schriftstel-
ler Victor Hugo (1802–1885), der über die Französische Revolution geschrieben
339
Evgeniya Kakzanova
hat, hat den Terminus Guillotine in seinem Roman „Quatrevingt-treize‟ oft ge-
braucht, z. B. „On voyait sur l’estrade de la guillotine le bourreau qui allait et
venait“ (Hugo 1874: 438).
Der nächste internationale eponymische Terminus, der im analysierten juristi-
schen Wörterbuch vorkommt, ist das Verb lynchen. Das Verb wurde Ende des 18.
Jahrhunderts bekannt in der Bedeutung „der Feme unterziehen“. Grundsätzlich ist
es auch eine Maßnahme der Strafe, Abschreckung und Vernichtung von Men-
schen zu politischen Zwecken. Im juristischen Wörterbuch als ein Stichwort ver-
treten ist darüber hinaus die terminologische eponymische Zusammensetzung
Lynchgericht. Den Namen Lynch trugen einige US-amerikanische historische
Personen (Richter, Oberst). Der Familienname wurde zum ergebenden Stamm des
Verbs. Ich meine, dass sowohl das Verb als auch das zusammengesetzte Wort, die
im juristischen Wörterbuch vertreten sind, mit dem Vermerk „militärisch“ oder
„militärpolitisch“ versehen sein sollten.
Im analysierten juristischen Wörterbuch kommen noch zwei Simplizia vor – So-
domie und der stammverwandte Terminus Sodomiterei. Die Sodomie ist die Nei-
gung zur Sodomiterei. In der Zeitperiode vom 6. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert hat der
Terminus Sodomie alle verbotenen sexuellen Beziehungen bezeichnet (zum Bei-
spiel zwischen dem Menschen und dem Tier). In Russland, in anderen orthodoxen
slawischen Ländern, in Rumänien und auf dem Territorium des modernen Mol-
daus beginnt man die Termini Sodomie und Sodomiterei erst in der Mitte des 19.
Jahrhunderts zu gebrauchen. Früher kam der Terminus Sodomie im Kirchen- und
Strafrecht einer Reihe europäischer Staaten vor. Er stammt von der Bibelerzäh-
lung über den Untergang zweier Städte – Sodom und Gomorrha, die, wie bekannt
ist, für die Sünden ihrer Einwohner vernichtet wurden. Der Terminus Sodomie
stammt vom Namen der Stadt Sodom.
Zwecks der Vergleichsanalyse habe ich das Große juristische Online-Wörterbuch
(Bolschoj juriditscheskij slowar’) untersucht. Es sei betont, dass von den gezähl-
ten Simplizia im Großen juristischen Online-Wörterbuch nur ein Terminus vertre-
ten ist, nämlich Guillotine. Zugleich kommen im genannten Wörterbuch drei in-
ternationale Einworteponyme Hypnose, Sadismus und Masochismus vor.
340
Der Terminus Hypnose ist vom Namen des altgriechischen Gottes des Schlafs
Hypnos gebildet. Die Hypnose ist der durch Suggestion hervorgerufene schlaf-
ähnliche Zustand des Menschen, der mit Anpassung des Willens des Schlafenden
an den Willen des Betäubenden (Hypnotiseurs) begleitet wird, sowie das Verfah-
ren solcher Suggestion selbst. Die Verwendung der Hypnose ist im Recht der
Russischen Föderation teilweise geregelt. So verbietet das föderale Gesetz „Über
Gewissensfreiheit“, die Hypnose in der Tätigkeit religiöser Vereinigungen zu
verwenden. Die Rechtslehre hält die Verwendung der Hypnose beim Verhör für
unzulässig.
Der Terminus Sadismus ist nach dem Namen des französischen Schriftstellers
Marquise de Sade (1740–1814) benannt. Der Sadismus bedeutet die Neigung zur
Gewalttätigkeit, Lust an den Schmerzen der Dritten. Der Sadismus ist im Punkt
„i“ des Artikels 63 des Strafgesetzbuches der RF als ein Verfahren der Begehung
einer Straftat erwähnt, das ein Strafverschärfungsgrund ist. Der Terminus Maso-
chismus ist nach dem Namen des österreichischen Schriftstellers Leopold Ritter
von Sacher-Masoch (1836–1895) benannt und kommt oft in der kombinierten
Form des Sadismus vor.
Mich hat die Tatsache überrascht, dass in einem juristischen Wörterbuch Termini
vorkommen, die in meinem dreisprachigen Wörterbuch der internationalen Epo-
nyme fixiert sind (Kakzanova 2015), das kein juristisches Wörterbuch ist. Da fast
alle hier behandelten eponymischen Simplizia in meinem Wörterbuch vertreten
sind, möchte ich im Folgenden auf dieses Wörterbuch eingehen.
4.2. Dreisprachiges Wörterbuch der eponymischen

Internationalismen
Die inhaltliche Struktur des Wortes kommt am besten im Wörterbuch zum Aus-
druck, weil die Wörterbücher den Wortschatz einer bestimmten Sprache als ein
Sammelsystem der lexikalischen Einheiten, also des Lexikons kodifizieren und
vertreten. Mein Wörterbuch (Kakzanova 2015) ergänzt nicht nur die Gruppe der
vorhandenen Wörterbücher der Eponyme, sondern auch die Gruppe der vorhan-
denen Wörterbücher der internationalen Lexik.
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Evgeniya Kakzanova
Das Wörterbuch ist nach dem Alphabetprinzip aufgebaut. Die Gesamtzahl der
Stichwörter beträgt 306. Darunter sind 188 von den Anthroponymen gebildet
(Dobermann), 90 von den Toponymen (Crepe de Chine) und 28 von den Mytho-
nymen (Tantal). Alle Lexeme des Wörterbuchs sind international. Als Internatio-
nalismen können solche Wörter betrachtet werden, die einander orthographisch
oder phonologisch sehr ähnlich sind und die völlig oder teilweise zusammenfal-
lende Semantik in drei oder mehreren Sprachen haben. Gerade diese Tatsache
erlaubte mir, mein Wörterbuch dreisprachig zu machen – Deutsch, Russisch und
Englisch.
Jeder Wörterbuchartikel besteht aus drei Teilen – einem Stichwort, dessen etymo-
logischer, historischer und kulturwissenschaftlicher Erklärung und Illustration.
Die Erklärung des Stichworts, das den Wörterbuchartikel einführt, wird nicht von
einer Sprache in die anderen übersetzt, sondern ergänzt die Information in den
anderen Sprachen. Die Sache besteht darin, dass die enzyklopädischen und ety-
mologischen Quellen dieses oder jenes Wort je nach der Sprache unterschiedlich
interpretieren, und in einigen Fällen die Etymologie einfach nicht zusammenfal-
len kann.
Zum Beispiel stammt laut den enzyklopädischen Quellen in der russischen Spra-
che das Versmaß Jambus vom Namen des Dienstmädels des Kaisers Kelej Jamba,
das mit ihren Ferkeleien die Göttin der Fruchtbarkeit Demetra zum Lachen ge-
bracht hat, die nach der Entwendung ihrer Tochter Persefona gejammert hatte.
Das englische etymologische Wörterbuch The Barnhart Dictionary of Etymology
(Barnhart 1988) gibt eine andere Erklärung für die Herkunft des Wortes iamb:
„The word iamb comes from Iambe, a Greek minor goddess of verse, especially
scurrilous, ribald humor.“ Auf solche Weise ist Jamba laut der englischen lexiko-
graphischen Quelle (Barnhart 1988) eine griechische Göttin der Dichtkunst. Die
deutschen enzyklopädischen und etymologischen Quellen sprechen von der Her-
kunft dieses Wortes überhaupt nicht, indem sie nur die Bedeutung des Lexems
selbst erklären: „Jambus ist eine griechische metrische Elementargruppe. Der
zweite und dritte Bestandteil dieser Gruppe ist meist auflösbar. Durch zwei-, drei
und mehrmalige Wiederholung dieser Gruppe entstehen iambische Dimeter, Tri-
meter usw.“ (Brockhaus 1969: 794) Manche Quellen weisen darauf hin, dass die
Herkunft des Wortes unklar ist (Hermann 1983:226; Kluge 1999: 409). In solchen
342
Fällen strebte ich nicht danach, die Wahrheit zu finden. Ich sah meine Aufgabe
eher darin, verschiedene Standpunkte über die Etymologie des Wortes darzustel-
len.
Die Lexeme des Wörterbuchs stellen Termini (Lawrencium), allgemein gebräuch-
liche Lexik (Echo, Boykott) und Exotismen (hauptsächlich als Teil der Flamenko-
Terminologie: Sevillanas) dar. Laut der Konzeption von Laurén, Myking und
Picht (1998: 121) sind die Termini bzw. Begriffe Wissenseinheiten, die die über-
prüfbaren, notwendigen Aussagen über einen ausgewählten Gegenstand in einer
bestimmten sprachlichen Form zusammenfassen. Das bedeutet, dass die Termini
nicht zur allgemeinen, sondern zur Fachlexik gehören und nicht allgemeinsprach-
lich, sondern in den Subsprachen der Fach- oder Wissenschaftssprache existieren.
Die Eponymtermini in meinem Wörterbuch vertreten solche Wissenschaften wie
Mathematik (Jakobian), Physik (Watt), Chemie (Nickel), Mineralogie (Achates),
Botanik (Begonie) und Medizin (Lethargie, Amnesie). In meinem Wörterbuch
wird also der Terminus Amnesie, der im juristischen Wörterbuch vorkommt, als
ein medizinischer Fachbegriff betrachtet.
Die Eponyme sind eine universale Erscheinung, die für viele Sprachen und fast
für alle Fachsprachen, auch für die Rechtssprache, typisch ist. Der deutsche For-
scher Peter Braun hat in seinem Werk Internationalismen – gleiche Wortschätze
in europäischen Sprachen ganz richtig bestätigt, dass viele onomastische Termini
in verschiedenen Sprachen zusammenfallen (Braun 1990: 21).
Schaeder (2003: 80) stellt einige Fachbereiche fest, in denen die Internationalis-
men schon untersucht wurden. Das sind Computerwesen, Elektrotechnik, Gram-
matik, Literaturwissenschaft, Mode, Massenmedia, Politik und Wirtschaft. In
meinem Wörterbuch gehören die internationalen Eponyme auch zu den themati-
schen Gruppen Computerwesen (Winchester), Mode (Kardigan), Politik (Boy-
kott) (nicht Rechtssprache!) und Wirtschaft (Heller) (ebd.).
Laut der Untersuchung von Turska (2009) sind zahlreiche internationale Epony-
me in der Kochkunstlexik vertreten; dabei handelt es sich um sowohl anthropo-
nymische als auch toponymische Eponyme. Der gastronomische Diskurs ist ein
wichtiger Bestandteil des Sprachweltbildes. In meinem Wörterbuch gibt es 19
343
Evgeniya Kakzanova
Namen starker Getränke, die internationale Eponyme mit Anthroponymen, Topo-

