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MICROFILM COLLECTION
OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
FORMERLY: MICROFILM COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
AND
MICROFILM COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS
ON THE MIDDLE AMERICAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Series: XV
No: 99
Photographed by:
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University of Chicago - Chicago, III. 60637

REDUCTION ratio. 12 _.
 THE NATURAL HISTORY

OF

AN INTERVIEW

(edited by Norman A. McQuown)

with contributions by

Gregory Bateson
Ray L. Birdwhistell
Henry W. Brosin

Charles F. Hockett

Norman A. MecQuown

Henry L. Smith, Jr.

George L. Trager

Part I: Foreword, Chapters 1 - 5

MICROFILM COLLECTION

OF

MANUSCRIPTS
ON

CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

No. 95 ~

Series XV

University of Chicago Library

Chicago, Illinois
June 30, 1971
 The Natural History of an Interview

Foreword (Mc Quown )

1 Communication (Bateson)

Chapter 2 Vocal Activity > (Hockett)

Chapter 3 Body Motion (Birdwhistell) ©

Chapter 4 Implications for Psychiatry (Brosin)

Chapter 3 3: The Actors and the Setting (Bateson)

Chapter 6: Transcript, Transcription, and

Commentary (Birdwhistell, Hockett,
Mc Guown )

Chapter T 3: Communicative Base Lines and

Symptomatic Features (Birdwhistell,
Mc Quown)

Chapter 8 : The Fsychiatric Overview of

the Family Setting » (Brosin)

Chapter Collation (Birdwhistell, Brosin,

Mc Quown)

Chapter Summary, Conclusions, and -

Outlook (Mc Quown )

~ Appendix Paralanguage: A First Approximation (Trager)

Appendix Symbology for Speech Transcription (Hockett)

Appendix symbology for Speech Transcription §(McQuown)

. Appendix Microkinesic Transcription (Birdwhistell)

Appendix 'Macrokinesic Transcription (Birdwhistell)

Appendix Sample Kinesic Transcription (Birdwhistell)

Appendix Retranscription and Collation Charts (McQuown)

Appendix Machinery (Mc Quown )

Appendix Citations from the Literature (Brosin)

Appendix Bibliography (Brosi1)

 Foreword

In the month of November, 1955, at the Center for Advanced

Study in the Behavioral Sciences, at the instigation of Dr. Frieda
Fromm-Reichmann, then staff-psychiatrist at Chestnut Lodge,
Baltimore, Maryland, Norman A. McQuown, participant with her and
others (Alfred L. Kroeber, Gregory Bateson, Charles F. Hockett,
Dr. Henry W. Brosin, Ray L. Birdwhistell, David M. Schneider) in
an on-going seminar investigating the relevance of language be-
havior to research in other behavioral sciences, undertook to
prepare a fine~grained analysis, transcription, and interpretation
of the speech of participants in a tape-recorded psychiatric inter-
view. The results of this attempt were made available in an
article "Linguistic Transcription and Specification of Psychiatric
Interview Materials" published in PSYCHIATRY in 1957 (Vol. 20,

pp. 79-86).
Encouraged by the relative success of this initial en..2avor,
a team consisting of Fromm-Reichmann and Brosin, psychiatrists,
Birdwhistell, kinesic*tst, Hockett and McQuown, linguists, and
Bateson, anthropologist, undertook, in February, 1956, to carry
out a similarly fine-grained analysis, transcription and inter-
pretation of the speech and body motion of participants ina |
sound-filmed (and tape-recorded) family interview. In this second
effort, although one member of the filmed family was currertly
undergoing psychotherapy and the family environment was suspected
of being schizophrenogenic, the focus was shifted from a strictly
psychiatric one (psychiatrist and patient) to a less clinically
oriented one (interviewer and members of the family). During a

six-month period of part-time study progress was made independently

by psychiatrists and linguists, and during a three-month period of
intensive work on the filmed and taped materials, the kinesicist
joined these for collation. In brief meetings of the team during
1956 to 1959, work continued, as it did in the home-institutions
of the team-members. Fromm-Reichmann died in April 1957 and

Hockett could no longer continue as a member of the team after

1960. Bateson turned to communicational research on dolphins,

although continuing to maintain contact with other team members.
 In three institutions, work continued in a systematic way:
At Eastern Pennsylvania State Psychiatric Institute, under the
direction of Birdwhistell (with the collaboration of Dr. Albert E.
Scheflen), at Western Pennsylvania State Psychiatric Institute,
under the direction of Brosin (with the collaboration of a size-
able team, including Dr. Felix F. Loeb, Jr., Dr. William Charney,
and Dr. William C. Condon), and in the Department of Anthropology
at the University of Chicago, under the direction of Norman A.
McQuown (with the collaboration of William M. Austin, Raven I.
McDavid, Jr., and Dr. William Offenkrantz, and, most recently, of
Starkey Duncan).

The focus of effort at EPPI was on the description of body

motion and on the macro-structure of interactional behavior. The
focus at WPPI was on details of body-motion and their correlation
with clinical history and on the creation of adequate machinery
for the efficient manipulation of sound-film materials. The focus
at Chicago was on the analysis and recording of speech and on the
pulling together of all the materials bearing on the analysis of
the family-film materials supplied by Bateson and worked over by
all the members of the team.

Each center contributed substantially to the editorial labor,

and each center produced trainees who went on to become efficient
collaborators. In September, 1963, Birdwhistell's group completed
a typescript of the protocols of the family interview materials.
In June, 1967, McQuown's group completed the editing of the
explanatory materials ancillary to these protocols. In June, 1968,
all materials were placed in the hands of Brosin's group (which had,
since 1960, contributed substantially to their elaboration) for
final revision and organization. In September, 1968, these mate-
rials were again in McQuown's hands. A training manual "The Natural
History of an Interview" was ready for publication by September 30,
1968. This manual constitutes a general introduction to the theory
of micro-analysis of interviews with a focus on overt behavior, to
the individual systems of analysis of the speech and body-motion of
participants in such interviews, to the techniques of manipulating
taped and filmed materials in order to facilitate such analysis,
and to the theoretical frames suitable for the interpretation of

the materials and for their use in psychotherapeutic and other

practical applications. It presents a substantial body of analyzed

and interpreted materials and a full record of the analytic and

interpretive frames used for processing them. This manual may be

used for the training of further adepts in the techniques of anal-

ysis and interpretation, and may be employed as a starting point

for further research into analytic and interpretive frames and into

their effective application to a wider variety of interview

situations.

It has become painfully apparent, in the course of a decade

of effort, that the descriptive frames currently available for

undertaking micrcanalysis of interview behavior are in many ways |

inadequate to the purpose. The frame for describing and record-

ing the varieties of the English language spoken in the United

States and Canada (not to mention the rest of the English-speaking

world) is in a continual state of growth and change; although in

theory it is at present reasonably adequate for the description

of any one regional or social dialect, in practice no full descrip-

tion of any one dialect is currently available, nor is there an

adequate coverage of the salient points of difference character-

istic of a range of dialects sufficiently wide to enable the

micro-analytic interpreter to pick up, for example, the contrastive

signals of differences in role and attitude, of group-adhesion and

group-rejection, characteristic of participants in an interview.

The frames for the description and recording of the varieties of

paralanguage used in the English-speaking community are now two,

that devised by Trager (1958) in the United States and that worked

out by Crystal (1964) in England. Neither is complete, nor has

either been widely tested on a sufficient variety of English speech.

The pair has not yet been comparatively and contrastively applied
to any single batch of interview materials to test for relative

adequacy of fit and of coverage. The frame for the description

and recording of the varieties of body-motion behavior in the

English-speaking community devised by Birdwhistell (1952) has

seen very considerable development since 1956, and is incorporated
 -h.

into "The Natural History of an Interview." Since 1960 Birdwhistell

has been engaged in perfecting the frame, and a training manual
designed to teach the skills required for describing and record-
ing body-motion in the English-speaking community is in process.
Neither the original frame, nor its refined version, nor the two
systems of transcription, graphic symbolic, and alphabetic, have
as yet been adequately tested on a sufficient variety of body-
motion behaviors in the English-speaking community. Although
general theories of the structure of language are currently avail-
able, no such general theories of the structure of paralanguage or
of body-motion behavior have as yet been worked out. Indeed, it
is doubtful that such general theories can evolve until the currently
available frames for describing and recording paralanguage and
body-motion are tested in a variety of non-English-speaking
linguistic communities. Likewise, cross-cultural testing of these
general frames for the description and recording of language,
paralanguage, and body-motion is indispensable to an adequate
integration of the three fremes and to a general theory of the
structure of human communicative behavior.

It is suggested, therefore, that basic research into the facts

of English regional and social dialect, of regional and social

varieties of paralanguage and of body-motion in the English-language

speaking community, needs be carried out on an appropriate variety

of sound-filmed or video-taped interview-materials gathered with a
view to cross-cutting regional and social dialect boundaries. A

major focus of this research should be on sentence-like and sentence-

sized units as these are revealed by the analysis of such cross-

cutting dialect materials. It is suggested, furthermore, that

basic research into the facts of regional and social dialects of
other languages, of regional and social varieties of paralanguage
and of body-motion in communities speaking other languages, be
carried out on an appropriate variety of sound-filmed or video-
taped interview materials gathered with a view to cross-cutting
regional and social dialect boundaries. A major focus of this
research, too, should be on sentence-like and sentence-sized units
in such cross-cutting dialect materials. It is suggested, finally,
that the results of such study in the English (and other) language

materials be compared and contrasted in carefully controlled

frames.

It is expected that, as a result of such investigations,

the frames for describing language, paralanguage and body-motion

in English (and in other) language communities will be perfected,

that the linguistic, paralinguistic, and body-motion markers of

sentence-like units manifest in these communicative behavioral

channels will be uncovered, and that the foundations of a general

theory of the structure of human communicative behavior, as mani-

fest through these channels, and in such units, will eventually

be worked out. It is hoped that the materials here presented

may facilitate the first steps in this on-going process.

Norman A. McQuown

September 30, 1968

 CHAPTER 1

Communication

Gregory Bateson
O dieses ist das Tier, das es nicht gibt.
Sie wusstens nicht und habens jeden Falls
-~-sein Wandeln, seine Haltung, seinen Hals,
bis in des stillen Blickes Licht -- geliebt.

Zwar war es nicht. Doch weil sie's liebten, ward

ein reines Tier. Sie liessen immer Raum.
Und in dem Raum, klar und ausgespart,
erhob es leicht sein Haupt und brauchte kaum

zu sein. Sie ndhrten es mit keinem Korn,

nur immer mit der Mvplichkeit, es sei.
Und die gab solche Starke an das Tier,

dass es aus sich ein Stirnhorntrieb. Ein Horn.

Zu einer Jungfrau kam es weiss herbei--
und zwar im Silber -Spiegel und in ihr.

Rainer Maria Rilke, Sonette an Orpheus, II. Teil, IV.

© this is the creature that does not exist.
They did not know that and in any case
- its motion, and its bearing, and its neck,
even to the light of its still gaze - they loved it.

Indeed it never was. Yet because they loved it,

a pure creature happened. They always allowed room.
And in that room, clear and left open,
it easily raised its head and scarcely needed

to be. They fed it with no grain, but ever

with the possibility that it might be.
And this gave the creature such strength,

it grew a horn out of its brow. One horn.

Toa virgin it came hither white -
and was in the silver-mirror and in her.

Rainer Maria Rilke ~ SONNETS TO ORPHEUS

(Translated by M. E. Herter Norton, W. W. Norton and Co. N.Y.)

Second Part, Sonnet 4

Background

At the time of the outbreak of World War II, the most promis-

ing insights in the behavioral sciences were those derivative from

Freudian analysis, Gestalt psychology, and cultural relativity.

Linguistics had begun to take on new life under the leadership of

Sapir (1921, 1925, 1933a, 1933b) and Bloomfield (1933, 1939). Psychiatry

was evolving away from the exclusive study of the individual patient

towards the study of human relationships, most dramatically under

the influence of Sullivan (1940); and already there were moves towards

a mathematics of human relationship under Kurt Lewin (1935) and L.F.

Richardson (1939).

During World War II and immediately following that period of

confusion, a series of exceedingly important new approaches were

evolving more or less independently in a number of different places,

but the possible relevance to behavioral science of the work of George

Boole (1854), Whitehead and Russell (1910-13) was still unexplored.

All of these scattered advances were precipitated by the war-time

development of electronic engineering. A partial list of names and

locations of the principal advances will give an idea of what is

happening.

Rosenblueth at Cambridge and in Mexico, and Wiener and

Bigelow (1943) at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, were laying

the foundations of what has come to be called cybernetics, extending

what the engineers and mathematicians had learned about self-

correcting mechanisms to the fields of biology and social organization.

Von Neumann and Morgenstern (1944) at Princeton were laying

the basis of the theory of games.

Craik (1952), in Cambridge, England, before his premature

death, wrote ''Th e Nature of Expl anat ion" raising the whole ques tion

of how messages are coded ina reticulate central nervous system.

Attneave (1959), Stroud (1949), and others at Stanford, happened

to see Craik's little book and by it were inspired to a new approach to

the problems of perception and adaptive action.

"In Vien na, Bertalanffy (1952) was building the beginnings of sys-

tems theo ry with a special emphasis upo n those systems (e. g., organisms)

which. have a continuous source of energy derived from the environment.

Shannon (1949), and others working with the Bell Telephone

Laboratories, were building the structure called information theory.

Ashby (1952, 1956), in Gloucester, England, was devising new

models for theories of learning and the evolution of the brain.

Other names McCulloch and Pitts (1943, 1947), Lorente de No

(1922, 1933 ), Ras hev sky (194 8), Wal ter (1953), Tinbergen (195 3), Lor enz

(1952) might be mentioned as contributing to this general trend.

What has hap pened has bee n the introduction into the behavioral

sciences of a number of very simple, elegant, and powerful ideas all

of which have to do with the nature of communication in the widest

sense of tha t wor d. The steps and sequences of log ic hav e bee n cod ed
into the causal sequences of computing machines and, asa result,

the Principia Mathematica has become a cornerstone of science.

The Natural History of an Interview

The present book is an attempt at synthesis. It is written by

five persons who are professionally concerned with communication

problems in diverse fields and we attempt a synthesis of a wide and

abstract kind, starting from the most concrete data.

We start from a particular interview ona particular day

between two identified persons in the presence of a child, a camera

and a cameraman. Our primary data are the multitudinous details

of vocal and bodily action recorded on this film. We call our treat-

ment of such data a "natural history" because a minimum of theory

guided the collection of the data. The cameraman inevitably made

some selection in his shooting; and ''Doris!'', the subject of the inter-

view, was selected for study not only because she and her husband were

willing to be studied in this way but also because this family suffered

from inter-personal difficultiés which had led them to seek special

psychiatric aid.

These materials, then, while collected under circumstances

unusual in human relationship, nonetheless provide the data for the

natural history of two.human beings over a brief span of time, and

the data themselves are sufficiently uncorrupted by theory so that the

five authors, each with a particular theoretical bias and interest,

could simultaneously approach this mass of detail. Moreover, we

shared something less tangible than the common data: certain theories
or preconceptions about what happens when two people interact.

Theoretical Premises

My. major task in this preliminary chapter is to outline those

theoretical premises which were engendered in us by the recent ad-

vances in the study of human communication:

Freudian

From Freudian theory we accept the premise (1} that only limited

aspects of a part of what happens in human communication are access-

ible to the consciousness of the participants. Our position however dif-

fers from that of many early Freudians in two respects which are minor

so far as theory is concerned, but major in their implications for

method. The important corrective which the Freudian applied to man's

thinking about human nature was an insistence upon the unconscious.

The error to be corrected was the notion that in human beings the men-

tal process is preponderantly or entirely conscious. This error had

roots in eighteenth century culture and back into the Reformation and

into earlier Judaeo-Greek philosophies of free will. But this error

today seems almost fantastic.

It is now a platitude to state that mental process depends upon

hierarchic organization. Whether we think of mental levels or ofa

brain evolved by a process of successive telencephalization, we envis-

age a hierarchy of both anatomy and function. And our knowledge of

hierarchic function--in machines, embryology, physiology, and in

human social organization--indicates as a truism that under no

Pe 2R

circumstances can the upper echelons of any hierarchic system handle

total information about the processes and events which occur at sub-

ordinate or peripheral levels, By the same token, the upper echelons

can handle only limited reports--can be only partially conscious --of

all that happens at their own upper level. To provide these upper

echelons with total reporting would be to add to the system still

higher echelons--themselves, in turn, largely unconscious. To us,

then, the fact that most mental process (including, especially, the

process of perception itself) cannot be inspected by consciousness is

a matter of course and whatis surprising, and therefore needs explan-

ation, is the fact of consciousness. Unconsciousness is a necessity of

the economics of hierarchic organization (Sapir, 1927).

This does not mean, of course, that economy of effort or the

economic use of the channels of communication to avoid jamming is

the only factor determining what information shall be allowed to reach

the upper echelons of consciousness. The analogy of human social

organizations would indicate very clearly both that upper echelons are

commonly ''motivated'" not to receive information about certain peri-

pheral events and that there are many events which the subordinate

echelons are ''motivated'' not to transmit upwards. There are, there-

fore, many matters which remain "in the unconscious'' for reasons

other than those of economy, and the unconscious becomes a reposi-

tory for material which is repressed in the »'reudian sense.

The second difference between our position and the classical

Freudian results from our emphasis upon communication. We are

interested in such questions as ''what signals are emitted and what

orders of awareness does the signaler show by emitting other signals

about these signals? Can he plan them? Canhe recall them?" And

we are interested to know what signals reach the receiver and what

signals he knows he has received. Our emphasis is thus upon percep-

tion and communication rather than on the internal hierarchies of men-

tal process. From where wesit, the distinction between conscious

and unconscious becomes significantly comparable to the distinction

between foveal and peripheral vision.

A second premise related to Freudian theory holds (2) that every-

thing which occurs is meaningful in the sense of being a part of the

interchange as well as non-accidental. The Freudian emphasis was

upon psychic determinism --that no word uttered and no detail of a

dream experienced can be accidental. A man cannot ''just dream."

Our emphasis in this book will extend this psychological idea into the

realm of inter-personal process. We shall attempt to see every detail

of word, vocalization, and bodily movement as playing its part in deter -

mining the ongoing stream of words and bodily movements which is the

interchange between the persons. We shall endeavor to think not only

in terms of psychic determinism but in terms of a larger inter-

personal determinism. Two people cannot "just agree" or "just quarrel,!!

Also, from Freudian theory, we accept the idea (3) that all mes-

sages, whether verbal or non-verbal, are mediated in their creation by

 primary process and therefore contain, either implicitly or explicitly,

all the multiple reference characteristics of dream or fantasy. If it

be possible for a man to seem to talk only about the overt subject of

conversation, this is achieved only by vigorous ego-function which

carefully excludes or conceals the multiple under-tones of implicit

content. Further, we expect that the minute analysis of speech and

movement will disclose that the messages in both these modalities

contain a large proportion of unconscious material with primary

process characteristics, that, for example, an unconscious fingering

of the dress is likely to denote (or to be a resultant of) sexual interest

and/or its puritanical denial.

Also from Freudian theory, we accept (4) a generalized notion

of transference: that any person emitting learned signals does so upon

the (usually unconscious) assumption that the receiver of these signals

will understand them "'correctly''--i.e., he assumes that his vis-a-vis

at the given moment will resemble psychologically some former

(or even fictitious) vis-a-vis from whom he originally acquiredhis

communicational habits.

Closely related to the notion of transference is (5) the notion of

projection. This explanatory principle differs however fromtrans-

ference in that it does not invoke some third historical or fictitious

person. When A "projects" upon B, he is merely assuming that B's

signals are to be interpreted as A would interpret these signals if he.

himself had emitted them. Thatis, A assumes that B operates

t-
according to systems of codification similar to his own. Both trans -

ference and projection may, of course, be carried into the future.

A may expect that B will exhibit meaningful action of a sort which some

historical figure in A's life would have exhibited under similar circum -

stances (transference); or he may expect that B will behave as he him -

self would behave in similar circumstances (projection).

Identification must also be mentioned. This explanatory principle

invokes (6) the idea "if you can't lick 'em, join 'em!'--or, at least

imitate them as you see them. A is said to identify with B when he starts

to mold his own meaningful action in terms of what he thinks are B's

principles of codification.

Notably, all of these principles--transference, projection, and

identification--are likely to be unconscious in their operation and to be

in some degree coercive. That is, any errors which A may makein his

assumptions about B are likely to cause A to act in such a way that B is

put under pressure to validate these errors by acting as if A's assump-

tions were true. An especially interesting case arises when A acts

in a way which will coerce B into identifying with A's self-image --

which may be false.

Moreover, it must not be supposed that these explanatory or

descriptive principles are mutually exclusive. In a given instance, A

may consciously or unconsciously assume that B is parental (trans -

ference). But A's technique for dealing with his parent may have
 involved identification.! He will then adopt towards B that role which

he formerly adopted towards the parent.

Gestalt

From Gestalt psychology, we have accepted a premise of very

great importance: that experience is punctuated. We do not experience

a continuum: on the contrary, our experience is broken up into what

seem to us to be events and objects. In Gestalt psychology this idea

is basic to the figure-ground hypothesis. And for us it is related to

the premise that nothing never happens--i.e., that both sender and

receiver of signals are so organized that they can and must use, for

their understanding of what is going on, the fact that certain possible

signals are not present. The first step in building the figure-ground

hypothesis is a postulate of this kind. In order to recognize that there

#zre stars in the night sky, we must use the fact that certain retinal

end-organs are not stimulated by the darkness. In human relations,

no silence is insignificant and the absence of tears may speak volumes.

More must be said concerning the punctuation of interpersonal

events. Our whole procedure and, indeed, any analysis of communi-

cational data is shaped by premises which define the units into which

the stream of data is to be divided. First, ina macroscopic exam -

ination of the interview, we assumed that the 400 feet of film on which

ithe word "identification" was perhaps an unfortunate choice for two

reasons. Inthe phrase '"'A identifies B as father'' is a statement of

transference. And the phrase "'A achieves ego-identity" suggests

(as an ideal) A's escape from all the errors of transference, projection

and identification.
 the interview is recorded@ can be punctuated into incidents or sequen-

ces with beginnings and ends psychologically meaningful to the partici-

pants. As will be seen, we have chosen certain of these incidents for

microscopic study. Our macroscopic study serves to direct our more

particular attention. And, while we narrow our focus from the inter-

view as a whole to an examination of incidents within the interview and

then downward to the finer and finer detail of these incidents--we work

throughout with similar assumptions about punctuation of the stream of

signals.

The historical basis of this assumption will make clearer what

is meant. Historically, scientific linguistics has progressed most

rapidly since the time when certain popular and preponderantly occi-

dental notions about language were adopted, made rigorous, and extra-

polated into the study of minute detail. In their popular form, these no-

tions are, for example, that speech is subdivisible into sentences which

in turn are subdivisible into words, which in turn can be subdivided

into letters. Profound modifications have been introduced into this

hierarchy by the linguists who needed to describe speech rather than

written language, but the essential idea that a stream of communicative

material must, of necessity, be susceptible of such multiple re-

subdivision is fundamental in linguistics and in that part of communica -

tions theory which deals with coded communication--a much wider field

than the conventionally linguistic. A major contribution of the

2 The film also has irrelevant gaps while the camera was being reloaded

after each 100 feet. The longest consecutive recording is about 3 1/2

minutes.
uo
 linguists is the demonstration that the stream of communication con-

tains positive signals by which its units are delimited.

Moreover, Gestalt theory presupposes a hierarchy of sub-

divisions characteristic of the process of perception. We do not per-

ceive the firing of unit end-organs but, from the showers of neural

impulse started by that firing, we build images of identifiables and

larger meaningful complexes of identifiables. We can argue from

perception to communication: If an organism's perception is

characterized by Gestalten and this organism is capable of emitting

complex streams of communication, then these streams must be dis-

sectible into a hierarchy of successive subdivisions. Many such

analyses will be possible, and there will be one which will represent

correctly the natural history of the organism.

Vane —ael

We deal, after all, not merely with the fact that a communi-

cational stream can be dissected but also with the question: in which

of the many ways possible should this particular stream be dissected?

What we know about language and communication in general indicates

that there will always be one or more hierarchies of Gestalten which

will be correct in the sense of describing how the message stream is

created and/or how it is received and interpreted by the hearer. The

Freudian findings also indicate that in any given instance several

different analyses may be correct. A particular message may be

simultaneously interpreted in different ways by different levels of the

mind: we face problems of multiple coding.

 The linguists are ahead of the other natural historians in their

study of the hierarchy of Gestalten in terms of which a particular kind

of behavior should be dissected. Their studies are being fortified by

cross-cultural comparison, by dialectal (subcultural) comparison,

and by statistics of individual variation. By way of contrast, kinesics--

the study of body motion, position, and action as a modality of com-

munication-~is a relatively recent development which, like linguistics,

is achieving a firm scientific base by the rigorous dissection of the kine -

sic stream into a hierarchy of Gestalten and subdivisions of Gestalten.

In a later chapter, Birdwhistell will outline the hierarchy of units

which he is devising for kinesic description. He is proceeding in a man-

ner comparable to but not identical with that methodology of descrip-

tion which has proved valuable in linguistics. The ultimate validation

of this approach in kinesics will, of course, depend upon the results

obtained, but there is very strong a priori argument in favor of the

correctness of the approach from all that we know about communica-

tions theory in general and about human communication and perception

in particular,

Returning for a moment to linguistics, other types of descrip-

tion which the linguists have achieved must here be mentioned. The

very complex question of 'meaning'' is too large for discussion in this

chapter but this much may be said--that a tape recording of human

speech contains a great deal more than the signals correlated with

the lexical meaning of what was said.

If a tape recording is transcribed into ordinary script, although

some of this more-than-lexical content will be lost, some will still

Cy
 survive in the transcription. Indeed, to reduce a speech to its merely

lexical content would require very drastic procedure (in the course of

which other and probably inappropriate non-lexical overtones will

inevitably be added). It would first be necessary to strip the speech of

all indications of the context in which it was uttered and by whom and

to whom it was uttered. But there would still remain cadences and

overtones of a non-lexical nature. To get rid of these it would be

necessary to translate the speech into some other language and to use

as a translator some hypothetical person (or machine) totally insensi ~

tive to non-lexical content both of the language from which he is trans -

lating and of the language into which he is translating.

As we climb the hierarchic ladder of Gestalten from the most

microscopic particles of vocalization towards the most macroscopic

units of speech, each step on this ladder is surmounted by placing the

units of the lower level in context.

'Meaning,'' as this word is vulgarly used, emerges only ata

very high level in this hierarchy. We discriminate the initial phoneme

of the word ''peter'' from the initial phoneme of the word "butter" but

these phonemes are in themselves meaningless apart from their set-

ting ina stream of phonemes. Even the syllables, 'pete'' and ''but",

are in themselves either meaningless or multivalent (except insofar

as their possible meaning is restricted when we know howthey are

placed in a stream of syllables). With each step towards a larger

unit--the larger unit being always the smaller unit plus its immediate

1S
setting--there is a more and more drastic limitation of possible refer -

ents. 'Meaning,'' therefore, is a function of this restriction of possi-

ble meanings. Even the words "peter'' and "butter" are still multi-

valent. When the word "blue'' is added, the hearer may be pretty sure

that the referent of 'peter''is a flag. But still, there is room for

doubt.

The "Blue Peter'' may be referred to as an actual object of action

or observation in the larger context of a ship about to leave a particular

port. Or the reference may only be metaphoric if the term is used on

land, Or the usage of the term may be neither metaphoric nor direct

but may be part of a lesson in maritime communication. Or--as here upon

this page--the words ''Blue Peter'' may be mentioned only as an exam-

ple of communicational phenomena.

Meaning approaches univalence or non~-ambiguity only when very

large units of the communicational stream are admitted to examination.

And even then, the approach to non~ambiguity will be asymptotic. As

larger and larger bodies of data are admitted, the probability of a

given interpretation will be increased but proof will never be achieved.

The situation is essentia''y the same as that which obtains in science

where no theory is ever proved.

This book is concerned with trying to put together those parts

of the communicational stream which the professional linguist studies

(phonemes, morphemes, phrases, vocal modifiers, junctures, etc.)

with those parts of the stream which are studied in kinesics (kines,

kinemorphs, etc.). A central question, therefore, which we shall have

to face when we analyze the data is the extent to which there is a mutual

relationship of 'context'' between kinesic and linguistic elements.

We face phenomena so structured that there is perhaps no defin-

able upper limit to the size--either spatial or temporal--of the Gestalten.

In practice, this would mean that no finite collection of data would confer

complete non-ambiguity upon any item within the collection; that however

widely "context"! be defined, there may always be wider contexts a

knowledge of which would reverse or modify our understanding of

particular items.

Context

Th es e considerations force us to a method of inquiry which wil l

postpone the question of ''meaning". When faced with a given sequence

of sig nal s, we sha ll delay the que sti on "what do these sig nal s me an "

for as long as possible. We shall ask, rather, the collateral question

'twould the meaning be changed by a giv en change in the sequence or by

a given change in the context?" This is a question which can be asked

and answered without too much difficulty. We shall, for example, not

ask whether the word ''Peter'" ref ers to an apostle or a fla g, but rat her

whether its meanin g, when the word ''P ete r'' fol low s the word "Blue!"

is peculiarly appropriate to the new context.

In kinesic anal ys is , we shal l si mi la rl y delay the qu es ti on of

what is meant by the rapid closing and opening of an eye which is

visible to the vis a vis and shallask rather, for example, whether

the meaning of this signal would be altered (a) if the other eye were

blinked simultaneously and (b) if the blinked eye were one which is

invisible to the vis a vis. Parenthetically, we may also ask whether

the meaning of the word ''Peter'! is altered by winking one eye.

It is, after all, only an historic accident--a past pathway in the

evolution of science--that has lead to the circumstance that linguists

study data which can be heard, while the kinesicist studies data which

can be seen. That the scientists have become specialized in this par-

ticular way does not indicate a fundamental separateness between these

modalities in the stream of communication. It is for this reason that

the work of this book starts from concrete natural history--from the

recorded interaction between Doris! speech and movementand the

speech and movement of Gregory. This placing of every signal in the

context of all other signals is an essential discipline of our work.

A great part of the work which Birdwhistell, Hockett, and

McQuown have had to do has involved a grueling process of synchroni -

zation. The audible stream for -vhich Hockett and McQuown are

specialists was recorded on tape and on film with an unsatisfactory

sound track. The analysts had to work frame by frame through the

film to establish the point in the audible sequence at which, for

example, Doris turned her head or let her shoe fall away from her

heel. I described our data loosely above as the aggregate of signals

i
recorded on the film. More accurately, I should have said that our data

are the individual signals or messages, each in its immediate and ex-

tended context.

But the context of a signal emitted by Doris is not merely those

othe r sign als which she has recently emit ted plus those which she emits

soon after; it is also the room in which she is speaking, the sofa on

which she is sitting, the signals emitted by Gregory with whom she

is talking, and by the little boy Billy, and the inter-relationships

amongall of these.

Interaction

At this point, our concept of co mm un ic at io n becomes inter -

actional and our intellectual debt is to G. H. Mead (1934) and to

Sul liv an (1940) rather tha n to Fre ud and the Gestalt psychologists. The

system whi ch we now study is no longer merely a des cri pti ve syn the sis

of Doris' body motion and spe ech , but the larger agg reg ate of what goes

on between Doris and Gregory.

This larger frame determines meaning for what each person

does and says. Rilke's "Unicorn" is present in every conversation

between persons and this fictitious beast evolves and changes, dissolves

and is recrystalized in new shapes with every move and message.

Den ial of the Unicorn wil l not prevent its exi stence --b ut onl y cau se

it to become monstrous.

This poetic fancy must be made scientifically real to the reader

if he is to understand what this book is about.

oO
 For every human being there is an edge of uncertainty about what

sort of messages he is emitting and we all need, in the final analysis,

to see how our messages are received in order to discover what they

were. For the schizophrenic this is often dramatically and conspicuously

true.

Let me illustrate by an example. A schizophrenic patient tells me

that he built the China Wall, rowed across the Pacific and landed in

Seattle. He then walked to California where he was "'affriended by

those people." This narrative he offers as if it were a statement of fact.

But whether it is a statement of fact for him depends upon my response.

If I say, "Nonsense. You were born in California,'' I have thereby ver-

ified for him the notion that his narrative is to be taken literally. I

have denied it as if it were a literal statement and now it exists for him

as a literal statement which must be defended. From there on, we

shall get into an argument not about the question ''is this narrative a

statement of fact?'' but about the red-herring question ''is this a true

statement of the facts?'!

The response which we get tells us about the state of the hearer

after he has received the signals which we emitted. It may be evident

that he misunderstood the message either grossly or subtly. The

status quo, however, which obtained when we emitted the message, no

longer exists and merely to repeat the message will not do. Weare

now communicating with a person whose relationship to us is different

from what it was a moment ago. And within the framework of this new

relationship we must now speak.

 Of all the elements and vicissitudes of formation and re-formation

of relationships, perhaps the most interesting is that process whereby

people establish common rules for the creation and understanding of

messages, Whatever reply I may make to the patient's delusional

narrative proposes a pact to govern-us both in our understanding of the

message. If I deny the factual truth of the narrative, I implicitly pro-

pose that we agree to treat it as literal. If, on the other hand, I ask

him whether he thinks his parents had a part in building the "China

Wall" which separates him from them, I have proposed that we agree

upon a different set of rules for the creation and understanding of such

messages.

The possible systems of rules which two persons may share

are many and complex. Among them must be mentioned a system which

has been characterized as symbiotic. Such label, as I understand it,

refers to a system of non-verbalized and usually unconscious pacts in

which, for example, A and B "agree! to accept each other's messages

in some spirit other than that in which they were coined. By ignoring

overtones and implications, or by weading in overtones which were not

intended, the persons maintain a strange semblance of understanding.

Gode Distortion

In this book we shall pay but little attention to those failures

of communication which are due to the randomization of signals

occasioned either oy background noise or by imperfect resolving

>:
Qo
 processes in the receiving sense organ. We are concerned witha

more subtle phenomenon--the distortion of messages which occurs

when the persons involved differ from each other in their rules or

assumptions governing the making and understanding of messages --

their explicit and implicit rules of coding.