nymen und Mythonymen in ihrem Bestand sind (Madeira, Kognak), sowie Le-
bensmittel anderer Art (Mayonnaise, Gorgonzola, Praline).
Mein Wörterbuch schließt Lexeme aus verschiedenen Diskursarten ein, zum
Beispiel Transportdiskurs (Draisine), Musikdiskurs (Saxophon), Sportdiskurs
(Marathon), Diskurs der Mode am Beispiel der thematischen Gruppe Gewebe
(Denim) Militärdiskurs (Browning), biologischer Diskurs (Pekinese, Fasan) und
andere.
Man unterscheidet die internationale Lexik von den Exotismen, die für die
Muttersprachler als fremd gelten, sogar wenn sie mit der Graphik der aufnehmen-
den Sprache geschrieben werden. Die exotische Lexik ist mit der Bezeichnung
von spezifischen Nationalzügen verbunden (politische Ordnung, Ritual, Beson-
derheiten der Kultur und des Alltags eines Volkes).
Bernáth (2003: 146) behauptet, dass die Grenzen zwischen den Internationalis-
men und den sogenannten Exotismen verwaschen sind. Er definiert einen Exotis-
mus als ein internationales Wort, das in der Quellsprache einen Gegenstand oder
eine Erscheinung bezeichnet, die für die betreffende Kultur oder Gesellschaft spe-
zifisch sind, zum Beispiel Iglu, Kimono, und hält einen Exotismus für einen Son-
derfall des Internationalismus (ebd.). Exotische Eponyme sind in meinem Wörter-
buch mit der Flamenco-Terminologie vertreten (Sevillanas, Malagueña).
Traditionell teilt man die Wörterbücher nach dem Umfang des Materials in zwei
Typen: einerseits Wörterbücher, die mehr oder weniger den ganzen Wortschatz
enthalten, andererseits Wörterbücher, die einen Teil des Wortschatzes enthalten,
der nach einem bestimmten Prinzip ausgewählt ist.
In der Regel geben die Verfasser der eponymischen Wörterbücher die Kriterien
der Lexikauswahl nicht an, indem sie sich hauptsächlich auf die interessante Le-
xik orientieren. Die Hauptkriterien der Lexikauswahl für mein Wörterbuch kann
man folgendermaßen formulieren: 1) Simplizia, die affixlos oder affixal gebildet
sind; 2) internationale Eponyme, die mindestens in drei Sprachen vorkommen –
Deutsch, Englisch und Russisch. Noch ein Kriterium ist die tatsächliche Verwen-
dung des Wortes in den untersuchten eponymischen Wörterbüchern und in den
Wörterbüchern der internationalen Lexik.
344
Ich werde nicht ganz ehrlich bei der Behauptung sein, dass ich bei der Erstellung
des Wörterbuchs das Frequenzkriterium berücksichtigt habe. Ich hielt es für
zweckmäßig, die Frequenz der Eponyme nach der Veröffentlichung des Wörter-
buchs zu analysieren. Zu diesem Ziel habe ich die Frequenzlisten der Lexik des
Deutschen, Russischen und Englischen einer durchgängigen Auswahl unterzo-
gen.
Als Untersuchungsobjekt in der englischen Sprache diente die elektronische Liste
COCA, die den Korpus von 440 Millionen Wörtern aus 190 000 Texten schön-
geistiger, wissenschaftlicher, wissenschaftlich-populärer Literatur und Publizistik
für die Zeitperiode von 1990 bis 2012 einschließt. Ich habe alle Wörter analysiert,
die in der Liste die ersten 15 000 Plätze einnehmen. Es sei betont, dass das häu-
figste internationale Eponym, nämlich academy, auf Platz 1 100 steht. Das am
wenigsten häufige internationale Eponym chauvinist steht auf Platz 14 944. Die-
ses Eponym ist freilich in meinem Wörterbuch (Kakzanova 2015) nicht vertreten,
weil es von dem im Wörterbuch vorhandenen Eponym chauvinism abgeleitet ist,
das in der Frequenzliste auf Platz 13 605 steht. In der Frequenzliste fehlt das in
meinem Wörterbuch fixierte chemische Element copernicium, es gibt aber das
Adjektiv copernican, das auf Platz 14 899 steht. Die Gesamtzahl der gebräuch-
lichsten englischen eponymischen Internationalismen, d. h. Wörter, die die ersten
15 000 Plätze der Frequenzliste einnehmen, beträgt 58 (fast 19 % der Gesamtzahl
der Wörter im Wörterbuch).
Das elektronische Häufigkeitswörterbuch in der deutschen Sprache (Wortschatz)
beträgt über 100 000 Wörter und Redewendungen. Ich habe beschlossen, die Häu-
figkeit derselben 58 internationalen Eponyme in der deutschen Sprache zu prüfen,
die mit der Methode der durchgängigen Auswahl aus der Frequenzliste in der eng-
lischen Sprache erhalten worden sind.
Im Gegensatz zu der englischen Sprache steht das deutsche Eponym Akademie
nicht an der ersten Stelle nach der Frequenzklasse. Die unbedingten Leader hier
sind die eponymischen Namen der Monate – Januar, Juni, März, August, Juli.
Die am wenigsten gebräuchlichen Eponyme sind laut der deutschen Häufigkeits-
liste Ångström, Begonie, Kolt, Copernicium, Galvanismus. Die internationalen
Eponyme Narzissmus und Kyrilliza sind in der deutschen Häufigkeitsliste über-
haupt nicht vertreten.
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Evgeniya Kakzanova
Die elektronische Version des neuen Frequenzwörterbuchs der russischen Lexik

(Ljashevskaja / Sharov 2009) ist ähnlich dem Prinzip der frequenzliste der deut-
schen Sprache aufgebaut. Das Wörterbuch enthält die häufigsten Wörter der mo-
dernen russischen Sprache von der 2. Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zum Anfang
des 21. Jahrhunderts mit der Information über die Vorkommenshäufigkeit. Hier
habe ich auch beschlossen, die Häufigkeit derselben 58 internationalen Eponyme
in der russischen Sprache zu analysieren.
Die häufigsten eponymischen Internationalismen in der Häufigkeitsliste der Wör-
ter der russischen Sprache fallen mit den häufigsten eponymischen Internationa-
lismen in den Häufigkeitslisten der deutschen und englischen Sprache zusammen
– январь (Januar), август (August), март (März), июнь (Juni), июль (Juli), ака-
демия (Akademie). Dazu gehört noch das internationale Eponym паника (Panik).
Das Substantiv panic/Panik steht auch in den deutschen und englischen Häufig-
keitslisten ganz oben. Am wenigsten gebräuchlich ist in der Häufigkeitsliste der
russischen Sprache das internationale Eponym пармезан(Parmesan).
Auf der Grundlage der durchgeführten Analyse kann man die Schlussfolgerung
ziehen, dass die eponymischen Internationalismen ganz legal in die Sprachsyste-
me von verschiedenen Sprachen gehören, gebräuchlich sind und in den Häufig-
keitslisten von verschiedenen Sprachen vertreten sind.
4.3. Lexikographische Fixierung der juristischen eponymischen

Zusammensetzungen
Neben den juristischen eponymischen Simplizia stellen die juristischen Eponyme