Imagine a machine which has the function of transmitting a

half-tone block, (A picture formed entirely of rows of dots), over a

wire to another machine. The transmitting machine will transmit

over the wire a sequence of electrical impulses such that each impulse

or absence of impulse is a "yes'' or 'no'' answer to the question "is

there a dot in the given space?" When the transmitting machine comes

to the end of a line of spaces, it will either transmit a special signal

which will cause the receiving machine to go on to the next line, or the

machines will have to have been so adjusted to each other, that they

operate in terms of a common pact governing how many dots there shall

be ina line. A discrepancy regarding the terms of this pact will intro-

duce code distortion. In sucha case, the receiving machine will create

a picture which may be an absolutely correct record of the sequence of

signals emitted by the sender but which, considered as a picture, will

be distortion of the original.

A is a pcture to be transmitted, B is the distorted version which

is created when the receiving machine acts upon the premise that there

are only 16 squares in each line instead of 17.

 In Figure l, the effect of code distortion is shown, and it is

worthwhile to stress the basic difference between such distortion and

the loss of information due to entropic noise. In the case of entropic

noise, the information which is lost is irretrievable, but in the case of

code noise what has occurred is a systematic distortion which could

conceivably be rectified.

All that is needed for this correction is that there be some means

whereby the transmitter and receiver can communicate about the rules

of communication. This presents special difficulties but it is a funda -

mental thesis of this book that at the human level such communication

about the rules of communication occurs constantly. This, in fact, is

the process whereby the "Unicorn" is continually created and recreated.

Whe n my patient tells his story of the "China Wall ", what ever repl y I

make is a communication to him about how I received his message and

therefore indicates to him (ideally) how he should restate it in order

to have me receive that message which he wants meto receive.It tells

him how to code his messages so as to elicit an appropriate response

from me.

It is necessary again to insist upon the unconscious character

of most communication. We are almost totally unaware of the pro-

cesses by which we make our messages and the processes by which

we understand and respond to the messages of others. Weare commonly

unaware also of many characteristics and components of the messages

themselves. We do not notice at which moments in a conversation we

cross and uncross our legs or at which moments we puff on our

 ra
Hs
oa wt “Sta
°.

1H
e

td
 cigarettes or blink our eyes or raise our brows. But the fact that we
ft
“tT

do not notice these things does not imply that all these details of per-

sonal interaction are irrelevant to the ongoing relationship. Just as we

ave in the main unconscious of the fleeting pacts which we enter into as

to how messages are to be understood, so also we are unconscious of

the continual dialogue about these pacts.

This dialogue is not only between persons and about the pacts which

they form, it is also and more strangely a dialogue which governs what

each person is. When A makes overtures which B brushes aside, this

experience is to A more than hint about how to code messages when

dealing with B. In everyday language we say that a person's self-

esteem is enhanced or reduced by the responses of others. Or we say

that "he sees himself differently."' In communicational terms, we may

translate this into a statement that the very rules of self-perception,

the rules governing the formation of a self-image, are modified by the

way in which others receive our messages.

Learning and Pathogenesis

In part, this book is a study of how communication works bet -

ween two persons, but it is also a study of how communication fails

to work--that is, of certain pathologies of communication. Our

collaborating team includes not only the two linguists and the founder

of kinesics, but also two psychiatrists and the writer, whose initial

training in anthropology has finally led him to study schizophrenic

communication. It is therefore appropriate to examine a little more

dt
closely the relation between psychiatric pathology in the individual

patient and the pathologies of communication which may develop

between persons. In order to keep the subject matter simple, I will

exclude from consideration those psychiatric abnormalities which have

an established base in organic lesion.

To build a bridge between the study of psychiatric functional

pathology and the pathologies of communication, it is necessary to

insist upon the existence of the facts of learning and conditioning.

Two considerations become especially relevant. First, every failure

of communication is painful. Second, the learning organism always

generalizes from experience. Further, the business of communication

is a continuous learning to communicate. Codes and languages are not

static systems which can be learned once and for all, They are, rather,

shifting systems of pacts and premises which govern how messages

are to be made and interpreted. Every signal which establishes a new

premise or pact bringing the persons closer together or giving them

greater freedom may be a source of joy. But every signal which falls

by the wayside is in some degree a source of pain to both. The ongoing

stream of communication is thus, for each individual, a continuous

chain of contexts of learning and, specifically, learning about premises

of communication.

At this point, it is necessary to consider certain aspects of the

learning process and to expand conventional learning theory to makeit

relevant to an analysis of the interchange of signals between persons.

A typical learning experiment involves two entities: an experimenter

and a subject, and the theoretical conclusions derived from such

experiments are commonly stated as psychological regularities des -

criptive of the subject. In contrast, I shall here view the experi-

mental situation as an interaction involving two entities in whose

relationship Iam interested. I[ shall regard their relationship as

formally characterized by an interchange which is repeated in suc-

cessive "trials'' and shall assume that not only the subject, but also

the experimenter is undergoing a learning process determined, at

least in part, by reinforcements which the subject provides.

Asa preliminary to this, it is necessary to define a hierarchy

of orders of learning. This may be done as follows:

l. It appears that the simplest learning phenomenonis

the receipt of information or command. The event of perceiv-

ing a whistle may constitute, for a dog, an important piece of

information or a command. Before it heard the whistle, it was

in another state. The change of state I classify as the simplest

learning phenomenon. It is important to remark, however, that

this phenomenon is excessively difficult to investigate and has not

been an immediate object of experimental study. It has, however,

been a major focus of theory. What seems to have happened is

that in order to arrive at a theory to describe what [ call the

second order of learning, the psychologists have had to provide

some description of this first order process--some verbaliza-

tion of what message the dog has received. The "effect"

theory proposes that this message is a promise of reward or

a threat of punishment, whereas the associational theory

proposes a more automatic and less purposive description of

the dog's response.

2. The second order is the learning or conditioning upon

which the vast mass of experimental work has been conducted.

Here the word "learning'' refers to a change in the dog's

ability to act upon percepts or signals received. What the

experimenters study is changes in the dog's behavior resulting

from a sequence of trials. The phenomena studied are of a

different and higher order than those discussed in labove. The

question asked is not "what change occurs in a dog when he hears

a whistle?'' but ''what changes have occurred in the change which

a dog undergoes when he hears a whistle?" This subtle differ -

ence in the question asked by the experimenter makes it for-

mally impossible for the theorists to deduce answers to the first

question from data collected to answer the second. The behav-

iorists had logic on their side when they insisted that we never

ask about the subjective experience of the dog. To try to deduce

the dog's experience from data which could only throw light

upon change in his experience is to attempt the logically

impossible. From the characteristics of a class, I can make

 no deductions about what a member of that class mightbe.

3. The third order of learning is a familiar laboratory

phenomenon but has received only slight attention from the ex-

perimentalists. If we describe the second order of learning

as "learning to receive signals'', then the third may be des-

cribed as "learning to learn to receive signals. What hap-

pens in the laboratory is that the animal having been subjected

to experiments of the second order becomes ''wise''., That is,

when faced with an entirely new experiment of this sort, the

animal requires now a smaller number of trials to achieve that

learning of the second order which the experimental situation

demands. The animal has acquired a knack or skill for second

order learning. This phenomenon has been measured by Hull

(1940) studying rote learning of nonsense syllables, and by

Harlow (1949) studying problem solving in rhesus monkeys.

4, There is no theoretical reason to deny the possibility

of fourth and higher orders of learning, though none of these

| Unfortunately, in an earlier theoretical paper,(Bateson, 1942) I have

used for this third order of learning the term ''deutero-learning.'' This

was due to my failure to recognize the receipt of a meaningful signal or

the receipt of a bit of information as an example of the simplest order

of learning. To achieve any analogy between the mechanical computers

and the brain it is necessary to insist that any receipt of information is,

in a broad sense, learning.

 have been demonstrated. The nature of the hierarchy which

we are discussing is such that there is no upper limit to the

series other than that set by the limitations of brain struc-

ture. The number of neurons being finite, it is certain that

for any organism there is a practical upper limit to the number

of orders of learning of which it is capable.

Inspection of this hierarchy of learning reveals that the dif-

ference between any order of learning and the next higher order is

essentially a difference in size of Gestalt. The higher order is always

documented by demonstrating change which results from a larger Ges-

talt, this larger Gestalt being in general built up of a multiplicity of

the Gestalten characteristic of the lower order. But while this gen-

erally seems to be the case, there is no theoretical premise by which

we might estimate the multiplication factor, and it is necessary to con-

sider as at least theoretically possible the case in which this factor

would be unity.

A single increment in what appears to be a context of lower

order learning might conceivably precipitate major changes of some

higher order, whereby all experience of the lower order would be

reframed and reorganized. We face here an unpredictability of a sort

which J noted earlier when discussing the indeterminacy of meaning.

Larger and larger bodies of data will provide greater and greater

certainty of interpretation but it is never possible to be sure that the

next increment of data will not compel us to a totally new interpretation.

W
 There is thus an analogy--perhaps amounting to identity--between

those hierarchies of Gestalten which determine meaning and that

hierarchy of Gestalten which we here call contexts of learning.

These abstract matters become clearer when we state that

learning of the third or higher order is, in popular parlance, called

"change in character.'' Let us suppose that an organism becomes

'wise'! in dealing with contexts of Pavlovian learning. The change

which we here refer to may be described both as a change in the

organism's expectations and as a change in its learning habits. If

we speak in terms of expectations, we will say that the organism now

preponderantly expects the universe of experience to be punctuated in-

to sequences resembling the Pavlovian context; i. e., sequences in

which certain percepts can be used as a basis for predicting later

events. Or, if we speak in terms of learning habits, we will say that

this organism will respond to the predicted certainty of that which is

to come, (e. g., by salivating), but will not endeavor to change the

course of events. Ina word, the organism has become ''fatalistic"

and examination of the formal characteristics of the learning context

has provided us with a formal definition of one particular sort of

"fatalism,''

The psychiatrist isimterested largely in learning of the third

or higher order. Ifa pacient tells him that she can use a typewriter,

the psychiatrist will pay but little attention. She has reported only a

result of second order learning. But when the patient goes on to

was
describe the context in which she learned to typewrite and tells him

that her teacher punished every error she made but never praised

her for progress, the psychiatrist will prick up his ears, He will see

in this narrative a statement of what effect the context of learning to

type may have had upon the patient's habits and expectations--i.e.,

upon the patient's character. This enlargement of learning theory to

discriminate orders of learning makes this body of experimental know ~

ledge especially relevant to the psychiatrist. Actually the old barrier

between experimentalists and clinicians seems to have grown out of this:

that the experimentalists have mainly studied learning of the second

order, while the psychiatrist is interested chiefly in effects of the third

order. These effects he tries to evaluate in his diagnosis or to achieve

in his therapy.

If this description of learning is substantially correct, that is,

if there really is a hierarchy of orders of this phenomenon and the dis-

crimination of these orders is something more than an artifact of

description, then it becomes theoretically probable that there exist com-

plex sequences of experience and action such that learning of one order

will in some degree contradict the learning of some other order. We

can imagine, for example, that a human subject might experience a

long sequence of Pavlovian learnings but might be penalized (Bateson

and Jackson, 1956) for exhibiting 'fatalism.'' Or he might be trained

towards obedience but be continually penalized for the finer detail of

every obedient act. As between adults, this is familiar enough and

Sd
may make for bad "personnel relations.'' A between parents and

small children, I believe that it is - under some circumstances -

pathogenic.

Pathogenic Contexts

It is now clear, however, in an abstract and formal way, what

patterns of interchange we should look for in our data. The discus-

sion which preceded this reexamination of learning theory concerned

the establishment of pacts and premises of communication. But

evidently a premise of communication, a rule governing how messages

are to be constructed or interpreted, bears the same relationship to

the given message as occurs between a higher and a lower order of

learning.

The acceptance of what I have called a premise of communica -

tion is the same phenomenon as the acceptance of a role--a momen-

tary or enduring shift in habit and expectation. And "role! is only

a word for some phase of character change, be it brief or enduring.

Itisa descui ption of the pattern exhibited by one person in that two-

person system which constitutes a context of learning.

It follows that what we have to look forin the data is sequences

and, at the meta-level, sequences of sequences. The relevant units

will be those segments of the stream which constitute contexts of

learning. Problems of pathology within the stream will become

recognizable when we see instances so constructed that learning in

ist
 a given small sequence would be contradicted by learning in some larger

sequence of which the smaller is a component. Theoretically, we may

expect instances in which part and whole will be identical--where the

multiplication factor relating the part to the whole is unity. A single

context (seen in two different ways) may propose contradictory

learning at different levels.

One other peculiar phenomenon must now be mentioned--

namely, that the premises of communication are commonly self-

validating. By their operation they may create that consensus which

will seem to validate them. He who believes that all the world is his

friend--or enemy--will emit messages and act meaningfully in terms

of his premise. He will meet the world in a way which puts pressure

upon this very world to validate his belief, which belief he acquired

in the first place by the cumulative impact of those contexts of learn-

ing which were his communication with some earlier person.

An inquiry into the functional psychopathologies thus becomes

aninvestigation of the dynamics of past communication. But, curiously

enough, because of this fact that communicational premises are self-

validating, it is often not necessary to delve into the past in order to

investigate their etiology. The premises are self-validating in the

present and:therefore the disturbed --like the normal--is continually

creating around himself that environment which provides the typical

etiology for his communicational habits-~his symptoms. One has only

to,examine the present family relations of a patient to find working

‘
’
today the constellation which is etiologic for his symptoms. Indeed,
we may profitably examine the workings of any typical mental hospital

for clues as to why its patients are mentallyill.

This broad description of the interchange between persons as

a sequence of contexts of learning contains the possibilities for two

kinds of psychopathological result: the learning of particular error

and the disruption or distortion of the learning process itself. His-

torically, the first of these received most attention in the early days

of psychoanalysis when emphasis was placed upon the fact that certain

neuroses result from single and extremely painful experiences in

childhood, In terms of what has been said above, we might rephrase

this theory as a learning of error--the error being an inappropriate

generalization from some terrifying, painful, or over-rewarding

experience. Today, less theoretical importance is attached to this

kind of pathogenesis, but its occurrence is still undoubted.

{In contrast, modern psychiatric theory insists more upon

those psychopathological results which derive from continual and

repeated experience rather than from isolated trauma. Here the

probability that simple error will be generated in the learning

individual is much less, since, after all, his opinions, stemming

from a multitude of instances, are to that extent validated by the

repetition of instances. What is rather to be expected from such

an etiology is the distortion of the learning process itself--a type

of pathological result more abstract and intangible --and more

difficult to correct by any therapeutic experience, since whatever

w/ e
the patient learns from this experience will probably be learned by

means of that process which is already distorted.

It is, however, necessary to give some substance to the phrase

"distortion of learning''. I have to indicate what sorts of interpersonal

sequences might have this effect on one or on both of the participants.

A context of learning is a definitely structured segment of the

stream of interchange between persons. We know from experimental

data that while the structuring of contexts of learning is extremely

variable, some structuring is always present. The events of which

the context is composed--conditioned stimulus, response and rein-

forcement--may be variously related to each other and still constitute

a structured whole. That is, we are here dealing with Gestalten

(units of the interchange) and are therefore again face to face with the

peculiar nature of all such units. Although they are in large part the

creation of the individuals concerned, and are necessarily a product

of the ways in which these individuals perceive and punctuate what is

happening, their perception is inevitably guided by culture and conven-

tion. Such perception may be rigid or it may be flexible. But the

essential fact is that the rules for this punctuation are a part of that

system of pacts and premises upon which communication is based.

For their learning communication must be viewed as a sequence of

contexts.

What I am describing is a strangely retroflexed procedure;

a process which is ina way folded back upon itself. This may be said

in many ways and perhaps most simply by stating that the communica-

tional stream is a sequence of contexts.both of learning and of learning

to learn. a

At this point, the phrase, ''distortion of the learning processes"!

oa

takes on meaning. It would refer to all those cases in which an in

ual punctuates the stream of communication in a way different from his

vis-a-vis but which are reinforced nonetheless by the pain resulting

from his idiosyncratic view. From the point of view of the speaker,

it will seem to him that he has incurred punishment for what he thought

he was communicating, whereas he is in fact being punished for what

his messages seemed to be, as perceived by the other.

It is clear that this line of thought, if substantially correct, will

lead to a formal theory of stability and instability in human relations.

We might therefore inquire into what the engineers call criteria of

stability. Is it possible to classify the degrees and orders of mis-

understanding if such a way as to separate those conditions which

will be corrected by the participants, so that the system continues

in a steady state, from those others which lead toa progressive

deterioration? At the present time sucha question can only be posed

in the most general terms and no meaningful answers can be imagined.

One relevant matter must, however, be mentioned--that we deal with

entities whose behavior is by no means describable in terms of linear

equations or monotone logic. What actually seems to happen in many

2%
instances is that when what seems to be progressive change sets in,

the situation becomes more or less intolerable for one or both per-

sons and, some sort of climactic outburst occurs. Following this,

the system either returns to a state which existed before the change

began or entirely new patterns of communication may be evolved.

There are, after all, larger and longer sequences of interchange than

any which we meet with in the brief spans of data upon which this book

is based.

From what Little we know of the relationship between the fine

details of human interaction and the longer cycles of the career line,

there is reason to expect that the longer cycles will always be enlarged

repetitions or repeated reflections of pattern contained in the fine detail.

Indeed, this assumption that the microscopic will reflect the macro-

scopic is a major justification of most of our test procedures. A

major function of the techniques of microanalysis is, therefore, to

obtain from small quantities of data, accurately and completely re-

corded, insights into human relationship which could otherwise only

be obtained either by long-time observation or from the notoriously

unreliable data of anamnestic reconstruction.

In sum, we are concerned in this book to present the techniques

for the microscopic examination of personal interaction. While, of

course, the words that people say to each other have importance, the

question with which we are concerned, the problem of describing the

relationship between persons, is not a question which can be answered

by any summary of the dictionary meaning of their messages. There

isa vast difference between the mechanical description "A gave B such

and such information" and the description of the interchange "A ans-

wered B's question immediately."

The ultimate goal of the procedures outlined in this book is a

statement of the mechanism of relationships. No statement of mechan-

ism without larger context can be of long-term interest; no statement

of relationship, unsubstantiated by a statement of mechanism, can war-

rant confidence. In order to trace the path from mechanism to validated

relationship, it is first necessary to lay out for the reader some des-

cription of how the flow of linguistic and kinesic material can be systema -

tically described.

ts
 CHAPTER 2

Vocal Activity

Charles F. Hockett
 Introduction

The design of a language

Introduction

Morphemes and grammar

Phonemes and Phonology

Speaking as & process

Mor phophonemics

Idiolects and dialects

The design of American English

English phonology

Consonants

Vowels and nuclet

Stress and juncture

Intonation

English grammar

Functors

2.2.2.2. Stems and their classification

2.2.2.3. Constructions and construction-types

2.2.2.4, Grammatical patterning in action

2.35. Nonlinguistic vocal communicative systems

2.0. Introduction

The vocal activity of a human being past earliest infancy

is controlled to a large extent, though not exclusively, by a

complex set of habits which we call his language. No two

people have exactly identical language habits. To underscore

this the total set of language habits of a single individual,

at any given point in his life, is called his idiolect. It is

obvious, however, that people who live together manage to under-

stand one another's speech most of the time despite the differ-

ences. This common-sense observation leads us to speak freely

of "English," of "French," of "Swahili," and so on--of different

languages, each existing not monolithically but as 2 collection

of more or less similar idiolects.

Not all vocal activity is linguistic (that is, governed

by and conforming to language habits). We emit shrieks and

groans, babbles and murmurs, laughs and weepings, when we are

not talking--and sometimes when we are. We all stutter and

stammer more or less as we speak or try to speak. Such dis-~

turbances in what would otherwise be a smooth flow of words

are most easily dealt with in terms of a separate, nonlinguis-

tic, layer of habits which have to do with the kinds of

control we exercise over our linguistic habits proper.

Finally, speech in any language necessarily implies speaking

+ See Appendix l.
at a certain rate, and with a certain loudness, pitch, and tone

quality. Somet features of these sorts constitute integral

parts of a language; others, however, are extralinguistic.

Our basic assumption is that all vocal activity audible

to others--not just the linguistic segment--is communicative.

That is: hearers pay attention, consciously or not, to the

nonlinguistic features of vocal activity from a speaker as

well as to the linguistic portion, and the former as well as

the latter can be crucial in triggering responses. Our basic

assumption is really broader than this, since we hypothesize

that any human act detectable through any of the senses of

other humans is communicative in the way described. In this

chapter, however, we are concerned only with vocal activity.

Ourhypothesis apsumes some kind of regularity and predict-

ability in the responses of others. While we may for conven-

ience focus on- the behavior of a single person, we try always

to see that person in his changing locus relative to others,

triggering behavior on their part and being triggered by them.

A further assumption is that every aspect of vocal

activity, nonlinguistic as well as linguistic, is learned and

arbitrary, rather than innate or "natural." We must conse-

quently expect the organization of nonlinguistic vocal activity

1 See 2.1.3. below.

2 See Appendix 1.
(and, indeed, of patterns of body motion) to vary from one soci-

ety to another, just as the linguistic habits of a Frenchman are

different from those of an American, and as Japanese landscape

paintings do not look like those of the Western European tradi-

tion. All habits of vocal activity, and of responses thereto,

are part of human culture, and, as such, are patterned, systematic,

and therefore susceptible to analysis and description. We cannot

be sure, of course, that these assumptions are entirely valid,

but to assume the contrary would be an immediate counsel of

despair--and this book would not have been written.

To make such assumptions is easy. To carry on empirical

research based on them is another matter. Our sctentifiec infor-

mation is uneven. As of this writing, we know @ good deal of

the workings of human language; and our control of the details

of some languages, including English, while not perfect, is not

too Lamentably bad, Nonlinguistic vocal activity, on the other

hand, is a largely unexplored wilderness. The trails that have

so far been blazed carry us only into its edges; we do not know

how much more may lie beyond the point of deepest penetration.

This imbalance is inevitably reflected both in the present chap-

ter and in the whole investigation of which this book is the report.

2.1. The design of a language.

2.1.1. Introduction.

Here, though examples will be drawn largely from English,

we shall concern ourselves only with those features of design

believed to be shared by all human languages.

 In my opinion--not all specialists agree--one of the most

important properties of all languages is duality of patterning.

To describe this property we shall turn first not to a language,

put to a much simpler human communicative system--a simple sub-

stitution code of a variety often devised by American school-

boys. The essence of the system is displayed in Figure 1.

Here each of twenty-six simple geometrical figures is assigned

an arbitrary letter-value: each figure means a certain letter

of our conventional writing system. But the figures are also

related, purely as to physical shape, in @ systematic way.

This is shown in the right half of the figure. Thus,

_| as to -:J as | is to L:|;
‘

~] “is to C as > is to <

Nee
and so on, Another way to point this up is to notice that

each of the twenty-six figures is built out of & small stock

of ingredients--straight-line segments in one of four orienta-

tions, and a dot--arranged in a strictly limited number of

ways.

This systematic interrelationship in shape has nothing

whatsoever to do with the meanings of the figures. If we

concern ourselves only with the shapes, we can correctly

assert such proportions as those given above. But these

proportions do not hold between the meanings. Though one

vertical segment, joining one horizontal segment at a right

angle opening upwards and to the left, with a dot, means "Q",
 Figure 1

57]
EU
2
bw
va

J > PD «
Q
0
TeEorP«cvl IJLAAANTM
FF
@
MH
H
G4
A

Ome sr <n4 rev

HF
S&S

Eb lL JF >uUO LAr T
4

Ome wAadTa”A okL<

oO

sey ALF DOMLELL

bas}

HAI oOuK<bHadas
Im tags
HO

Ob FPUPrF oOo:
the three ingredients themselves--the vertical segment, the

horizontal segment, and the dot--do not mean anything. Rather,

the elementary ingredients of the figures, and their arrange-

ments, serve only to keep the whole figure apart--they inform

the reciplent of a message whether one figure or another was

intended by the writer. We say that the whole figures, and

sequences thereof, have a semantic function, whereas the smaller

ingredients have only a differential function.

The writer of a message in this system can afford to be

fairly careless in his drawing of the successive figures, with-

out giving the recipient too hard a task of decipherment.

Thus if one writes

LI=< Fl] or even [] < |

the recipient will still quickly make out the intent as "SICK."

In the first case, the second figure is tilted slightly counter-

clockwise from the norm given in the table (Figure 1); but it

igs still closer to the norm for "I" than to that for any other

meaning (say "X").

Figure 2
If the system included a larger number of two-segment figures

(perhaps . sixteen, as shown in Fi gu re 2, in st ea d of eight) th en

this much deviation from a norm would be confusing, and more

care would have to be taken.

In the second case, the writing was 50 careless that the

second figure is just as clos e to th e no rm for "X " as it is to

that for "I". Here a further factor renders decipherment

easy~-a fa ct or th at pl ay s a role in th e fi rs t instance to o,

but a less crucial one: there is no ordinary written English

word "SXCK," so th at in te rp re ta ti on of the writer's intent as

the figure for "X" yields an impossibility. What these examples

show is that, in a communicative system of this sort, redundancy

operates bo th wi th in the realm of physical sh ap es and wi th in

the realm of meanings.

Any communicative system in which the smallest meaningful

message-elements are built in a systematic way out of a stock

of smaller meaningless but differentiating ingredients has

duality of patterning. On one level, every whole message in

such a system consists of an arrangement of minimum meaningful

elements; on another level, every message in such a system con-

sis ts of an arr ang eme nt of sma lle st dif fer ent iat ing ing red ien ts.

Many systems either do not have duality, or have it in

such a trivial or ultra-complex way as to be of no importance,

As an exampie of utterly trivial duality, we can consider the

system worked out by Paul Revere and his assistant for the

transmission of one piece of vital information across the

Charles River at night. One light was to'’carry one meaning,

~)
two lights the other possible meaning. If we analyze the

system with reference to meaning, we find just two minimum

meaningful message-elements-~namely, the two possible whole

messages, one light and two. If we analyze purely with refer-

ence to physical shape, we discover, as the smallest differen-

tiating ingredients, just the same two things: one light and

two lights. The minimum meaningful message~elements and the

smallest differentiating ingredients are identical, and there

is thus no point in speaking of duality. Redundancy plays a

role as in the system discussed earlier; but it plays that

role only in one way--the light or lights can vary, without

relevance, as to color, brightness, and relative placement.

Or we can consider ordinary English writing with the

Latin alphabet. Roughly speaking--admittedly there are many

irregularities and complexities--the minimum meaningful

elements in English writing are letters, which have, as their

meanings, the sounds we produce as we speak English. In a

few marginal cases, we can find proportions which hold between

tls tt
the letters purely as to shape. Thus, in some type fonts, ‘“p

is to "q » in shape, as
tt
"b" is to "d". But by and large there

are no such simple relationships. Readers seem in the main to

tell one letter from another in terms of total configurations.

The duality of language can be illustrated with English,

but the reader must think in terms of spoken English in order

to understand the example, even though we must necessarily

present it via writing. Consider the following set of English

words:
 pit bit pin bin
pet bet pen Ben

pat bat pan ban

Hach of these words is @ meaningful element, recurring from

time to time as we speak. None of the words can be broken

down into small elements that are also, on this level, inde-

pendently meaningful (this is not true of all words, but it

holds for the twelve listed here). MThus each word is a

minimum meaningful message-element. But in physical shape--that

is, in articulatory motions as we utter them, and in acoustic

shape as we hear them--they are systematically related: pit

is to bit as pat is to bat, bet is to pen as bat is to pan, and

so on. Every utterance in a given language consists of an

arrangement of minimum meaningful elements, drawn from a large

but strictly finite stock of such elements. At the same time,

every utterance in the language consists of an arrangement of

minimum meaningless but differentiating ingredients, drawn

from a much smaller stock. In describing any language, or

languages in general (but not dual systems other than languages),

we call the minimum meaningful elements morphemes, the smallest

meaningless but differentiating ingredients phonemes (Bloomfield,

1933, p. 264),

We have seen that duality characterizes language and some,

but not all, other human communicative systems. No known

system used by non-human animals has been demonstrated to have

duality. It appears not unlikely that among human systems,

language is the earliest to achieve duality. Moreover, wherever

the property appears in simpler and more recent human systems,

it may be interpreted as having developed in them directly or

indirectly on the model of duality in language. All this does

not necessarily imply that duality is the most crucial property

of language--another property of basic importance will be

described later. We have put duality first because it affords

the most logical basis of organization for the further remarks

that must be made about language design.

We asserted in our introductory remarks that the vocal

behavior of humans is only in part governed by language habits,

In analyzing vocal behavior, how are we to determine which

portion is linguistic? Duality gives us the most useful

eriterion for the definition of language, however hard it may

be to apply in practice: that segment of vocal activity which

analysis shows to be dually patterned, having both morphemes

and phonemes, is linguistic. The remainder, whatever its

communicative relevance, is by this definition not language.

Here is a preliminary example. On two successive mornings,

Jones comes into the corner drugstore and says to the clerk

Coffee and doughnuts, Pete. The first morning, Pete merely

fills the order; the next morning, as he is filling the order

he remarks You sound tired this morning, Mr. Jones. Pete's

observation may be quite accurate, in the face of absolute

phonemic and morphemic identity between Jones's utterances on

the two mornings. If so, then the response is triggered by

nonlinguistic features of Jones's speech-~-a slower tempo, a

"thinner" voice, less precise articulation of vowels and

consonants, and the like. Variations of these sorts are com-

municative, and are patterned--but they are not dually

patterned, and are hence not part of language.

We are now ready to discuss, in turn, the two levels of

patterning found in language and the relationships between

them.

2.1.2. Morphemes and Grammar.

As we have said, the smallest individually meaningful

constituent signals in a language are morphemes. In the English

utterance She bought a new hat, as ordinarily spoken, there are

seven constituent morphemes: she, bough- (the "same" morpheme

as buy, for a reason we shall see later), -t (past time}, a,

new, hat, and an intonation. Some acts of speech are broken

off by intrusive elements--coughing, interruption by someone

else, and the like. Setting aside such fragments, every

utterance in a given language is composed wholly of an arrange-

ment of an integral number of morphemes drawn from the

morpheme-stock of the language.

In English, and quite possibly in all languages, at

least one constituent morpheme of every utterance is an

intonation; an assenting grunt Hm! or a querulous Hm? from

the point of view of the language consists wholly of an

intonation. Every adult speaker of a language controls

several thousand morphemes; in English, about one hundred of

these are intonations. The language as a whole can be said

to provide an even larger stock of morphemes, since there are

always some known to some speakers but not to others.

f
 As might be expected, the matter of meanings is much more

complicated for a system as complex as a language than it is

for the simple substitution code discussed earlier. Some mor-

phemes have meanings only in an indirect way. The larger

combinations in which they occur have meanings different from

the meanings of the combinations in which they do not occur.

One can describe, at least in part, the meaning of a morpheme

such as boy, girl, table, by pointing to things in the world

around us; one cannot do this for such morphemes as and, or, if,

a, the. Yet the meaning of men and women is different from that

of men or women, and the meaning of match and book is different

from that of match book, and this is enough to show us that

and, or, and the like must be classed as morphemes. The mean-

ing of a whole utterance results not alone from the meanings

of the constituent morphemes, but also from their arrangement:

dog bites man versus man bites dog; match book versus book

match, Thus arrangements, as well as morphemes, have meanings

or contribute to the meanings of larger messages.

Physically, arrangements of morphemes in utterances are

linear in time and with overlap (the intonation of our sample

utterance She bought a new hat is delivered simultaneously with

the words). Communicatively, however, arrangements are hier-~

archical, In @ context in which the phrase o1d men and women

obviously means "women of all ages, and elderly men," the

speaker intends the and to join the constituent parts old men

and women, and his hearers so interpret it. In a context in

which the same phrase means "elderly men and elderly women, "

the speaker intends old to go with the whole smaller phrase

men and women.

Sometimes speaker's intention and hearer's interpretation

are at odds, or the hearer is uncertain; this may or may not

lead to further misunderstanding. Although structural ambiguity

of this sort is not uncommon, usually the specific morphemes,

and the linear sequence in which they occur, allow of only one

interpretation within the economy of the language. The super-

position of hierarchical organization on a physically linear

arrangement by a hearer is @ Gestalt phenomenon, like the read-

ing of depth into what is physically an assemblage of Line

segments on a plane surface. Figure 3 shows this, and also

displays one device for the graphic representation of hier-

archical organization.

Figure 3

old men and women

 Gestalt perception in vision and in the hearing
of speech. A, B, and C are all assemblages of line
segments on a flat surface. We see depth in all three;
furthermore, B can be seen as more like A or as more
like C. E stands for the physically linear arrange-
ment of morphemes as we hear the phrase. D and F
represent two different hierarchical ways in which the
constituent morphemes can be organized by the hearer.

There are always stringent limitations on the arrangements

in which the morphemes of a language can occur relative to

one another in speech. Thus, in English, John do-es not like

Mary occurs; not-es Mary John like do is nonsense, In one

sense, these limitations constitute constraints on speakers.

Speakers are not free to speak in any manner they please.

The truth of this is not altered by the fact that the con-

straints are probabilistic rather than absolute. In another

sense, the limitations are not so much constraints as smooth

grooves along which a speaker slides with minimum effort. In

the same way, a net-work of highways enables one to travel

easily wherever one wishes to go--so long as one keeps one's

car on the road and within the network.

This comparison breaks down in one respect. One can

reach East Micro Junction by car only if a highway has already

been built to or through that town. In a language, one can

reach points that have never been reached before; for speak-

ing a language is comparable,2at one and the same time, both

to road building and to highway travel. That is, a speaker

may say something that neither he nor his audience has ever
heard or said before, and be perfectly understood, without any

of the participants being in the slightest aware of the novelty.

As an example, the reader need only consider the present para-

graph: every morpheme and every way of putting morphemes to-

gether that is involved in this paragraph is familiar, and yet

the specific combination is new.

This property of languages as communicative systems is

called openness, and it should be obvious that openness is a

trait of even more fundamental importance than duality. Yet

whereas no non-human animal communicative systems seem to have

duality, at least one such system shows openness: bee-communi-

cation. Thus @ worker can report to her fellows the location

of a source of nectar at a place where neither she nor her

fellows have ever found nectar before. Yet we search apparently

in vain for open systems in use by our nearest non-human rela-

tives. Gibbon vocalization, for example, is apparently con-

strained to a discrete choice from a small finite set of calls:

no matter how novel @ situation, the communicative vocal re-

sponse to it can only be one or another of these calls, not 4

new call consisting of two old ones in sequence or of & blend-~

ing of ingredients from two or more of the old ones. The

practical difference between such a closed system and an open

system like human language hardly needs underscoring.

The mechanism of openness is at bottom simple: @ novel

utterance is produced on the analogy of various utterances of

various structures which have occurred previously (in the

speaker's experience) in partly comparable circumstances.

Thus the new utterance consists of individually familiar ele-

ments (morphemes), put together by familiar patterns: only the

total result is new.

A result of limitations on arrangement is that any single

morpheme in a language is characterized by a certain roughly

definable range of privileges of occurrence relative to other

morphemes. Sets of morphemes which have approximately the

same privileges of occurrence constitute form-classes, In any

language, some of these form-classes are very large (English

man, boy, child, woman, dog, cat, etc.). and some are very

small (English & and en). The very small form classes usually

include only morphemes of the sort that have an indirect bear-

ing on meaning (and, or, etc.), rather than a denotation at

which one can point.

The morpheme stock of a language, and the hierarchical

arrangements in which the morphemes occur relative to one

another in utterances, constitute the grammar of the language.

Both elements and arrangements differ from language to lan-

guage. That the elements differ, not only in sound but in

range of meaning, is obvious: the central meaning of English

chair, for example, is broken into two ranges of meaning in

French, in which one says chaise or fauteuil depending on whether

the sittable is hard or stuffed; what the Cree Indians express

with the single word eskew has to be conveyed in English with

the long phrase he makes a hole in the ice to hunt beaver.

Arrangements are -lso incommensurable from one language

to another. If only the elements were different from language

to language, then all we should have to do to master a foreign

language would be to learn its vocabulary, and anyone who has

tried knows that it is not that easy. To translate English

I do not have time word-by-word into German yields nonsense

(ich tue nicht haben Zeit!); good German Das hat alles Uber

den Haufen geworfen yields comparable nonsense when subjected

to the same sort of translation in reverse--That has everything

over the heap y-thrown. Nor is it valid to say-~-as we may be

inclined to with reference to our own language, in which every-

thing seems reasonable and proper merely because of familiar-

ity--that arrangements of morphemes occur if they make sense.

It is nearer the truth to say that they make sense--to those

who speak the language--if they occur. Even this is not the

complete truth, since the perfectly natural process of coining

new utterances from time to time yields something meaningful

to the speaker but cryptic to others,

Words are recurrent clumps of morphemes--single mouphemes

in the limiting case--which manifest a degree of cohesion

greater than that shown in the same language between succes-

sive morphemes in different words. In English, we can in gen-

eral rely on our orthographic habits of leaving spaces at cer-

tain points as a clue to word-identity: boy is a word of one

morpheme; boys and boyish are words of two morphemes each;

boyishly is a single word of three morphemes. The clue is not

infallible: blackboard is two words (each one morpheme)

whether written that way, or with a hyphen (black-board) or

with a space (black board).

 Some morphemes, especially all intonations, belong to no

word, but form additional non-word constituents of utterances.

Conventional English orthography does a very inadequate job of

representing these. Therefore the non-word morphemes supplied

by a reader as he peruses ordinary written English are often

different from those used by the writer as he wrote. Languages

differ as to the average number of morphemes packed into single

words, and as to the precise kind of intraword cohesion.

English thus averages more morphemes per word than Chinese,

but fewer than Spanish, which in turn averages fewer than Latin,

and Latin fewer than the Algonquian languages of aboriginal

North America. Such differences are relevant for purely lin-

guistic purposes, since a language with relatively more complex

words has more morphology to be described (morphology being

that compartment of grammar in which words are built out of

morphemes) and comparably less syntax (the building of whole

utterances out of words and non-word constituents), than does

a language with relatively simpler words. But these differ-

ences have never been shown to correlate with any other aspect

of the life of the speakers of the languages.

- Certain combinations of morphemes--sometimes exactly one

word in size, sometimes smaller or larger than single words--have

meanings not predictable from their constituent morphemes and

the arrangements of the latter. Any such combination, and any

single morpheme, is an idiom. Examples of longer idioms are

white paper (governmental document), marriage of convenience,

run out ("become depleted"), Statue of Liberty (in New York bay),
\
statue of liberty (in football). It is well to recall, too,

that there are fixed longer discourses such as a poem or a

cliché which are also idiomatic. Awareness and consciousness

are obviously quite similar in meaning, and interchangeable in

most contexts; the fact that self-awareness and self-conscious-

ness have sharply different meanings shows that the latter two

are both idioms. Idioms are learned and used as wholes; but,

also, new idioms are coined in various ways, and old ones can

become disused. If we measure vocabulary in idioms instead of

morphemes, the count for the ordinary speaker runs to the tens

of thousands: onet estimate is that the average person past

infancy controls about one thousand idioms for each year of

his age, though perhaps with a decline in the rate of increase

past the mid forties.

2.1.3. Phonemes and Phonology.

Phonemes are the smaller meaningless constituents out of

which morphemes, combinations of morphemes, and whole utterances

are built, and which serve to keep morphemes and whole utter-

ances apart.

The words pit and bit, said in isolation as whole utter-

ances, differ in sound only at the beginning, and are in cer-

tain aspects the same there. In terms of articulatory movements,

the lips and the nasal passages are closed for both. For pit

the vocal cords are quiescent (the p is voiceless), while for

bit they are in vibration (the bis voiced). There is no actual

or possible third morpheme in English, differing from pit and

iL
Martin Joos in conversation.
bit only in that the initial consonant is more strongly voiced

than for pit yet less strongly than for bit. Out of the con-

tinuum of physiologically possipie degrees of voicing, only two

ranges are selected and assigned contrastive function in English.

’
No matter how sloppy a speaker's control of voicing may be as

he says one of these two words, a hearer who know the language

is absolutely constrained to interpret the result as exactly

the one word, or as exactly the other, or as so badly articu-

lated that identification is impossible. The last of these

alternatives is not a third possibility within the limits of the

system, but a reparable breakdown of the system. Of course,

hearers may notice the production of a mumbled and undiffer-

entiable pit/bit by a speaker, as they may note, say, a bit

pronounced with an unusually strongly voiced bs; and either of

these may convey information of some sort. But the communica-

tive Punction of such variations stands outside of language

proper, within which only discrete? contrasts between quantized

points or ranges of speech sound are relevant.

The phonemes of a single language are thus not speech

sounds, but rather ranges of speech sound--bull's eyes, as it

were, at which a speaker aims his articulation. The phonemic

system of a language is not so much a stock of "things" as it

is a network of distinctive articulatory-acoustic differences.

A particular phoneme in a system is defined functionally not

so much by what it is physically, or what it sounds like, as by

1 Se Appendix 1, p. .
 what, in the same system, it differs from. This means that

even if phonemes in two languages sound roughly the same,

they may still differ radically in function. English makes

systematic use of two degrees of voicing (voiceless, as p,

and voiced, as b), but Menomini, and many other languages,

make no use of this scale at all, so that the Menomini pho-

neme which sometimes sounds to us like p is not functionally

commensurate with either English p or English b. Phonemes in

different languages are never commensurate, only phonemic

systems can be compared.

No known language requires articulatory motions of any

part of the body except the respiratory and upper alimentary

tracts, for the production of its phonemes. A few languages

do not use all the manipulable parts of this region: for

example, in most of the Iroquoian languages the lips do not

function; and in Quileute there is no distinctive contrast

between nasal passages closed and nasal passages open, so

that there are no phonemically separate "nasal" sounds like

English m, n, ng (come, can, king).

What we ordinarily call "vowels" and "consonants" are

kinds of phonemes (segmental phonemes), but there are other

kinds as well. There are phonemes involving the pitch of the

voice, the general strength of articulation, differences of

timing and duration, and the like. The contrast between the

noun PERmit and the verb perMIT is a matter of distribution

of strength of articulation, not of vowels and consonants,

and

In Chinese, a set of syllables all of which sound something

1.3
like English you mean "oil,' "have," "again,' and wt
swing,”

depending on the tonal contour which accompanies the vowels

and consonants. Chinese uses pitch both in the way just illus-

trated and also as the raw material for intonation phonemes;

English uses pitch only in its intonation phonemes,

A phonemic system, then, consists of a stock of phonemes

and of the arrangements in which they occur relative to one

another in utterances. There are always stringent limitations

on these arrangements, just as, in grammar, there are for

morphemes. Phonemic systems differ from each other in two ways:

(1) as to the particular quantizing of the multidimensional con-

tinuum of possible articulatory motion, and resulting sound,

into contrasting ranges of speech sound, and thus as to the num-

ber of phonemes in the system; (2) as to the arrangements in

which the phonemes can occur.

Systematization on the level of phonemes is, if anything,

even more rigorous than on the grammatical level. Standard

German has twenty-seven segmental phonemes; American English

thirty-three, German has no separate phoneme acoustically sim-

ilar to the English th of thick; English has none similar to .the

German ch of Bach. German and English share acoustically com-

parable phonemes t (G Tag; E time) and s (G Wasser; E sing);

in German the initial sequence ts occurs (Zeit, pronounced

Tseit), but not in English; in English the initial sequence st

oceurs (sting), but not in Standard German, Finer (and

trickier) differences of this sort appear among the dialects

of a single language; coarser (but also trickier) differences

appear among languages less closely allied than are English

and German--say, between either of these and Chinese.

2.1.4. Speaking as a Process.

When we examine an utterance via a written record, we are

free to read it from beginning to end or to look back and forth

from one part to another in any way we please. Of course, this

is not the way utterances really happen, and our culturally

imposed preoccupation with writing must not be allowed to mis-

lead us. Language manifests itself first and foremost in the

behavior of speaking. An utterance is not spoken all at once,

but bit after bit in time: speech is not only unidimensional

but unidirectional. Each successive bit is spoken and then

vanishes into limbo, never to be recovered or unsaid.

It is convenient to pretend that a speaker "first" chooses

the morphemes he wishes to transmit (perhaps very few at a

time), arranging them appropriately, and "then" encodes the

result into an array of phonemes for articulation--perhaps as

he proceeds to the selection of the next few morphemes, Con-

versely, the hearer "first" interprets the incoming speech

signal into an array of phonemes, and "then" decodes the pho-

nemes into morphemes.

The convenience is twofold. First, we may thus imagine

the process of morpheme emission as going on continually in

any human past infancy. When not being directly guided by con-

temporary input from elsewhere in the person, it is driven, as

it were, under its own power; but only sometimes does it "break

through" to the surface to be audible to others. The progression

“ey
is probabilistic, not Ceterminate. It is the arrival of a

morpheme at "headquarters" that triggers the emission of the

next morpheme, and it does not matter whether the incoming mor-

pheme has been transmitted via feedback routes from the hearer's

own "headquarters" or through the air from someone else. Thus,

self-communication, either aloud or "thinking in words," mocks

speech communication between people.

There is also only a probabilistic tie between the

morpheme-flow within @ person and other events within and

around him. The tie is in both directions. Sight of a cat may

or may not lead a speaker to say There's a cat: the probability

that it will is conditioned by where his internal morpheme-flow

is at the moment. If the self-driven probabilistic progression

leads to the emission of the morpheme cat, that increases at

least somewhat the probability that the speaker will look around

for a cat.

Thus the "impact of language on thought and behavior," as

discussed by Whorf, can be understood behaviorally; it will

differ in kind, if not in degree, from language to language.

So, also, can we understand one variety of Korzybskian

"identification": if an experiential stimulus (say the sight of

a plate of food of a certain kind) triggers the emission of a

certain train of morphemes ("This stuff is Irish stew"), subse-

quent behavior may be controlled largely by the economy of the

individual's idiolect--which, in its turn, derives from a whole

history of previous experiences, of the individual and of his

predecessors--rather than by the immediate idiosyncratic reality

("I don't like Irish stew"). It must never be forgotten that

the generation of the stream of speech, even internally,

involves work, and that it may be more work to force the suc-

cession of morphemes to match specific novel facts than it is

to let the progression follow geodesic lines of highest intra-

systemic probability.

2.1.5. Morphophonemics.

The second convenience of the mode of description adopted

above (2.1.3.) is that it helps us to specify the remaining

aspect of language design: the morphophonemics of a language

is the code by which arrays of morphemes are transduced into

arrays of phonemes and vice versa.

In any single context of other morphemes, a given morpheme

is represented by a specific arrangement of phonemes. Some

morphemes are represented in the same way in all occurrences:

pay in pay, pays, paying, paid, payer, ete., and in all the

longer utterances which incorporate any of these words. ITwo

morphemes may share a repre

Pp sentation: P le" and P pare
pair "coup

"to peel." A single morpheme may have more than one representa-

tion, depending on linguistic environment: wife with a final f

in the singular, but wive- before the pluralizing morpheme ~-s;

—?

the latter is pronounced s in cats, pits, but z in cads, ribs,

wives; buy is changed to bough- when followed by the past tense

ending -t.

Some such alternations in phonemic shape are imposed by

phonemic habits. English phonemics allows us to say -ts and -dz

at the ends of words (cats, cads), but not -tz or -ds, so that

the use of both -s and -z for the pluralizing morpheme is

"natural" within the language (not in any more general sense,

of course: some languages allow sequences like tz and ds).

Other alternations are survivals of earlier historical acci-

dents; buy and bough-, since there is nothing in English pho-

nemics to preclude us from saying buyed. Any of the latter

is a morphophonemic irregularity.

Languages differ as to the number and importance of their

morphophonemic irregularities. Russian ranks high in irregu-

larity; German is less irregular, but still slightly more so

than English; Hungarian is somewhat more regular than English,

and Chinese is the most regular of the five languages we have

just named. In language-learning, morphophonemic regularity

is an obvious advantage. For an adult student of a second

language, this advantage can be outweighed by other factors:

e.g., German is easier for speakers of English to learn than is

Chinese, because vocabulary and pronunciation are less alien,

It has been suspected that for a child learning his first lan-

guage these other factors can play no part, so that, for

example, the Hungarian child should learn his language somewhat

more rapidly or easily than the American or Russian chila. This

hypothesis seems reasonable to me, but so far as I know it has

never been supported by carefully controlled observation.

2.1.6. Idiolects and Dialects.

A person's idiolect is a product of a succession of differ-

ent contacts: each period of residence in one or another

community, each period of interaction with a given set of

friends and associates, contributes a layer, its importance

depending on the length and intimacy of th e co nt ac t an d on th e

individual's receptivity at the time. Early habits can be

apparently submerged by those acquired later, but they are per-

haps never altogether lost. Special circumstances can bring

them again to the surface. One woman, raised in the Bronx, went

to the Middle We st at the peak of he r adaptability (ag e 20) , and

now, fifteen years later, usually speaks fairly typical Middle

Western English, with a few generalized East Coast features but

with no clear indications of the Bronx. But whenever this

woman talks over the telephone with her parents or sister (who

did not move west), typical Bronx features reappear. They also

turn up when she is engaged in certain emotionally colored

types of argument with her children. In the latter context,

there is presumably some cue of similarity to her earlier rela-

tions with her own parents that elicits this shift in speech-

pattern.

A dialect is a variety of a language characteristic of a

particular geographical-social region. Dialects vary from one

geographical area to another, and from one socialt stratum or

occupational grouping to another, sometimes slightly, sometimes

radically. Regional and social dialect continuity seems to be

1 For social concomitants of dialect variation see McDavid,

1948, 1951, 1952-3.

maintained in this country in the face of considerable mobility

of individuals. If a given dialect loses speakers through emi-

gration or social-climbing, in compensation it gains the chil-

dren of new arrivals. The idiolect of a person who stayed

near his birthplace indefinitely might reflect features typical

of the dialect of his region and social stratum. If all speakers

were like this, then we could say that a dialect consists of a

set of closely similar idiolects, just as a language, in turn,

includes one or more fairly similar dialects. But this asser-

tion does not hold for American English. Many an idiolect far

exceeds in dialect affiliation the complexity of that of the

woman mentioned in the preceding paragraph, including within

itself features from two or more dialects, the speaker's

environing circumstances eliciting now the features of one

dialect, now those of another.

Dialect differentiation also shows certain partial corre-

lations with age-grading and with what we may call sex-grading.

In addition to purely linguistic features, certain typical

"tones-of-voice" tend to be differentially associated with

different age-grades and sex-grades, Age-grading is self-explan-

atory. For example, within many social strata in many parts of

the country, the typical voice and speech of an upper-teen~aged

girl are quite different from that of a matron in her thirties,

and if we hear the teen-aged voice from a matron there is an

incongruity. By "sex-grading" we refer not merely to male

versus female, but to the two or three different culturally

transmitted manners in which the fact of being a male, or a

female, can be acted out. The “locker-room male"--taught how

to be a male by other males, in a context of emphasis on

physical sports--acts and speaks differently from the male who

has been conducted through childhood and adolescence largely

by women. Statements of male homosexuality, as a "tertiary"

(i.e., culturally developed) sexual characteristic sometimes

unaccompanied by any overt homosexual tendencies, can show up

in certain features of voice quality and of the articulation

of vowels and consonants.

Interpersonal differences in speech habits are quite like

interpersonal differences in all other varieties of communica-

tive behavior. In observing and comparing people, we must

remember, however, that interpersonal differences are of two

orders. Obviously, what John Jones signals on a given occasion

(in words or otherwise) differs from what Jim Brown might signal

in the "same" circumstances, and from what John Jones might

signal in other circumstances. But there are also interpersonal

differences in the systems, and it is primarily to those that

we refer when speaking of dialects and of idiolects. We cannot

understand what John Jones means by his signals without knowing

the idiosyncratic twists given to each communicative system by

John. Thus @ nod means "yes" to us, "no" to an Eskimo; homely

means “pretty” in Australia, "ugly" in the United States; the

intonation of a polite request in British English is that of

exasperation in American English; lost in some Southern speeth

sounds exactly like loused for some Northerners. Children whose

control of their language is not yet fluent often answer yes or

no for lack of the machinery for a more precise response:

parents may take this as a falsehood when it is not. Blood--the

word, not merely the substance named by it--connotes laboratory

work to a serologist; it may send someone else into a faint.

2.2. The design of American English.

A complete description of any language--one spoken by

hundreds of millions of people, like English, or one spoken by

a few dozen people in some New Guinea village--is a lengthy

and laborious matter. <A complete description of English is

impossible here; fortunately, it is also unnecessary. What

Follows is an outline? or frame of reference, describing the

basically important habits of the language, and supplying

appropriate points of attachment for the multitudes of details

which have to be omitted.

Grammar is always more complicated than phonology; conse-

quently, our discussion of English phonology will be relatively

less sketchy than what we say about English grammar.

2.2.1. English phonology.

What we shall present on phonology is not the exact system

of any single idiolect or dialect, but the overall pattern of

(General) American® English: a system incorporating all (or

almost all) of the contrasts functional in any idiolect, so

For fuller treatments, see Trager and Smith, 1951, and now,
since this writing, Hill, 1958, and Sledd, 1959.

e For a fuller treatment of American dialect variation see

McDavid, 1963.
that the precise system of a single idiolect is a weighted

selection from the overall systen. The logic of the overall

pattern approach will become clear from the examples. Certain

Southern and Canadian varieties of American English may require

slightly different. overall patterns, but this possibility has

not been sufficiently explored for consideration here.

Any utterance in (General) American English is built out

of a selection from a stock of forty-four phonemes. In present-

ing and describing these phonemes, we also supply symbols for

their graphic representation. Since many of the symbols are

identical with letters of ordinary English spelling, they will

regularly be cited between slant lines (thus: /a/), except

in tabular displays.

Segmental phonemes:

' Consonants:

Full Consonants: p t z k

b d 5 g
f 9 s &
vy 3 z %

m n y

Semiconsonants: y h Ww

Vowels: i # u

e 3 °
 Nonsegmental phonemes:

Juncture: +

Stresses (written over a vowel): a a a

Intonation phonemes:

Pitch Levels (PLs)s 1 2 3 y

Terminal Contours (TCs): | | 4

2.2.1.1. Consonants.

The first eight of the full consonants are illustrated

by the following words:

/p/ pull /pil/, lip /1fp/ /bo/ bull /bul/, sib /stfb/
/t/ teil /té1/, let /1ét/ /a/ aul1 /dd1/, lea /1éa/
/€/ chill /€f£1/, rich /r{t/ /3/ gill /Jt1/, riage /rf¥/
/k/ cull /kd1/, luck /1éx/ /e/ gull /gs1/, lug /1ée/

These eight are stops: they are articulated with closed nasal

passages and with a complete closure somewhere in the oral

cavity. For /p b/ the oral closure is between the lips

(bilabial), for /t d/ between the tip of the tongue and the

alveolar ridge (apico-alveolar), for /& ¥/ between the blade
of the tongue and the general region of the alveolar ridge

(lamino-alveolar), for /* g/ between the back part of the upper

surface of the tongue and the velum (dorso-velar). /bd ¥ a/

are voiced, and /p t & k/ voiceless. /% ¥/ are released in

such a way that the air passes between the blade of the tongue

and the alveolar ridge to produce audible friction; for this

reason these two are called affricates. The other six stops
are not affricates.

The next eight full consonants are illustrated in the

following words:

/f/ full /ftl, cuff /két/ /v/ vat /vét/, live /liv/

/9/ thumb /edm/, myth /mfo/ /3/ thus /8és8/, scythe /sdys/

/s/ sell /sé1/, less /1lés/ /z/ zip /zip/, haze /héyz/

/%/ shel1 /%é1/, mesh /mé¥/ /%/ Jeanne /%4n/, rouge /riw%/,
vision /vi%¥an/

These eight are spirants (or fricatives, whence the term

"“affricate" for /& 3/): the nasal passages are closed, and a

partial closure is made in the oral cavity so that the air, in

passing through, is forced into turbulence. For /f v/ the

partial closure is made between lower lip and upper teeth

( labio-~dental) ; for /® 3/, between the front edge of the tongue

and the backs of the upper teeth, the air escaping through a

transverse slit (apico-dental slit spirants); for /s z/, be-

tween tip of tongue and alveolar ridge, the air escaping

through a tiny hole in the median line (apico-alveolar rill

spirants); for /% %/, between blade of tongue and the region

of the alveolar ridge (lamino-~alveolar). /f 9 s %/ are voice-~

less, /v 5 z %/ voiced. Some speakers do not use /%/ either

initially or finally (they do not use the "French" pronuncia-

tion of Jeanne, and end rouge, garage with the affricate /3/)3

this is why we have also given an example in medial position

above.

ne
we
 The next three full consonants:

/m/ mull /mé1/, dumb /dém/

/n/ null /né1/, dun, done /dén/

/y/ singing /s{yin/.

These three are nasals: a complete closure in the oral cavity,

but with the nasal passages open. For /m/ the closure is

bilabial, for /n/ apico-alveolar, and for /n/ dorso-velar. All

three are voiced. /n/ does not occur initially. Note the dif-

ference between singer /s{yer/ and finger /fiygsr/: some speakers

with a direct or indirect background of certain Central and East

European languages say singer /s{nger/, sing /sing/, singing

/s{yging/, and have no /n/ except directly before /g/ or /x/

(sink /sink/).
The last two full consonants are sometimes classed together

as liquids, a term which makes no particular reference to articu-

lation:

/r/ xred /réd/, tar /téhr/ (some speakers /t&h/)

/1/ led /1éd/, dell /aé1/
For /r/, the tip of the tongue is curled back, but does not touch

anything (a retroflex glide vocoid). For /1/, the tip of the

tongue touches the alveolar ridge, but the sides are not in con-

tact with the sides of the mouth, and the air can pass through

without any friction (apico-alveolar lateral). Both are voiced,

and for both the nasal passages are closed. Many speakers, in

parts of New England, the Hudson Valley and New York City, and

certain regions in the old South, have /r/ only before a vowel.
 The three semiconsonants occur before vowels, as follows:

/y/ yes /yés/, yacht /yat/ (or /yéht/)

/n/ hem /ném/, hut /nédt/
/w/ wet /wét/, wina /wind/
For /y/, the blade of the tongue approaches the hard palate and

is pushed forward in the mouth, for /h/ the position of the

tongue approximates that of the following (or preceding) vowel,

and for /w/ the back part of the tongue approaches the soft

palate. The lips for /y/ are spread, for /w/ rounded, and for
/1/ accommodated to the lip position for the following (or the

preceding) vowel. Both /y/ and /w/ are voiced, whereas /h/ is
voiceless before, but volced following, another vowel.

The full consonants and the semiconsonants occur in various

sequences uninterrupted by any vowel. These combinations are

called consonant clusters, Initial clusters have as many as

three constituents: sigh, spy, spry /sdy spay spréy/,

well, quell, squelch /wél kwél skwél%/. Final clusters

have as many as four: sing, sink, sphynx, jinxed /siy sink

sfinks Yi{nkst/. Of the thousands of mathematically possible

consonant clusters, only a few hundred actually occur, and some

of these are extremely rare. Thus some speakers use initial

/ts/ in a few uncommon words (tsar /tsdhr/, tsetse /tsfytsiy/,

Tsimsian /tsim¥iyin/), while many speakers do not use this
initial cluster at all.

2.2.1.2. Vowels and Nuclei.

Consonant clusters directly after a vowel do not have a

semiconsonant as first constituent, because when & semiconsonant

occurs directly after a vowel the combination of vowel and semi-

consonant forms a complex syllable nucleus or complex syllabic.

A vowel with no following semiconsonant constitutes a simple

syllabic. Since there are nine vowels and three semiconsonants,

there are thirty-six syllabics in all:

simple complex /-y/ complex /-h/ complex /-w/

1 Ly th iw

e ey eh ew

2 ay eh aw

z iy ih iw

a ay ah ow

a ay ah aw

u uy uh uw

° oy oh ow

3 oy oh ow

It is not unlikely that most speakers of American English use

most, if not all, of these thirty-six nuclel. But in any single

idiolect some of them are commonest and a few are very rare, and

the distribution of common and rare varies widely from one

variety of English to another. We illustrate here all the

simple nuclei and the most widespread of the complex syllabics:

/{/: bip, bit, kick /hfp bit ki{k/

/é/: bet, neck, kept /bét nék képt/
/ea/: cap, hat, batch /kép h&t b&t/, except that some speaker:
(e.g., in Western New York State) have /éh/ or /éh/ in almost all
such words.

/#/: gust /Jést/ in I just got here (not in a just man,

which has /Yest/); often in this /3£s/); common in children,

Qs
QC.
silver /€£ldran sdlver/; in parts of the South in sister,
dinner /sfstoe(r) dfna(r)/; the commonest syllabic in un-
stressed syllables.

/é/: but, bud, bun, buzz /bdt dSd ddn ddz/3 southern

British English has /&/ in such words.

/&/: cot, lock, hop /k&t 18k h&p/, except that in
Hastern New England, as in southern British English, these

words have /4/.

/i/: book, put, puss /btk ptt pts/.

/6/: most widespread in gonna /géna/ (going to: I'm gonna

stop now), whole /hdé1/ (the whole thing, not make me whole again,
which has /éw/), because /biykéz/ (also with /S/ or /éh/); in
parts of rural Eastern New England in home, road, coat and some

other household words /hém rdédd két/, elsewhere most generally

/du/.
/5/: not common, except for the British use in cot, lock,
hop, etc. (See above under /&/); some New England rural types
may have this rather than /6/ in home, road, coat; I have it

before /1/ in balm, calm, psalm, alms /bdS1m kélm sSlm 41mz/.
/tfy/: beet, peep, leak, reach /ofyt ptyp 1fyk rfyt/.

In bee, bean, seem, leave most speakers have /fy/, but some in
the region of Philadelphia and Baltimore have /&y/.
/éy/: pate, cape, sake /péyt kéyp séyk/.
/aéy/: I, lie, tight, spike /déy lé&y téyt spdyk/.

Many New York City speakers have /Jy/ in these words; in the

South, /aéh/ is common; in Central and Western Canada /dSy/ is

usual before a voiceless consonant, as /tdyt spéyk/, but /dy/

otherwise.
 /8y/2 boy, hoist, coil, oil /béy héyst xkéyl Syl1/.
Some Southern speakers have no cases of this, sometimes using

/Sh/ instead (as before /1/: /kénl 6éh1/), sometimes /d&y/

(boil, “heist" /p&yl héyst/), sometimes pronouncing two

syllables where other speakers have one (boy /bdéwiy/).

/éh/: commonly in yeah /yéh/; in the Central Atlantic

Seaboard in can "container" /kéhn/, in contrast with can "be
able" /kén/. Many Middle Westerners have this or /&b/ or
/&y/ almost to the exclusion of the /#/ found in the East
and in New England in words like cab, cad, fad, sand, ham

(/éh/ or /Sh/), bag, ashes, back (/dy/).

/&n/: speakers (mainly New England and the East) who

distinguish between bomb /bém/ and balm /béhm/ have /éh/
also in words like father, starry (vs. sorry with /&/), Dali
(vs. dolly with /&/ or /4/). In the Middle West /&n/ is “more
usual before @ voiced consonant, /&/ before a voiceless (e.g.,
bomb and balm both /b&éhm/, but /&/ in pot). Everywhere words
like spa, fa, la, rah, pa, ma end with /a&h/, except that some
speakers say rather paw, maw with /5h/.
/éh/: widespread in law, saw, ought, haul /15h séh
ht nshi/ and the like. But in New York City these words

usually have /éh/; in the Northwest including Central and Western

Canada, they have /&éh/ or /&/ (so that cot and caught are
identical, /k&t/, and cod and cawed are both /xk&hd/); and in
many parts of the South they all have /4w/.

Jaw:e house, cow, about, loud. In parts of the South one

hears /aw/ (or even /#h/ or /#yt/) in these words; in the

Virginia Tidewater /éw/ is customary. In Central Canada and

the Northern Middle West, /dw/ is usual before a voiceless

consonant (house /héws/) but /&w/ otherwise (houses /héwziz/).

/iw/: boot, spook /oiwt sptiwk/. In too, boom, moon

most speakers have /tw/, but some in the region of Philadelphia

and Baltimore have /fw/.
/éw/: cope, boat, roach, poke /kéwp bdédwt réwt pdwk/.

Some speakers (Hast?) have /éw/, also common in British English

in these words; an extreme Britticism is /éw/.

From these examples we can describe the pronunciation of

the vowels and semiconsonants in articulatory terms. The three

vowels /i e a/ are all pronounced with the tongue bunched

towards the front of the mouth (all are front vowels): but

they differ in that /i/ has the tongue high /w/ has it low,
and /e/ has it at an intermediate height (mid). As shown by

the arrangement of vowel symbols on the Table of English

Phonemes, the same three-way difference of tongue-height dis-

tinguishes among the members of the triad /% 2 a/, and also

among /u o o/. For all six of these, the bunching of the

tongue is towards the central or back part of the mouth instead

of forward: all six are back vowels. /u o o0/ are perhaps

typically a bit further back than /# 92 a/; more important is

the fact that the lips are slightly rounded for Ju oO o/, but

not for /t a af (nor for /i e a/).

After a vowel, as part of a complex syllabic, /y/ is a

glide of the tongue towards (not necessarily to) high front

position; /h/ is a glide towards mid or low central unrounded

position; and /w/ is a glide towards high back position, accom-

panied by an increase of lip rounding. As parts of complex

syllabics, all three semiconsonants are voiced, as are all

vowels. Before a vowel, the three semiconsonants are glides

from rather than towards the positions just described: /y/

and /w/ are voiced in this environment too (except that

speakers who say hue, white /hytiw hwdyt/ may have voiceless

/y/ ana /w/ after /h/), but /h/ is here voiceless (compare hot

/nét/ with voiceless /h/ and spa /spéh/ with voiced /h/).

2.2.1.3. Stress and Juncture.

In utterances longer than a single syllable, some syllables

are louder than others. Thus in our transcription of the word

singing, used above to illustrate certain segmental phonemes,

we placed the mark ° over the vowel of the first syllable to

indicate that the first syllable is pronounced more loudly than

the second: /s{niyn/. Some pairs of words do not differ at all

in segmental phonemes, and yet are different: in my speech,

the noun permit /pérmit/ versus the verb /perm{t/ (in some

parts of the country the noun is /péhrmit/, showing a differ-

ence in segmental structure also; and for some speakers the

noun is pronounced /pernit/, just like the verb). This pair

shows that differences of stress or loudness are distinctive,

but does not show how many distinctively different levels there

are. There are in fact four: from loudest /’/, called loud

or primary stress, through secondary /*/, tertiary /*/, to

weak (usually no mark, but ~ when needed for clarity). The

following examples show the contrasts and the unpredictability

of distribution of the four levels:

 (He lives in a) whtte héuse. (any house of the specified

color)

(He lives in a) whfte hduse, (not a green one). (contrast-

ing colors)

(He's living in the) Whfte hduse. (the house that belongs

or once belonged to a family named White)

(The President lives in the) Whf{te Hduse. (a specific

structure in Washington, D. Cc.)

Lng Isl¥nd (is 4) 1éng {sl¥na.

(He's our) néw Undértakér.
(It's a) n@éw tndértdéking.

In general (though not without exception), the pronuncia-

tion of what are ordinarily thought of as "single words" does

not contain instances of the juncture phoneme /+/, and conse-

quently our transcriptions of single words for illustrative

purposes have not yet illustrated the /+/- But compare:

(That's sodium) nitrate. /...ndéytreyt/

(After six you get the) night rate. /...ndéyt+réyt/

(Dr. Gerald Nye discovered that, and it is called the)

Nye trait. /...ndy+tréyt/

Shé's (going.) /¥fyz.../

Béa's (going. ) /ofy+z.../
and for many speakers:

(I want a) tomato /...taméytow/

(The Republic of) Plato /...pléy+tdw/

where the single word Plato is pronounced exactly as though it

were @& compound of play and toe.

AY
 The juncture phoneme /+/ consists regularly of a slight

lengthening of the segmental phoneme represented in transcrip-

tion directly before it--that is, that segmental phoneme is

held slightly longer than it would be under the same circum-

stances but without the juncture. Its presence is usually

marked also by certain additional features, depending on just

what segmental phonemes flank it: thus in night rate the /+/

(of night) is inaudibly released, as it is at the end of an

utterance, and the /r/ is fully voiced, as it is initially in

an utterance; whereas in nitrate the medial /t/ is released

with a slight puff of breath which also partially devoices the

/r/. Any segmental phoneme directly after /+/ is pronounced

as it is at the beginning of an utterance, rather than as it

is medially not flanked by /+/, or finally.

2.2.1.4. Intonation.

The English intonation phonemes (PLs = pitch levels and

TCs = terminal contours) occur only in certain combinations

called intonations. An intonation involves one and only one

TC, at least two Pls, and may (at least in theory) involve as

many as five Pls. An intonation occurs most usually (certain

"grunts" of acceptance, rejection, and the like, may be excep-

tions) simultaneously with a sequence of segmental, junctural,

and stress phonemes; the whole combination we shall call a

macrosegment. We shall label the five positions for PLs with

the letters a through e. The following examples show the

positions:
 oO
e

|o
©

Q
/9n 56 hn 1 t* #/ (Haltt)
/7¢6 wteo Sw é y? +/ (Go away!)