im Russisch-Deutschen juristischen Wörterbuch (Russko-nemetskij juriditsches-
kij slowar 2000) Zusammensetzungen und Wortverbindungen dar. Dieses Kapitel
ist den juristischen eponymischen Zusammensetzungen gewidmet.
Die erste eponymische Zusammensetzung heißt das Araktschejewregime. Das
Araktschejewregime ist das Regime des unbegrenzten Polizeidespotismus und der
Gewalt in Russland Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts, das von Alexei Araktschejew,
Minister unter Alexander I., eingeführt wurde. In der russischen Sprache wurde
das Wort Araktschejewregime zum Gattungsnamen als Charakteristik der Willkür
und Polizeimethoden im Innenleben der Gesellschaft. Man kann daran zweifeln,
346
dass man das Araktschejewregime mit den Rechtsreformen verbinden kann. Ich
halte es für richtig, dass der im juristischen Wörterbuch vorkommende Terminus
mit dem Vermerk „historisch“ versehen ist.
Zwei eponymische Zusammensetzungen sind mit Hilfe des Gattungsbegriffs
„Doktrin“ gebildet – Drago-Doktrin und Monroe-Doktrin. Vom Standpunkt des
Rechtes aus sind die beiden Doktrinen miteinander verbunden und schließen eine
dritte Doktrin ein – Calvo-Doktrin.
Die Drago-Doktrin ist zu Ehren ihres Autors benannt – des Außenministers Ar-
gentiniens Luis María Drago (1859–1921) – und stellt das lateinamerikanische
Prinzip des internationalen Rechtes dar, laut dem ausländische Staaten nicht
berechtigt sind, diplomatische oder Militärsanktionen gegen das Schuldnerland
zwecks der Eintreibung von Staatsschulden oder Schuldenzinsen zu verhängen.
Die Erscheinung der Doktrin ist dem Konflikt von 1902 zwischen Venezuela und
dessen Gläubigern zu verdanken – Großbritannien, Deutschland und Italien, die
die Seeblockade des Schuldnerlandes verwirklicht haben. Die Drago-Doktrin er-
gänzt die Lücken der Monroe-Doktrin, die zu Ehren des fünften Präsidenten der
USA James Monroe (1758–1831) benannt ist. Laut dieser Doktrin wurde der ame-
rikanische Kontinent zu einer Zone erklärt, die gegen eine Einmischung der euro-
päischen Staaten verschlossen war. Die Fortsetzung der Monroe-Doktrin ist die
Wolfowitz-Doktrin, die vom stellvertretenden Verteidigungsminister der USA
Paul Wolfowitz (geb. 1943) und seinem Assistenten Lewis Libby (geb. 1950) im
Jahre 1992 entwickelt wurde. Die Wolfowitz-Doktrin stellt eine Reihe strategi-
scher Empfehlungen in der Außenpolitik und Verteidigung der USA für die Zeit-
periode 1994–1999 dar. Der juristische eponymische Terminus Wolfowitz-
Doktrin fehlt in beiden analysierten juristischen Wörterbüchern (Bolschoj juri-
ditscheskij slowar’ und Russko-nemetskij juriditscheskij slowar 2000).
Die Drago-Doktrin entwickelt die Calvo-Doktrin, die zu Ehren ihres Autors be-
nannt ist – des argentinischen Historikers und Publizisten Carlos Calvo (1824–
1906). Laut dieser Doktrin sollen sich die Personen, die im Ausland wohnen, bei
der Entstehung juristischer Konflikte (darunter auch Schuldenkonflikte) an die
örtlichen Gerichtsorgane wenden, ohne die eigene Regierung zwecks der Einfüh-
rung von diplomatischen und Militärsanktionen gegen das betreffende Land unter
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Evgeniya Kakzanova
Druck zu setzen. Später wurde diese Doktrin erweitert und als Drago-Doktrin be-
zeichnet. Der juristische eponymische Terminus Calvo-Doktrin fehlt in beiden
analysierten juristischen Wörterbüchern (Bolschoj juriditscheskij slowar’ und
Russko-nemetskij juriditscheskij slowar 2000).
Mit den erwähnten Doktrinen ist der juristische eponymische Terminus Saavedra-
Lamas-Vertrag verbunden, der auch in beiden analysierten Wörterbüchern fehlt
(ebd.). Man kann vermuten, dass diese eponymische Zusammensetzung mit zwei
Familiennamen gebildet ist. Solche Eponyme sind für die mathematische, chemi-
sche und medizinische Fachsprache typisch, aber nicht für die Rechtssprache. Die
Struktur des Eponyms trügt freilich. Carlos Saavedra Lamas ist ein argentinischer
Rechtswissenschaftler und Politiker (1878–1959).
In beiden analysierten juristischen Wörterbüchern (ebd.) sind noch die epony-
mischen Zusammensetzungen Sachsenspiegel und Schwabenspiegel vorhanden.
Der Sachsenspiegel ist die Sammlung des feudalen deutschen Rechtes, erstellt
vom Richter Eike von Repgow etwa 1230. Dieser Sammlung liegt das Sachsen-
recht zu Grunde, ergänzt durch Normen, die in anderen Teilen Deutschlands gal-
ten. Der Sachsenspiegel besteht hauptsächlich aus den Normen des örtlichen ge-
wöhnlichen Rechts und zusätzlich aus den Elementen des kanonischen Rechts.
Der juristische Terminus ist vom Toponym Sachsen gebildet. Im Jahre 1230, in
dem der Sachsenspiegel erstellt wurde, war Sachsen eine Pfalzgrafschaft (bis
1322).
Der Schwabenspiegel ist die Sammlung des Rechtes für das außersächsische
Deutschland, erstellt zwischen 1273 und 1282 von einem unbekannten Augsbur-
ger Franziskaner. Als Quelle für den Schwabenspiegel dienten die lex Baiuvario-
rum, alemannisches Recht, Kapitulare, römisches und kanonisches Recht, die
Bibel, Predigten der Franziskaner und in geringerem Maße gewöhnliches Recht.
Man nennt diese Sammlung auch ein Kaiserrecht, weil es sich hier ausführlich um
die Beziehungen zwischen dem Kaiser und dem Römischen Papst handelt. Der
Terminus ist vom Toponym Schwaben gebildet, das im 18. Jahrhundert ein Her-
zogtum war.
348
Nur im juristischen Papierwörterbuch ist eine solche juristische eponymische Zu-

sammensetzung wie Anden-Gruppe vertreten (vom Eigennamen Anden – Berg-
system in Südamerika). In modernen Online-Quellen ist dieser Terminus mit dem
Vermerk „veraltet“ versehen. In diesem Wörterbuch sind auch solche juristischen
eponymischen Zusammensetzungen wie Atlantikcharta (Terminus von 1941),
Atlantik-Pakt (Terminus von 1949) (beide Begriffe stammen vom Namen des
Ozeans zwischen Europa und Amerika), Donaustatut (der Terminus von 1938 ist
vom Namen des Flusses gebildet) vertreten. Nur im juristischen Elektronenwör-
terbuch ist eine solche juristische eponymische Zusammensetzung wie Wagner-
Gesetz vertreten.
Im nächsten Kapitel betrachte ich eponymische Wortverbindungen, insbesondere
mit dem Adjektiv europäisch. Zum vorliegenden Kapitel gehört die eponymische
Zusammensetzung Euroobligation, die im elektronischen juristischen Wörter-
buch vorkommt.
4.4. Lexikographische Fixierung der juristischen eponymischen

Wortverbindungen
In der Beschreibung des Begriffs Schwabenspiegel kommt der eponymische Ter-

minus römisches Recht vor, der in beiden analysierten Wörterbüchern (Bolschoj
juriditscheskij slowar’ und Russko-nemetskij juriditscheskij slowar 2000) vorhan-
den ist. Das römische Recht ist das Recht Alt-Roms, das am meisten entwickelte
Rechtssystem des Altertums. Der Terminus selbst ist von einem Toponym gebil-
det. Römisches Recht diente als Grundlage der Entwicklung des römisch-germa-
nischen Rechtssystems (zu dem auch Russland gehört) und beeinflusste mehr oder
weniger die Entwicklung aller anderen modernen Rechtssysteme.
Neben dem Terminus römisches Recht enthält das juristische Elektronenwörter-
buch (Bolschoj juriditscheskij slowar’) den eponymischen Terminus römisch-hol-
ländisches Recht, ein Rechtssystem, das in der niederländischen Provinz Holland
vom 15. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert existierte. Dieses System stellte eine Mischung
aus dem verarbeiteten römischen Recht und den örtlichen Handelssitten dar. Heut-
zutage gilt das römisch-holländische Recht auf den Territorien der Südafrikani-
schen Republik, Namibias, Lesothos, Simbabwes, Swazilands, Botswanas sowie
349
Evgeniya Kakzanova
im geringeren Grade in Sri Lanka. Dieses Recht erfuhr große Veränderungen, in-
dem es sich mit dem englischen Recht gemischt hat. Der Terminus selbst wird
von zwei Toponymen gebildet.
In beiden analysierten Wörterbüchern kommen von Toponymen gebildete Termi-
ni mit dem Adjektiv europäisch (vom Toponym Europa) vor – Europäisches Par-
lament, Europäischer Rat. Der Terminus Europäischer Rat wird oft als Zusam-
mensetzung Europa-Rat gebraucht. Diese Reihe wird im elektronischen Wörter-
buch mit den Termini Europäische Kommission, Europäische Gemeinschaften,
Europäische Bank für Wiederaufbau und Entwicklung, Europäische Union, Euro-
päischer Gerichtshof, Europäisches Recht, Europäische Wirtschaftsgemein-
schaft, Europäisches Währungssystem fortgesetzt. Zur Entwicklung des letzten
Terminus führte der metaphorische Terminus Europäische Währungsschlange,
der im juristischen Papierwörterbuch (Russko-nemetskij juriditscheskij slowar
2000) vorhanden ist. Die Schwankungsbreite der Währungskurse im Bereich von
2,25 % bekam den Namen „Schlange“. Die Entstehungsgeschichte der Europä-
ischen Währungsschlange ist mit der eponymischen Zusammensetzung Bretton-
Woods-System und der eponymischen Wortverbindung das Smithsonian Agree-
ment verbunden, die in beiden analysierten Wörterbüchern fehlen. Die vom Topo-
nym Europa gebildeten Benennungen halte ich für eponymische Termini, obwohl
mir auch die Meinung bekannt ist, dass sie einen Grenzfall zwischen den Eigen-
namen und Termini darstellen.
In der russischen Rechtssprache gibt es den metaphorischen eponymischen Ter-
minus служитель Фемиды (in meiner Übersetzung Themis-Opfermann), der im
juristischen Papierwörterbuch (ebd.) vorkommt. Im elektronischen Wörterbuch
ist nur der Eigenname Themis vertreten, der kein Terminus ist. Themis ist die
Göttin der Justiz in der altgriechischen Mythologie. Die russische eponymische
Wortverbindung hat die Bedeutung ‚Jurist‛.
Nur im juristischen Papierwörterbuch sind solche juristischen eponymischen
Wortverbindungen wie Wiener Reglement (vom Namen der Stadt Wien), British
Commonwealth of Nations (vom Namen der Insel) und das Gesetzbuch des Zaren
Aleksej Mihajlovic (von 1649) vertreten. Wie man sehen kann, können die epony-
mischen Wortverbindungen sowohl von Toponymen als auch von Anthropony-
men gebildet werden.
350
Nur im juristischen elektronischen Wörterbuch sind solche eponymischen Wort-

verbindungen vertreten wie Stadtrecht von Gortys (vom Namen der Stadt Gortys),
das Gesetzbuch des Königs Wachtang V. (aus dem 18. Jahrhundert) und Statuten
Kasimirs des Großen (aus dem 14. Jahrhundert).
5. Fazit
Anhand meiner Analyse kann man folgende Schlussfolgerungen ziehen:

1) In der Rechtssprache gibt es relativ viele eponymische Termini, die in die-
sem oder jenem juristischen Wörterbuch vertreten sind. Trotzdem erlaubt die
durchgeführte Analyse zu behaupten, dass die im Kapitel 1 aufgestellte Hy-
pothese, die Rechtssprache sei an eponymischen Termini arm, verhältnis-
mäßig bestätigt wird (0,1 %). Man sollte sich der Tatsache bewusst sein, dass
die Grenzen zwischen den juristischen Eponymen und anderen fachspezifi-
schen Eponymen undeutlich sind. In der Rechtssprache können Eponyme
vorkommen, die auch zu anderen Fachbereichen gehören.
2) Die juristischen und anderen fachspezifischen Eponyme können sowohl
Simplizia als auch Zusammensetzungen und Wortverbindungen darstellen.
Alle Simplizia sind international. Die eponymischen Internationalismen ge-
hören ganz legal in die Sprachsysteme von verschiedenen Sprachen, sind ge-
bräuchlich und in den Häufigkeitslisten von verschiedenen Sprachen vertre-
ten.
3) Die Struktur der juristischen und anderen fachspezifischen Eponyme kann
in verschiedenen Sprachen nicht zusammenfallen.
4) Die Eponyme der Rechtssprache sowie andere fachspezifische Eponyme
können sowohl von Toponymen als auch von Anthroponymen gebildet wer-
den.
5) In der Rechtssprache kommen auch metaphorische Eponyme vor.
6) Beim Veralten eines juristischen Eponyms ist das Entstehungsjahr dieses
Terminus anzugeben.
351
Evgeniya Kakzanova
7) Bei der Erstellung der juristischen Wörterbücher (Papier- oder elektronische

Wörterbücher) ist es erforderlich, die Kriterien der Einschließung der Lexik
ins Wörterbuch zu bestimmen.
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355
Giorgina CERUTTI1 (Geneva)
Evaluating tools for legal translation research needs: The

case of fourth-generation concordancers
Abstract
The corpus-based analysis of legal discursive features is key for research on legal translation, as
well as other related fields, such as comparative legal linguistics, legal lexicography and legal
linguistics. This chapter addresses methodological considerations relevant to the selection of
tools to analyse legal discourses for legal translation research purposes. The results of a com-
parative analysis of currently available fourth-generation concordancers – CPQweb, Sketch
Engine, and ParaVoz – are presented with a view to verifying their suitability for a specific
research project, according to the project’s context of use. These tools are tested in accordance
with the relevant guidelines and norms designed for software evaluation.
Keywords: Legal discourse, corpus linguistics, concordancer, fourth-generation concordancer,

corpus tools, legal translation, software evaluation, EAGLES
1. Introduction
Legal translation has been defined as “a type of specialist or technical translation,

a kind of translational activity involving special language use, that is, language
for special purpose (LSP) in the context of law, or language for legal purpose
(LLP)” (Cao 2010: 78). The systematic textual analysis of the linguistic patterns
that interweave the fabric of legal discourses through corpus linguistics can help
legal translators and legal translation researchers better understand the nature and
implications of legal drafting in different scenarios. The large-scale project Legal
Translation in International Institutional Settings: Scope, Strategies and Quality
Markers (LETRINT) (Prieto Ramos 2015) provides a relevant example of corpus
analysis of legal texts for the study of translation quality and competence. To this
end, terminological decisions, semantic accuracy, consistency, style and linguistic
correctness will be analysed using a corpus of legal texts from three international
1
The author would like to thank Prof. Dr Fernando Prieto Ramos and Dr Marianne
Starlander for their valuable comments and suggestions on the content of this paper.
Giorgina Cerutti
organisations: the United Nations (UN) and its International Court of Justice
(ICJ), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the European Union (EU) and
the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU). This corpus will cover a period of 10 years
and three languages: English, French and Spanish. The focus will be on “trans-
lation problems” (Nord 1987, cited in Nord 2005: 166–167) associated with legal
discursive features. A major challenge of the LETRINT project is the lack of
publicly available concordancers suitable for the analysis of trilingual parallel
corpora. We will therefore assess the extent to which existing software may help
address this limitation and meet other research needs for the study of legal
discourses.
First, the main patterns of legal English2 that might be of interest to legal
translators, as reviewed in the literature, will be summarised to determine the
software functionalities that would be required to study these features (Section 2).
Next, the methodological considerations of a corpus-based analysis of legal
discourses will be presented (Section 3). These will lead to an evaluation of
currently available concordancing tools, according to the context of use of the
LETRINT project, which could also be tailored to suit other projects’ needs
(Section 4). Finally, the outcome of this evaluation, as well as its implications for
other studies that focus on the analysis of legal discourses will be discussed
(Section 5).
2. Legal English
Legal discourses3 can be defined as special purpose discourses that share the
common core of general language, but which are also characterised by lexical,
syntactic, textual and pragmatic features that are singular to them (Cao 2007: 18),
2
As explained below, our focus in this study is on English, since this is the main language
of communication used in most international institutional settings (except for the CJEU,
where French is the main working language) and, therefore, the main source language of
the documents produced therein.
3
Even though, in the literature, legal language tends to be the most widespread denomi-
nation, we share the view of Cabré, Bach, Castellà and Martí Llobet (2007: 3) that lan-
guage represents a static viewpoint, whereas discourse translates a perspective that is
more processual and holistic – cognitive and social. This is why in this paper we will
mainly refer to legal discourse instead of language.
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Evaluating tools for legal translation research needs
as well as by technical terms with varying degrees of specialisation, the nature

and number of which vary according to the branch of law (Mattila 2012: 27) and
the legal genre (Gotti 2012: 60). Due to the role of law in dealing with all aspects
of life, legal discourses tend to be inextricably intertwined with other specialised
discourses, and legal texts are usually hybrid (Atienza 1985; Coaguila Valvidia
2002; Prieto Ramos 2009, 2014b).
Contrary to the somewhat widespread perception that there is one unique legal
language with common linguistic features, it has been emphasised in recent years
that legal discourses in general are not a homogeneous and uniform phenomenon,
but “a set of related legal discourses” (Maley 1994: 13). As reiterated by Goźdź-
Roszkowski (2011: 3281), “what is routinely referred to as ‘legal language’,
represents an extremely complex type of discourse embedded in the highly varied
institutional space of different legal systems and cultures”.
In international institutional settings, legal discourses are at the heart of multi-
lateral and supranational co-operation, and play a crucial role in the functioning
of international organisations, since they encompass lawmaking, monitoring and
adjudication procedures (Prieto Ramos 2014a: 1). In the last few decades, English
has emerged as a lingua franca in these contexts, which has led to the de-
velopment of a new variety of this language with its own particular features (van
Els 2001; Nerrière 2004; Mattila 2012: 35; Pozzo 2012). This variety of inter-
national institutional legal English has been mainly studied in the context of the
EU (e.g. Šarčević 2010; Husa 2012; Felici 2015; Vandewaetere / Vanopstal 2015;
Biel 2016), whereas in other international organisations such as the WTO and the
UN, it has been reviewed to a much lesser extent (e.g. Steinberg 2004 in the case
of the WTO, and Zhao / Cao 2013 in the case of the UN).
2.1. Structural patterns
Structural patterns are one of the main features scholars have focused on when
analysing legal discourses, since the structure of legal texts does not only reflect
the underlying legal reasoning (Cornu 1990: 15; Šarčević 1997: 123), but also
conceptual, rhetorical, and linguistic patterns that characterise the text itself (Gotti
2012: 60). For example, in Legal Translation Studies, contrastive macrostructural
359
Giorgina Cerutti
analyses have been carried out by several authors (e.g. Mayoral Asensio 2007:
55–58; Vázquez y del Árbol 2014; Cayron 2015: 183–215) to identify the patterns
that characterise a specific textual genre with a view to effectively translating
those types of texts. In legal computational linguistics, text structure and segmen-
tation have been given special attention to detect the boundaries of the structural
unites that organise law texts (e.g. Höfler / Sugisaki 2012: 11–13, 2014: 176).
In institutional international settings, focusing on the structural patterns of legal
texts can be useful to analyse to what extent they comply with institutionalised
conventions related to how these elements should be rendered in different lan-
guages, and the effect this ultimately has on readability, which tends to be nega-
tive (Pym 2000: 3). For instance, in the case of EU legislation, it has been high-
lighted that when drafting guidelines “do not coincide with the drafting conven-
tions of the TL, they necessarily contribute to making EU legislation ‘alien’”
(Strandvik 2012: 45). Deciding whether institutional structural preferences should
be slightly adapted to better comply with national legislative drafting conventions
or not is a translation problem typical of this context that would be interesting to
study.
In view of these considerations, in our software evaluation of corpus analysis
tools, special weight will be given to functionalities that give researchers the
possibility to analyse structurally annotated corpora and insert a link to the
original file among the metadata, as this will enable the analysis of structural
patterns.
2.2. Syntactic patterns
The syntax of legal discourses is distinctly idiosyncratic in terms of both the