/?its Sfayves®k 1 & k? #/ (It's five o'clock.)

/?s 6 w + ?fyt?¥or416n%? 4/ (So eat your lunch!)

(The spacing out of the symbols is designed only to show the

PL positions. Hach of the four "sentences" could, of course,

be intoned in various other ways.)

Position c is at the syllable which bears primary stress.

There is always one and only one such syllable in a macroseg-

ment, and there is always a PL accompanying it.

Position e is at the end, where the TC also occurs. There

is always a PL at this position.

Position a exists only in those macrosegments in which

there is material before the syllable with primary stress.

Whenever position a exists, there is a PL at it.

Position b exists only when position a does and when, in

addition, at least one syllable between positions a and c

carries secondary stress. Under these circumstances, some intona-

tions have a PL at this position and some do not.

Position d falls between positions c and e. Relatively

few intonations involve a PL at position d, and those that do

are relatively rare.

No sure examples have yet been observed of intonations with

PLs at all five positions. It is possible that the occurrence

of a PL at position b precludes the occurrence of one at posi-

tion d and conversely, but this is not certain.

45
 Phonetically, the four PLs are four rather narrow ranges of

pitch. They are relative, not absolute: a woman's lowest PL

may be higher than a man's highest, and & single speaker may

switch register from time to time. /+/ is the lowest and /*/
the highest. The actual pitch of the voice, in the intervals

between the points at which the Pls occur distinctively and must

be marked in transcription, varies somewhat, but is largely

determined by the bounding Pls, by the distribution of stresses,

and by the length of the interval. Thus, for example, if the

last syllable of a macrosegment carries primary stress, so that

position c is at its beginning and position e at its end, and

if /°/ occurs at ¢ and /*/ ate, the pitch will fall quite
rapidly during the syllable. If, on the other hand, position c¢

is several syllables from position e, with no PL at d and the

same distribution of /%/ and /*/, then the pitch may fall fairly
rapidly immediately after position c, and stay down, or it may

slide down more slowly; the difference may be nonlinguistic or

it may involve the presence of a PL at position d.

To illustrate:

/Sndnit?# (Halt!) contour \.

/*péyparth®yor*#/ ( Paperhanger.) contour\—~ or \“—

Of the TCs, /#/ ana /||/ are characterized by quite distinc-

“tive properties, while /|/ is marked largely (not exclusively)
by the absence of any of the properties distinctive of the other

two. /#/ involves a certain amount of stretching and fading.

The segmental material directly before it is articulated

somewhat more slowly than it would be with no TC, and the

force of articulation decreases. When the PL at position e

is /*/, /#/ also involves a lowering of pitch below the ordi-

nary level for /*/ in otherwise similar circumstances. It is

mnemonically helpful to note that the combination /*#/ almost

always carries the implication "I am done speaking, at least

for the moment: your turn." This implication is strongest if

the intonation ending with /*#/ has /%/ at position c. Thus:

/®ndawe? dhreytwtt/ (How are you?)

/?aym+? féyn*#/ (I'm fine.)

/I\/ involves some stretching, as does /#/, but without

any fading; and the pitch of the voice rises to a point higher

than that of the PL at position e though not so high as that

of the next higher PL. The combination /?||/ or /®||/ occurs

very often in questions which call for yes-or-no answers,

though by no means exclusively here:

/?anrye+? géwin® |l/ (Are you going?)

/\/ involves slight stretching, but neither fading nor

lowering nor raising of pitch. When /|/ occurs followed by

silence, the impression is usually that of hesitation or

incompleteness. Medially:

/7ins? sat+keys® |PanleSedwit/ (In that case I'll go.)

2.2.2, English grammar.

In Figure 4 is displayed the sentence She bought a new

hat, in a diagram that shows much of its grammatical structure.

Like any other utterance, this one is built wholly of morphemes,

put together wholly by recurrent patterns of combination called

constructions. The ultimate constituent morphemes of the

a
utterance do not participate directly in the whole. Rather,

they are put together two-by-two, or few-by-few, into some-

what larger forms, which in turn are put together a few at a

time into still larger forms, until we reach the whole. Thus

the immediate constituents of the whole sentence, as the dia-

gram shows, are (1) its intonation and (2) the non-intonational

remainder, The non-intonational portion in turn has, as its

ICs (s#immediate constituents), the smaller forms she and

bought a new hat, She is @ morpheme; but bought a new hat is

composite, and has the finer-grained structure shown in the

diagram.

No English morpheme is ever represented phonemically by

a combination of intonational and non-intonational phonemes.

Intonational phonemes occur only in recurrent combinations

which represent intonational morphemes; all other morphemes

are segmental.

Figure 4.

#
|
The marks "e", "> ", and so on, represent types of

structural relationships; see 2.2.2.4, below.

 Despite their regular simultaneous manifestation in speech

and despite the extent to which intonation marks the structure

of the segmental material it accompanies, the intonational and

the segmental parts of English constitute, in a sense, two

separate communicative systems, each characterized by duality.

What Little we know of the intonational system so far, beyond

its phonology, concerns mainly how it impinges on and marks

segmental structure. Beyond this we are not ever certain of

the identity of intonational morphemes; it is only @ matter of

,
convenience to assume that each intonation, as defined in

2.2.1.4., is a morpheme. So the discussion which follows will

deal mainly with the segmental system. In the first two

sub-sections we describe the kinds of elements (morphemes and

small idiomatic combinations of morphemes) used in English; in

the third sub-section we describe the constructions by which

they are put together.

2e.2.e.1. Functors.

The segmental system of English involves morphemes, and

small idioms, of two basic kinds: functors and céntentives.

Examples of functors are and, if, he, in, on, the -es (/z/) of
goes, the -s (/z/) of umbrellas, the -ly of quickly the. /‘+*/
stress-and-juncture pattern of blackbird. Examples of cénten-

tives are black, bird, umbrella, quick, go, boy, boyish, boyhood.

Functors are of two kinds: markers and substitutes. Markers

are elements which signal the grammatical relationships of sur-

rounding forms. The ICs (=immediate constituents) of men and

women are the forms men and women; and is @ marker. The ICs

of John's hat are John and hat; 's (/z/) is a marker, These
two markers (and and 1s) are pure: they signal the relation-

ships of surrounding forms, without themselves having any posi-

tion in the hierarchical structure of the larger forms in which

they occur. Other pure markers are the or of men or women, the

either and or of either John or Bill, the neither and nor of

neither John nor Bill, the both and and of both John and Bill,

and the /“ + */ of blackbird.

Impure markers participate in the hierarchical structure of

the larger forms in which they occur, but still mark structural

relationships. The in and on of the pencil in the desk and the

pencil on the desk are examples. The ICs of the former are the

pencil and in the desk; the ICs of in the desk are in and the

desk, In addition to standing in construction with the desk,

the impure marker in also signals the fact that the whole form

in the desk stands in a certain relationship (here attributive:

see 2.2.2.3.) to something else--in the example, to the pencil.

Other impure markers are the if of if John comes, the when of

when you get there, the is of John is tall.

Cutting across their classification as pure or impure is

another classification of markers: as free or bound. Free

markers are separate words, called particles: and, or, either,

neither, nory both, in, on, if, when. Bound markers are less

than whole words, and are called inflectional affixes: the /z/

of (he) goes, the /z/ (a different morpheme) of umbrellas, the

-er of poorer, the -ed (/a/) of begged, the -ly of quickly.

The 's of John's hat is on the boundary between bondage and free-~

dom, and can be classed either way. Stress-and~juncture patterns

are neither words nor parts of words, and thus fall outside the

free-bound classification and are separately designated as

superfixes.

Substitutes are special forms the meanings of which are

redefined on each occurrence by (1) the selection and structur-

ing of nearby linguistic material, or (2) certain elementary

features of the communications situation, or both. Thus the

denotation of I and me depends entirely on who (or what) is

speaking; the denotation of you depends entirely on who (or what)

is being addressed. If one says John took his car, his means

John's (unless special features in a larger context force his

to refer to comeone else); if we say Bill took his car, then the

same form his refers to Bill's. In John doesn't hate her, but

Ido, do means “hate"; but in John doesn't like her, but I do,

the same form means "like,"

All English pronouns (personal, demonstrative, interrogative,

relative, negative nobody etc., indefinite anybody, somebody etc.,

and inclusive all, everyone, etc.) are substitutes. So, probably,

are the numerals one, two, etc., and the articles a/an, the;

pro-adverbs here, now, there, then; the pro-verb do as illustrated

above; so (@ pro-adverb in He did it so, a clause substitute in

if SO); then also as a clause substitute, as in if he comes, then

we must leave.

None of the classifications mentioned and illustrated above

are airtight. Some forms appear now in one funetion, now in

F/
another; or, if one prefers, some forms come in pairs identical

in shape but different in function. is is a functor in John is

poor or God is good, but a céntentive in God is or That which is,

is. The terminal /z/ of goes is an inflectional affix, and hence

& marker; but it is also a substitute, since it indicates that

the subject of the verb is singular and other than speaker or

addressee. Any form is used on occasion as a designation for

itself; "And is a functor", as we have said earlier. When so

used, the form is of course a eéntentive,

Allowing for such uncertainties and boundary-line cases, we

define a céntentive as a form which is not a functor.

2.2.2.2, Stems and their Classification.

A stem is what is left of a word when all inflectional

affixes, if any, are stripped from it. Thus the stem of boys is

boy- (where we write a hyphen to show that we are not designating

the word boy) , and the stem of the word boy is also boy-, since

there are no inflectional affixes to be deleted. Some stems are

functors: the i- which is left when the inflectional affix /z/

is stripped from is. But most stems are cdntentives (e.g., boy-),

and it is with the latter that we are concerned here.

English (céntentive) stems fall into seven basic classes

depending on their privileges of occurrence in larger forms: that

is, on the inflectional affixes that are used with them, and on

the constructions in which they participate.

One set of privileges of occurrence is the noun pattern:

inflection for plural (boy : boys), though not invariably; use

Oy
after a or an, the, this or these, that or those, unstressed

some (/sim/) (a boy, an elephant, th e boy , th is boy , these

boys, some boys, some milk). English stems which follow this

pattern, or much of it, but do not also follow either of the

patterns of usage yet to be described, belong to class N.

Examples are strength, food, action, day, friend, art, danger,

music, boy, elephant.

A second pattern is the adjective pattern: inflection for

degree (pretty : prettier : prettiest) or use after more and

most to yield phrases (more beautiful ;: most beautiful) which

are then used in much the same way in still larger combinations;

inflection with -ly for adverbial use (prettily, peautifully).

Stems which follow this pattern, but not also the noun pattern

nor the third pattern to be described, belong to class A:

long, false, likely, certain, icy

me
, sle
ee
epy , sho
Fe
rt, sof t, civ
tte
il,

peautiful.

Some stems follow both the noun pattern and the adjective

pattern, but not the third pattern to be described below. These

stems belong to class NA: American, sweet, savage, private,

male, white, red, innocent.

The third pattern is the verb pattern: many stems have

five inflected forms, as sing, sang, sung, sings, singing: most

have only four, as describe, describes, described, describing;

a few have even fewer, as can, could, or must and ought with

only one form. Syntactically, the typical verb uses are 4s verb

in objective constructions (saw John; the syntactical terms used

here are all expounded in 2.2.2.3. below); as verb in intransitive

Ke
predicates (I see, John was singing loudly); and as connector in

@ connective construction (seem tired). Stems which show this

pattern, but not the noun or adjective pattern, belong to class V:

—— —<—<—<—$ —. —S —— =

eollaborate, denazify.

Stems which show both the noun and verb pattern, but not

the adjective pattern, belong to class NV: walk, love, cure,

change, air, eye, nose, beard, elbow, finger, cut, build.

Stems showing both adjective and verb patterns belong to the

sixth major class, class AV: clean, dry, thin, slow, clear, busy,

idle, true. The seventh class, class NAV, includes stems which

show all three patterns: fancy, faint, black, yellow, blue,

brown, gray, damp.

Any stem of any of these classes, in a specific occurrence

in which it is functioning by one of the three basic patterns,

is, in that context, a noun, a verb, or an adjective, as the case

may be. Its momentary usage does not alter its basic affiliation:

fancy is of class NAV whether appearing as a noun (Her head was

full of strange fancies), as a verb (She fancies herself a dancer),

or &@s an adjective (a fancy dress, a fancier dress). Some posi-

tions of occurrence do not indicate whether a stem is functioning

by one pattern or by another: Milk! is an NV stem combined with

an intonation, and is ambiguously a command ("Milk the cow now!")

and thus a verb, or an exclamation (="Why, it's milk!") and thus

a noun, a but nothing in the utterance tells us which.

The seven major stem classes include many smaller subclasses

of stems marked by one or another peculiarity or limitation of

usage. We give only a few examples. Scissors, shears, trousers,

pants, clothes are always plural. Some nouns, such as music,

are almost invariably singular. Some nouns @re used syntacti-

cally as either singular or plural without any overt inflection:

sheep, deer,
eI
trout,
eee
bass,
I
carp,
eee
fish,
I
people. Such features of

behavior place these stems in special subclasses of class N, NA,

NV, or NAV.

A great many English stems are not single morphemes, but

are built from smaller stems by the addition of certain elements

called derivational affixes. Thus girlish and boyish, stems of

class A, are built from the class N stems girl and boy with the

derivational affix -ish; the class N stem actress is formed from

the class N stem actor with the affix -ess; actor is in its turn

formed from the class NA stem act with the affix -or. Some stems

larger than a single morpheme do not contain a smaller stem,

though derivational affixes are present: the in- and re- of

infer and refer are derivational affixes, but -fer is not a stem.

Derivation--the patterns of formation of stems larger than a

single morpheme--constitutes a lengthy chapter of English grammar,

about which, fortunately, we need here say no more.

2.2.2.3. Constructions and Construction-Types.

The number of constructions in English is very large, but

most of them fall into certain fundamental construction-types,

and it is these that we shall describe.

A construction is either centered or uncentered. A con-

struction is centered if the larger forms built by it have much

the same privileges of occurrence, in still larger combinations,

QQ
on
as at least one of the ICs. Otherwise the construction is

uneentered. The constructions involved in black cat, blackbird,

ee eC aCe Oe

Michigan, Queen Hlizabeth are centered; those involved in saw

To show that the construction by which black cat is built

is centered, we note that the form black cat can in general be

substituted for the smaller form cat: T saw a cat or I saw a

black cat; a big cat or a big black cat; and so on. The con-

stituent cat is called the center (or head) of the larger form;

similarly bird is the center of blackbird (and of black bird,

which involves the same constituents in @ different but also

centered construction), clear that of quite clear, and ran that

of ran quickly. If a centered construction has only one center,

its other constituent is called an attribute and the construction

is of the attributive type; the examples given in this paragraph

are all attributive.

Some centered constructions have two (or more) centers or

heads, and no attributes. Such double-headed (or multiple-headed)

constructions are of two subtypes: coordinate and appositive.

Examples of the former are men and women (with heads men and

women; and is a marker, not a constituent), men or women, two

plus five, either John or I. Examples of the latter are Lake

Michigan and Queen Elizabeth, in which, though both constituents

are centers, also each constituent seems to modify the other.

Centered constructions appear at all "size-levels," as it

were, In the sentence If he gets here soon enough we'll all go

together, the portion If ... enough is attributive to the

remainder. In any form which consists of an intonation morpheme

and a string of segmental material--say our diagrammed example,

She bought a new hat (Figure 4)--the construction of intonation

and remainder is centered, probably with the intonation as head

and the segmental part as attribute.

The major types of uncentered constructions in English are

directive, connective, and predicative. Directive are the con-

structions of in | the box, on | the table, if | he is going,

while | we were there, saw | John, asked me | @ question,
asked | me. Connective are the constructions of is | a big man,

I eee FI

Predicative are the constructions of He | is a big man, She | sings

beautifully, I | saw him, That man | I just don't like, (She

watched) us | cross the street. A vertical line separates the

ICs in the above examples; parenthesized material is to indicate

context.

Directive constructions are prepositional, conjunctive, or

objective. In prepositional constructions the first IC is a

preposition: in | the box, on | the table. The form built by

a prepositional construction occurs most often ag an attribute

in a larger centered construction: e.g., the pencil | in the box;

but also as predicate attributes (see below) in connective con-

structions: (The pencil) is | in the box. Conjunctive construc-

tions have a subordinating conjunction as first constituent:

if | he comes, when | you see him, if | 50. Forms built by con-

junctive constructions are also used mainly as attributes in
Larger centered constructions: if he comes | we can go. Objective

constructions have a verb (single word or phrase) as first con-

stituent: saw | eee a question,

me | e
asked e
John, ee ee
asked | me. The

forms built by objective constructions occur typically as predi-

cates (second constituents) in predicative constructions: tT | saw

John. But if the verb is in certain forms, there are other uses.

Thus to see John can be used as subject of a predicative construc-

tion (To see John | is my only desire), or as object in an objec-

tive construction (want | to see John).

Connective constructions have a verb of a special kind, or

one particle (as), or, in certain contexts, zero, as first con-

stituent. There are three subtypes based on the nature of the

second constituent: a noun predicate attribute, as in (That) is |

John; an adjectival predicate attribute, as in (He) grew | Large;

or an adverbial predicate attribute, as in (He) is | here. The

forms built by connective constructions are used like those built

by obejetive constructions: mainly as predicates (That | is John),

but sometimes otherwise (wants | to be good). In (select him)

as | our president, the connector (first constituent) is the

particle as. [In (elect him) president the first constituent is

zero, but is allied to the verb be, as shown by comparison with

(choose him) to be | president.

Predicative constructions have as their ICs a topic and a

comment: John ran away; That new book I haven't read yet;

(the man) whom you visited here yesterday. In the first of

these three examples, the topic is what is traditionally called

the subject, and the comment is the predicate: this is true

perhaps in the majority of cases, but not in all, as shown by

the second and third examples.

Forms built by predicative constructions are clauses.

Independent clauses are those to which one need only add an

intonation to produce a complete simple sentence: John ran.

Independent clauses can be rendered dependent with a subordinat-

ing conjunction: if John ran. Otherwise, dependent clauses are

shown to be so by the verb:, John is there is independent, but

John be there, John were there, John being there, John to be

there, John there are dependent. That is, clauses of these

latter varieties occur as constituents in larger segmental forms,

not, as a rule, alone. Thus a dependent clause with -ing on the

verb occurs: as @ subject or topic (John singing that song

annoys me); as object of certain prepositions (Don't count on

John singing that song); and as object of certain verbs (I heard

John singing that song).

Independent clauses are also classed by order. In direct

order, the subject precedes all of the verb: John is going, In

inverted order, part of the verb, at least, precedes the subject:

Is John going? and Has John been going?, where the verb is the

interrupted phrase has been going. There are also some special

orders (e.g., that of Away ran John) found under limited circun-

stances.

A sentence is a form which is not in construction with any

other form. This requirement does not preclude certain kinds of

ties between parts of successive sentences, which are not techni-

cally constructions but cross-cutting connectivities. Thus one

oO
sentence may be a question and the next an answer. Or a word like

he in one sentence may refer back to a name, say John,in the pre-

ceding sentence, Or @ second sentence may begin with some loose

connective, such as but or and. Thus: John did arrive, didn't

he? -- Yes, but he forgot his books. Mainly, the selection and

distribution of intonations marks the limits of sentences: thus

any intonation ending with /S + # / marks the end of a sentence,

and no intonation ending with /|/ marks the end of one.

Many sentences, at least of formal discourse, are built

around an independent clause consisting of subject and predicate

(or other type of topic and comment). Such sentences are called

favorite. Sentences which are not of this type are of various

minor types: Oh? Hey! Bring that here! Well for goodness's

sake! There is a sharp difference between any sentence, favorite

or minor, and a fragment which the speaker breaks “off without

completing. If one begins with I was going to--and then simply

stops, one has a fragment, not any kind of sentence; this is

usually obvious because only part of an intonation has been

produced.

2.2.2.4. Grammatical Patterning in Action.

In terms of my earlier definitions, the grammatical structure

of an utterance emerges, for a hearer, as the successive elements

of the utterance are received. The first element sets up certain

limitations on what may come next, and certain expectations as to

what is more likely or less likely to come next. The same is

true of @ speaker, except for those occasions on which he has

planned an utterance in detail in advance of starting to speak

it aloud.

To illustrate this, let us assume that we are listening to

a formal lecture, and that the first word we hear is empathy.

We shall assume also that the production of the word is not

accompanied by an utterance-~closing intonation. Our expec-

tation-pattern after reception of the first word, before we

hear the next one, can be graphed as follows:

empathy

The marks have the following meaning. ">" means that the next

thing spoken might be something to which the part already spoken

is an attribute; empathy methods ... or the like. "<" means

that the next to come might be a postposed attribute and modify-

ing empathy: empathy of some sorts or empathy in psychotherapy.

"+" means that the next to come might stand in a coordinate con-

struction with what has already been said: empathy and intuition.

"=" means (though this is less likely) that the next to come might

stand in apposition with empathy: e mpathy, : the method used in...

Finally, "E" means that empathy may be all of a topic, the next

element in the sentence beginning the comment: empathy is often

used in ineffective ways. Now this is a wide range of grammati-

eal possibilities, but it does not include everything--for example,

it is entirely precluded that the next element should be the

object of empathy (in an objective, prepositional, or conjunctive

construction), since empathy is not a word which can occupy the

first position in any such construction.

 The next word we hear is as; and the expectation-~pattern

is restructured:

empathy | as
< >

( < + B)

Most of the possibilities left open by the uttering of empathy

have now been eliminated. As begins a grammatical form which

will stand as a postposed attribute to empathy; this is indi-

eated by the mark "<" at the junction of the boxes in the dia-

gram for empathy and for as .... As must itself be followed

by something standing to it in the relation of object; this is

the meaning of the mark ">", The other three marks have the

same meanings as before; they are put in parentheses because they

do not indicate what can happen next--the possibility of a

further postposed attribute, or of something in apposition, or

of a comment, is temporarily in abeyance, until the materials

demanded by as have been spoken.

The next word we hear is Bs

empathy as a

>

( +)
(< + E)

What comes next must be something modified by a. Next we hear

technique:
 technique

-~-and this opens up the possibilities again. What comes next

may stand in construction only with technique, or with a

technique, or with as a technique. The first would be the case

in Empathy as a technique in psychotherapy; the second in

Empathy as a technique or a method; the third in Empathy as a

technique has challenged many of us.

The next four forms are of, behavioral, research, and

designates, and we present the expectation-diagrams for the

four resulting situations without comment save about the last:

technique | of

(< + BE)

empathy as a technique of behavioral

> +
CG) (+)
(<) ( +)

(< + E)
empathy as a | technique of pehavioral research

(> + >4
ee
é

empathy as a technique behavioral research is

Note, particularly, the difference between the openness of

the possibilities after research and the decisiveness of struc-

ture which results when is is added: the adding of is (or, of

course, of seems, designates, implies, appeals, strikes or the

like) finally establishes that all the forms so far constitute

a unit, and that anything further in the utterance will relate

to that whole composite unit, not to any of its individual com-

ponents.

Such “growth diagrams" thus show some dynamics which the

mere diagramming of a whole sentence, after the fact, cannot

reveal.

Two related points must be added. Not infrequently, a

speaker will simply abandon an emerging structure, and start

over again. This is always a possibility, though it is not

represented, in the foregoing diagrams, by any positive mark.

Also, the emerging structure may become so complex that the

speaker forgets some of the "hang-over" irresolutions implied by

his earlier words, so that the resulting whole simply does not

structure. Such a "hang-over" irresolution is the need for a

predicate, which is established in our example by the very first

word. By the end of research, this could have been lost, the

speaker going on to produce an imparsable sentence like Empathy

as a technique of behavioral research developed particularly by

psychiatrists, but also taken over by anthropologists, who adapt

it for use with people with vastly different cultural backgrounds.

Our strong habit of editing out such structural irresolutions in

written material should not close our eyes to their very high

frequency in oral communication, even of a technical and formal

sort.

2.3. Nonlinguistic? Vocal Communicative Systems.

The nonlinguistic features covered in the following discus-

sion were observed from speakers of English. Some of them are

doubtless much more widespread, in connection with many languages;

but insofar as we have been able to see the systematic patterning

See Appendix 1 for @ somewhat more recent (Trager, 1958) and

somewhat fuller treatment, and Pittenger, 1960, 185-206, for

further modifications of the system presented here,

of any of these features, our description must be interpreted

as applying only to speakers of English.

Some vocal activities take place not accompanied by any

linguistically organized behaviors: coughs, belches, sneezes,

laughing, crying, humming, and the like. Some of these, of

course, occur also during linguistically organized speech: as

when @ cough interrupts speech, or a laugh either interrupts or

is simultaneous with it. In transeribing recorded vocal behav-

ior, it is convenient to use a symbol for laughing:

repeated as necessary over the transcription of the relevant

sequence of words or syllables. Other interrupting effects of

this kind are perhaps best taken care of via added notes, There

are, of course, various kinds of laughing, and no doubt the

variety is culturally patterneds but we have not yet subjected

this range of phenomena to closer analysis.

Certain types of activity incorporate linguistically

organized speech with certain limitations. In singing with

words, the segmental portion of language is fully represented;

the stresses are sometimes undistorted but sometimes modified

(depending on the style of song); the intonational system of

the language does not clearly manifest itself, since the

raw-material in which it normally is made evident--pitch--is

preémpted by the conventions of singing. In whispering, of

various different kinds, the intonational system is also dis-

torted. The segmental phonemics is maintained, though the

actual sound of some of the phonemes is quite different from

normal unwhispered speech. In transcription, whispered passages

are marked

X- -X

For most of the above phenomena, and for those to be dis-

cussed below, there are two sets of features which can be classed

under the terms vocal quality and vocal set. Without attempting

to define either of these with absolute precision, we can say

that both have to do with longer-termed features of the quality

of the voice. Thus women's voices are different from men's (yet

some men can mimic women's voices, and vice versa); the voice of

a child sounds different from that of a young girl, or a woman in

her twenties, or a matron of thirty-odd, or an o1d woman (yet

young actresses can play old-woman roles). A cold in the nose

affects voice quality. These "biological" or quasi-biological

manifestations are matters of voice quality. Most speakers adapt

to the size of the room in which they are speaking, and the size

of the audience, and the amount and variety of extraneous sound,

in such a way as to establish a personal norm for the specific

ecilrcumstances: these adaptations are matters of vocal set.

It is within the range established for a relatively larger

period of seconds, minutes, or hours, that the variations take

place which we analyze in terms of vocal qualifiers. The system

of vocal qualifiers consists of a@ number of dimensions of varia-

pility of voice quality (acoustically speaking) or style of

articulation, each of which is more or less independent of all

the others. On each scale, the "norm"--the most colorless

placement--is roughly in the middle, while deviations from the

NX
norm in either direction constitute significant signals. We

are not certain of the exact number of dimensions; the writer

has found it feasible to work with the following nine:

(1) Wempor oev¥erslew, normal, and overfast. Symbols,

the following, used like brackets through the passage effected:

overslow << - “ <<

‘overfast >> - - >>

(2) Syllable control: clipped, normal, and drawled:

clipped we mw
»)
drawled - -

(3) Volume: oversoft, normal, and overloud:

oversoft vy v
v “v

overloud ~
Nw - - ow
~
SN

(4) Height of register (the bandwidth of frequencies with-

in which the pitch levels are pronounced): overlow, normal,

overhigh?:

overlow t - = +

overhigh $e - ¢

(5) Width of register: from overnarrow or "muted" through

normal to overwide (also called "singing," but this is a ques-

tionable application of the latter term):

a 4 4
overnarrow $7 t

overwide t . - t

(6) Pitch control: glissando (slurring from one pitch

level of the intonational system to the next), normal, and

portamento (sharp stepwise motion from one pitch level to the

next):
 glissando G1 - - GL

portamento Po - - Po

(7) Glottal tension: rasping, normal, and open:

rasping 9 = - 9

open Oo = = 0

(8) Air flow: breathy, normal, and squeezed (or

"overvoiced")s

breathy | B= - B

squeezed _V- - V

(9) Precision of supraglottal articulation: overloose

("sloppy"), normal, and overprecise.

overloose Sl - - S21

overprecise Pr = - Pr

Hach of these is, as indicated, a scale along which varia-

tion is possible. It is not yet known just how many points

along each scale are communicatively distinctive. In the earli-

est work done on vocal qualifiers, it was believed that for each

scale there were three and only three contrasting points: those

assigned labels in the above listing. That is, as to tempo for

example: speech was either normal, or enough faster than normal

to count as distinctively overfast, or enough slower than normal

to count as distinctively overslow. More recent work has con-

vineced several investigators independently that, at least on some

of the scales, more degrees are distinctive. It may, indeed, be

the case that there is no exact small finite number of contrast-

ing points along each scale, but rather a genuinely continuous

range of variation. For transcription purposes, at present, how-

ever, our only practical course has been to use only the symbols
listed above.

Akin to the vocal qualifier system, yet distinct from it in

one way, is a set of dimensions in which the norm is at one end

of the scale instead of in the middle. Whispering can be classed

as one of these dimensions: normal speech is not whispered, and

whispering has no "opposite" which also deviates from the norm.

A second is breaking: normal speech has no breaking, which is

added as a rapid turning on and off of the vibration of the vocal

cords (a sort of "chatter" or nervous "“giggle"). Laughing can

be interpreted as a third. Symbols:

whispering X - - X

Laughing L - - BU

breaking 6 - - 6

Quite different from either of these systems is the system

of boundary phenomena (also called vocal identifiers--a term

with no mnemonic value). The items of this system appear typi-

cally at the boundaries of actual linguistically organized

utterances~-as one starts an utterance, as one finishes one-~and

during hesitations either between grammatically organized utter-

ances or in the middle of utterances as the speaker is (as it

were) deciding how to go on. The analysis of boundary phenomena

is far from complete; all we can do here is to list the symbols

which, it seems, are minimally necessary for transcribing them:

voiceless aspiration (sometimes a “sigh") h

voiceless intake of air (a "gasp") d

voiced aspiration through mouth a

 (without the articulation of

vowels and consonants)

Glottal catch release into. speech, ?

or glottal closure breaking

off speech

Thus a very common way of saying the assenting "grunt" (conven-

tionally spelled M-hm) begins with the last of these and has

the first of them in the middle.

Tentatively I find it eonvenient to distinguish between

"quarter-speech," "half-spegch," and full (completely lin-

guistically organized) spedch. In quarter speech, neither the

segmental nor the intonatfonal portion of language is repre-

sented: "utterances" in /quarter-speech involve the system of

boundary-phenomena described above and some of the system of

vocal qualifiers. In yalt-speech, intonations are present in

/
addition to boundary phenomena and vocal qualifiers, but not

Linguistic segmental material. In full speech, of course,

intonational and segmental linguistic material are both present,

in addition to the on-Linguistic features.

fon
CHAPTER 3

Body Motion

Ray L. Birdwhistell
 "Ryery little motion has a meaning all its own.”

This line, from a song popular in the twenties, has been

suggested as expressing the theme of the work of the student

of body motion. Reflecting the growing self-consciousness

of our culture, this line contains within it the challenge

and the promise which motivates such a student. Like

Bateson (p. ), we are convinced that ‘everything which

occurs in a social interaction is meaningful in the sense

of being part of the interchange as well as non-accidental.'’

At the same time, however, "Every little motion has a mean-

ing all its own," carries with it an implication which is

probably the major impediment to the analysis of communica-

tive systems: the assumption that not only does each motion

have a meaning but that the relationship between that move-

ment and that meaning is precise, integral and universal.

It is the task of this chapter to make clear that

while body motion behavior is based in the physiological

structure, the communicative aspects of this behavior are

patterned by social and cultural experience. The meaning

of such behavior is not so simple that it can be itemized

in a glossary of gestures. Nor is meaning encapsulated

atomistically in particular motions. It can be derived

only from the examination of the patterned structure of

the system of body motion as a whole as this manifests

itself in the particular social situation. It should be

evident to the reader that this is precisely the same

point which has been made by Hockett, as a linguist, in

 Figure
HIGHWAY SCENE
Time: Estimated 5 seconds
Characters: Soldier No. 1, Soldier No. 2 and Driver
Soldier No. 1: J Car Passes

Head H> 1°
Forehead-Brows Hfb-b

Eyes go
driver
Nose Mz
Cheeks
Mouth L-L
Chin
Neck °
Shoulders n> 1
Trunk TpTp
Hips
Right Arm RAN[RA2:45< > 3:45n N N . Viv wv
Hand and fingers R/1?4P . . . . . . . .
Left Arm LAn-15'3ul[A;TA]
Hand and fingers L/Le2C3C4c 5c
belt
Right Leg Yu5Y
Foot
Left Leg Y45yY
Foot .

Soldier No. 2:

Head H>1°
Forehead-Brows Hfb-b

Eyes oo
driver
Nose Mz .
Cheeks
Mouth L-L . . . . . .
Chin
Neck
Shoulders 1>1°
Trunk T pTp
Hips
Right Arm RAN[RA2:45< >3:45n N < <
Hand and fingers R/1?4p yo . .
Left Arm LAn-15'3ul [A;TA]
Hand and fingers L/1c203the5c
belt
Right Leg Y4u5yY
Foot
Left Leg Y45Y . . . . . . . .
Foot . . . . . . . . . . .
DVTS

Head H>. . Henq A \

Forehead-brows Zz . Hfb-b. \
oo oo
Byes road . soldiers
Nose Z . oMo
Mouth L/L. tL-L
Cheeks
 Hffbbz

car
oMo

t1i-1

Txpivot

Vv RAn(4<5)n A “~ ‘\ RA25n
R/14-p . .
LAn<3n

L/l4c(on R. biceps)
RY<3° (¥45+30nY¥)
(¥45+30'Y) . - og
. : Ly5> Ly3

H>1
Hffbbz
9000

oo0o0
0000
. 0000

it

Txpivot

Vv RAn(5<vn)n . .
R/?1 1-5 R/14e P>
LAnnn
L/14eP>

RY<3° (Y45+30'Y) Ly5> Ly3

(¥45+30'Y) Ly5> Ly3
IVAN

l
N
Cheeks
Chin
Neck
Shoulders
eee

*Driver maintains upright, bi-manual driving position throughout scene.

(Sample)

Shoulders l>1° . . . . . . . .

Shoulders l>a~ 2k. . . . . . . .

I

t
the preceding chapter (p. ‘y, It is the task of this

chapter to review the present status of kinesics, the

systematic study of body motion, in such a manner that the

nature of the relationship between the two communicative

systems will be adumbrated--if not entirely revealed.

Based on the same assumptions, the two modes, kinesic and

linguistic, have parallel, even at time analogous,

structures. They are, however, infra?-communicational

systems, not directly meaningful in themselves, and the

reader should not be surprised to discover that their cor-

relation brings difficulties into the analysis of the

communicative process.

In the pages to follow an example of a non-verbal

communicative systemwill be presented. This is designed

to sensitize the reader to the kinesic scene. The second

sub-section will contain a general review of the present

status of kinesic theory and research. Finally, a discus-

sion of the problem of systematic interpretation should

prepare the reader for the experiment with which this present

work is concerned.

Example

Just west of Albuquerque on Highway 66 two soldiers

stood astride their duffle bags thumbing a ride. As a large

car sped by them, the driver jerked his head back signifying

refusal. The two soldiers wheeled and one Italian-saluted

him while the other thumbed his nose after the retreating car.

See p.
 Macro-kinesic Translation

The two soldiers stood in parallel, legs akimbo with

an intrafemoral index of 45 degrees. In unison, they raised

their right upper arms to about an 80-degree angle with

their bodies and, with the lower arm at approximately a

100-degree angle, moved the arm in an anterior-posterior

sweep with a double pivot at shoulder and elbow; the four

fingers of the right hand were curled and the thumb was

posteriorly hooked; the right palm faced the body. Their

left arms were held closer to the body with an elbow bend

of about 90 degrees. The left four fingers were curled

and the thumb was partially hidden as it crooked into their

respective belts.

The driver of the car focused momentarily on the boys,

raised both brows, flared his nostrils, lifted his upper

lip, revealed his upper teeth, and with his head cocked,

moved it in a posterior-anterior inverted nod which in its

backward aspect had about twice the velocity of the move-

ment which returned the head and face to the midline and,

thus, to driving focus.

Without apparent hesitation the boys rightstepped

posteriorly, one of the boys moving in echo following the

movement of the other. Facing the retreating car, one of

the boys raised his upper lip to expose his teeth, furrowed

his forehead, lowered his brows, contracted the lateral

aspects of his orbits, and flared his nostrils. His right

arm swept from its posteriorly thrust position, on a shoulder

pivot, to rest, fist clenched, upper arm across the right

half of the body and the lower right arm thrust up and

slightly anterior to the body line. The left hand left the

belt and the lower arm swept right and upward to meet the

descending upper (right) arm. The left hand grasped the

right biceps as, fist still clenched, the right arm moved

quickly in an anterior-superior thrust in line with his

shoulder and the retreating automobile.

The other boy dropped his face into "dead pan," pivoted

his right arm at the elbow, flared and straightened his

Tingers into crooks, and, as the already hooked thumb

erossed the midline of the body in the lower arm's down-

ward sweep, the apex of the thumb made contact with the

apex of the nose. Without hesitation the arm completed its

sweep across the body and came to rest hanging, palms

slightly forward, at his side. The left arm, on an elbow

pivot, swept downward and came to rest mirroring the right.

Discussion

These three portrayals, the brief statement, the

macrokinesic transcriptionFigure 1, and the kinesic descrip-

tion derived from the macrokinesic recording, all tell the

same story with varying degrees of fullness. Some readers

may feel like the little boy who received a birthday book

about penguins from his aunt and felt it contained more

about penguins than he ever wanted to know. However, such

a record as is provided by these latter descriptions makes

it possible for us to do extended analysis of the transaction.

The initial desc ri pt iv e statement is to ta ll y inadequate

for such purposes.

This scene contains mu ch mo re than thre e me n ge st ic ul at -

ing at each other. In the time it takes an auto to pass a

fixed point at seventy miles an hour, a communicational

transaction has taken place. In five seconds a social

grou p is es ta bl is he d, a so ci al ri tu al is performed, an d,

presumably, the lives of three human beings are somehow

affected. This is patterned activity; its components were

learned in a multiple of comparable but differing situations

by the participants. Yet this is no mere mechanical per-

formance. We cannot, for the moment, “explain” it ; never-

theless, it is a piece of microculture whose natural history

we may attempt to relate.

We have no way of telling ho w the dr iv er fe lt or what

he thought about as he approached the soldiers. Our only

evidence comes from the driver's compressed mouth (L/L).

Our experience with other American scenes suggests that

this orifice compression scarcely indicates receptivity

to their plea. We have for the purposes of this example

elected to limit the scene to that period during which all

members of the transaction could "see" each other. The

"why" of the transaction may rest upon the boys' previous

experience that day which occasioned the particular stance

which they maintained. Perhaps as the car came into view

it swerved almost imperceptibly toward the soldiers, thus

alerting them to the driver's attitude. Interpersonal space

variations are in Part extensions of kinesic activity and

are often definitional of communication situations. Within

the range of our abstracted scene, the driver's face was

clearly visible to the soldiers for scarcely two seconds,

and his head and face movement took less than a half

second to complete. The observer has no way of finding out

exactly what the soldiers "saw." Yet their unhesitating

reaction indicates that the driver's analyzable act was

transmitted to them. Both soldiers responded with acts of

the same class as that used by the driver. Further, Boy

No. 2 selected his from the same South European (post-World

War II American male overlay) diakinesict system as that

expressed by the driver. This supports the conclusion that

theirs was a response to the driver's activity and not

simply an idiosyncratic reaction to being refused a ride.

Further questions arise from the analysis of this

microcosmic scene. Was the driver initially stimulated

to his insultingly rejective activity by the spread-legged

stance of the boys? And/or were the left thumb in the belt

combined with the spread-legged stance (often part of the

pre-fight or pre-sexual advance behavior of adolescents)

dominant as parts of a definitional act whch challenged hin,

a male, into his negative response? Obviously, only by

Observing this driver and these soldiers in a series of con-

trasting scenes would such questions as these be answered.

There is a strong suspicion, however, that if the driver had

1 Analogous to a dialect system in language.

responded with a back nod of less ascending velocity,

raised his eyebrows bi-laterally and lowered the corners of

his lips in a "I would if I could, but if I can't, I can't,”

the boys would have carried out their activity in a con-

siderably less hostile manner.

This scene is illustrative of the extent to which a

human communicational event, a transaction, can be completed

without recourse to verbal behavior. At the same time it

demonstrates the fact that communication within even one

modality is seldom a simple affair. The student of body

motion behavior is not always so fortunate as to have a

scene so clearly defined for him. Nor do most transactions

have their interactional tempos so neatly marked, as in

this case, by the explicitly conventionalized 1

"gestures."

Notwithstanding its relative simplicity, the scene

provides a useful point of departure for our present dis-~-

cussion. The ritual of "thumbing a ride” is familiar in

American culture, yet a closer analysis of this special

incident is illustrative of the hidden complexity of such

scenes. In the soldiers' persuasive activity with the

“thumbing a ride" gesture as the ostensible action proposi-

tion of this scene, we are provided with an excellent example

of the extent to which an act can be modified by incongruent

movement complexes which complete it. The spread-legged

stance, congruently modified by the thumb-in-belt complex,

contains two components which combine in @ larger act. At

the same time this act is, at one level, incongruent with

the gesture of thumbing. As Bateson has suggested, such

 components may modify, that is, may constitute commentaries

on, each other. What they mean is another matter. At

the moment we are concerned only with their relationship to

each other and to the package act of "thumbing.”

By careful cross-context analysis, we can derive a

series of working hypotheses concerning the soldier's

initial act and its incongruent components. The stereo-

typic "thumbing" gesture is deceptively familiar.

We must remember that the same gesture in another

actional setting is conventionalized as the insulting or

mock-insulting directive to "Get lost!" In fact, the

complex act described above, if it took place on a street

corner in Los Angeles or Chicago, could have just this

explicit interpretation. Through contrast analysis, we

are able to say that the "thumbing” action as produced is

itself incongruent with its context--if we postulate that

the dominating purpose of the boys was to persuade the

driver to give them a lift. The recognition that communi-

cational behavior can be congruent in one setting and

incongruent in another should serve as a warning against

any theory of meaning which suggests that the particles

carry meaning in and of themselves.

Contrast analysis permits us to define this particular

combination of movements in this context. We postulate the

arm and thumb as an “appeal for a ride", the spread-legged

stance modified by the thumb-in-belt as "male defiant," and

the whole as an act conveying a "defiant appeal for specific

assistance." This complex of behavior is consistent with

ey
 the role of these late adolescents, in uniform, who

are avoiding "begging." These young soldiers are in no

position to play the role of the college boy who "thumbs"

a ride but whose college sticker and clothes belie the

ingratiating stance and head cock plus smile with which

he modifies his petition.? We could pursue such contrastive

examination throughout the entire scene, and in the final

analysis the social meaning of the individual movements,

gestures, acts, and action must be phrased in terms of the

entire scene. These are all susceptible of analysis if

the activity is seen as a transaction, in the context pro-

vided by the various participant social roles an defined by

American male sub-culture. The scene may be viewed as a

role-stating ritual in which the component activity is such

that it negates the central gesture. The boys must wait

for another car and driver in order to get to Los Angeles.

It is probably safe to say that the boys either must amend

their activity or wait until a driver with a different set

toward such messages comes along if they hope to get a ride.

Background to Kinesics

Kinesics is the systematic study of the communicational

aspects of human body motion. The methodology of kinesics

is still extremely crude. At its present stage of develope

ment, kinesics may claim to be a science only by virtue of

ee

1 For an interesting analysis of the complex social psycho~

logical aspects involved in such "presentations," see

Goffman (19°. ).
the canons which dominate its operations and by virtue of

the postulates upon which these operations depend. Asa

body of knowledge, it cannot yet be judged worthy of the

appellation kinesiology. Yet five years of research which

has utilized and constantly refined the methodological pro-

cedures of kinesics have been so fruitful that it is without

qualms that the present investigation, employing those

procedures, is attempted.

It is entirely fitting that psychiatrically oriented

interview material be the subject matter for this initial

attempt to apply practically the data derived from kinesic

investigation. Psychiatrists and psychologists have for

over a century been aware that body motion and gesture were

important sources of information regarding personality and

symptomatology. All port (1), Dunlap (2), James (3),

Krout (4), Lersch (5), Ombredane (6), Groddeck (7), and

Wolff (8) are but a few of the students of personality who

have contributed to a considerable body of literature con-

cerning expressive movement. The brilliant observations of

Felix Deutsch (9) on what he calls "posturology" must be

especially noted. His is one of the clearest statements con-

cerning the diagnostic value of body motion and posture.

Kinesics, however, represents both a theoretical and a

methodological departure from studies such as these which

stress personal activity and individual performance. It is

our hope that communicational research and, particularly,

kinesic research, will provide a methodology, an annotational

 system and a set of norms against which these kinds of

intuitional systems can be checked. It is our conviction

that significant statements concerning the behavior of particu-

lar individuals must be based on an understanding of the

patterns of intercommunication of more jthan one actor. The

significance of particular individual variation can be

assessed only when the range of permissible group variation

has been established.

There is nothing new about the recognition that formalized

gestures play a role in communication. Theatrical performances,

whether centering around dancing, drama, opera, or the mime

have long emphasized the role of gesture, particularly in

its stereotyped or conventional form. Integral to every

religious ritual, the gesture is stressed in all novitiational

training. <A considerable bibliography has been collected with

representation from almost every literate country and extend-

ing back in time to early India,which evidences the inter-

national character of the interest in gestures, and their

Proper performance. Most of these writings are of collateral

interest to the kinesicist.

The concentration upon the particular gesture and its

meaningfull performance heaves most of these writings of

primary concern to the folklorist. Perhaps when extended

research into the kinesic systems of particular areas has

provided a body of background material, much of this earlier

material will become relevant in a new way, just as linguistic

research consistently opens new perspectives upon old data
er .
t

of a verbal nature.

Of these earlier publications, most relevant have been

those which have dealt with the development of systems for

annotating body movement. Before the publication of the

Introduction to Kinesics’, we carefully reviewed a series of

annotational systems and were particularly impressed by those

of Craighead (1942), Lifer (1940) and Pollenz (1949) and these

doubtless influenced our system of microkinesic recording, the

logic of which is presented in Appendix 3. These annotational

systems are all extremely useful for recording the conven-

tionalized patterns present in the dance, modern, classical,

or folk. They are, however, somewhat too limited in scope for

use as instruments of broad kinesic research. Perhaps the

most complete and extensive recording system in usage today

is that provided by the Laban® school. Used principally for’

industrial studies, this system has been used effectively

both for stage and for general movement recording. The

decision to develop the specialized system presented here

rests finally upon the conviction that annotational conven-

tions which signal the specific operations governing their

abstraction are probably desirable. In short, recording sys-

tems should derive, in the first instance, from considerations

of theory and methodology, rather than the reverse. As

1 Birdwhistell, 1952.

@ See Laban, Up . .
research an d th eo re ti ca l re -e va lu at io n continues, such

recording procedures must necessarily be revised.

Both the microkinesic system outlined in Appendix 3

on pp. to pp. » and the macrokinesic system

and utilized

demonstrated above in Figure 1 and outlined in Appendix 4,

have been revised a number of times and must be further

revised as bo dy mo ti on re se arch co nt in ue s. Certainly any

system which ie as accurate and which would permit still

easier and we if te r nota tion wo ul d be mo re desirable. As

the annotational system for microkinesic recording now stands,

only a relatively large, well-trained (and thus expensive)

team co ul d record live micro-cultural ma te ri al with any

degree of completeness and accuracy. Designed for the analysis

of filmed material, the kinegraphs are useful only for check-

ing kinesic research with live subjects. They are insuffi-

ciently flexible for primary microkinesic research on such

~/

subjects.

This is not the occasion for an extensive presentation

of the background to kinesic research. However, to put the

present work into perspective, some reference should be made

to a series of men whose work bears directly upon the develop-

ment of kinesic theory and methodology. The pioneer work,

Darwin's Expression of Emotions in Man and Animalst, contains

many lucid suggestions which foreshadow the theories emergent

in the present-day fields of ethology or comparative psychology

or kinesiecs. The rigor of his observations combined with his

i

1 See Darwin, 18°. .

nascent sense of the dynamics of social interaction make

many of his statements seem contemporary. One cannot help

but wonder how far Darwin would have gone with this work

if he had had the tools of descriptive linguistics, of

communication and information theory, and the technical

aids to precision provided by the tape recorder, the sound

camera and the time-motion analyzer.

The interdependent nature of linguistic and kinesic

research is anticipated by Edward Sapir," who, a little

more than a half century later says,

"Gestures are hard to classify and it is

difficult to make a conscious separation between

that in gesture which is of merely individual

origin and that which is referable to the

habits of the group as a whole ... we respond

to gestures with an extreme alertness and,

one might almost say, in accordance with an

elaborate and secret code that is written

nowhere, known by none, and understood by

all."*

Sapir did not follow up his own lead, but it is his students

and other linguists strongly influenced by his work who have

contributed most to the systematization of body motion research.

George L. Trager and Henry Lee Smith, Jr., at the time doing

research in the structure of American English at the Foreign

1 Sapir, 1927.

2 Our italics.
 Service Institute, provided an atmosphere and the special

guidance which encouraged the originalformulation of kinesics

as a science. John Broderius, another student of Sapir's,

worked cooperatively with me at later stages of the refine-

ment of kinesic principles. His constant insistence that

kinesics be firmly based in pre-kinesic research and not be

lost, as he phrased it, "in the thin stratosphere of

intuition, "helped to maintain the frame which early associ-

ation with Smith and Trager had produced. The present

research with the linguists is another logical step in the

necessarily interdependent companionship of descriptive

linguistics and kinesics.

Parallel to these influences and consistent with them,

have been the writings of a series of anthropologists whose

field experience, as did my own, led them to the conclusion

that body motion and facial expression were strongly condi-

tioned, if not largely determined, by the socialization

process in particular cultural milieux. While affirming

the ultimate biological basis for all human behavior, there

seems little doubt that out of the vast range of possible

combinations of muscular adjustments, perhaps a quarter of

a million in the facial area alone, each society "selects"

certain ones for recognition and utilization in the inter-

action process.

‘Probably the pioneer anthropological analysis of gestural

1
activity is Efron’ 's test of the hypothesis that there is a

direct correlation between the previous social environment

of Buropean immigrants to America and their gestural systems.

1
19h.
Concentrating largely on the range of movement in the arms

and hands, Efron contrasted the gestural systems of Italian

and Southeastern European Jewish immigrants. Although his

thesis correlating certain ecological factors with the

respective gestural systems remains inconclusive, his work

effectively demonstrates the social genesis of the evident

variation in the gestural systems of these two groups.

While Efron's experimental approach has not been

pursued by other investigators, Labarret and Hewes“, with

quite different emphases, have directed the attention of

field workers to the importance of recording and analyzing

the gestural behavior of human groups. However, the most

important anthropological contributions to the development

of the study of body motion as a communicational system

have come from the work of Mead and Bateson. Their con-

cern with the relationship between socialization and com-

munication, assisted by considerable skill with and

appreciation for the camera as a research instrument, set

the stage for the development of kinesics as a behavioral

science. Not only has their field work provided a body of

materials for cross-cultural study but their insights into

the systemic quality of the communicational process have

prevailed upon the writer to take up his profitable associ-

ation with the linguists.

+ i9h7.
Zag ,

3 19hke.
 These few paragraphs were not intended exhaustively

to relate the contributions which underlie the present

status of kinesic research. The recognition that body move-

ment contributes to interpersonal understanding (and misunder-

standing) is probably as old as man's interaction with man.

Yet kinesics as a systematic approach to such phenomena is

still relatively untested. The brevity of these remarks

doés not represent a failure to appreciate the extensive

scholarship from which kinesics has emerged but rather a

feeling on my part that our present experiment demands an

assessment of the infant discipline rather than a genea-

logical legitimatization of it. The scientific history of

a discipline should be concerned with the tests and modifi-

cations of its theory and methodology; until investigators

are trained and experiments are performed, kinesics will

have no history.

In seeking to comprehend and to make intelligible

those aspects of human body behavior which contribute to

the communicational process, the kinesicist-anthropologist

employs a set of procedures which are special only in the

sense that they must be adapted to the peculiarities of the

system under examination. Dealing with a universe which he

has pre-defined as ordered and interdependent, his primary

task is that of developing a methodology whereby units and

sub-systems can be abstracted and manipulated. From -the

Beminal insight that kinesic activity constitutes an

infra-communicational system is derived a plethora of data

 of behavioral pieces. Having fixed his eyes upon the

he must resist a
series of temptations which w
ould shortcut and, coterminou
sly,
predetermine the results of the observational process.
Some
of these temptations are suggested in the discussion above
but their subtle influence upon the work o
f those concerned
with "non-verbal communicat
ion" has been such that the
y are
Probably worthy of explici
t delineation.

Temptations

Thee"cca
o ar
rrrie
er
r".tteemmpptta
atti
ioon
n

as tiny as a first degree rig

ht lid droop, has a "real"
meaning just as "words" are su
pposed to have. If the
investigator succumbs to this, his attention ig directed
into a kind of dictionary w
herein he draws up lists of moves
and their meanings only to discover that most
human b e i n g s
are kinesically illiterate
and move improper English. Ags
Shall be demonstrated below
, even a preliminary approach
to
 in which it appears. The question "What does X mean?"

can only be met by the counter questions of "At what level

of analysis and in what contexts?".

The "closer to nature" temptation

This category really covers two companion but differing

hidden assumptions. One of these is that body movement is

somehow more primitive and thus closer to biological nature

than is verbal behavior. Animals move and animals don't

talk. Humans move and talk. Ergo, moving and kinesthetic-visual

communication came earlier in evolutionary history than did

talking and thus remain unpatterned. Depending upon the

predispositions of the writer, this same assumption has

permeated the work of the individualists who feel that body

motion and facial expression reveal the "true" feelings of

& communicant, the writings of the racists who confuse social

variation in response pattern with genetically determined

"stoicism", "vivacity" or even rhythmicity, and the

universalists, who assume that since there is minimal

biological variation in homo sapiens and since moving came

early, there is species-fidelity and universality in all

movements. The way in which these assumptions are expressed

varies from that of some of the individualists who say that

everyone is so different from everyone else as to preclude

generalization at all to that of some of the universalists who

optimistically anticipate a movement catalogue. Whether

simply nihilistic or modern pastoralist these assumptions do

not hold up as we examine the communicational situation. Weg

>
Not only is kinesic activity systematically patterned but

this pattern varies significantly from culture to culture

and even from sub-group to sub-group. While eventually we

may find that the special physiological patterning of special

groups may influence to a considerable degree the character-

istic tone of the kinesic activity of such groups, we expect

also to find a reciprocity of influence between the biologi-

cal and social systems rather than any pattern of basic

priority of a simple genetic nature.

More subtle and more seductive than these assumptions

which deal largely with the total membership of society are

those which see infantile behavior as more natural than adult

behavior. Those so persuaded see maturation as somehow

artificial and distortional of infantile naturalness or,

accepting maturation as a natural process, these writers seem

to feel that those behaviors which are characteristic of the

infants of a group (or of all infants?) are somehow truer

representations of the feelings of the communicant than are

those more characteristic of adolescence or maturity. So

long as generalizations such as these are related to the

examination of individual responses and deal with the

documentation of personal histories they are not of direct

concern to the kinesicist. However, if they are permitted

the dignity of becoming basic to all systemic interpretation

it is well to point out that our knowledge of the ontogenetic

development of individual kinesic systems is less than frag-

mentary. There exist a number of suggestive--even exciting--

studies of maturational behavior. But we lack the cross-cul-

tural longitudinal analyses which would permit any safe

generalization of "how" humane learn to become communicators

or give us more than an intuitional feel for the sustaining

strength of infantile response.

It must be pointed out that this does not in any way

affect the validity of the regression hypotheses. It is

evident to any observer that adults will in special situa-

tions behave incongruently with their level of maturation.

However, to assume in an a priori manner that this proves

the strength of the infantile response is to ignore the

communicational function of the act.

As we shall discuss below, while a body curl or a thumb

suck may on one level of analysis be incongruent with other

kinesic behavior being exhibited by an actor, such behavior

may be quite congruent in the total communication situation.

In the. sections below on body set and motion quality the

differences between "ageing" and "age grading” will be dis-

cussed. Suffice it for the moment to say that it is the

present premise of kinesics that considerable research on

the social learning patterns of infants and children must

precede any security on our part concerning "basic" behavioral

manifestations.

The "modifier" temptation

As professionally literate members of a culture devoted

to literacy, we are strongly tempted to believe that words

carry the meaning and that all other non-word behavior merely
modifies it. Thus, there are those who feel that words

form the natural center of the communicational universe and

that all other modes of communication are to be studied as

sub-systems subordinate to it. Such a decision predetermines

the nature of the communicational process and I am as yet

unwilling, from the situations which I have examined, to

assign any such priority to any of the infra~communicational

systems. For the kinesicist, silence is just as golden as

are those periods in which the linguistic system is positively

operative.

As shall be seen below in the discussion of kinesic

markers, there are aspects of kinesic activity which have

an infra-communicational function only heuristically separable

from the vocal activity. Correlated with the process of

verbalization, these markers, whether an aspect of the

speaker's production of the message or the listener's contribu-

tion to the transaction, deserve special attention in an

assessment of an interview like the one presented below.

Indicating position, temporality, special emphasis, subject,

object, etc., the markers, like many gestures, are often so

elosely bound to linguistic behavior as to seem like exten-

sions of it. Further research may well force a special

categorization of this kind of kinesic behavior. At present,

however, with the recognition that during much of human inter-

action verbalization is absent, it seems proper to study the

two systems as of comparable weight in the communicational

process.
 This temptation has received stress because of its

implications for communicational theory and research. When

do humans verbalize? Is there a correlation between intimacy,

for instance, and a reduction of conversation? Is there a

correlation between the culture of a group and its dependence

upon one mode of the communicational process? What are we

talking about when we say that one person is verbal and

the other taciturn? Even such a subjective term as “good

listener" may now be within the reach of objectification.

It seems unlikely that such questions as these can be

answered until we have considerable understanding of the

nature and the role of the infra-communicational systems

and their relationship to each other. To assume priority

for one or the other sub-system prior to such research

would be to oversimplify the problem in a manner already

too familiar in so-called “content analysis."

The "central movement" temptation

Somewhat more technical than these temptations is the

tendency on the part of the investigator to assume that one

part of the body "carries the meaning" and other parts

"modify" this central message. This is particularly seduc-

tive because we "know" intuitively as a member of a particular

diakinesic system that certain movements seem to take

precedence in the presentation or reception of a message.

The eyes, the mouth, the face, the hands, the posture, the

shoulders have all been listed by informants as being the

 primary carrier of meaning. To accept such statements

would be a little like accepting an informant's conviction

that nouns or verbs or even consonants or vowels are the

most important part of language. Further, as is true in

linguistic analysis, simple particle counting does not give

us a score revealing system importance. I have no doubt but

that research will reveal that given cultures will, by sheer

count,
tend to produce more movements from one body area than from

the remainder. Such counting does not, however, permit the

investigator to assume a correlation between the incidence

of usage of a body area and its functional importance either

to the infra-communicational system or to the communicational

Process. Redundantly, I must again insist that only follow-

ing systematic analysis of kinesic units and patterns can

so-cailed central movements be established.

Even with the minimum of cross-cultural data at our

disposal, the evidence is clear that cultures will tend to

concentrate activity in certain body areas and permit the

activity of others only under certain very limited circum

-
stances. It seems evident that this will have momentous

implications for students of national character. However,

it does not follow that we can make statements like "Spanish

women use their eyes and Russian Jewish women their hands

and American stanographers their feet to say what they

really mean." Such statements as these will remain at best

brilliant intuitions until we comprehend the respective

kinesic systems of these women and the role of these systems

in the communication processes of their respective cultures.

The "analytic informant" temptation

Kinesics, like the other behavioral sciences, uses

informants as well as direct observation in gaining control

of the data of the discipline. Like linguistics, however,

it insists that the informant be an informant and not a

fellow analyst. The young investigator is particularly

prone to ask the informant what he has done or what the

movement meant and to forget that the answer provides further

data for analysis, not an acceptable conclusion to his

analytic research. Even those investigators too sophisticated

to rely on such subjective contributions may in lieu of

behavioral description and analysis substitute the "multiple

judge" technique. Often little more than a pooling of

ignorance, such a technique is perfectly valid if the investi-

gator is concerned with questions of establishing patterns

of recall; it contributes little to the final abstraction

and analysis of the kinesic system.

Kinesics is concerned with the abstraction of those

portions of body motion activity which contribute to the

process of human interaction. Much, if not the overwhelming

proportion, of such behavior is learned by a member of any

society quite out of awareness. It is my belief that not only

is much of such behavior not within the range of recall but

that the learning pattern may carry within it positive pro-

hibitions on recall. Kinesics is not concerned, as such,

with the movement potential of the human species, but rather

with those portions of the movement spectrum which are

selected by the particular culture for patterned performance

and perception. At the same time, as is true with other

cultural behavior, much of what happens and which is neces-

sary to the proper performance of a social act cannot be re-

called by the actor or the untrained spectator. I said

above that I had a belief that as the child is taught to

move, to view and meaningfully to reproduce movement, an

integral part of this education is concerned with enhancing

or preventing recall of much of this activity. Preliminary

observation of “flat-land" southern contrasted with New

England children in Louisville from comparable socio-economic

positions supports the conclusion that, even within a single

culture, sub-groups may experience socialization processes

sufficiently different to create misunderstanding between

them. Not only was the southern "raised" child encouraged

to engage in gender-identifying behavior earlier than his

or her Yankee cousin, but it had far greater recall in this

area both as actor and as viewer than did the northern child.

The need for skilled observers in kinesic research is

evident, but even training is at times insufficient guarantee

of objectivity in certain situations. One of the critical

scenes discussed below of the Billy-Doris-Gregory interview

contains extensive intrafemoral hand play on the part of Billy.

I must confess that it was only after some thirty viewings

and with the demand for micro-kinesic recording that I allowed

myself to see that his hand play was patterned. I venture

to suggest that early training which precluded my "seeing"

male play in the genital ares contributed to my concentra-

tion of attention on the little boy's eyes and head.

Suffice it to say that an informant should be used as

a Window into a culture. As shall be seen below, his contribu-

tion to the research is indispensable. The investigator

must constantly remind himself, however, that his informant

is an adherent, not an objective interpreter, of his com-

municational system. Not only one but fifty million French-

men are likely to be wrong in their view of their own

communicational system.

Methodology

Having determined the systematic nature of human inter-

action and having recognized that membership is attained in

@a social system only after patterned experience in this

system, it is the task of the behavioral scientist to ascer-

tain what it is that is learned which provides any particular

system with its particular dynamic. It is not my task, but

that of the psychologist to determine how the organism incor-

porates the experiences which make him a human being. Neither

is it my task to map the internal relationships of the

physiological systems out of which emerge the perceptible

shifts in the various parts of the body. As an anthropological

kinesicist I am concerned with the learned and visually per-

ceptible shifts in the body which contribute to the peculiar

communication systems of particular societies. Kinesics is

concerned with abstracting from the continuous muscular

shifts which are characteristic of living physiological

systems those particular groupings of movements which are of

significance to the communicational process and thus to the

interactional systems of particular social groups.

The human body is capable of producing literally

thousands of distinguishable positional shifts per second.

Even at "rest" the body is not inactive. A high speed movie

camera, the so-called slow motion camera, as it is speeded

up, records more shifts or motions the faster it is set.

Obviously, on some level of analysis these are of significance.

The question which immediately confronts the kinesicist is

whether or not his minimal unit of activity is in the last

analysis to be determined merely by the speed of his film and

camera and the patience of the recorder.

There is a considerable body of data concerning the

speed of neural transmission. An even larger bibliography

is concerned with the psychological study of visual perception.

Neither of these, unfortunately, provide us with a statement

of biological potential which might in any apriori way

delimit the raw material of kinesics. In short, the body

of one human being produces a volley of signals, an indeterminate

proportion of which may excite the optical nerve of another

human being. Observation of the two over any extended period

of time will reveal that, if the two were selected from a

common social group, each adapts his behavior to the activity

of the other. The intra-personal activity which results in

such adaptive muscular shifts and electro-chemical activity

in the visual area are pre-kKinesic in nature.

its not to say that the behavior of the physiological

This

isolated from the social environment. Even the most

system is

cross-cultural or ontogenetic data

cursory examination of the

that the developing system is influenced, if not

indicates

by its patterned interaction with its environment.

shaped,

is equally evident. In the same way, the know-

The reverse

ledge that member X of sociaty A will tend to be more active

bo dy th an is me mb er Y of society B, is of
in one area of th e
.
to the ki ne si ci st , bu t such interest is still
obvious conc er n

The data of kinesic’s is not derived from the

pre-kinesic.

intra-personal behavior. A product of systema-

observation of

the kinesic system is a social system.

tic social interaction,

Out of the range of muscular adjustments produced by a human

being some are utilized by the social system for communica-

tional purposes. Thus, to say it simply, no human body pro-

un it ); it moves or ad ju st s in a
duces a kine (least kinesic
relationships. In social interaction, cer-
set of muscular

monstrably sp ec ia l utility in th e com-

tain of these have de

That is, under analysis, they emerge

municational process.

Every visible body movement, accordingly, is not

as kines.

a kine any more than every audible noise made by the vocal

apparatus is a phone. Only after analysis has revealed that

the presence or absence of a given movement in a particular

systematically affects the interactional process do we

context

assert that that movement has kinesic significance.

 The Kine

A kine is an abstraction of that range of behavior

produced by a member of a given social group which, for

another member of that same group, stands in perceptual

contrast to a different range of such behavior. While,

theoretically, within certain limits provided by the physio-

logical structure, a given complex of muscular reactions may

Produce a continuous series of positions, in actuality, any

social system patterns these into a discontinuous or discrete

series for reception or reproduction. Thus, while, for

example, the membership of culture A will report only two

degrees of lid closure, culture B may recognize as many as

five. As a skilled spectator under optimal conditions I can

record or reproduce fifteen degrees of lid closure quite

distinct from each other but most middle majority informants

"see" only three. Similarly, while a finger of even the

distal joint of the finger can produce a continuous arc of

position in relation to the remainder of the finger or hand,

four degrees of finger position on this axis are all that

elicit the report of a perceptual contrast from a middle

majority informant.

Thus, a kine is not a point or position of articulatory

activity, it is a range which the unsophisticated informant

reports as “the same". In a previous publication~ points

within this range were described as being in allokinic

1 Birdwhistell, 1955.
 relationship to each other. I propose now that these be

called kine variants, since they may be substituted for each

other and are, thus, symbolizable by a single class denoting

symbol. At the risk of being repetitive I must restress the

point that these equivalences are culturally defined. Each

kinesic system will have differently shaped kinic classes.

As a demonstration, we may use laterality as a special test

of kinic significance. All indications are that, at least

on the level of the kine, American movers do not necessarily,

in awareness, distinguish laterality. Given individuals may

favor the fingers of the right hand, the right eye or the

musculature of the right side of the face. Two American

middle majority movers, one favoring the right side of the

body, the other the left, can, as far as we now know, interact

without translating "right 1id droop" into "left lid droop"

or vice versa. This seems to hold for all body parts con-

sidered on the kinic level. This is not to deny the obvious

fact that handedness is of social significance. What we are

here concerned with is whether we can record, say, the move-

ments of the right or left lid as variants of the same kine.

We must test whether R~ is equivalent to Ie and whether they

can be regarded as variants of a kine class ( 3), It is

obvious that they are distinguishable on the level of articu-

dation. The test is not, however, whether the informant tells

us that the right or left lid is used. What we need to

discover is whether they function interchangeably in larger

kinesic contexts.
 As a test let X stand for a specific brow-kine; Y

stand for a specific lid kine; Z stand for a specific

lateral orbit kine:

LX RX LX RX

Are RY ? LY > LY y» and RY equivalent

LX RZ LZ RZ

to each other in a manner which permits us to establish a

class of XY covering all four of these as class variants?

If it is inconsequential whether the right or left eyelid is

involved in each of these structures, we have no need to

establish RY and LY as members of different classes since

they are variants of (y). The fact that the difference

between RK and L may not be of significance on this level

does not however preclude the possibility that on other

levels of analysis they may function contrastively.

Kinemorphics

In earlier formulations of kinesics, to expedite

recording, yet with the intuitive feeling that the particu-

lar division of the body "made sense", I arbitrarily divided

the body into eight specific areas. Systematic investiga-

tions, utilizing contrast analysis, have since justified

this body division--when applied to American movers. However,

even a few hours of work with Indonesian and Bombay Indian

informants makes it clear that the specific divisions will

not hold up cross-culturally. The eight areas, head and

neck, face, shoulders and trunk, right arm, left arm,

pelvic region, right leg and left leg, will probably be

differently subdivided according to the body conception of

a given social system. The particular range of such seg-

mentations can only be determined by further research.