structure and arrangement of the main sentence elements (Hiltunen 2012: 41).
While several studies (e.g. Barber 1962; Gustafsson 1975: 10–12) have found that
in legal texts sentences tend to be longer and more complex, other studies (e.g.
Kurzon 1997: 131; Hiltunen 2001: 56) have reported a consistent decline in
sentence length during the last few decades. Regarding the arrangement of the
main sentence elements, it has been noticed that these tend to be organised in ways
that are theoretically possible in ordinary English, but tend to be quite uncommon
360
(Tiersma 1999: 65). Legal English discourses are also characterised by wordiness
and redundancies both at a textual and sentence level (Tiersma 1999: 59–61).
Moreover, in order to create an impression of objectivity, legal discourses tend to
be phrased in a highly impersonal manner, which involves avoiding first and
second person pronouns, as well as resorting to passive structures and nomina-
lisation. Despite this observed trend towards nominalisation, a study carried out
by Venturi (2008) reveals a lower percentage of nominal chunks in the legal texts
analysed – English European Union Directives – than in their reference corpus, a
subcorpus of the Wall Street Journal (2008: 7).
In the light of the apparently contradictory observations mentioned above, it
would be interesting to analyse and contrast these and other syntactic patterns
following a more systematic approach and focusing on specific textual categories.
Methodologically, this can be achieved by analysing texts according to their legal
genre (since some of the abovementioned contradictions are probably genre-
driven), through the addition of metadata and the use of restricted queries. Also,
by enriching our corpora with part-of-speech tagging, all instances of a de-
termined syntactic pattern can be easily retrieved.
In institutional discourses, syntactic patters have not been thoroughly studied,
except from the case of the EU. In this setting, several authors (Pozzo 2012: 198;
Strandvik 2012: 41–43) have highlighted the importance of following the Joint
practical guide of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission for
persons involved in the drafting of legislation within the Community institutions
(European Parliament / Council of the European Union / European Commission
2015), which emphasises that Community “legislative acts should be drafted
clearly, simply and precisely”, although these instructions can be difficult to
interpret and there are some counterexamples with unclear and confusing syntax
(Strandvik 2012: 42). It has also been noted that English EU discourse has “an
abundance of lexical bundles incorporating noun phrases and prepositional
phrases”, and “a relatively high number of lexical bundles with verb phrases”
(Jablonkai 2010: 260). In this regard, “further research should concentrate on how
the lexical bundles identified in this study are distributed in the different EU
genres” (2010: 263). This is why it would be interesting to analyse the most
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Giorgina Cerutti
conspicuous syntactic patterns of institutional legal discourses according to

different sub-genres.
2.3. Phraseological patterns
Most studies of legal English seem to agree on the formulaic nature of legal
discourses (e.g. Crystal / Davy 1969: 194; Tiersma 1999: 100–104), which is
“perceived by outsiders as a vice (petrification, lack of spontaneity), while by
insiders as a virtue (standardization)” (Biel 2014: 177). In the case of translators,
legal English phraseology can represent a constraint (Šarčević 1997: 117), since
“these ‘frozen’ patterns of language […] allow little variation in form and can
only be rendered by the means of similar routines in the target language” (Gotti
2014: 1). The same can be said for institutional discourses, such as the one used
in EU documents, which have been described as very formulaic (Jablonkai 2010:
258), and where recurring phraseology has to comply both with national
legislative drafting conventions and legislative drafting conventions of the EU
(Strandvik 2012: 46–47).
Overall, the analysis of legal phraseology has received relatively little attention,
except from some isolated studies, such as Kjær’s seminal paper (1990) and
Gustafsson’s work (1984) (Goźdź-Roszkowski / Pontrandolfo 2015: 130–131).
As noted by Goźdź-Roszkowski and Pontrandolfo (2015: 130), “[i]t is the advent
of Corpus Linguistics that has radically changed the landscape of contemporary
legal phraseology resulting in an array of different approaches and perspectives”
(2015: 131) (for a summary of the applications of corpus-based approaches to
phraseology in legal discourses see 2015: 133–134).
In the context of the LETRINT research project, the study of legal phraseology
can be useful to not only identify possible translation problems, but also dif-
ferentiate between legal genres in institutional settings. It has been argued that
“legal genres can be described and differentiated in terms of their preferred
phraseologies and that the phraseological preferences correlate strongly with the
different communicative priorities and epistemological precepts of the legal
genres” (Goźdź-Roszkowski 2012: 49). Accordingly, functionalities that support
complex queries, either by means of regular expressions or with more complex
362
query languages, will be given special weight in our software evaluation. Also,
part-of-speech tagging will be added to our corpora, since this can facilitate the
identification of certain phraseological patterns, as is the case with doublets
(Pontrandolfo 2013: 269). Nonetheless, as Pontrandolfo (2013: 269–271) ex-
plains, although looking for phraseological patterns through word chains can shed
more exhaustive results, it can also produce a high level of noise. It is his
contention, therefore, that it is sometimes more effective and straightforward to
look directly for phraseology or “anchors” researchers are already familiar with
(2013). In principle, both methodologies will be combined in our corpus analysis.
2.4. Terminological and lexical patterns

Legal English lexicon has been thoroughly described in the literature, since it is
one of the most striking features of legal discourses. In general, it has been
characterised as formal and ritualistic (Tiersma 1999: 100) due to its frequent use
of archaisms both at the word level (Mattila 2012: 32) and the morphological level
(Tiersma 1999: 87). Legal terminology, in turn, has been defined as the group of
terms that have, in one language, one or many legal meanings (Cornu 1990: 14).
Indeed, a salient feature of legal terminology is that it contains terms that are
double coded, since their denominations may correspond to standard language,
while also transmitting a legal meaning (Stolze 2001: 305). Furthermore, legal
terminology tends to involve more culture-specific and system-bound terms than
other specialised terminologies, mainly due to the fact that legal concepts are
usually the product of national legal systems (Šarčević 1997: 232). Legal termino-
logy is also characterised by the use of borrowings from other professions (Mattila
2012: 32), which is closely related to the interdisciplinary nature of law. All of
these specificities have direct consequences for legal drafters, translators and
jurists. In the case of translators, specialised terminology is one of the major
sources of difficulty when translating legal documents (Cao 2007: 53).
In international and supranational settings, legal terminology management poses
additional challenges. As explained above, these contexts have seen the rise of a
new variant of English, which includes legal terms that do not exist in common
law English, along with certain common law terms that are used with a more or
less distinctive continental law meaning (Moréteau 1999: 151–162; Ferreri 2006:
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Giorgina Cerutti
44, cited in Mattila 2012: 35). This lack of terminological harmonisation and
internal coherence makes it difficult for legal translators and drafters to
distinguish between national and institutional terms in the same language,
especially in the case of the EU (Kjær 1999: 75). Provided that the translator
identifies a term as being system-bound (e.g. names of national judicial
institutions), he or she then faces the additional difficulty of “conveying the legal
specificity of the national system at hand, which raises classical issues of
asymmetry in legal translation” (Prieto Ramos 2014a: 8). On the contrary, if the
term in question is specific to the international organisation, the translator “must
follow institutional terminology established to designate univocal shared concepts
in all the official languages, including all kinds of bodies, procedures and
technicalities” (2014a: 7). In the LETRINT project, terminological decisions will
be used as a characteristic marker of quality and methodological competence in
the field, and will be assessed qualitatively, but quantitative analysis will also be
carried out to identify terminological patterns and confirm and triangulate our
findings. Subsequently, an annotated sub-corpus where terminological difficulties
and patterns are marked will be created, since we share the opinion that “such
qualitative data is indispensable to a fuller understanding of the phenomenon
under investigation as it allows the linguist to produce more rigorous descriptions
– and theories – about language in use” (Smith / Hoffmann / Rayson 2008: 163).
For this purpose, we need a corpus-analysis tool that is capable of processing
linguists’ manual annotations.
3. Methodological considerations: corpus analysis tools
The linguistic patterns of legal discourses outlined above and their

methodological implications for corpus-based studies require special research
tools, especially if different language versions of legal discourses are going to be
compared. Assessing corpus analysis tools at the initial stage of a research project
is of vital importance, since the tool chosen has a far-reaching impact on the way
in which research questions are addressed and developed, as well as in the way
results are replicated and triangulated. The importance of the relationship between
analysis tools and research questions is echoed by Anthony (2013a: 143), who
364
compares the impact of observation tools in astronomy with that of textual

analysis tools in corpus linguistics. Taking into account the impact of concor-
dancing software in empirical approaches to linguistics, Wiechmann and Fuhs
(2006) have examined and characterised ten software packages. Their overview
is of great value for researchers working in the field, but unfortunately, only one
of the concordancers assessed can analyse parallel corpora. Likewise, only third-
generation systems are presented, because the latest generation of concordancing
tools had not yet been developed when the paper was published4.
Fourth-generation concordancers distinguish themselves from previous gener-
ations in that, instead of running on the user’s own PC, they run on a web server
and are therefore accessed via a web browser (McEnery / Hardie 2012a). As a
result, they have solved problems arising from the limited power of desktop PCs,
differing PC operating systems, and legal restrictions on the distribution of
corpora (McEnery / Hardie 2011: 43; Anthony 2013a: 152). Restrictions on the
distribution of texts are of particular concern when building legal corpora, since
the confidentiality of legal documents, in particular private legal and litigation
ones, greatly affects the accessibility, size and composition of this type of corpora
(Biel 2010: 4). A related difficulty of creating legal corpora is linked to the
protection of the personal information of the parties concerned in private legal
documents (Soriano Barabino 2005: 200–204). Moreover, these concordancers
are particularly suitable for research teams that share corpora, since, by making
data accessible through a web browser, team members can avoid putting
considerable effort into the distribution of a corpus (McEnery / Hardie 2012a).
Using a web browser is also an advantage in terms of usability, as it reduces the
sometimes steep learning curve of many text analysis tools, as researchers can
access corpora via a piece of software (the web browser) they are already familiar
with. Last but not least, fourth-generation systems present the additional ad-
vantages of making the work of researchers available immediately and more
easily and of helping extend the range of available analyses, because most of them
4
For a historical overview of corpus analysis tools, see McEnery and Hardie (2012b: 37–
48).
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Giorgina Cerutti
use a server with a powerful and complex search system (McEnery / Hardie
2012a: 43–45).
This is why the focus of this work is on fourth-generation concordancers that have
become general purpose tools and allow users to upload their own corpora, such
as Wmatrix (Rayson 2008), AntWebCorpusFramework (Anthony 2014), Sketch
Engine (Kilgarriff / Rychly / Smrz / Tugwell 2004), CQPweb (Hardie 2012), and
ParaVoz (Meyer / von Waldenfels / Zeman 2006–2014).
3.1. AntWebCorpusFramework
AntWebCorpusFramework, also known as AntWebConc, is a freeware web-

based parallel concordancer developed by Anthony (2014) in an open-source and
modular fashion. Its development has benefited from input from researchers and
teachers (Anthony 2013a: 156–157). Although AntWebConc is designed to host
different single and parallel corpora (ibid.), for the time being it has not been
officially launched and, therefore, it has only been used to set up the parallel
corpus WebParaNews (Anthony 2013b) and the Young Adult Fiction Parallel
Corpus (YAFPC) (Killer 2014). For this reason, it has not been possible to
evaluate it, but we consider that it should be taken into account for future projects.
3.2. CQPweb
CQPweb is a free open-source web-based corpus analysis system designed by