Nevertheless, the kinemorph was defined then as an

assemblage of movements (kines) in one such area.

A kinemorph is not merely an assemblage of movements

in a given body area. A moving picture of such an area

would not provide the investigator with a kinemorph. Such

a picture or abstraction from it in the form of an exhaus-

tive list of micro-kinegraphs or articulations would pro-

vide us with relatively little concerning the Kinesic

system of the actor. We must again use the method of

abstraction and contrast analysis. As soon as we begin to

contrast, with the aid of an informant, a series of kine

assemblages, it becomes possible to abstract those which

form unitary complexes. To return to the example which

we used in the test above: We may find that we cannot set

RX RX RX

up a single kinemorph to cover “Ly, ; RY ; RY ,

RZ LZ RZ

LX RX LX

LY . Further, we may discover that RY and LY

LZ RZ LZ
are kinemorphic variants to which informants react as

substitutable for each other at this level. Similarly,

RX LX

LY and RY may also be found to be substitutable for

RZ LZ

each other. We may then conclude that we have two kinemorphs,

which may be recorded as [XYZ] and [XYZ].

While this example gives some idea of how the kinesicist

deals with contrast analysis, it will be exceedingly mislead-

ing if it is not seen as over-simple. For while all of the

kines which compose a kinemorph are to be found within a given

time frame (while will be discussed below), they are not

necessarily coterminous. I have thus far been able to

abstract three kinds of kinemorphic constructions, their

definition dependent upon the order behavior of the component

kines?

(1) synchronic kinemorphs; in which the component kines

are simultaneous and of equal duration;

(2) series kinemorphs, in which the kines follow one

another in times and

(3) mixed kinemorphs which have both synchronic and

series features but in which all component kines are not

of the same duration.

Figure 2
 Figure 2

(1)
Les
lH
=x
 Each of these meets our definitional criterion of tak-

ing place within one body area and each forms a complex in

which all components are necessary for the production of the

unit and all are to be found within a given time frame. In

the discussion of the kine we did not deal with the dura-

tional aspect of its definition, since by extended test, it

is clear that performance not duration determines the kine.

A raw movement becomes classifiable as a kine at any

time that its performance (of whatever duration) suffices

to change the contrastive function of the complex in which

it operates. The same kind of test is utilized on the kine-

morphic level since the kinemorph is more than an arbitrary

grouping of kines. We can establish the kinemorph, not

only because the informant tells us that "these movements

fit together", but also because we find transition devices

which mark its initiation and terminus, and because we are

able to establish its unitary function in larger contexts.

The most readily apparent kinemorph is one which begins

with the body at zero (z) and ends with it at zero (Z).

Zero is defined as attention without specific movement, or,

in the appropriate context as an arbitrary norm from which

all kines are traced. Such kinemorphs can be described as

pause-marked (=). A second type is characterized by onset

of activity in one body part and is terminated by the intro-

duction, from zero, of activity in another part. The term

areal transition (x) seems useful here.

 There is a third type of transition, the bound

transition (+), which marks kinemorphs which can only be

detected by extended contrastive research. This occurs when

one kinemorph is replaced in the same body part by a dif-

ferent kinemorph which utilizes the same points of articula-

tion but by rearrangement of order and/or duration

establishes a complex with a meaning demonstrably different

from that of the previous complex. The fact that these

types of kinemorphs are differently marked by differential

transitional behavior indicates that future analysis may

reveal their special roles in the kinesic system. On the

other hand, it is within the range of possibility that they

are functionally equivalent and are merely contextual

variants.

The linguist will see that the kinemorph and the

morpheme are in some Ways comparable. For several years

I have been hopeful that systematic research would reveal

a strict hierarchical development in which kines could be

derived from articulations, kinemorphs from complexes of

kines, and that kinemorphs would be assembled by a grammar

into what might be regarded as a kinesic sentence. While

there are encouraging leads in the data, I am forced to

report that so far I have been unable to discover such a

grammar. Neither have I been able to isolate the simple

hierarchy which I sought.

 While, by count, a major proportion of the kine

assemblages of the American kinesic system may be meaning-

fully segmented in one body area, there are many occasions

when the restriction of contrast analysis to one area leads

only to confusion. This oceurs when kines from two or more

areas form a complex, which, under contrast analysis,

behaves precisely like a kinemorph. These I have chosen to

call complex kinemorphs. The complex kinemorph and the

simple kinemorph seem to be on the same level of analysis

in that they may both be directly analysed into kines. By

definition, of course, the complex kinemorph differs from

the simple kinemorph both in its placement and in the fact

that we cannot utilize simple shift of body area as a

transition marker. Letting (A), (B), and (C) stand for

kines in one body area and (X), (Y¥), and (Z) stand for

kines in another, we may specify the shape of the complex

kinemorph as [A, ¥, B], while the shapes of simple kine-

morphs are [A, B, C] or x, Y, Z).

To complete the description of this level of analysis,

I must include those single kines which emerge as kine-

morphs: thus (A) becomes [A], (X) becomes [KX], and so on.

The test for kinemorphic function ccntinues to be one of

abstraction and contrast analysis. Our testing context is

the kinemorphic construction. The raw unit of body motion

is classifiable as a kine when it is seen to have differential

value in a kinemorph. Ultimately, the existence of the

simple kinemorph, the complex kinemorph, and the kine as

kinemorph must all be established in the kinemorphic

construction.

Figure 3

Kinemorphics Kinemorphic construction

Complex (Simple) Kines as

Kinemorph Kinemorph Kinemorphs

t
t
Kines
Kinics }

Kine Variants

Pre-Kinesics Arbitrary Raw Units of Body Motion

In Figure 3, the reader will note the succession of

two-way arrows. This indicates that at each level of

analysis a unit not only must be abstractable from non-sig-

nificant variation, but must be seen to have differential

meaning in the complex in which it operates.

The term kinemorphic construction is suggested to

cover the next order of combination in kinesic behavior.

As kines combine with other kines to make isolatable units

(the kinemorphs), or as single kines emerge as kinemorphs,

these forms combine with each other in a variety of kinemorphic

constructions. The simplest of these is the kinemorphic

combination. A kinemorphic combination is constructed of

two or more kinemorphs--either in parallel or in series.

Recorded initially as [A, B. C] [X, Y, Z], if the combination

can be tested for unit existence, i.e., as having differen-

tial meaning in a wider context of body activity, it can be

recorded as /[A, B, C] [X, Y, Z]/. We further find that

complex kinemorphs can combine with other complex kinemorphs

in complex kinemorphic complex combinations /[A, X, C]

[y, N, Z2]/, and with single kinemorphs to form kinemorphic

compounds /[A, B, C] [X, N, Z]/. Finally, constructions

of the shapes /[A] [X ¥ Z]/ ana [A] [X, N, Z]/ have been
abstracted.

The existence of a kinemorphic construction is determined

by exactly the same procedure as has been utilized in the

abstraction of the kine morphic or kinic esnbibebtons. We

abstract an assemblage in which the components repetitively

appear in conjunction with each other. Then by substituting

behavioral events of a comparable shape within the combéndtion

we establish the kine morphic function of the components and,

by extension, the reality of the morph, on one level, and

that of the construction on another. Thus, the kinemorphic

value of kines is revealed when we discover that /[A]

[X, ¥, Z]/ stands in contrast to /[B] [X, ¥, Z]/ in exactly

the same way as /[A] IX, Y, Z]/ stands in contrast to
/{a] (M,N, D]/. Thus, recording /[A, B, C] 2 [X, Y, Z)/

signifies that the construction has been abstracted from

a larger action sequence and that during its duration the

rest of the body has remained at what one of my students

aptly referred to as "ready rest." The (Z), in this case,

serves to remind the analyst that he is dealing with an

included construction. When a full actional sequence is

dealt with, (//)'s are utilized to mark the initial and

terminal aspects of the sequence and all segments within the

double silashes are bound constructions and form a unit on

the next level of analysis.

I have not yet found any way of determining whether or

not there is a conventional limitation, in terms of the

number of component morphs, to the size of a kinemorphic

construction. In the examples above two-part constructions

were used. The reader must not be misled by this. I have

seen kinemorphic constructions which contained as many as

seven morphs. The test for the unitary nature of a kine-

morphic construction takes place in the larger field of

body movement which we call action.

In the definition of the kine, I said that zero does

not stand for no behavior at all but for behavior which

does not have variational kinic or kinemorphic significance.

 Action

Analysis of the American kinesic system has led to the

tentative conclusion that in the probable absence of

cross-referencing systems similar to those of linguistic gram-

mar and syntax, meaningful segmentation and binding together

of kinesic construction sequences if handled, in all likeli-

hood, parakinesically? the medium of stance. Stance is a

term designed to cover a pattern of total body behavior which

is sustained through time, within which one or a series of

constructions take place, and which contrasts with a different

stance. Stance subsumes position (p), (which is a statement

of the relative position of all the body parts in space)

locomotion (1), (the movement of the body through space) and

velocity (v) (which covers sustained velocity of movement of

the total body).

A stance change is said to occur when any one of these

or combinations of these is varied to such an extent that

there is a marked shift in the total message. In a major pro-

portion of the interactions which we have observed these shifts

coincide with a transition (+) (X) or (=) on the construction

level. Our problem would be a good deal simpler if we could

say that action-sequence transitions always coincide with

inter-construction sequences. Certain of these stance changes,

however, take place within what appear to be bound constructions

as well as within an included construction. Such stance changes

+ see now Birdwhistell, 1960.

may or may not be coterminous with morph transitions. The

term stance shift is used to indicate this variety of stance

variation which may, as research develops, turn out to be

parakinesic in nature.

While our research in this area is far from exhaustive

it seems probable that stance variation may serve at least

ee
gn
a dual function. On the kinemorphic level, stance serves

to mark the beginning and end of action sequences. In such

cases (//)'s mark the action sequences and all elements

included within are analysed as bound components in an

interactional system. Thus, we might record a typical

action sequence according to the notational logic, //[A, B, C]

[N] [X, 0, Z] [etc.]//. The type of stance change is marked

by a small letter at the upper right of the double slash

notations: (//"), (//*), or (//). When a stance shift

occurs within a sequence of bound constructions, a capital

S is used with the identifying marker. Thus: ‘//[X, Y, 2]

[N] [P, @, R] 8S [A, F, C] [etc.]//" indicates an actional
sequence bounded externally by two perceptible shifts in

velocity and containing a stance shift (S) of one of the

other two variants (position or locomotion).

Only further research can reveal the functional nature

of these internal shifts for the action sequence. As shall

be seen below, the gross behavior noted on the microkinesic

level as stance, contains behavior which, on the macrokinesic

(i.e. probably parakinesic) level, emerges as posture,

demeanor, pose, and presentation. It would be desirable to

 have the evidence which would give assurance that all internal

stance shifts can be ignored on the microkinesic level. How-

ever, for the time being such a conclusion must be postponed.

In discussing the interpretation of kinesic systems more will

be said about the incidence and relative placement of stance

shifts and changes. The fact that communicants react

unfavorably toward "too many" or "inappropriately" placed

stance shifts suggests that these are especially patterned.

Interaction

While it is hardly the function of this section to

develop a social-psychology of human interaction, the data

to follow are perhaps illuminated by establishing exactly

what it is we mean by interaction. Review of the existent

literature on social animals gives us some security in making

a generalization which states when social animals of a common

4
species make sustained sensory contact with each other they

must engage in behavior which identifies each to the other

as a species member, a group member, and as being in a

particular state of readiness. Ethologists and comparative

psychologists have presented us with an impressive array of

behavioral data which indicates that some term like "learned"

or “conditioned” or “released” must be applied to this

behavior. That is, behavior of identification is not only

necessary for the adaptation of the species but is apparently

patterned by the particular experiences of the group. This

is hardly the place to review the evidence, but it seems clear

that a member of any social group must "recognize" and "emit"

certain signals in order to sustain association with that

group. The data are at the present time too sparse to indi-

cate the range of discrimination of in-group and out-group

identification signals.

The fact that animals engage in species, group, and

state readiness signals does not give us the right to call

this complex of identifying signals animal behavior with the

implication that it is somehow instinctual. I prefer to call

such behavior social, since it emerges from the patterned

association of species members with patterned activity systems.

The fact that we use the same term to cover an aspect of

kinesic behavior does not make such behavior "more biological".

It rather emphasizes its functional importance to the social

system.

The term encounter will be used to cover that communi-

cational situation which occurs prior to interaction. The

duration of an encounter will depend upon the nature of the

communication systems exhibited by the participants. An

encounter becomes an interaction when the participants become

communicants. That is, the participants interact rather than

counteract when they find it possible to introduce cross-refer-

encing signals into the scene in such a way as to sustain

continuing adaptive association.

This difference between an encounter and an interaction

is stressed because it so clearly sets boundary lines between

those situations in which mutual cross-referencing signals are

appropriately used and those in which none yet exist or if

they exist, are inappropriately used by the participants.

It is probably evident to the reader that with this defini-

tion few encounters are ever of sufficient duration to be

recordable. It may well be that "encounters" 1

have no real

existence and that "encounter" (or non-communication) refers

to the subjective feelings of distress which we have when we

do not comprehend the communication situation in which we are

participating. There are cross-cultural situations in which

an “encounter” becomes an interaction by the introduction of

the cross-referencing signal that the participants shall

search for cross-referencing signals. Such a sequence may

be no more complex than the joint presentation of palms

followed by squatting, buttocks resting on heels, with the

weight balanced on the ball of the feet and the toes. This

set of signals gives evidence of the willingness to partici-

pate in some sort of sustained interaction. This simple

action sequence stands in sharp contrast to a scene in which

participants may not engage in a sustained encounter because

one or more of the participants use only internal cross-refer-

encing signals and thus prevents the emergence of an inter-

action.

Kinesics and linguistics provide recording and analytic

techniques which should give new insight into the processes

of acculturation and group-formation. At the same time such

situations should provide micro-cultural laboratories for

sharpening the tools of these disciplines. In a seminar at

the University of Buffalo, the authors of this present book

with Sm it h and Tr ag er , who had or ig in al ly

working closely

suggested comparable though by no means identical classifica-

tion of similar vocal phenomena, developed a methodology for

analysis of visual recognition patterns. The skeletal

the

of this aspect of communicational behavior is

structure

be low wi th fu ll re co gn it io n of it s crudeness. How-

presented

ever, even in this unrefined state, such abstraction provides

a tool which has proved invaluable in the establishment of

actor base-lines (see Chapter 7)-

Visual Recognition Patterns

While we do not wish at this time to become involved in

status and role theory, we must note that the broadest

cross-referencing behavior in the communication system relates

directly to these aspects of interaction. In the section

above we discussed the function of stance shift (or change)

in providing structural frames for extended stretches of

kinemorphic constructions. Such cross-referencing behavior

gives us data for recognizing that even on the kinemorphic

leve l human beings do no t co mm un ic at e through an ad ditive

series of independent messages. In kinemorphics we were con-

cerned with demonstrating that the system contains a variety

of behavioral shapes which tie together least pieces of

activity. We are now reversing our procedure to examine those

cross-referencing signals which tie together the broadest

possible amount of inter-actional behavior. Among such behavior,

that which we call body base is, theoretically, sustained

throughout any interactional sequence:

Figure 4

Body-Base Types

Position

Sex

Age

State of Health

Body Build

Rhythm Phase

Territoriality

Mood

Toxic State*

N-States

* and organic confusional and deficit states.

 This List of body-base types has been derived from a

set of recognition behaviors some of which probably occur

in all social groupings, animal or human. As we originally

worked with these categories, it seemed to us that not only

were these the broadest of the cross-referencing patterns, but

also that they were somehow "closer" to the physiological

base of the species. Certainly, with the exception of

"position", which related to the order participation of a

member of a group vis a vis his or her group associates, and

"territoriality", which refers to systematic space occupation,

all of these types seemed to have primary, physiologically

constituted accompanying behavior. It seemed justifiable,

therefore, to refer to these as "primitive"--somehow implying

priority in an evolutionary sense. As I worked with these

categories increasing confidence was gained that such states

are characteristic of social groups--at least of mammalian

groups--and probably of a number of fowl groupings. I had

the opportunity to talk at some length with Dr. Konrad Lorenz

who concurred in the tentative conclusion that these are

probably requisite to sustaining the basic division of labor

necessary for adaptation in the animal groupings. In the

light of this, it may be suggested that if we are justified

in calling these recognition states "primitive", it is with

reference to the order of their appearance in social groups

rather than in terms of anatomic characteristics.

The detailed description of the body-base types has

been purposely avoided since these types are kinesic

categories--not behaviorally specific constructs. Body-base

 constitutes the basic image of other members of the social
group which must be internalized by the group-member in the

socialization process. Body-set constitutes behavioral

derivatives from the expectancy pattern of an associated

member against which are measured the bo

dy qualities or
situationally variant signals basic to any
interactional
Sequence. Body-base, then, constitutes the zero line which

any communicant must have internalized in order to recognize

the special cross-referencing message carried by the body-set

signal-complex.

No member send or expresses any of the types as a unitary

activity to the exclusion of others. Even the Limited survey

of films which I have attempted makes it clear that these

types are neither specific (in an organic sense) nor inde-

pendent from each other. In every case that we know anything

about there is a complex relationship between the various

types. Until further extensive cross-species research has

been carried out we can only say that body-set is complexly

patterned and learned. As we gain more knowledge cross-cul-

turally, both about the patterning of these types and the

predominant shapes of body-set in particular cultures and

in particular individuals within the group, we shall be able

to provide a more substantive base for cultural character

and temperament studies.

In the discussion*above, body-base was described as the

patterned, learned zero-line against which body-set is

measured. Body-set represents the particular cross-referencing

signals introduced in the particular interactional scene.

A brief, glance at Figure 5 below will make clear the rela-

tionship between the body-base zero-line and the body set

which appears in the communicational sequence. It will be

noted that for each of the body-base types we have derived

a parallel body-set of social recognition value.

Figure 5

Body-Base Body-Set

Position Status

Sex Gender

Age Age Grade

State of Health Health Image

Body Build Body Image

Rhythm Phase Rhythm Image

Territoriality Territorial Status

Mood Mode

Toxic State Toxic Image

N-State N-Stetus
 Before discussing body-set states a word of caution

must be introduced. While it is possible heuristically to

abstract the ten states and to use these as frames for the

collection of data, such abstracted units are never

behaviorally isolated categories. Communication, intrinsic

to culture, is patterned and systematic. As such it is con-

stituted of a number of interacting sub-systems, the appearance

of which is determined by the complex demands of the particu-

lar interaction situation. Since a particular (in space-time)

eross-referencing system is shaped by the exigencies of a

particular interaction system, it would be surprising if any

specific state could be reacted to without modification by

other state representations.

In the process of the establishment of actor and

interactional baselines, I have found it necessary to analyze

large stretches of behavior on a base-set model. In every

case, at least five and at times all ten set-states cate-

gories are represented. The particular kinemorphs or

kinemorphic constructions, the organization of stance shifts

and postural positions, as well as the selected body motion

qualifiers (to be discussed below), all combine to give us

a cross-referencing statement of the quality of the inter-

action.

To avoid confusion, I have purposely avoided examples

in the preceding discussion. Since this present chapter is

not designed to provide the reader with data for the analysis
of particular sub-cultural situations but is aimed at

orienting the reader to the Doris-Gregory-Billy interview,

the discussion has been purposely general and theoretical.

However, the reader may gain more perspective if a somewhat

stereotyped example is presented at this point.

If we were to consider a situation in which a 35 year

old junior Vice President talks to the 63 year old Chairman

of the Board of his firm, we might find the following states

manifested in the two participants in the interactional

scene. These states cross-reference the discourse within

the situational frame. While the problem of representation

makes the diagram below appear like parallel or contiguous

individual behavior, the reader is again reminded that

the behavior of each is a function of reciprocation--the

cross-referencing signal is a reciprocal, i.e. part

of an interaction--not an individual expression.

 Figure 6

(See Appendix 6 for the symbols used in the macrokinesic

recording)

BODY-SET STATES

Categories Vice President's Behavior Chairman's Behavior

Status ¥hxK" 4 ¥

pTtp b Tb, AxbA

Hq or Hq Hn ...

-LL-alternating with L/L Hfbb, s00s

00:::: (intermittent)

Age grade Set + 3

+00+ Hqn Hq + N -LL- ~L/L

Gender or

Sex Grade ¥ 4K " [xx — xx] i ¥ + intermediate R 2 p

Health Status p Tp

Qualifier!!! / +...+ Set + 3

+ 00 +
Mode Hfbb, s0O0s
- LL -

AxbA

Body Image —_—_

Territorial

Image interaction centered movement projection

to whole room

Rhythm Phase

Image + 0O +

Toxic Status —_-

N-Status —
 This scene, which is purposely oversimplified by having

its opening and closing phases eliminated, covers the length

of a discourse, marked at its beginning by "settling in"

behavior and terminated by interruption and departure behavior.

We are concerned neither with the content of the scene nor

with the linguistic or kinesic detail of these cross-referencing

signals. The signals above are internally congruent--the young

man's over-youthful, clear-eyed "sincerity", with appreciative

humor, is consistent with the slit-eyed belly holding and

genital scratching of the older man. The [¥4K"] (knee over

knee leg cross) is the congruent seating posture reciprocal

for the older man's [4¥] (broken or open 4% leg cross). The

seeming reversal here in which the older man uses a leg cross

customarily seen in younger men is modified and tempered by

his [AxbA] (bi-manual belly hold)--just as the [4¥K"] (knee

over knee) which is formal and at the same time within the

range of the feminine leg cross arc is tempered by the [+00+]

(eyes with distal aspect crinkled) and the [Hq] (head cock).

These body-set cross-referencing signals may be seen as

overall frames for the system of interaction occurring within

their boundaries. The example above is simplified in that the

interview portrayed contains no major shifts, that is, this

complex of behavior extends throughout the interaction.

Body-set signals are extremely important in assessing inter-

action topography; often the first signal of a parameter shift

in an interaction is signalled by a set-shift--either in the

linguistic or in the kinesic area, or in both. As our

understanding of the dynamics of interaction increases, it is

clear that in body- and voice-set shifts we have one method for

measuring "movement" in psychiatric as well as other interviews.

Returning to the example, it is to be noticed that under

territorial image the younger man's behavior is described as

"interaction centered", whereas the older is noted as "movement

projection to whole room." The absence of macrokinesic record-

ing here relates to my own uncertainty. However, at the moment

it seems likely that space control has something to do with eye

focus and convergence behavior modified by activity discussed

below under motion qualifiers and motion markers. Of theoreti-

cal and methodohkogical importance is the fact that while such

behavior may be experimentally "located" in one rubric of the

kinesic and parakinesic system, it may nonetheless be

multi-functional.

Using the above as a background for recognizing the inter-

dependence of quality behavior, the role of base and set as

related to health and health image may be elaborated. Pathologi-

cal conditions in the muscular, skeletal, and neurological

system often directly emerge as limitations or specific under-

lying determinants of motor or dermal behavior. There can be

little doubt that the form of the message sent or received is

strongly influenced by the state of the organism qua organism.

Probably the largest section of the bibliography concerned

with visible body movement is related to the specifie or

generalized symptomatology of neurological disturbance. MTheo-

retically, all specifically idiosyncratic body behavior lies

outside the field of kinesics, whether such behavior gains its

peculiar cast from organic sources or from some special

conditioning experience on the part of the actor or viewer.

Yet it is essential to the methodology of kinesics as it is for

linguistics, that the behavior of any participant in an inter-

action situation be described as idiosyncratic only after the

patterned aspects of the behavior have been exhaustively

described. That is, in the process of classification and

testing, individuality is assigned after not before the fact

of data exhaustion. Our theoretical framework provides us

with an approach to the problems of allocating data to pre-kinesic

or to macro-kinesic levels, but only when cross-cultural research

provides us with clear indications of symptomatic activity con-

current with specific organic malfunction can we be secure in

our assessment of particular pieces of behavior.

While anthropologists have long been aware of differing

cultural emphases on disease or accident, the literature is

exceedingly thin with regard to the specific variations in

symptom presentation. Discussion of this problem with physicians

whose practices are limited to the ethnic variations of an

American city, has convinced me that practioners are aware of

the difficulties involved in treating symptoms expressed by

various groups, as though there were @ common and universal

symptom structure for a given disease. This point was repeatedly

stressed by M. D.'s whose practice included the range of varia-

tion provided by a Santa Fe or an Albuquerque hospital. Yet to

my knowledge the data remains essentially impressionistic.

Perhaps as the World Health Organization expands its research

area, specific and extensive attention will be given to the

cross-cultural examination of the social structuring of symptoms.

Such data as would be supplied by these studies--properly

organized--should help us to be more explicit about the sepa-

ration of prekinesic and kinesic behavior.

My own convictions in this area derive from experience

gained while doing research on the social structure of two

adjacent but differing sub-cultures in central Kentucky. Not

only did the "BiueGrass" and "Hill" Kentuckians differ in their

attitudes toward disease in general, but their choices of

favorite ailments varied as systematically as did other aspects

of their social organization. This research was done prior

even to the preliminary systematization of kinesics, yet we

were aware of the fact that there were styles of symptom

presentation in both verbal and kinesic statements of illness

which were sufficiently different in the two areas as to lead

to misunderstanding between them. The discussion to follow

is based on insights gained during this community research

project, measured against the material gathered by a number of

investigators in the cross-cultural sphere, and reinterpreted

through the recent formalization of communication research.

Although Dry Ridge was only about fifteen miles into the

hills from the Blue Grass community, Green Valley, the health

set of this area is markedly different from that characteristic

of the Valley. As a culture, more rigorously individualistic

and puritanical than Green Valley, signess was patterned in

Dry Ridge into "“non-reference to health" and “critically i11."

Ideally, any variation between these two states is to be

ignored or, at least, should remain a private matter. Ideally

one is forced to go to a doctor, take medicine, or go to bed.

The kinesic message that one is critically ill (although con-

scious and not yet bed-ridden) is best covered by the gestural

reference, "stiff upper lip." This includes retraction of

the scalp, tightening the skin of the forehead (with a signifi-

cant reduction of brow markers), reduction of smiling, carrying

the torso in hyper-erect, reduction of velocity in hand and

arm movement, increased precision in gross movement (decreased

overkick--anterior and posterior--while walking) and increased

"foot-planting" (both feet--heal and ball--on floor while

standing or sitting). If this does not elicit response from

responsible kindred, this general quality is sporadically

interrupted by "sag" behavior of about 2 to 5 seconds duration

followed by "pulling together" behavior of about 2 to 4 seconds

duration. The sag and pull-together should not take place

very often or the quality shifts and the behavior is reacted

to as malingering or as an infantile appeal. I have never,

in over a year of watching this behavior, seen the sag and

pull together used by males more than once in fifteen minutes

except by the very young and the very old. Females, on the

other hand, sag and pull together more frequently--several as

often as two or three times in 5 minutes. This statement of

variation is probably over-precise but there is quite obviously

a difference in expectancy here. A child, an old person,

or &@ Woman may engage in sag and pull together at greater

frequency within a time span without being considered as

malingering. It is perhaps unnecessary to stress the point

that in Dry Ridge the full cross-referencing system is made

up of "stiff upper lip" plus "sag and recover." It is perhaps

of interest to note that the health image quality behavior of

"stiff upper lip" differs from the mood image of anger in Dry

Ridge in only two behavorial aspects that I have been able

to trace. First, in eye convergence and focus--in anger the

Dry Ridger avoids focussing on the eyes of others--looking

to either side of other communicants, whereas, in sickness,

he looks at his communicant with in and out of focus variation.

Second, in aspiration presentation: in sickness he engages in

intermittent pronounced chest presentatinn with audible

aspiration (usually through the nose). Paralinguistically this

is very close to a sigh. In anger, he uses deep, measured

visually perceptible breathing which is usually inaudible.

In Green Valley the situation differs both linguistically

and kinesically. A kith and kin community, health is used as

a device for establishing interdependent interaction. I11

health is discussed and, in a manner of speaking, "enjoyed."

A public affair, any manifestation cf physical malaise occasions

group diagnosis and comparison of symptoms. Accompanied by

extensive verbalization, the kinesics of all communicants are

characteristically directed with kinesic area markers. The

etiquette of illness even in Green Valley (both of these

communities are, after all, American) demands that the

viewer initiate verbal discussion of the actor's debility.

Thus, the community member introduces a cross-referencing

appeal which is sustained until it is responded to by other

participants in an interactional scene. In Green Valley the

kinesic illness behavior is characterized by first to third

degree medial compression of the brows accompanied by first

degree brow raise. The lids sag and there is tensing of the

lateral aspects of the orbit plus upper cheek sag. The lips

fill and the lower lip falls slightly away from the lower

teeth. The neck is out-of-tonus often with a forward or

forward and lateral thrust. The upper torso sags anteriorly

as do the shoulders. Belly may be presented. Arms and hands

may hang at the side or moved in over-slow velocity with lower

arm performing any arc at greater velocity than do the hands.

Feet drag while walking, or rest anteriorly on heels while

sitting. There is, of course, variation i: completeness or

duration of this quality behavior--but it is my conviction

that this variation is a function of. the Lack of response on

the part of the other communicants rather than of the serious-

ness of the debility represented. This is supported by the

fact that as soon as the malaise of the initiator is responded

to, the body moves into tonus and a verbal recital of symptoms

is accompanied by pointing--touching--rubbing--caressing of

the osténsibly involved body parts. Even persons who are

apparently (from doctor's diagnosis) quite ill become animated,

with eyes in focus--mouth at zero, and body at increased

frequency of response during such conversations. Such activity

is intermittently interrupted by "sag and recover", if the

responses get "too" general in nature. I am somewhat unsure

about this, but it is my feeling that malingering is suspected

in this community when the "sick" person does not interrupt

his or her performance with sympathy and empathy activity,

when the traded symptoms are introduced by other participants

in the conversation. An actor's preoccupation with his own

health is a signal that his appeal is not simply a statement

of illness.

These are neighboring systems and there is some inter-

marriage between the two groups. With this range of difference,

it is easy to see that some misunderstanding arises in an

intermarriage situation. It is perhaps of no consequence to

this present chapter, but it is interesting to note that Dry

Ridge, an economically poorer region than Green Valley, has

produced four doctors since 1890 while Green Valley has pro-

duced but one.

Further discussion of body-base and body-set must await

a more extensive presentation. These examples should serve,

however, to illustrate the general propositions concerning the

function of this aspect of the parakinesic system as a

cross-referencing system. This discussion and these examples

may be somewhat misleading for they do not properly underline

the point that while we are able to abstract some fairly

precise movements as central indicators here, such behavior

may congruently or incongruently be modified on the macro-

kinesic level, which contains kinemorphic constructions,

the constituent behavior of which may function on both levels

of systematization. Further, our analysis must not omit

what is probably the most critical (and least adequately

analyzed) level of parakinesics. This area includes that

behavior which I have termed the motion qualifiers, and

the kinesic action and interaction modifiers. Although

they in general refer to shorter stretches of behavior than

do the base and set cross-referencing systems, these

parakinesic qualifiers and modifiers may cover activity as

Limited as a kinemorph or a single kinemorphic construction

or stretches of behavior of such duration as to make us

feel that they may ultimately be relegated to the base-set

level.

Motion Qualifiers

The stream of body-motion behavior has thus far been

discussed as though there were a somewhat mechanical all-or-noth-

ing quality to the production of the components of the kinesic

system. The student analyst in his training tends to move

from a period of concentration on the "expressive" or personality

indicative, or idiosyncratic behavior to one of atomistic

recording of the finite particles. It soon becomes evident

that the range of variation in production of body-motion

interaction is not a simple matter of idiosyncracy or "style",

or, on the other hand, is it as highly patterned as is kine-

morphic construction. Out of an extended range of production

behavior three aspects of the motion qualifiers deserve

special attention because their performance seems so intimately

tied to the structure of the most complex arrangements of

kinemorphic constructions. These include intensity behavior,

durational behavior, and range behavior. For most

middle-majority American movers these seem each to be

distributed on a three to five-degree scale which is outlined

below with the symbols I am presently employing for their

notation.
 Figure 7

Motion Qualifiers

Intensity (or degree Overtense mss eee

of muscular tension Tense oe

or production of N

kine (or kinemorph) Lax O es. O

Overlax OO «++ 00

Duration (or length) Stacatto

of kine (or kinemorph) N

Allegro

Range (or width) of Narrow

movement in perform-
Limited
ance of given kine

(or kinemorph) N

Widened {

Broad j

These motion qualifiers are roughly analogous to supra-

segmental phenomena in language, that is, they may occur

across or cover segments of a complex construction. They

function to modify the kinesic meaning of the construction,

but so far as I am able to ascertain, an increase or decrease

of intensity, the rate of production, or the breadth of the

performance of any kine or kinemorph in a kinemorphic con-

struction cannot serve as a substitute for one or more of the

kines or kinemorphs in that construction. In other words, the

modification function of one of the qualifiers, regardless of

its extent of distribution within a bound form, seems to

extend over the full kinemorphic construction. Or, to say

it still differently, at least so far as our examination of

American movers are concerned, there are no kinemorphs com-

posed of variation in intensity, duration, and range.

If we try to evaluate these phenomena with relation to the

present or allied research, the motion qualifiers take on

special significance. While present research indicates that the

5 degrees of intensity and breadth and 4 degrees of duration

have kinesic significance for all middle-majority American

movers, the "distance" covered by a particular mover in the

performance of the qualifiers will vary widely. This distance

is of significance in the assessment of motion qualities.

Further, the qualifiers seem to be especially related to that

area of psychiatric symptom description called "flattened

affect". Flattened affect in the kinesic behavior seems,

at least in part, to be an incongruent narrowing of qualifier

extent, the term incongruent, in this case, being related to

the general or interactional system. Not altogether in jest

we have been using another term "fattened affect" which

occurs when the spread of qualifier extent becomes incongruent

with the interactional sequence. This discussion of interpre-

tation may seem somewhat out of keeping at this point in the

chapter but I think the reader must be warned with respect to

a methodological point. The qualifiers may be looked at from

two analytic points of view: first, as patterned modifica-

tion phenomena which vary the kinesic meaning of a kinemorphic

construction and, second, in their extent aspects as part of

the general cross-referencing system of the full interaction.

In analysis these must be kept separate since in their dis-

covery quite different operations are involved. The particu-

lar qualifier behavior noted for a particular construction is

of kinesic significance and is determined as variations of

behavior within the base line of the actor. The quality

aspect of the qualifier behavior is determined by comparative

analysis and has interactional significance.

Action Signals

Since one of the purposes of this chapter is to serve

as a progress report on the attempts at data exhaustion in

kinesic raw materials it is perhaps justifiable to include

in this already programmatic chapter a series of behavioral

categories whose position and function are far from worked

out. Something of a waste-basket category, the action

signals include the action modifiers which are descriptive

of an entire body in motion, the interaction modifiers

which involve the full body behavior of two or more partici-

ye t 10%}
pants in an interactional scene, and the aetten markers.

Perhaps the material at present handled under these headings

will become data for the description of motion quality and/or

for the analysis of the base-line, but for the time being

I am more comfortable in recording them under these less

definitive categories.

The literature covering "“expressional behavior" con-

tains a number of sets of more or less descriptive cate-

gories of individual behavioral types. Many of these

provide useful concepts based on careful observation and

brilliant intuition. In the training situation, however,

such borrowed concepts prove the adage that one can never

get a borrowed bucket clean. Since we have attempted to

make sure that each of the concepts utilized in kinesics

and parakinesics relates both to a specific order of

behavior and to the operations by which such behavior is

abstracted, a new set of terms and categories is required.

The following outline includes those modes of behavior

which have been sufficiently examined to give us some con-

fidence in their presentation. Such a systematization does

little more than scratch the surface of possible categori-

zations. The nine modifiers listed below are what remain

of forty-one paired types which I worked with in 1955.

As systematic research proceeded, most of these were dis-

carded as over-generalization of kinemorphic constructions.

As it became clear that the "gesture" was a closely bound

stem-like morph which signalled a constructional core, it

also became evident that the classification of gesture

types as indicators of cultural character tendencies must

await systematic cross-cultural research. Further, the

development which followed the recognition of the cross~-refer-

encing function of the base-set activity further limited

this list. I have no doubt but that this list will be

lengthened and rearranged as research proceeds, but I

present these categories as they now stand in the hope that

other workers will find them useful. All of my testing

indicates that they have some kind of communication function,

put I am not at all sure how they fit into the remainder

of the data.

Action Modifiers

The categories listed in outline below under the action

modifiers include a series of paired types that cover the

mode of behavior of the body as a whole. In all cases these

are included because they elicit patterned responses from

communicants and because they seem in “normal” movers to vary

from situation to situation within the behavioral system of

the particular member.

Action Modifiers

Type Behavior

Unilateral--Bilateral: Mover favors right or left side of

body, contrasts with inclusion of

both sides in performance (not

just handedness).
Specific--Generalized?: Mover tends to utilize one body

area for major proportion of

kKinesic activities as contrasted

to more extensive utilizations.

Rhythmic--Disrhythmic’: Mover tends to adopt a definite

rhythm within which he moves

(often marked by kinemorphic or

stance shift junctures) as con-

trasted to a clearly defined

pattern of rhythm interruption

(not just non-rhythmic).

Graceful--Awkward: Mover tends to make major. pro-

portion of movements in a directed,

minimally interrupted manner, as

contrasted to a start-stop-proceed

action with a series of abortive

inclusions. (Grace is characterized

by containing minimal "searching"

behavior in contrast to awkwardness

where searching is maximized.)

1 There is probably a closely allied pair which covers "lost"

or avoided body parts. This is not now included since

cross-cultural research is needed to determine how idio-

syncratic or set-quality patterned this is.

e See Interaction Modifiers, below.

Fast--Slow: (Not to be confused with the

duration qualifier.) Mover

tends to high velocity of pro-

duction of kinemorph and kine-

morphic constructions as con-

trasted to a low production rate.

Integrated--Fragmented: Integrated mover tends toward

harmonic organization of vari-

ous body parts (whether gener-

alized or specific) whereas

fragmented mover may divide body

into non-harmonic--even apparently

contradictory parts. A finger,

a hand, or an eye may seem to

have existence independent of

remainder of body activity. May

involve the full division of the

body into two spheres as: above

and below pelvic girdle or (in

one case) right through the

middle of the body leaving a

right and left sphere.

Intertensive--Intratensive: Intertensive mover tends to be

highly responsive to behavior

of other communicants--engages

in consistent check and modifica-

tion behavior as contrasted to

 the intratensive mover who appears

to engage in extended auto-stimu-

lation but with minimal apparent

strenuous rejection. At first

this seemed to be an aspect of

the encounter-interaction pro-

cess but, as research continued,

it became clear that this

behavior continued even after

an interaction was clearly in

progress. As in the case of the

"self-possessed“self-centered"

type which follows, this type

probably has special significance

for clinical observation.

Self-possessed--Self-con-

tained: The self-possessed mover is

A dubious category (see characterized by a reduction of

discussion). These qualifier width without incon-

types are easy to recog- gruence, by the harmonic organi-

nize once seen but are zation of the body parts, by

difficult to objectify. minimal searching behavior and

I suspect that this is by what might be loosely charac-

a complex category and terized as “poise.” Only the

perhaps should not be fact that self-possession seems

included in this list to appear intermittently within

of modifiers. However, or beyond and apparently quite

this category is so use- independent of the qualities

ful in the analysis of persuades me that this is a

psychiatric interview category of another order than

material that it is quality. Self-possession

included. appears to relate to social

"ease" and "confidence" in

interaction (neither of which

terms have more than impression-

istic value in this presenta-

tion). Our description of

self-containment is equally

impressionistic, characterized

by seeming intra-tension; the

general feeling is one of

"avoidance" of
t
restraint and

stimuli. Category by category

the behavior is congruent, but

it is best characterized as

systematically resistant to

any change in the interaction

beyond narrowly established

limits.
 Only extended research can establish a clear perspec-

tive on this pair of types. The difficulty may lie in the

pairing which I have utilized in the modifier assignment.

Self-possession may be a special complex more adequately

described under she_motion qualities, while self-containment

may be a special pathological condition paired with another

poorly defined pattern that I have been calling "identity

loss." Identity loss has been characterized by a high

incidence of "echo" behavior or of pieces of behavior that

have no apparent relevance to the interaction situation.

If self-containment is characterized by exclusion or avoid-

ance of stimuli, identity loss seems to be made up of

over-reactivity to them.

Interaction Modifiers

While, by definition, kinesic research is only con-

cerned with body motion behavior with a demonstrable

communicative function (and this implies an interactional

frame), the action modifiers were concerned with the pehavior

of a given actor in an interactional context. The inter-

action modifiers are concerned with the classification of

comparable behavior which appears in a sequence involving

two or more actors. In the outline below is presented a

series of three paired types of interaction modifiers.

 Interaction Modifiers

Mirror-Parallel:
Mirror behavior is character-

ized by one or more actors act-

ing in mirror image of a central

actor. Parallel behavior occurs

when two or more actors move

in parallel.

It is recognized that when more than two actors are

involved, some by limited possibility are in parallel, others

in mirror, interaction. Our very limited observation of group

interaction has not revealed any particular patterning to this

variation. Perhaps when kinesic observation is combined with

the linguistic and studied in association with devices like

Chapplet's chronograph this material will have more conse-

quence.

Rhythmic-Disrhythmic: When the interactional behavior

of two or more actors contains

a clearly perceptible beat,

introduced either in parallel,

or in series such interaction

is termed rhythmic. Disrhythmic

interaction occurs when estab-

lished rhythms are repeatedly

interrupted.

1 Chapple, 19
Open-Closed: An interaction is termed open

when the behavior is character-

ized by the searching of the

environment for other stimuli.

To the extent that the partici-

pants are so highly interactive

that they do not respond appro-

priately to other stimuli in

the milieu, the interaction is

closed.

"Searching" as used here refers to focusing the eyes or

ears, or other sensory receptors on objects or people outside

of the interaction area, "squirming" (non-congruent shifts

in stance), foot shuffling, finger drumming, etc.

Systematic research has thus far been directed almost

exclusively to the examination of two- and three-person

interactions. Even within this limited universe, there are

a number of other interaction modifiers which are being

examined. Their behavioral limits are not yet clear, how-

ever, and discussion of them should await further analysis.

Needless to say, the interaction modifiers appear both in

association with speech behavior and through periods of

silence.
 Motion Markers

The discussion of that aspect of body motion behavior

which is classifiable only in direct association with verbal

behavior has been saved until the remainder of the material

had been presented. This chapter is not the place to dis-

cuss the intimate relationship between speech and movement

in the communicational process. When we turn to examine

the role of communication in society, these systems are

dynamically interrelated with each other and with the

other communicational systems as well. Up to this point,

with few exceptions, body movement has been treated as a

universe different from that of speech behavior. This

methodological separation has been more than a convenient

rendering unto Caesar. The internal consistency of language

has been revealed by systematic research based on the

proposition that linguistic phenomena are organized into a

system which can and should be examined without reference

to other social systems. This rigorous abstraction pro-

vided both a model for kinesic research and a set of clear

frontiers which facilitated the abstraction of kinesic

material. This entire discussion has rested upon the propo-

sition that every interaction is based upon continuous

communication carried on through the medium of patterned,

discrete but interlocking and cross-referencing symbols.

Looking only at the two modalities, speech and body movement,

but inspecting them from the point of view of the kinesicist,

a model might be constructed to illustrate the temporal

aspects of this process.

Observational time T T 7? 7? T
Parakinesic behavior

Kinesic behavior

Audible speech behavior

"Gestures" and "posture" and "facial expression” are

probably the body-motion events most accessible to the

American "folk"-viewer. That is, these phenomena represent

public abstractions or shorthands for the much more complex

behavior described in the pages above. As such they may be

included in literary description, stage instructions, and

even in etiquette prescriptions. As our discussion above

has demonstrated, these are derived sys tem s and are to be

finally analyzed only in the complexity of. the full communica-

The motion markers, while less public in the

tional process.

sense that only a portion are sufficiently abstracted to be

seem very close to awareness in American speakers and

taught,

movers. At least, an American audience seems to have rela-

tively little di ffic ul ty in se eing them and "explaining"

their function, once they are demonstrated. Yet, as with

"posture," and "facial ex pr es si on ” th ei r ap pa re nt

"“sesture,"”
accessibility creates confusion and pseudo-understanding when

we attempt to analyze them. Special attention is given here

to the motion markers, because of their tremendous importance

in measuring the congruity of the linguistic and kinesic sys-

tems and because, in the interview situation, they are

immediately available to the observer.

The kinesicist, recording, let us say, from a muted

sound film of hitherto unanalyzed material, records a stream

of kines. As his analysis proceeds, he orders these into

kinemorphs and kinemorphic constructions. As he enlarges his

procedure to include the qualifier behavior, he develops a mul-

ti-level record which is internally consistent. Yet, as he

scores this record, he can detect a particular distribution

of kines as kinemorphs, and he can observe narrowly limited

stretches of qualifier shift which combine to punctuate cer-

tain portions of his data sheet. Upon turning up the sound,

it becomes clear that these specially marked passages are

very frequently co-extant with speech phenomena, although

this is not always true, for under a variety of circumstances

a communicant may verbalize sub-audibly, so that his speech

behavior is visible rather than audible. At this stage in

the research, the kinesicist's abstraction of such phenomena

will provide him with a data-series which resists systemati-

zation except in so far as it constitutes discernible patterned

movement that occurs in association with speech behavior. Such

body-motion behavior tends to have a different shape if the

the mover is speaking. Auditor behavior obten includes the

same order of punctuating events. The model shown in

Figure 8 may now be eXpanded to:

Figure 9

Observational time T T p? T

Parakinesic behavior

Kinesic behavior | __ a | -- | |

Audible speech behavior

Until some of the linguistic and paralinguistic analysis

is completed, however, we have no way of explaining this evi-

dent intersection of the linguistic and kinesic systems. When

we turn to protocols which include both the linguistic and

kinesic material, it is possible to abstract a series of

linguistic situations which seem to demand a particular kinesic

accompaniment. A more explicit description of some of the

punctuation behavior is probably called for, therefore, before

we proceed with the analysis. Utilizing our abstracted

figure of kinemorphic construction, a record may read:

_
[FP @R)//
+t
oer dy ol to eels /tne iw) fol
see + .t

In th is example the ki ne Y, in the kinemorph [XYZ], stands

for brow rise which is held for one degree of over-long as

Q, which may stand for lip pursing, is

compared to X and Z.
Observational time T T n? T n? me oN

Toho “tt
Parakinesic behavior

Kinesic behavior

Audible speech behavior

 comparably over-long in the [0 P Q] kinemorph. In contrast

N in the [L M N] kinemorph, here standing for head nod, is

overshort, and [P Q@ R], here a mid-face kinemorph, is marked

by first degree of overlaxness. Since nothing never happens,

this variation must be accounted for in the process of data

exhaustion. The kines (as kinemorphs ) [N] and [0] cannot

from this record be abstracted as potential punctuation.

However, when we match this record with a record of the speech

events, we may well discover that either or both have a

Punctuational function as well as an observable bound place

in the kinemorphic construction.

Theoretically, it should be possible to analyze this

punctuational behavior without recourse to the linguistic

or paralinguistic behavior which accompanies it. At the

present time, however, our knowledge limits us to the conjec-

ture that these events will eventually be orderable into some

kind of suprasegmental form, analyzable in purely kinesiec or

parakinesic terms. Certainly the events do have a certain

regularity of occurrence and of individual shape. Until

either or both a binding or a linking kinesic principle is

detected in their operation, they must be considered punctua-

tion forms to be classed, since they are abstracted both

behaviorally and functionally, as motion markers.

The motion markers, behaviorally, seem to fall into two

general types: those constructed from qualifier variation,

and those composed of kines-as-kinemorphs and of "gestures" '

as

bound kinemorphs in a kinemorphic construction. Either type

may appear in the behavior of a speaker prior to and at the

cessation of phonation--but not at the beginning or end of

all phonation. They also appear in conjunction with special

internal arrangements of complex sentences, but a speaker

may very well emit certain complex sentences without punctua-

ting them with markers. Similarly an auditor may or may not

speech-related behavior with motion events of the

modify his

order of markers. In other words, while the punctuational

can be located in the speech context in certain posi-

behavior

analysis has not yet reached a point where we can

tions, the

posit ob li ga to ry binding betw ee n li ng ui st ic and kinesic

events. With this caveat, we may list a series of derived

at markers play in the in te ra ct io n se qu en ce .

functions th

By “derived func ti on " I me an an ob se rv ab le set of behavi or s

in a gi ve n co nt ex t which can be ab st ra ct ed an d interpreted

Since my confidence in such interpretations is,

as related.

at the mome nt , re la ti ve ly low , I pr ef er to use "d er iv ed

function" ra th er than some kind of "m ea ni ng ."

c Sree Vo phan LS heer,

 Figure 10

Motion Markers

Types by derived function Punctuation behavior Motion marker

iL CUE:

A- f.gnalling anticipations Examples would include (Q)

of interruption hand, foot, and head

B- Signalling anticipated nods, raised eyebrows,

termination of phonation stance shifts, lid clo-

C- Signalling anticipated sure and duration to end

initiation of phonation degree, sustained incom-

D- Signalling "proceed, I'm plete kinemorphs, palm

listening." presentation, pursed lips,

E- Signalling "completed visible breathing, eye

phonation." focus shifts.

II SHLECTION:

A- Selected item in series Examples would include (s )

of items qualifier shift, head

B- Selected connection be- nod, head sweep or arc,

tween items in series special lip protrusion or

C- Selection of certain retroflection, torso nod,

items as related to hand nod, foot nod, digit

other items nod, brow nod.

III DURATION:

A- Increase Duration qualifier shift (D)

B- Decrease to stacatto ‘ior allegro;

lateral sweeps of hands,

feet; eyeball sweep.

IV AREA:

A- Nearby locale Range of "gesture" \includ- (A)

B- Distant locale ing "pointing," vith head,

C- Traversing distance hands, feet, torso, hand

sweeps, head sweeps, etc.

(alwaye encased ih construc-

tion).

V PRONOMINAL REFERENCE:

A- Speaker Same as in IV above except (P)

B- Auditor that pointing is directed

C- "We" toward subject with suppor-

D- "They" tive construct.

E- "re"
 These five markers (Q), (S), (D), (A), and (P) represent

contextual appearance of a wide variety of punctuation behav-

ior. Assignment of marker status to any particular punctuation

thus represents an abstraction from context. Only extended con-

trast research in interaction situations can strengthen our

confidence in the organization of the marker categories. For

the present, the five point system represents a tentative work-

ing base which has proved useful in the examination of inter-

view material. A sample recording of kinesic marking following

extensive analysis might read:

(a) (P) (s) (P) (A)

I told John, Mary, and Bill to put it in the back part

(s) (a)
of the big, red barn.

The reader will note that the markers here are added to

the simple English orthography. As will be clear in later

chapters, the position of the marker may be seen to have even

more significance when the full linguistic-kinesic protocol is

assembled for the assignment of symptomatic and diagnostic

features.
 Interpretation

At this stage in the development of kinesics, interpre-

tation must always rest upon the adequate measurement of the

context of an occurrence. Throughout the preceding discussion

I have stressed the fact that no kinesic event, whatever the

size or the shape, is a carrier or invariable stimulus with its

own emergent causal component. From the point of view taken

within this discussion, no kinesic form is a vehicle with a

constant load, no kinesic event, an encapsulator of meaning. I

have tried to make it clear that the question, "What does

X mean?" is non-admissible unless the system within which X

operates has been subjected to sufficient analysis so that

X in its multiple of transforms can be described. However,

to reject the over-simple question is not to repudiate the

responsibility for weighing the role of the event within the

system. Perhaps a summary of certain aspects of our discussion

will make this position less ambiguous.

When we have repetitively isolated the forms A, B, and OC,

established within the preliminary descriptive frame of the

investigator, as least discriminable variations from an

established zero point, we can say that for the investigator

the meaning of A is not that of B is not that of C. This pro-

cedure provides us with units whose value for the subject is

yet to be determined. If repetitive manipulation of the forms

A, B, GC demonstrates that, for the subject, they are in fact

 not substitutable for each other in all frames, it is then

necessary to describe them as having (for the subject)

discriminational meaning.

If, on the other hand, we establish the fact that the

preliminary units which the investigator distinguishes ina

given position (e. g. Al» As» a.» a, ) are substitutable for

each other in that context without (for the subject) varying

the function of the form, we may then say that these units are

in this context in free variation and have, for the subject,

the same perceptual value. That is, the kine variants, while

having for the investigator discriminably different values,

have for the subject identical perceptual value. They belong

to the same class of events and they derive their meaning

from their class membership. Thus at, ae, at, and ae have a

single perceptual meaning A. Yet we have said nothing as to

the meaning of A as a kine. We can, however, discuss the

structural value of A when we systematically examine the

kinemorph and kinemorphic-construction bound-forms which con-

tain A. Again we are not saying what A in and of itself means.

What we are saying is that A will occur in certain kinesic con-

texts. While our analysis has not yet gone this far, in the

future we may very well be able to list those kinds of con-

structions in which A does not appear. There is also the pos-

sibility that we will discover a systematic nature to kine

positioning which will allow us to perform the complementary

distribution analysis so characteristic of linguistic analytic

procedures.
 On the next level of analysis we can determine the rela-

tionship between certain groupings of kines and their complex

associations under some kind of suprasegmental binding system.

Through analysis we can determine that certain of these bound

forms will exist in association with other bound forms under

_fome kind of cross-referencing system which serves to dis-

tinguish one complex pound series of movements from another

comparable but differing cross-referencing series.

But the question still remains, once these forms have

been distinguished, ordered, and conceptualized in their

complex organization, how do we then determine their signif-

icance in the interactional sequences in which they appear?

Throughout the sequences discussed above, our procedure has

been dominated by a series of methodological canons. (A) Estab-

lish and maintain a given level of analysis. (B) Isolate units

for manipulation. (C) Establish the independent identity of

these by contrast analysis. (D} Weigh the analytic value of

these newly established units by the examination of the con-

texts in which they regularly appear or never appear.

These same canons prevail in the analysis of the social

meaning of any form or series of forms. The social meaning of

a form is established by the description of the shift in field

or context occasioned by the presence or absence of a given

complete form. However, let us reemphasize one point. This

procedure cannot be accomplished before the full analysis of

the form--which includes the assignment of the form to its

 “Y
eee

role within a pattern /has been carried out. We cannot simply

count the forms persent and derive the special meaning of the

forms. Unless we carefully separate our levels of analysis,

we shall be unable to deal with those patterned arrangements

in which the value of a pattern is shifted by the absence of

a component which is normally internally bound. [In other

words, no running list of kine variants will ever inform us as

to the role of the kine in the interactional sequence. Only

in a pattern, composed of complex bound forms, does the form

enter into associations on the social interactional level.

Because we are dealing with a patterned system, our

analysis, once completed, serves to make public incongruities

which appear within the system at any given level. The state-

ment that the behavior which we are analyzing at any given

level contains incongruities, however, does not permit us to

assume that these incongruities will introduce incongruities

into the social interactional sequence. One of the most impor-

tant functions of parakinesic activity is that of introducing

cross-referencing signals that indicate that what appears to be

an incongruity is congruous within some larger system. Such

statements as “Everything to follow (or everything just said)

is a joke," or "I am imitating" or "to quote so and so” or

"this is play" provide us with examples which can be kinesically

rendered in such a manner that apparently incongruous state-

ments are cross-referenced into congruity. As we shall see in

later discussion, this is the very area in which personally

distorted systems become mal-operative. Only systematic

research with contrast analysis in multiple contexts will

permit us to evaluate the particular incongruity. Within our

basic assumption that "nothing never happens", the incongruity

is itself a message if it remains uncompensated for within the

larger system. Its interpretation, again, will rest upon

its repetitive contextual appearance.

This is not the place to attempt to analyze the relation-

ship between the two communicational systems, language and

body motion. Suffice it to say that we already have consider-

able evidence that these systems cross-reference each other

and establish full patterns of conversational performance which

operate in the social interactional sequence. Man does not

merely move and see movement, or talk and hear, in an inter-

action. Body motion and language, on this level, form a com-

plex pattern in which they are only analytically separable.

The full pattern must be assessed before we can hope to weigh

the role of either within the interactional sequence.

Finally, even the most exhaustively analyzed conversa-

tional pattern does not exhaust the systems in operation in

any sustaining association. That is, communication analysis

as discussed here does not constitute a final analysis of

culture or its component situations. The final answers to

"What does X mean" can only be arrived at when all of the

other social systems interacting in any situation are equally

thoroughly analyzed.
 CHAPTER 4

1968

Implications for Psychiatry

Sept. 30, 1968

Henry W. Brosin, M.D.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

4,1 -- The Task of Clinical Recording and Analysis

of Non- Lexical Behavior

13 4,2 -- Psychiatry's Interest in Non- Lexical Behavior

33 4,3 --Convergence on the Problem from Parallel Disciplines

42 4,4 --Need for a New Technical Language

47 4.5 --The Natural-His tary and the Experimental Method

63 4,6 --Advantages of More Precise Observation and

Analysis and the Training Value of the New
Techniques

74 4.7 --Possible Disadvantages of the New Methods of

Recording, Transcription, and Analysis
"The history of science is largely a history of technique..."

Topley and Wilson, 1946

"The successful mapping of large molecules has needed courage and

persistence as well as imagination, but the way to further maps will

be made plainer... Yet, inspite of that, the biologist has little hope of

escaping the immense variety of his material. Even when the molecular

structures are mapped there will be organisms to deal with, the vast

range of plant and animal form and in the end the differences between one

man and another,"

Lord Adrian, 1955

or--

"There are two laws discreet,

Not reconciled, --

Law for man, and law for thing;

The last builds town and fleet,

 11

But it runs wild,

And doth the man unking."'

Emerson

"For this reason no man of intelligence

will venture to express his philosophical

views in language, especially not in

language that is unchangeable, which is

true of that which is set down in written

characters,"

Plato
4,1 The Task of Clinical Recording and Analysis of Non-Lexical Behavior

A physician along with other students of human behavior may

well ask, after reading the exceedingly technical discussion of the preceding

chapters, what advantages appear for him in the linguistic-kinesic analysis

and synthesis of raw clinical data. Is such elegant technicality worthwhile?

Is the already overburdened physician being asked to master a new area in

addition to those being described in the more than 165,000 articles and

85,000 book titles published in the biomedical field last year? Our

exposition in this chapter will focus on the interests of the physician-

psychiatrist in order to meet space limits, although we are keenly aware of

the contributions and relevance of other behavioral scientists.

Psychiatry has been defined as the study of the disorders of

language and movements of the body. Freud (1901, 1905) pointed out that

human communication included speech, gestures, dreams and writing; "that

the interpretations made by psychoanalysis are first and foremost translations

from an alien method of expression into one which is familiar to us."(1913, p. 179
 ...''The language of dreams may be looked upon as the

method by which unconscious mental activity expresses

itself, But the unconscious speaks more than one dialect.

... While the gesture-language of hysteria agrees on the

whole with the picture-language of dreams and visions,

etc., the thought language of obsessional neurosis and

of the paraphrenias (dementia praecox and paranoia)

exhibits special idiomatic pecul iarities which, in a

number of instances, we have been able to understand and inter-

relate, For instance, what a hysteric expresses by

vomiting an obsessional will express by painstaking pro-

tective measures against infection, while a paraphrenic

will be led to complaints and suspicions that he is being

poisoned, These are all of them different representations

of the patient's wish to become pregnant which have been

repressed into the unconscious, or of his defensive reaction

against that wish". (1913, p. 177-178)

Symptoms and neurotic behavior are seen to be meaningful, although disguised

communication, and that the therapist's efforts to understand and help the

patient are based upon his ability to understand the ways in wnich forgotten

or repressed feelings, conflicts, and memories are transformed in body

language and behavior which are the focus of his complaint. Because the

task of the therapist is the translation of these disguised patterns into

conventional language, it seemed to us that stable recordings which permit

re-examination by multiple judges over time would be an aid in systematic study,

both for exploration, verification and refinement of models which seemed

appropriate to workers in the clinic, Because there are a large number of

relevant clinical observations, and also more recent laboratory investigations

from workers in many disciplines to be reported which are useful to serious

students, but not of primary interest in an introductory statement such as

this, it was decided to place these examples, together with some historical

comments into Appendix 0000, (Insert proper number for Appendix b -

"Bibliographic Citations" as outlined in McQuown Table of Contents - 1968).

Here we will keep to the modest goal of describing a method for improved
 recording of out patient's behavior in the hope that in some organic dis-

orders, it will help sharpen the focus of these disorders and thereby help

us understand better the mechanisms present, and that in behavioral problems,

whether genetically, organically or psychologically based, we can better

comprehend the structure and grammar of the communication systems

at work. Many, if not most, of our problems concern the human relations

of the patient to the people and events surrounding him. As scientists, we

have seen in all of the related fields, elaborate searching devices developed

to examine apparently simple patterns. The value of these or any other techni-

ques must ultimately be determined in terms of the usefulness of the

instrument--not in terms of how complex, elaborate, or difficult to

master they are, We are aware that the intensive study of human communi-

cation is of ultimate concern to all behavioral sciences, but will not try to

go beyond immediate clinical psychiatric implications in this preliminary

statement,

Experience teaches us that simple memory is too unreliable to

permit the objective evaluation of the subtleties of behavior available in

any interaction, Such study requires a clean and transmittable recording

and storage system. Recent technological advances in sound and film

recording seem to provide some answers to these problems of storage and

recall of social circumstances,

Existing methods for annotating, analyzing and interpreting

the social interaction of any species, i.e., the transactions and the

interactions between the individuals of a species, however, have remained

inadequate, It seems to us that one reason for this is that a considerable

proportion of the significant signals in any human interactional system

have not been systematically recorded for analytic purposes. All of us

can appreciate the theoretical importance of inadequate recording of signals

at various levels of interaction, And even though we can legitimately

expect extensive improvement in understanding with improved technique, we

are also aware that recording and analysis will probably never be complete,

or free from technical difficulties. We recognize that the more minute

gradations of ‘sound and movement escape even the sound-camera and the

most skilled observer. We also remember that smell, color, temperature,

skin resistance, pulse and respiratory rate, pupillary size changes, and
other visceral indicators are not being recorded for analysis in our

studies, The recording of these modalities is also in an early stage of

development (Watson and Kanter, 1956). The extensive possibilities for

explaining tactile communication, even though recognized clinically in

both psychotic children and adults, have not been adequately developed

(Frank, 1957; Geldard, 1960; Wiener, 1966). The need for such records is

evident, They provide an invaluable tool for the furtherance of investigations

involving interviews. However, let us be clear. Because of the very

nature of human experience it is doubtful whether even the most complete

records will ever be an adequate equivalent for a direct pers onal experience

with a patient.

There are other immediate increments from the use of these

tools, Within the past few years physicians have had an opportunity to

hear themselves in action, The revealing, but at times uncomfortable

insights derived from this experience have been multiplied in the case of

those who have had the much less common opportunity of hearing and

seeing themselves on sound film. After the initial shock of recognition and
incredulity, most clinicians are surprised at the difference between their

image of themselves, their transactions with the patient and that revealed

by the record, It is not surprising that these distortions should occur.

The physician, as a member of his society, shares its image-making system.

It is not entirely reassuring to remind ourselves that the distortions evident

in even the most sophisticated self-image of a clinician can be both customary

and functional, It is important, however, to recognize that within the past

five decades, with Freud's emphasis upon the o untertransference relations,

there has been a significant shift in the order of magnitude of self-awareness on the

part of the physician.

The shift in the search for self-awareness presents new responsi-

bilities, The previous chapters have laid the groundwork for the explication

of this theme. We may go directly to consideration d the relationship

between methods for achieving social awareness and clinical practice, The +

work done thus far by the use of film and sound-tape in clinical situations and the

systematization of interpretations by clinicians practiced on masses of

raw data are notable for pointing the way to more widespread usefulness,
But we must not be too sanguine. The high hopes of 1945 are not justified

by the experimental work up to 1968, but the rate of increase in the number

and quality of publications mthis area since 1960 furnishes new hope.

At present, many clinics lve mausoleum-like closets piled

high with tapes and films which defy their possessors to abstract from them

significant data which can be ordered into patterns affording interpretations

which are intelligible and useful. The publications which report the work

which does attempt to surmount the many difficulties inherent in the

"documentary" approach merit our deepest respect and challenge us to

more conscientious exploitation d such sources of clinical insight.

During 1953-1960 we might mention the work of Will and Cohen (1953), Gill,

Newman, and Redlich (1954), Rogers and Dymond(1954), Wolberg (1954),

Deutsch and Murphy (1955), Deutsch (1963), Deutsch (1966), Kahn and

Cannell (1957), Hoch and Zubin (1958), and Pittenger, Hockett, and Danehy

(1960), all dealing with the psychotherapeutic interview in one way or another,

The mass of data and the valuable hypotheses which have emerged

from the study of the behavior of patients by physicians and their colleagues

in the behavioral sciences in clinics, hospitals and in private practice is

 9.

impressive. Much good work continues to be done in these areas, utilizing

the methods of observation and correlation, group comparison and the tracing

of genetic development, with the clinician as a self-conscious participant-

observer, Yet the shortcomings of these methods have been increasingly

obvious to the investigators themselves. Incompletely recalled and recorded

interviews provide insufficiently reliable data for intensive review by other

colleagues or even by the clinician himself, Without a manageable system

for transcribing significant data, based on a comprehensive theory, it is

not certain how successful our analyses can ever be,

The physician is clearly subject to the errors of his own

perceptions and interpretations, however. skillful, talented and industrious

he may be. The problems of the observer, i.e., of reviewing his subjective

recollections and interpretations during and after an interview, are well

recognized, This process has not been sufficiently studied to be satis-

factorily broken down into its numerous component parts Renneker (1960; Lennard

and Bernstein, 41960} Thorne, 1961} Rosenthal 0966} Moscovici, (1967; Berkowitz

(19.69; Chassen (1967; Friedman(196}. One of the rewards of the study of film-
 10.

tape interviews is the larger perspective gained on the ways in which the

participant-observers, consciously or unconsciously, alter the course of

the interview or the climate of communication, It has long been clear that

the lexical record, i.e., the words in the typescript, is in all cases made

peculiarly significant by the vocal modifiers and body motion frame in which

the words occur. These have not been adequately covered in previous

attempts to comprehend clinical material. The new technology provides

us with stored records which hopefully cm be mined with new and explicit

techniques. We must say, however, at the outset, that we will not know

how to use these methods most effectively until they have been given an

adequate trial under favorable experimental conditions, One problem is

the choice of the size and shape of a sample of film and tape, while

another is the nature and magnitude (micro-, semi-micro, or gross) of

the analyses which are most appropriate to the experimental task.

A priori judgment based upon insufficient evidence will not demonstrate

either the virtues or the faults of the methods concerned, Unfortunately,

the methods for linguistic-kinesic analysis are costly of time, of energy

and of talent. It will be some years before trained workers in adequate

numbers are available, For this reason, the present experiment was

undertaken to test the usefulness and the limitations of such analysis

in a single selected situation ,

The use of the oscilloscope would seem an excellent way to

study speech sounds with stable recording of patterns. Initial efforts to

utilize this method have uncovered manydifficulties in making these

methods useful in studies of personality, social interaction and the

psychotherapeutic process, but the hope remains that technical advances

may give us anewtool. Ostwald (1963, 1964, 1966) has furnished excellent

examples of acoustic manifestations of emotional disturbances, including

the demonstration of speech distrubances as seen in a spectrographic

study of a schizophrenic adolescent. (Ostwald, 1966, p. 40-49)

Our emphasis in this brief summary on problems of clinical

recording and analysis of non-lexical behavior should not obscure the

steady progress made by clinicians in the firsthand study of such

components of communication, namely, the physiological, vocal and

body motion activities which characterize the interactions between people.

 12,

Psychiatrists trained to observe these non- lexical activities will find

much that is familiar in the case material presented here, but we hope

that there is sufficient novelty in the data and in the concepts to encourage

them to make use of these new techniques.

 13.