Andrew Hardie to address the “conflicting requirements for usability and power
in corpus analysis software” (Hardie 2012: 380). It aims at replicating the inter-
face of the BNCweb tool, which also uses CQP (Corpus Query Processor) as a
back-end and database alongside the CWB (Corpus Workbench) to provide extra
functions (Evert 2010). It can support monolingual and parallel corpora, and
provides significant advantages in terms of flexibility, since it is compatible with
any corpus and accepts different annotations as “primary” on a per-corpus basis
(Hardie 2012: 392). Its visual appearance can be modified and its code can be
adapted, which has given rise to different CQPweb based corpus interfaces in the
last few years (Xu 2015).
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3.3. ParaVoz
ParaVoz is a free open-source web interface for querying parallel corpora

developed by Roland Meyer, Ruprecht von Waldenfels and Andi Zeman. It was
designed as the corpus interface for ParaSol (Parallel Corpus of Slavic and Other
Languages) (Institute of Slavic Languages and Literatures / Institute of Slavistics
2011), which nowadays includes 27 million tokens in 31 languages, but can also
be adapted for other parallel corpora (von Waldenfels 2011). ParaVoz query
strings accept standard CQP syntax and are directly channelled to CWB (von
Waldenfels 2015: 6). In addition to supporting multilingual alignment, it can
support word alignment (the tokens highlighted in blue on the right column would
be translation equivalents of those highlighted in red on the left column). Even
though this functionality will not be taken into account in our evaluation since it
is not relevant for our context of use (see section 4.1), it might be advantageous
to other researchers working with parallel corpora who are interested in studying
translation variants (see, for example, Graën / Clematide / Volk 2016).
3.4. Sketch Engine
Sketch Engine is a commercial corpus software interface developed by Lexical

Computing Limited since 2003. It takes as input a corpus of any language and a
corresponding set of grammar patterns, and generates word sketches, a thesaurus
and “sketch differences”, which specify similarities and differences between close
synonyms (Kilgarriff / Rychly / Smrz / Tugwell 2004: 1). With Sketch Engine
users can use readily available corpora, upload their own or create corpora on the
fly via WebBootCaT, “a web-service version of the BootCat tools” (Baroni /
Kilgarriff / Pomikálek / Rychlý 2006: 124). Sketch Engine also offers several
built-in part-of-speech taggers users can choose from. Since in the LETRINT
project corpora will be carefully selected, annotated and aligned, this functionality
will not be taken into account when defining our top-level quality characteristics
(see Section 4.3), but, again, it might be useful for other researchers.
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Giorgina Cerutti
3.5. Wmatrix
Wmatrix is a software tool for corpus analysis and comparison developed by Paul
Rayson in the REVERE project for academic research and teaching (UCREL). It
has now been developed as a generalisable system and allows users to upload their
own corpora, which can then be automatically annotated and viewed with a web
browser. One of the advantages of Wmatrix is that it incorporates the main
functionalities of corpus linguistics (frequency lists, concordances, key words,
etc.) and adds two NLP tools (POS tagging and semantic field tagging) (Lukač
2014: 3). Nonetheless, for this same reason, it can only work with a limited
number of languages. At the moment, it is designed for English only, although
resources for other languages are currently under development and will be added
in the medium term (Rayson 2015). Due to the fact that the LETRINT project
aims at analysing English, French and Spanish parallel corpora, Wmatrix will not
be included in this evaluation. However, since it is still under development, it
should not be disregarded, as it has proven useful for several studies that focus on
English (UCREL), and, if other languages are added, it will probably be useful
for researchers working with parallel corpora as well.
4. Evaluation of concordancers
The goal of this evaluation is to assess CQPWeb, ParaVoz and Sketch Engine in
order to decide which one is the most suitable for the LETRINT project, by using
the EAGLES 7-step recipe (EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1999). Based
on norm ISO/IEC 9126-1: 1991, the Evaluation Working Group EAGLES (1996)
developed a flexible and modifiable evaluation framework using a hierarchical
classification of features and attributes to create an evaluation process model
adapted to the translation environment (Quah 2006: 142–143). From the
beginning, the EAGLES framework was intended to cover “a wide range of
application areas for natural language processing systems” (EAGLES Evaluation
Working Group 1996), and, in practice, it has been used to evaluate spell-
checkers, terminology extractors and Translation Memory Systems (TMS),
among others (EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1996, appendix D and E).
368
Given that concordancing tools are part of the work environment of the translation
professional (MeLLANGE 2006: 7; Gough / Stelmaszak / Slobodzian-Taylor
2013: 93) and of the translation researcher (Saldanha / O’Brien 2013: 89–92), it
is our contention that the EAGLES evaluation framework can be used to evaluate
these types of systems as well.
4.1. Defining the aim of the evaluation
The first step of EAGLES 25000 entails defining the aim of the evaluation, i.e.
deciding what is going to be evaluated (be it a system or a system component) and
in which specific context of use (EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1999,
Starlander 2015: 5). The context of use comprises “the users, tasks, equipment
(hardware, software and materials), and the physical and social environments in
which a product is used” (ISO/IEC 1998, cited in ISO/IEC 2014: 2). The
evaluation presented in this paper has been tailored to suit the context of use of
the LETRINT research project, but its internal measures and the values attributed
to them can be adjusted to fit other research contexts as well.
When defining our context of use, special consideration was given to the corpus
size. Even though there appears to be no theoretical consensus as to the number
of documents and tokens a representative corpus should include (Seghiri 2014:
88–89), most authors agree that a specialised corpus can be smaller in size than a
general language corpus (Zanettin 2012: 41). As we wanted each subcorpus of the
LETRINT project5 to be representative in our three main languages of study, we
estimated that the final corpus would have a couple of billion tokens6. Regarding
the languages supported, we wanted the system to include English, Spanish and
5
Roughly speaking, the LETRINT corpus is divided into three main subcorpora according
to the international organisations under study (the UN, the EU and the WTO). These
subcorpora are, in turn, subdivided into three main textual categories according to the
legal procedure documents belong to (law- and policy-making, monitoring and
adjudication). For more details on the textual mapping that determined this classification,
see Prieto Ramos (forthcoming 2017).
6
To verify this, we tested the representability of pilot subcorpora using the tool ReCor
(Pastor / Domínguez 2007) and then multiplied the size of a representative legal
subcorpus of institutional documents by the number of subcorpora and languages of the
final LETRINT corpus.
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Giorgina Cerutti
French, as well as Arabic, Italian and German, since they might be added to the
LETRINT project for some case studies. The price of the system and the
adaptability of its code and interface were also taken into account, because we
wanted to have a flexible tool that could evolve together with the project.
Furthermore, importance was given to the possibility of not only allowing external
users to access the site, but also of setting up different access levels and user
profiles. Likewise, corpora and system location received special attention, as it
was essential for the LETRINT project to store its data and software in an in-
house server for security and confidentiality purposes, as well as to be assured
that we were in control of the tool. We believe this could also be of concern to
other researchers investigating legal discourses, because, as explained above, the
protection of personal data and restrictions on the distribution of texts are
especially important in this field.
4.2. Creating a task model

Elaborating a task model implies stating what uses are going to be given to the
system and defining a user profile (EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1999,
Starlander 2015: 5). The intended users of the LETRINT corpus are mainly
translation scholars and legal linguists who are not expected to be knowledgeable
about the most technical aspects of computational linguistics or to be familiar with
programming. Therefore, ease of installation of the system and of corpora into the
system (installability) and information about the system (learnability) were taken
into account. Of course, we wanted the tool to at least support LETRINT team
members (five for the time being), which was one of the attributes that was
evaluated.
4.3. Defining top level quality characteristics
The third step of EAGLES evaluation framework consists of deciding which

features need to be evaluated and whether or not all of them have the same
importance (EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1999). The product quality
370
characteristics we are going to evaluate are functional suitability7, with a special

focus on functional completeness, usability8, concentrating on learnability,
security9, paying special attention to confidentiality, and portability10, with
emphasis on adaptability and installability.
When evaluating the functional suitability of the corpora supported by the tool,
emphasis was placed on the possibility of uploading trilingual corpora and of
including linguistic, structural and documental annotations, since they are
important when analysing linguistic patterns in legal discourses, as explained
above. When assessing the types of searches included in the tool, simple and
complex searches (with regular expressions or other syntaxes) were taken into
account, since the former are the most straightforward way of querying corpora,
while the latter are useful when looking for specific patterns to analyse syntax,
phraseology and terminology. Restricted queries were also viewed positively, as
they allow searches to be carried out according to parameters set beforehand by
the researcher, e.g. the legal genre, the text category, the institution that issued the
document, etc., which is key for the comparison of legal genres and texts, and
which has been reflected in the corresponding metrics (see section 4.5) The
analysis functionalities taken into account for the evaluation are those that are
usually expected from third- and fourth- generation concordancers, and include
KWIC displays, collocations, frequency lists, key word lists, n-grams, and
distribution plots. Saving and uploading queries was also valued as this would
facilitate team work.
In terms of usability, we took into account the user profile described above and
our focus was therefore on functionalities that would enhance learnability, and
7
“[D]egree to which a product or system provides functions that meet stated and implied
needs when used under specified conditions” (ISO/IEC 2011: 10).
8
“[D]egree to which a product or system can be used by specified users to achieve specified
goals with effectiveness, efficiency and satisfaction in a specified context of use” (ibid.
11).
9
“[D]egree to which a product or system protects information and data so that persons or
other products or systems have the degree of data access appropriate to their types and
levels of authorization” (ibid. 12).
10
“[D]egree of effectiveness and efficiency with which a system, product or component can
be transferred from one hardware, software or other operational or usage environment to
another” (ibid. 15).
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which we had detected while qualitatively exploring fourth-generation

concordancers. Likewise, adaptability and installability, as subcategories of
portability, were especially important given the profile of our targeted users. The
attributes evaluated when assessing security are more closely related to the
context of use of the LETRINT project and can, of course, be adapted to other
projects or disregarded if they do not suit their needs.
4.4. Producing detailed requirements
The stage of producing detailed requirements for the system under evaluation
involves finding a valid and reliable way of measuring how the object being
evaluated performs with respect to each feature identified as important (EAGLES
Evaluation Working Group 1999). For this purpose, features were broken down
into measurable sub-attributes (see Table 1), which were used in the following
stage to create our evaluation grid.
4.5. Devising metrics
Devising the metrics to be applied to the system according to the quality model
chosen entails defining how the selected characteristics will be measured by
defining an applied measure for each attribute (Starlander 2015: 5). Consequently,
an evaluation grid was designed to include the attributes mentioned above
together with their corresponding values, according to the context of use of the
LETRINT project. As explained above, these values and attributes can be adapted
to the needs of other research questions and projects. For example, the possibility
of analysing trilingual corpora was given a significant weight in our evaluation,
as this is essential for our project. In contrast, the analysis of parallel corpora of
more than three languages was given less weight, as this might be interesting for
some case studies including Italian, German and/or Arabic, but not crucial for the
project itself. By the same token, the possibility of performing restricted queries
was given more importance than other search functionalities, for the reasons
explained above.
372
Table 1a: Evaluation Metrics (Functional suitability / functional completeness)
Characteristic
Functional suitability / functional completeness
Attribute Value
Software Features
Maximum corpus size <1,500,000,000 tokens: insufficient; 0 points
1,500,000,000–2,000,000,000 tokens: sufficient; 2 points
>2,000,000,000 tokens: excellent; 4 points
Languages EN, SP or FR: insufficient; -2 points
EN, SP and FR: sufficient; 2 point
EN, SP, FR and AR: excellent; 3 points
Price (for 5 years) More than CHF 5,000: insufficient; -2 points
Between CHF 2,000 and 5,000: sufficient; 0 point
Less than CHF 2,000: excellent; 2 points
Number of collaborators <5: insufficient; -2 points
5–10: sufficient; 0 point
>10: excellent; 2 points
Corpora
Trilingual Corpora Yes: 5; No: -5
Multilingual Corpora (more than 3 Yes: 2; No: -2
languages)
Customisable metadata Yes: 1; No: 0
Customisable structural annotation Yes: 1; No: 0
Customisable linguistic annotation Yes: 1; No: 0
Hide mark-up and annotation Yes: 1; No: 0
Searches
Simple Yes: 1; No: 0
Simple (case sensitive) Yes: 1; No: 0
Regex Yes: 1; No: 0
Complex query syntaxes Yes: 1; No: 0
Restricted queries Yes: 2; No: 0
Analysis functionalities
KWIC Yes: 1; No: 0
Frequency lists Yes: 1; No: 0
Key Word lists Yes: 1; No: 0
Download text frequencies Yes: 1; No: 0
Collocations Yes: 1; No: 0
Download collocation results Yes: 1; No: 0
N-grams Yes: 1; No: 0
Distribution plots Yes: 1; No: 0
Download concordance Yes: 1; No: 0
Save queries Yes: 1; No: 0
Upload queries Yes: 1; No: 0
Table 1b: Evaluation Metrics (Usability / learnability)
Characteristic
Usability / learnability
Attribute Value
Explanations in the program’s interface Yes: 1
No: 0
External support: free tutorials, YouTube <2 items: insufficient; 0 point
videos, MOOCs, tutorials, technical 2–3 items: sufficient; 1 point
support, fora). >3 items: excellent; 2 points
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Table 1c: Evaluation Metrics (Security / confidentiality)
Characteristic
Security / confidentiality
Attribute Value
Corpus location – in an in-house server Yes: 5; No: -5
System location – in an in-house server Yes: 5; No: -5
Possibility for external users to access the Yes: 2; No: 0
platform after validation
Permission levels (access limits; user 1 level: insufficient; 0 point
management) 2–3 levels: sufficient; 1 point
Corpora level permissions Yes: 1; No: 0
Table 1d: Evaluation Metrics (Portability / adaptability)
Characteristic
Portability / adaptability
Attribute Value
Open-source Yes: 5; No: -5
Developers’ availability to work on the Yes: 3; No: 0
code
Personalised interface Yes: 2; No: 0
Table 1e: Evaluation Metrics (Portability / installability)
Characteristic
Portability / installability
Attribute Value
Ease of installation of the concordancer Difficult11: insufficient; 0 point
Easy12: sufficient; 1 point
No need of installation: excellent; 2 points
Ease of installing monolingual corpora Difficult13: insufficient; 0 point
Medium14: sufficient; 1 point
Easy15: excellent; 2 points
Ease of installing multilingual corpora Difficult: insufficient; 0 point
Medium: sufficient; 1 point
Easy: excellent; 2 points
4.6. Designing the evaluation
The sixth step of the EAGLES seven-step recipe consists of developing test
materials to support the evaluation, as well as determining in what circumstances,
11
Difficult: A person with basic IT knowledge cannot manage by him or herself and needs
additional help by an IT expert.
12
Easy: A person with basic IT knowledge can manage by him or herself.
13
Difficult: Corpora need to be indexed or annotated beforehand. A person with basic IT
knowledge cannot manage by him or herself and needs additional help by an IT expert.
14
Medium: Corpora need to be indexed or annotated beforehand, but a person with basic
IT knowledge can manage by him or herself with little or some effort.
15
Easy: A person with basic IT knowledge can manage by him or herself. Corpus does not
need to be indexed or annotated beforehand.
374
when and who will carry out the different measurements (EAGLES Evaluation
Working Group 1999). To assess the attributes listed in Table 1, we downloaded
and installed CQPweb and ParaVoz and created a trial account for Sketch Engine
(which does not need installation), and then we uploaded the pilot corpus
mentioned in note 6 into the three systems. This hands-on observation enabled us
verify that the functionalities offered by the systems were working properly, and
were used to complete Table 2 (see the following section).
4.7. Executing the evaluation
In the final stage of this evaluation framework, measurements are made, satis-
faction ratings are compared, and results are summarised in an evaluation report
(EAGLES Evaluation Working Group 1999), which is outlined below.
Table 2a: Summary of the concordancers’ attributes (Functional suitability – functional completeness)
Attribute Sketch Engine 3.79 CQPweb 3.2.22 ParaVoz 2.0

Software Features
Maximum corpus size The largest corpora 2.1 billion words Several Gigatokens
(TenTen corpora family) on a 64-bit system (see CWB)
of main languages
contain from 2 to 15
billion words.
Languages All All All
Price (for 5 years) Academic licences paid Free Free
by an institution. For up
to 10 users: GPB 364
/year
CHF 502.47/year
2512.35
Number of collaborators 10 users (but up to 200) Unlimited Unlimited
Corpora
Trilingual Corpora + - +
Multilingual Corpora (more + - +
than 3 languages)
Customisable documental + + +
annotation/ metadata
Customisable structural + + +
annotation
Customisable linguistic + + +
annotation
Hide mark-up and annotation + + +
Searches
Simple + + +
Simple (case sensitive) + + +
Regex + + +
Complex query syntaxes + + +
Restricted queries + + +
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Analysis Functionalities
KWIC + + +
Frequency lists + + -
Key Word lists + + -
Download text frequencies + + -
Collocations + + -
Download collocation results+ + + -
N-grams - - -
Distribution plots + + -
Download concordance + + +
Save queries - + -
Upload queries - + -
Table 2b: Summary of the concordancers’ attributes (Usability – learnability)

Explanations in the program’s + + -
interface
External support – free tutorials, + + -
YouTube videos, MOOCs,
technical support, fora
Table 2c: Summary of the concordancers’ attributes (Security – confidentiality)

Corpus location – in an in-house - + +
server
System location – in an in- - + +
house server
Possibility for external users to + + +
access the platform after
validation
Permission levels (access limits; + + +
user management)
Corpora level permissions + + -
Table 2d: Summary of the concordancers’ attributes (Portability – adaptability)

Open-source - + +
Developers’ availability to work - - +
on the code
Personalised interface - + +
Table 2e: Summary of the concordancers’ attributes (Portability – installability)

Ease of installation of the Not necessary Difficult Difficult
concordancer
Ease of installing monolingual Easy Medium Difficult
corpora
Ease of installing multilingual Difficult Difficult Difficult
corpora
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As can be observed in this Table, there are significant differences in the software
functionalities offered by the concordancers, which is reflected in the scores they
obtained (see Table 3). There are also important variations in their analysis
functionalities, especially if we compare Sketch Engine and CQPweb with
ParaVoz. By contrast, the types of searches supported do not vary at all, which can
be explained by the fact that these are all fourth-generation concordancers with
advanced query functionalities, as mentioned in Section 3.
4.8. Evaluation results
According to the software evaluation carried out, the most suitable fourth-
generation concordancer for the analysis of legal discourses and translation
decisions for the LETRINT project is ParaVoz, closely followed by CQPweb. As
illustrated in Tables 2 and 3, this is mainly because the functional suitability of
the corpora supported and the software features offered is higher than in the two
other systems, since ParaVoz is the only open-source freeware fourth-generation
system that supports trilingual corpora. Nonetheless, its analysis functionalities
and its learnability are inferior. CQPweb, in turn, offers more analysis function-
alities and can accommodate parallel corpora if one-way links are created to
interlink monolingual datasets, but corpora will still not be displayed in three
languages simultaneously and in the same window. In the light of the results
obtained in terms of analysis functionalities, confidentiality and adaptability, we
consider CQPweb a very suitable tool for researchers working with parallel
bilingual corpora. As for Sketch Engine, it yielded better results in terms of
functional suitability of the supported corpora, which can be explained by the fact
that it is a commercial tool. For this same reason, it does not satisfy LETRINT’s
requirements with regard to adaptability, as its code cannot be adapted for the
project, or confidentiality, since neither the system nor the corpus can be located
on a local server. However, given the points scored for the corpora, searches and
analysis functionalities supported, as well as its learnability and installability,
Sketch Engine can be a very useful tool for researchers less concerned with
security and more eager to work with a user-friendly and powerful tool. As a
consequence of this evaluation, ParaVoz was the concordancer chosen for the
LETRINT project, but its analysis functionalities will still have to be adapted.
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Table 3: Evaluation Results
Attribute Sketch Engine CQPweb ParaVoz 2.0

3.79 3.2.22
Software Features
Maximum corpus size 3 3 3
Languages 3 3 3
Price (for 5 years) 0 2 2
Number of collaborators 0 2 2
Sub-total 6 10 10
Corpora
Trilingual Corpora 5 -5 5
Multilingual corpora (more than 3 languages) 2 -2 2
Customisable documental annotation/ metadata 2 2 2
Customisable structural annotation 1 1 1
Customisable linguistic annotation 1 1 1
Hide markup and annotation 1 1 1
Sub-total 12 -2 12
Types of Searches
Simple 1 1 1
Simple (case sensitive) 1 1 1
Regex 1 1 1
Complex query syntaxes 1 1 1
Restricted queries 2 2 2
Sub-total 6 6 6
Analysis Functionalities
KWIC 1 1 1
Frequency lists 1 1 0
Key Word lists 1 1 0
Download text frequencies 1 1 0
Collocations 1 1 0
Download collocation results 1 1 0
N-grams 0 0 0
Distribution plots 1 1 0
Download concordance 1 1 1
Save queries 0 1 0
Upload queries 0 1 0
Sub-total 8 10 2
Usability – learnability
Explanations in the program’s interface 1 1 0
External support: tutorials, YouTube videos, MOOCs, 2 2 0
tutorials, technical support, fora).
Sub-total 3 3 0
378
Security – confidentiality
Corpus location – in an in-house server -5 5 5
System location – in an in-house server -5 5 5
Possibility for external users to access the platform after 2 2 2
validation
Permission levels (access limits; user management) 1 1 1
Corpora level permissions 1 1 1
Sub-total -6 14 14
Portability – adaptability
Open source -5 5 5
Developers’ availability to work on the code 0 0 3
Personalised interface 0 2 2
Sub-total -5 7 10
Portability – installability
Ease of installation of the concordancer 2 0 0
Ease of installing monolingual corpora 2 1 0
Ease of installing multilingual corpora 0 0 0
Sub-total 4 1 0
TOTAL 28 49 54
5. Conclusion and discussion
This paper explores the methodological implications of analysis tools for corpus-
based legal translation and language studies, taking into account the specificities
of legal discourses and their implications. It bridges the gap between research
questions and practical technical decisions. The main linguistic patterns account-
ed for in studies of legal discourses have been reviewed with a view to determin-
ing the software functionalities necessary for their analysis in the light of the
specific needs of an illustrative legal translation research project. Then, the latest
generation of corpus analysis tools was reviewed and those concordancers suited
for the analysis of parallel corpora were evaluated.
Although this evaluation takes into account the specificities of the LETRINT
project, it could be adapted to other case studies and research questions by
changing the values given to each attribute and/or by focusing on other software
quality characteristics according to the context of use of the researcher (for the
complete list of software characteristics and subcharacteristics, see ISO/IEC
2011: Annex A). Furthermore, this type of quantitative and systematic evaluation
based on qualitative observations (Table 2) can be adaptable not only to different
379
Giorgina Cerutti
research contexts, but also to software upgrades. For instance, if one system were
to update one of its functionalities (e.g. by offering more space, by adding more
analysis functionalities, etc.), this upgrade could easily be incorporated into the
evaluation by editing the qualitative information provided in Table 2 and, then,
by modifying the quantitative data of Table 3 accordingly. Likewise, if other tools
were to be created or further developed (as it could be the case with AntWeb
CorpusFramework or with Wmatrix), they could easily be included in the
evaluation by going back to step six and seven of the EAGLES seven-step recipe.
Due to the current state of development of fourth-generation systems, there is not
a single one that can fully satisfy LETRINT’s needs and, subsequently, the
concordancer chosen, ParaVoz, will have to be adapted. Given the close results
between CQPweb and ParaVoz, the possibility of adapting the latter, which has
more powerful functionalities, was considered and attempted, but to no avail.
Unfortunately, a particular difficulty of assessing tools that are still under
development is that it is difficult to estimate the cost and time of modifying their
codes. For this purpose, an interesting line of research would be to complement
this evaluation of the external measures of the tools with an assessment of their
internal measures, which “provide a ‘white box’ view of software and address
static properties” (ISO/IEC 2011: Annex A, 31). Nonetheless, this is only possible
with open-source tools; this is why we focused on external measures.
In order for researchers to surpass the limitations of off-the-shelf tools and “take
control of their own research agenda” (Anthony 2013a: 155), several scholars
(Biber / Conrad / Reppen 1998: 254; Mason 2001; Gries 2009: 11–12, 2010: 125;
Weisser 2009) have encouraged them to learn programming and develop their
own tools. However, this approach presents significant limitations, because (1)
not all linguists want to be computer programmers, (2) small teams or individuals
working alone cannot make great progress, (3) it is easier to develop encoding
standards by working together, and (4) locally developed tools should be made
available to other researchers to replicate and verify results (McEnery / Hardie
2011: 47). As a consequence, in the context of the LETRINT project, it was
decided that a tool would be chosen from existing software and adapted when
necessary, rather than developing a completely new tool. As highlighted by
Anthony (2009: 104), “a more realistic and productive approach [to improve
380
existing systems and actively push for the creation of new ones] is for corpus
linguists to work in collaboration with software developers to create new tools”.
By presenting a systematic assessment of the most recent and powerful corpus
analysis tools for specific legal language research needs in a granular way, this
study illustrates how scholars can exploit the advantages of corpus-based ap-
proaches to the analysis of legal discourses for legal translation research, and it
contributes to the development of the next generation of concordancers.
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Annikki LIIMATAINEN, Arja NURMI, Marja KIVILEHTO, Leena SALMI, Anu

VILJANMAA, Melissa WALLACE (EDS.)

Legal translation and court interpreting: Ethical Values,

Preface / Vorwort / Préface ....................................................................................................... 7

Thematic foci of the volume ................................................................................................... 15

Maribel Del Pozo Triviño

Noelle Higgins and Dorothy Ní Uigín

2. The role of the interpreter

Anu Viljanmaa and Anna Mäntynen

3. Certification of translators and interpreters

Emilia Lindroos and Stefan Kirchner

4. Translator and interpreter education

5. Terms and tools

Tampere, Turku and San Antonio, September 2017

Tampere, Turku und San Antonio, September 2017

Un colloque international sur la traduction et l’interprétation juridique s’est tenu

Tampere, Turku et San Antonio, septembre 2017

2. The role of the interpreter

Another vital aspect of quality assurance in legal translation and interpreting is

4. Translator and interpreter education

5. Terms and tools

The right of gender violence victims and survivors to

1. The phenomenon of violence against women

Violence against women is a phenomenon that affects thousands of women world-

prevalence of violence against women is “a global public health problem of

This definition is crucial when understanding the phenomenon because, on the

1.1. Legislation on gender violence

forms. Legislation increasingly criminalises violence against women by prosecut-

As human rights organisations acknowledge, besides gender inequality, there are

1.2. The impact of gender violence on migrant women

Several national and international organisations (Amnesty International 2007,

2. Linguistic rights as essential to access justice

2.1. International legislation

As mentioned above, international human rights legislation urges nations to tackle

2.2. European Union legislation

Paragraph two refers to the use of communications technologies such as videocon-

6. Notwithstanding paragraphs 1 and 3, an oral translation or oral summary of essential

8. Interpretation and translation and any consideration of a challenge of a decision not to

2.3. Spanish legislation

The legal instruments used by the Spanish government to transpose Directive

3. The need for interpreter qualification and

In so far as training of interpreters to work in gender violence settings is con-

4. The Speak Out for Support (SOS-VICS) project

4.1. Research carried out by SOS-VICS

As explained earlier, gender violence has provoked an institutional response

4.2. Resources created by SOS-VICS

Violence against women has been defined in international legislation as a form of

barriers, among others. Therefore, governments need to take special measures to

Abraham, Diana / Oda, Melanie (2000): “The cultural/community interpreter in

State of Victoria (2014–16): Royal Commission into Family Violence: Summary

Irish speakers in the Irish courts: Is there a need for, and

Keywords: Irish language, courtroom interpreting, bilingual juries

3. The use of interpreters before independence

4. Constitutional protection and the right to an

Furthermore, Section 44 of the 1924 Act required, as far as practicable, to assign

While the constitutional protection of the Irish language is to be lauded, it is clear

5. Legislative protection – the Official Languages Act

6. Interpreters in the Irish courts

Court interpreting to English in Ireland cost a total of €1.26m in 2013. 3 Of the

required an Irish-language interpreter. So why is the demand for interpreting ser-

7. The right to not have an interpreter

7.1. Ó Maicín v. Éire

7.2. The Irish language in the educational system