4,2 Psychiatry's Interest in Non- Lexical Behavior

The novelty will be more evident as we review some of the

relevant work in the field. To do justice to the subject, one should

begin with Charles Darwin's classic study, THE EXPRESSION OF THE

EMOTIONS IN MAN AND ANIMAL, originally published in 1872, before

1
reviewing current work. However, for the purposes of this chapter it

seems justifiable to place our emphasis immediately in the more recent

psychiatric context. Psychiatrists basic interest in the observation and

recording of patients’ thinking, feeling and acting, akin to the medical

model, was enhanced with the writing of Freud and his pupils. In

order to furnish easily available samples to students, these will be

furnished in Appendix 006Q7b) in order not to delay this nattative.

yor general orientation, the reader is referred to the standard

textbooks and histories of psychiatry, and to a few among many special
treatises as those of Zipf (1949), G.A. Miller (1951), Ruesch and Bateson
(1951), Meerloo (1952), C. Morris (1955) Lamb and Mahl (1956), Ruesch
and Kees (1956), Cherry (1957), Ruesch (1957), Hoch and Zubin (1958),
Strupp and Luborsky (1962), Knapp (1963), Sebeok, Hays, Bateson (1964),
Hymes (1964), Rioch and Weinstein (1964), Osgood and Sebeok (1965),
Gottschalk and Auerbach (1966), Smith, A.G., (1966), Berkowitz (1967),
Hildum (1967), Shlien (1968), The annual reviews of anthropology
(linguistics) psychology, psychiatry and psychoanalysis report current work.
 14,

It is difficult to write a succinct account of the development of

recording and filming devices and methods because there is relatively

little publication of the early attempts even though we know from direct

experience that many were made prior to World War If. Gill, Newman

and Redlich (1954) have described previous recordings from 1947 to

1953. Their statement that Earl Zinn is probably the first to record

therapeutic interviews is supported by his pupil, H.T. Carmichael

(1956, 1966) who was with Zinn in the early 1930's, They provided a valuable

discussion of the irs tru men ts and methods emp loy ed, and set an admirable

exampl e in spe cif yin g the details of equipment, and how the material was

actually used. (Also see Dittman, Stein and Shakow, 1966). Many of

the earlier papers failto do so, Also, many of the earlier workers only

used recordings as the basis for a transcript until later experiments by Bierer

and Strom- Ols en in 194 8 and by Rue sch and Pre stw ood in 194 9 dem ons tra ted

the superiority of studying the lin gui sti c components of the co mm un ic at io n

stream, The writings of H.H. Strupp and his associates together with the

references to other active workers during the past two decades already
 15,

cited will provide the reader with descriptions of the progress in

experimental technique made by himself and others. (Strupp and

Luborsky, 1962, and Strupp, 1966)

Our studies began with McQuown's linguistic analysis in 1955

of the Will and Cohen (1953) recording which was published in 1957,

The earliest linguistic transcription of psychiatric material

known to us is that of Stanley S$. Newman and V.G. Mather (1938)

who worked on the linguistic properties of patients with affective

disorders and found significant patterns of constrictions, Kramer (1963)

has given us an excellent review article dealing with the non- lexical

2
prope rties of speech up to 1962.

2
Robert E, Miller (1966) has reported dramatic experiments about
the transmission of affect in monkeys. Haggard and Isaacs (1966) have
carefully studied fleeting facial changes lasting one-eighth to one-fifth
of a second, and observer reliability, and thereby generated several new
hypotheses worth testing in a controversial field. Haggard and Isaacs (1967)
is a worthwhile summary of recent and current work from this active group.
Condon and Ogston (1967-68), using film of a chimpanzee found an
organization of vocalization and body motion similar to that of human
behavior.
j
; 16,

Several excellent demonstration films of psychiatric patients

with presentations by Heinz Lehman were made in 1938 by the Mental Health

Division, Department of National Health and Welfare and the National

Film Board of Canada,

Lei ght on and Lidz (1942) tog eth er wit h Joh n P, Lambert made

silent films of pat ien ts for dem ons tra tio n purposes in syn dro mes not

readily available such as paretic and manic reactions, Similar films

were made by Dr. Franklin G. Ebaugh, Charles Rymer and their colleagues,

between 1931-33. The recording devices before 1949 were not reliable

and most workers, under the pressure of other duties and projects did

not pursue this means of investigation. Herman Serota (1964) used home

movies of chi ldr en as cor rel ati ve developmental data in the psy cho ana lys is

of adult patients before 1940, but did not publish it until 1964. The

technical and conceptual difficulties which prevented these and other

workers from making progress became more obvious in the publications

which followed Rue sch and Bat eso n (195 1) and Gil l, Ne wm an and Red lic h

(1954), McQuown (19 57) , Pit ten ger , R.E, an d Smit h, H. L, Jr. (1957),
 7.

Pittenger, R.E, (1958), Eldred and Price (1958), and Pittenger, Hockett

and Danehy (1960). The feasibility uf making meaningful transcriptions,

which had been developed by Pike (1945), Trager and Smith (1951) and

Trager (1958) between 1942 to 1958, had been shownto be of interest to

psychiatrists in studying the therapeutic process in ways not hitherto

available and which might help improve objective recording. The diffi-

culties are many. Linguists do not always agree upon the equivalence

of the raw data, and use different conceptual schemes for recording. (Hill,

1958, 1968 and Longacre, 1964, Pike, 1967 and Stetson, 1951) It is our

experience that the differences in working out transcriptions are relatively

small compared to the large areas of agreement. They also vary in their

opinions about interpretations which was summarized by Dittman and Wynne

(1961) in their conclusion that the details of linguistic analysis are reliably

describable, but "pr oba bly hav e litt le psychological rel eva nce " (p. 203 ),

while paralinguistic phenomena "have higher psychological relevance, but

can not be cod ed reli ably ."" Tra ger 's (196 6) com ments on this jud gme nt are
 18.

the complexity of the phenomena involved

worth repeating to illustrate

and the need for more intensive and imaginative studies. "It is

probably true that linguistic details as such have little psychological

to the sociocultural placement of the

relevance, though they are basic

paralinguistic phenomena are of much higher

speaker in therapy; and the

situations, though it must be

psychological relevance in psychotherapeutic

understood that as behavior events they occur in a matrix of language.

lu si on th at pa ra li ng ui st ic de ta il s ca nn ot be
But I must question the conc

th e wo rk was done wi th Di tt ma n an d Wy nn e,
coded reliably. At the time that

st il l in a ve ry pr el im in ar y st ag e, though
the analysis of paralanguage was

thre e of us in evaluating the ma te ri al .

good agreement was reached by the

em for paralanguage has be en worked out, and

Since their study, a notation syst

minutely th e paralinguistic phenomena i n

work has been done in recording

r la ng ua ges. ' (p , 81 ) Th e ne w no ta ti on in
English as well as in some othe

er (196 6) has si nc e be en au gm en te d by
his article referred to by Trag

Kramer (1963, in a re vi ew ar ti cl e on the

Crystal and Quirk (1964).
 19,

judgment of personal characteristics and emotions from nonverbal

properties of speech (timbre, inflection, and stress) find evidence that

some validity of judgment is possible , in spite of many methodological

difficulties such as "inadequate measures aSthe independent criterion

for the traits being judged", and no method for totally eliminating the

effects of the verbal content, nor has adequate attention been given to

the individual differences among listeners, or the relationship of voice

to psychopathology. In our own group, the importance of individual

differences was a source of frequent comment, while the diagnostic

importance of the interpretations of a very small sample of Doris' vocal

production, described in Chapter IX - Collation, can scarcely be over-

estimated even though it cannot be reproduced in most experimental conditions.

Kramer cites Sanford (1942) who noted that "common experience seems to

accept the existence of connections between voice and personality, and if

'the analytic-experimental approach...reveals no relationship, we should

be forced to conclude that it may be the fault of the approach '"', (Sanford,

1942, p. 838).
 20,

Markel (1965) using college students to score rating scales

developed a quick method for coding pitch, loudness and tempo and

found high inter-rater and test-retest reliability for these elements.

Weiner and Mehrabian (1968) discuss some of these problems,

with the introduction of the concept of 'immediacy" to other ''channels"

of communication, which must be of interest to all students of communi-

cation, particularly in connection with the concepts of ''proxemic" behavior

(Hall 1959, 1966, 1968), and the improved methods of the study of inter-

preting emotions from facial expression, (Davitz, 1964). Davitz, l i k e

Kramer (1963) and Sanford (1942) before him, comments on the wide

differences in accuracy reported even though there is general agreement that facial

expressions communicate feelings beyond chance expectancy. ''These

differences are probably a function of the stimulus used, the kinds of

discriminations required in the experimental procedure, the categoreis

of emotional meaning considered in a research, and the individual differences

in ability among those who express feelings and those who are asked to

identify the expressions,'' (Davitz , 1964, p. 14)

 21,

A further example of the different methods of obtaining data

resulting in differences of opinion about another important question,

namely the synchrony between body movement and speech, is the paper

by Dittman and Llewellyn (1968). They found the results to be significant,

but the amount of movement variance accounted for a much smaller one than that

reported by Pittenger et al (1960) and Scheflen (1964). Dittman and

Llewellyn believe that their method allowed direct tests on films with the

conclusion that the claims of Pittenger et al (1960) and Scheflen (1964) "of

very close speech movement relationshi were found to be exaggerated

p ,"'

Dittman and Llewellyn also explore the convergenc between Kendon's

e

(1967) analysis of gaze direction at "hesitation pauses" and ''phrase boundary

pauses,'' even though direct comparison of data is not possible. The history

of science is veplete with examples of growth in concepts and improved

methods for data gathering through the work of numerous workers comparing

results. We need more active workers to test methods and corm epts for

recording, analyzing, and interpreting human communication more quickly

and accurately so that we may be able to study the therapeutic process

and other interactions more effectively. It seems to this author that

resolution of the ''usefulness" of linguistic and paralinguistic data will

become more apparent when the units under consideration include the

kinesic (body movement) components as a single unit, We hope that

more workers will find this concept useful so that the synchromy of

speech and body motion found by Condon (1964) and further elaborated

in Condon and Ogston (1966, 1967A, 1967B, 1968, 1969) will find corroboration

and/or refinement of method.

The many perplexing problems concerning the segmentation

of seemingly continuous behavior into ''units'' which has descriptive and

experimental value is central to many other issues, and requires close

examination of basic assumptions. In much of the work of Condon and

his associates, the concept of ''Etic'' segmentation, i.e., the analysis

of the physical, articulatory structure of sound emission as contrasted

with the ''temic'" segmentation based upon classes of sounds was employed.

The analysis of body motion has, thus far, been primarily etic in nature.

Emic analyses will emerge as inquiry proceeds. No review of this topic

 23,

will be attempted here because many chapters of this book are relevant,

and the discussions by Pike (1967, pp. 37-72) and Stetson (1951) provide

adequate background.

We regret that lack of space prevents a review of many more

examples from our selected bibliography of 1900 titles. The number

could easily be doubled if one included additional studies in linguistics,

anthropology, speech and speech pathology, neurology, infant and child

development, and the linguistic philosophers, The beginning student can

probably orient himself most easily by scanning Gottschalk and Auerbach

(1966), A.G. Smith (1966), J.M. Schlien (1968), P.H. Knapp (1963),

Hymes (1964) and Sebeok, Hays and Bateson (1964) siw e many of the most

active workers in the field are represented in these volumes, and the

bibliographies are exceptionally full.

We will not cite additional articles by Bateson, Birdwhistell,

and McQuown since they are represented in their chapters, Attention is

called to the work of Scheflen, a longtime associate of Birdwhistell's,

whose experiments and expositions in the analysis of film and tape at

 24,

several levels have brought to public attention much new data (1965 a4, b,

1967, 1968). In addition to Condon and Ogston (1966, 1967a, 1967b, 1968)

already cited, the examples of coordinated regulation of lexical content, and

body motion are shown by Charny (1966), Loeb (1967), Kendon (1967), and
‘Brosin has reviewed some of the work of Condon and his associates (Brosin 1964, 1966)

Condon, Ogston and Pacoe (1968) \s Schossberger, Condon and Ogston (1968)

have closely studied the film of one case of infantile autism which shows

synchrony to non-human sounds and indifference to the human voice.

Pacoe (1968) is studying the effects of delayed autitory feedback showing

dyssynchrony between the movements of fingers and speech, akin to

aphasics, in standardized situations. In unpublished work Condon has several

samples of dyssynchronies in stuttering, petit mal, aphasia and the schizopheas.

In over 50 control cases Condon has not faind these dyssynchronies.

If this can be corroborated by other works using similar methods, it may be

possible in many cases, even if not in all of them to make Significant

observations about the presence orabsence of various kinds

 25.

of disturbed behavior at these levels. Most observers at first are highly

skeptical, but Condon has convinced outside visitors who are willing to

study the film closely. Kendon (19678, 1968), utilizing a similar approach,

has tentatively confirmed some of the findings concerning self and

interactional synchrony,

We will mention some of the more current psychoanalytic

publications which are of interest, Carmichael (1956, also reprinted in 1966)

and Bergman (196 6) furnish the only two publications of a sound film of

psychoanalytic therapy know nt o us, and both articles are wort hy of study.

Carl Roge rs has also mad e a film of a psychotherapeutic process (date

unknown) but cited by Carmichael (1956). Gill, et al (1968) are making

audio-recordings of psyc hoan alys es and deve lopi ng ways of studying them .

They discuss the obstacles, re-evaluate objections and conclude that

analysis needs to be done, that the crucial problems

"recorded research

much as, if not mor e than, in the patient, and

may lie in the therapist as

that such an analysis can be succ essfully performed. If not,

we believe

lf will co ns ti tu te a valuable ad dition to ou r fu r

that demonstration in itse

ic tr ea tm en t and provide other lead s for

of information about psychoanalyt
 26,

future psychoanalytic research." (p. 242-243) In this same issue, there

are excellent articles by George L. Engel (1968), and Sadow et al (1968)

on psychoanalytic research, The discussion groups on language which

are reported in psychoanalytic and psychiatric journals to date contain

material of general, but not of special interest to our major topic.

‘Sternberg, Chapman and Shakow(1958) and Shakow (1960) also furnish

excellent critiques of the sensitive problems surrounding the intrusions

of privacy in psychotherapy research. Kiesler (1966) does a highly useful

evaluation of the recent attempts at quantification and rigor, and their

underlying assumptions which prematurely close off areas of inquiry. He

examines the "patient uniformity assumption," the "therapist uniformity

assumption," the ''spontaneous remission myth," the lack of comparability

of various patient groups, ''the myths that present theories provide

adequate research paradigms, "the distinctions between process research

and outcorne research; independent, dependent and Underwood's (1957)

"confounding" variables in penetrating ways which support his thesis that

no single one-shot method will definitely establish the value of psychotherapy.

 27.

(p. 127). The essay calls to mind the need for historical perspective

described by Kuhn (1962) in THE STRUCTURE OF SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTIONS

which emphasizes the need for long preparatory periods of 'normal science,"

Examples of explorations which may be of interest to our field

are Schossberger (1963), K.K. Lewin (1965), V.H. Rosen (1958), (1967),

Meerloo (1964) on linguistic components, Kestenberg (1967) on movement

patterns, Calogeras, R.C,. (1967) reviews the psychoanalytic literature on

silence, Matarazzo, et al, (1968) have presented an excellent review of their

work on silence, Jaffe (1968) has numerous publications concerned with

computer assessment of dyadic interaction rules from chronographic

data in psychiatric interviews representing fifteen years of intensive

quantitative research. While this work does not involve films, it is a

dramatic example of the potential use of the computer, and some of the

data and hypotheses will be of interest to linguists.

Ekman (1968) also has many publications dealing with nonverbal

behavi or in psy cho the rap y res ear ch, which wil l und oub ted ly be of interest

to linguists who have a different bias about the size, shape and duration of
 28,

units of behavior, levels of interpretation, and the kinds of messages which

can be decoded from verbal and nonverbal information.

Haggard (1967) and his co-workers were cited earlier, but are

mentioned again together with George A. Mahl(1968), another long-time

investigator of clinical subjects because their writings cover a wide

range of subjects which we cannot abstract here, His papers on gestures

and body movements contain many valuable observations, and appreciation

that the study of nonverbal behavior has much bearing on general psychology

and that unconscious conflicts are a vital component of much behavior.

Saslow and his associates (see Matarazzo, et al.) have published con-

sistently over many years in the effort to bring more rigor into psycho-

therapeutic studies. The urgent recommendation of Saslow, et al. that

"the time may be appropriate for a centrally administered, nationwide

study of psychotherapy along the lines established for prenatal and post-

natal development, cardiac disease, etc.'' (p. 393) may be a realistic

one in the near future.

 29.

N.H. Greenberg (1967) has embarked on a large program for

filming infants at closeup and distant views at any time for any reason while

the infant is alone or in interaction with the mother or other caretakers.

Although space does not allow an abstract of some of Greenberg's protocols,

we can expect much new and detailed data from his use of 'time lapse photography"

and "infant stimulation"! experiments,

The work of E. Hess (1968) since his earlier publications fol-

lowing 1960 has stimulated considerable interest because change in the

size of pupils upon exposure to stimuli seems to be a measure ofattitudes

or change in attitudes, The measure is complicated by the fact that one

component, the autonomic response, must be taken into consideration.

Since potential applications are many, even if it does not become a stable

index or objective measure of progress during the course of psychotherapy,

it merits attention from students of the therapeutic process.

We have called attention to the interest of social psychologists

to "social space" and want to mention the work of Argyle and Kendon (1967)

Kendon (1967), Mehrabian (19 68) , Wie ner , M, and Me hr ab ia n (1968} Argyle (1969),
 30.

Sommer (1967), Rosenfeld (1967), and the popular books by the anthropologist

Edward T. Hall: THE SILENT LANGUAGE (1959) and THE HIDDEN

DIMENSION (1966), anda recent review article ''Proxemics" (1968), be-

cause of the great importance of the larger units of social interaction

which have not received adequate attention to date, The journal, EKISTICS

is publishing reviews on the problems of human settlements from the Athens

(Greece) Center of Ekistics by C.A, Doxiades which will be of interest to

those students who wish to study the large social units.

Parenthetically, the journal IKON, the International Review of

Filmology, published since 1948, is the official journal of the Agostino

Gemelli Institute for the Experimental Study of Social Problems of Visual

Information in Milan, Italy. Iam indebted tu Dr. David Shakow of NIMH

for the information that the Gemelli Institute has equiprre nt which includes

motion picture facilities, closed-circuit television, equipment for photo-

graphing audience reactions by infrared light, and neurological and

psychophysiological recording apparatus. Associated with the Institute

 31.

is also the Central Register of Scientific Research on Visual Information.

Their studies have included EEG response to the film situation, the use

of film as stress stimulation in the study of psychophysiological response,

posture changes and other overt responses of schizophrenic and normal

subjects while viewing films, development of children's responses to

‘humor in films, and several studies using a filmed projective technique

developed by Professor Gilbert Cohen-Seat of the University of Paris.

The quality of research reported is comparable to our own,

N.A. McQuown (1964) has recommended "particularly in view

of the fact that the paralinguistic and kinesic disciplines are in their

very beginnings, that we associate as closely as possible with people

who are working in the animal behavior area, and in our initial training

we must include films and tapes not only of a variety of human groups but

also of higher primates "(p. 222). In addition to other citations to

animal behavior studies by ethologists and comparative psychologists in

this chapter, I would recommend the studies of R.E. Miller (1967) as

 32,

a useful introduction among the scores of exciting studies in this field.

The omnibus volumes by Rioch and Weinstein (1964), Thorpe and Zangwell

(1961), Burkhardt (1967), and Altman (1967, and the articles by Sebeok

(1965a, 1965b) furnish perspective on the current scenes.

Occasional inquiry about the possible relevance of the well known

writings of Chomsky (1965) cause me to comment that up to this time his

followers have not yet undertaken to show the usefulness of his theories

in the linguistic-kinesic analysis of human behavior. At least some of the

reasons for this are suggested in the reviews by Lamb (1967) and Hockett (1968).
 33,

4,3 Convergence on the Problem from Parallel Disciplines

Medicine is traditionally rooted in biology. The art of medicine

which has always been an important aspect of the practice of clinical

medicine has more recently, however, been increasingly subjected to

systematic study by psychiatrists and social or behavioral scientists,

as seen in the previous section. Inturn, leaders in medicine have gradually

opened the door to studies in experimental and social psychology, in cultural

and social anthropology, in interpersonal relations, in medical economics

and sociology, and in ecology and etholozy. Among such pioneers is

Gregg (1941, 1957). Acceptance of the need for such studies is far from

general, however, since objective methods have not sufficiently demon-

strated their usefulness, A few medical educators are willing to assume

responsibility for helping workers in these fields develop methods and data

relevant to the practice of medicine. The majority, if not indifferent because

of preoccupatios with their own work, prefer to wait until the fields them-

selves are sufficiently developed to be clinically useful.

 34,

A change in the attitude toward the non-medical disciplines,

however, can be seen, for instance, in the growing recognition of the

importance of genetics, especially of the value of those innovations

made possible by advances in chemical and population genetics. Most

psychiatrists have been much interested in the behavioral sciences

because they recognize the need to study man in his social environment

for the better practice of medicine,

Reviewing the development of psychiatric theory and the types

of data with which psychiatrists deal, we find that they have much in

common with other behavioral scientists, especially with the anthro-

pologists, some of whom have attempted to explore the interrelations

of pathology and normalcy in human behavior. Among these are

Kroeber (1953 and 1956) (the latter in Thomas, 1956, pp. 292-311),

Kluckhohn (1944 and 1949), LaBarre (1955 and 1964), Mead (1952, in

Alexander and Ross, 1952, pp. 401-448), and Sapir (1933 and 1938,

reprinted in Mandelbaum, 1949, pp. 7-32 and 569-577, respectively.)

 35,

The essays by Margaret Mead, LaBarre, Kluckhohn and Sapir especially

clarify many of the links. Both disciplines have been criticized, with

some justification, for the following reasons: too much theory with

insufficient data or inappropriate data, lack of convincing correlations

under specified conditions, lack of data which can be publicly examined

and directly experienced by other observers, lack of clear definitions

with operational meaning, lack of corm ern over the specifications of

experimental conditions, lack of precision in formulations and inferences

which are acceptable to workers from other fields, too great concern for

raw data with insufficient generalizations of high quality, as in many

case histories, and unwillingness to present both the methodology and

the direct experimental data,

It seems probable that anthropology, along with other behavioral

sciences, will have much to contribute to the understanding of the

conditions, both internal and external, which determine human health,

With better data, more precise and explicit methods of observation, and
 36,

with more carefully defined concepts, behavioral studies should

make an appreciable contribution to the human clinical field.

Edward Sapir deserves mention as the pioneer linguist who

clearly stated the hypothesis that "language" and ''communication" in

allaspects are cultural systems which can be studied and understood,

even when dealing with deviant behavior and unconscious motivation.

His associations with Harry Stack Sullivan enriched the insights of both

men and provide us with the background to pursue clinical studies ina

more rigorous way. Kenneth L. Pike (1967) is another pioneer who is

credited byy Hockett (1968) as having g "given

8&8 us some remarkably y import
Pp ant insight
g s:

phonological hierarchical structure is one; his brief exposition of

linguistic- like approaches to the discussion of other phases of culture

(1967, the first few sections) is another'' (p. 33). Hockett continues

on with a severe criticism of Pike's terminology and style, a view

also shared by others. (See N.A. McQuown, 1957). In spite of these

difficulties, it may be worthwhile to study the ambitious attempts of Pike

 37.

to establish a conceptual framework of trimodal interlocking hierarchies,

and building bridges between linguistic structure and the structure of

society, and of nonverbal behavior. We need better hypotheses for the

nature of the units to be studied from the split second eyeblink to events

occurring over hours, months or years. At more basic levels we also

need better understanding of the biological roots of language behavior

which have been studied by Lenre berg (1964, 1967).

Clinicians cannot expect to take over ready -made either a set

of hypotheses or an integrated bodyof fact which will immediately solve

their most pressing problems. For one thing, such a body of unified

fact does not yet exist, but is is in the making and it will soon be

available to us, particularly if we contribute to its formation, Furthermore,

there are no coherent theories of personality and culture, advanced either

by anthropologists or by psychiatrists, which have been sufficiently

tested to be accepted as definitive. That contributions of this order may

be mutual is evidenced by the facts that the most unified theory of personality

is probably provided by psychoanalysis, and that psychoanalytic theory has

 38,

been extensively used in various ways by social anthropologists,

Many anthropologists have long been familiar with psychoanalytic

theories. Almost all of them are devoted to the naturalistic methods of

direct experience, observation, comparison, and correlation and to the

historical method, vigorously defended by clinicians. It is not surprising,

therefore, that anthropologists have much in common with psychoanalysts.

Kroeber (pp. 211-293 in Thomas, 1956) and Ackerknecht (pp. 117-125 in Spencer,

1954) hold that naturalistic methods have been useful since the advances in

comparative anatomy in pre-Darwinian days, and that subsequent progress, using

such methods, is impressive, even though less dramatic than progress in

experimental science.

Although differing in disciplinary focus from the anthropologists,

the work of the ethologists seems to be converging on similar problems,

Darwin's great monograph THE EXPRESSION OF THE EMOTIONS IN MAN

AND ANIMALS (1872) may be regarded as a cornerstone of behavioral studies

and of comparative psychology. Such studies are only now receiving a

 39.

powerful new impetus in the direct study of behavior by the ethologists

Lorenz (1952 and 1966), Tinbergen (1953), Thorpe (1956), E, Hess (1968),

R. Hinde (1959), J.P. Scott (1958) and their colleagues on the one hand,

and in the linguistic-kinesic analysis of film-tape recording of such

behavior, on the other. However different on preliminary examination

these methods may seem to the physician of today, it requires but

little review of medical history to see that such methods are

in the direct line of clinical medical development.

Physicians trained in the Osleriam tradition, that the

history of science and of medicine is a most important source

for understanding the gradual development of various experi-

mental and clinical techniques, will recall the long chain of

events which culminated in the modern disciplines of anatomy,

physiology, pathology and microbiology. The complex sequence

of investigations by workers in many fields which brought about

the conquest of poliomyelitis is a clear example of such a chain

of development. Similarly the numerous single advances which contri-

buted to the understanding of the diabetic process have given us a

 40,

considerable control over most forms of the disease,

The life-saving qualities of insulin, on the other hand, as

those of small-pox vaccine and digitalis, were successfully utilized

long before the physiological and chemical complexities of their action

were understood, Evenin such diseases as tuberculosis, syphilis and

malaria, where we have achieved reasonable comprehension of the chemical

factors involved, we have not achieved similar understanding of the

socio-economic factors, It is not extravagant to say that much in medicine

has been built upon empirical research in the clinical setting. It would

repay us in contemplating the advances of recent years to study more

carefully the methods of empirical work in order to use our new technology more

effectively, Klopsteg (1960) makes several good points in illustrating from

the history of science that "instruments are unifying elements which

help self-centered disciplines shed their isolationism," (p. 1913) and

also that "the application of research to the furtherance of research is as

basic as the research itself" (p, 1922), thus echoing a famous A,N, White-

head theme. Klopsteg emphasizes the growing importance of scientists

 41,

whose research deals with instruments for re

search, We need to reward

able men who will find this an interesting and satisfyi

ng career because

our progress will be accelerated if we do so.

 42,

4.4 Need for a New Technical Language

Physicians as wellas other workers in the field of human

relations, however, should not expect future hypotheses to be stated in

classical cause-and-effect sequences. The failure of mechanically simple

means of verification in the analysis of more complex systems has led

the physician to seek other working models for his investigations. For

example, as we become able to record more accurately slices of behavior,

the sizes of which run from that of an eyewink (1/10 of a second or less),

to that of a hereditary culture pattern with a duration of at least three

generations (90 years), we will have available data whose ordering will

require new theoretical frames.

Special attention must be given to the mechanics of the

ways in which such data is obtained, so that we may understand the

regularities which are introduced by the observer, At the same time

it will continue to be absolutely essential. to subject the clinical material

to similar rigorous examination. It is evident that common-sense,

man-~in-the-street hypotheses are not adequate for describing such complex

systems. We may even discover that neither words nor pictures based

upon mechanical models are the most economical or accurate means by

which to describe and interpret a sequence of human behavior (see Dirac,

1947, pp. vii-viii, 10).

It is necessary, for example, for the clinician to find

better ways to describe various states of being-in-action, Particularly

are we concerned with the transformations of states such as that of an

anxious-depressed-ambivalent patient who in the course of his illness

develops aggressive-obsessional defenses which apparently have the option

of becoming schizophrenic or manic under specified sets of conditions,

Some physicians use clinical descriptive-genetic-dynamic formulations

which allow for the possibility of such potentials, It seems probable that

the anthropological, and particularly the linguistic and kinesic tools,

which may now be utilized in clinical descriptions, may make possible a

more flexible conceptual frame which permits a more systematic assessment

of alternative pathways of development.

 44,

With the possibility of objectively recording and minutely

describing human activities underlying multiple-level messages being

sent and received between two people, we shall be in a position to make

use of the more complex concepts described in the earlier chajters, The

persons in a clinical setting may now be viewed as exchanging complex

messages during relatively short periods of time. Such complex messages,

at several levels of awareness, must be analyzed on several levels of

behavior: physiological, linguistic and kinesic, and social organizational,

by a set of parallel operations whose end-points are intelligible only in

the total matrix of the social communication pattern (Sapir, 1931; reprinted

pp. 104-109 in Mandelbaum, 1949, and Pike, 1967). We might also include

“as objects of analysis the large and ill-defined group of implicit processes

which grow out of overt behavior and which may be rather vaguely referred

to as 'social suggestion,' (Sapir, 1931, p. 105) Such multilevel messages

are received by each participant, and responded to with equally complex

messages. In the flow of communication there are no totally irrelevant

 45.

messages, no superflous information, and no randomly produced data.

On the contrary, it is the obligation of the observer to assign values

and meanings to all such component communicative items after studying the

contexts in which they appear. We must recall that many messages which

apparently relate only to the immediate present are nontheless connected

with events of the remote past and foreshadow future happenings. A good

clinician can sense when the patient is bringing into the communication

situation large components of the past or future and acts upon this under-

standing. An example is the state-of-regression which may be detected

in the lexical components, or in the return to childhood vocal modifers

or body movements or even in physiological activities which signal

childhood patterns. The separation of the "Here and Now" from the 'There

and Then" in the patient's report is one of the therapist's primary interpre-

tive tasks.

It seems inevitable that we reconstruct our teaching programs

in such a way as to give our future clinicians that familiarity with the social matrix

which can only come from extended investigations carried on by them at

 46,

first hand or from the distillate of such investigations carried on by

others. In fact, the degree of specialization required for effective control

of such background information will probably lead to the employment of

highly skilled behavioral scientists who work in the medical setting in the

role of basic scientists. Such a pattern is now familiar to us in the basic

science divisions of a medical school.

 47,

4.5 The Natural-History and the Experimental Method

Although the conceptual frame and the method derived from

it which is used in the investigations presented in this book are by no

means new, perhaps a review of the salient differences between this

naturalistic-field study-participant-observer method and the currently

more popular "experimental" methods will help clarify some of the

inherent problems. It is highly enlightening and stimulating to read now

Claude Bernard's INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF EXPERIMENTAL

MEDICINE, written in 1865, which outlines in masterly fashion a combi-

nation of the naturalistic-descriptive with the experimental method,

years before Francis Galton (1822-1911) had introduced statistical analysis,

and introduced a vogue which came to be considered a cornerstone of all

social scientific investigation. Today it is quite clear that much naturalistic-

descriptive and experimental spade work must be done before statistical

methods become appropriate and rewarding in the solution of the problems

presented by our investigations (G.A. Miller 1964, 1965). We make no

claim that one method is per se superior to any other, since to us it seems
 48.

quite clear that each is appropriate to a particular phase or aspect of a

problem, We enter into an investigation with the assumption that all human

behavior is amenable to study, but we want to apply, as far as we can, the

most appropriate methods to the problem in hand as we now understand

it. It appears to us that naturalistic methods are essential in the early

phase of the development of a science, Untila sufficient body of data

is available for the application of critical hypotheses we cannot test by

crucial experiments. Naturalistic methods seem to have many advantages

in the exploratory phases, since they lay the groundwork for the application

of the more controlled treatment characteristic of the experimental method

of verification.

Excellent methodological discussions are to be found inPumpian-

Mindlin (1952), Tinbergen (1953), Thorpe (1956), Harlow (1957), P.S. Sears

(1957), Hinde (1959), G.A. Miller (1965), GAP Report No. 63 (1966), Scheflen

(1966), and Schlessinger, et al (1966).

 49.

Lest this attitude toward the planning of medical research seem

insufficiently critical, let us quote from an eminent physicist (Oppenheimer,

THE OPEN MIND, 1955):

"You know that when a student of physics makes his first

acquaintance with the theory of atomic structure and of
quanta, he must come to understand the rather deep and
subtle notion which has turned out to be the clue to
unraveling that whole domain of physical experience,
This is the notion of complementarity, which
recognizes that various ways of talking about physical
experience may each have validity, and may each be
necessary for the adequate description of thephysical
world, and may yet stand in a mutually exdusive relation-
ship to each other, sothat to a situation to which one
applies, there may be no consistent possibility of applying
the other, Teachers very often try to find illustrations,
familiar from experience, for relationships of this kind;
and one of the most apt is the exclusive relationship
between the practicing of an art and the description
of that practice, Both are a part of civilized life.
But an analysis of what we do and the doing of it--these are
hard to bed in the same bed, (ibid., pp. 82-83)

The analogy to the problems facing the clinician in describing

his own activities, or the behavioral scientist in delineating his methods in an on-

going transaction, is obvious, As investigators grow more certain of their

aims and methods, they will probably develop more tolerance for a

wider range of techniques and eventually aim at the goal of finding the best

tools. for each job.

In order to clarify our reasons for adopting, in this preliminary

investigation, the natural history approach rather than the experimental

 50.

approach, I will try to contrast some of their comparable properties:

Naturalistic Approach #1

The organism or group under study is maintained as far as possible

under the customary conditions of living. We are probably dealing with

a spectrum rather than an antithesis in many instances,

Experimental Approach #1

The subjects are usually approached in the more-or-less specialized

artificial conditions,

Naturalistic Approach #2

Because real life situations are under observation, their problems are

more likely to be comparable to practical problems in the clinic, school

or business organization,

Experimental Approach #2

The specialized nature of many experiments may make the results more

difficult to apply to real life situations.

 51.

Naturalistic Approach #3

The quality of the responses of the subjects is more likely to be ''life-

like" and in keeping with customary behavior under observed conditions,

Experimental Approach #3

The responses are more apt to be altered to suit the experimental demands

of the tighter design.

Naturalistic Approach #4

The responses are more apt to appear ona wider scale such as is available

to the organism under its ordinary conditions of living.

Experimental Approach #4

The responses are more apt to be constricted because of the restraints

imposed by the experiment.

Naturalistic Approach #5

The time-span is apt to be longer and thus to afford more information

for longitudinal studies and for the dynamics associated with larger patterns,
Experimental Approach #5

Although so-called cross-sectional experiments do utilize significant

time segments for the study of behavior, and some of them may study

relatively larger units of behavior, they tend to be limited to manageable

units which have limited meaningfulness in clinical situations, Recording

of responses is determined by the test design, These experiments have

great power and are highly desirable where the experimental conditions

can be sharply and meaningfully defined. It is reasonably argued that

long-term studies can only be pursued profitably after a sufficient number

of cross-sectional experiments have been carried out so as to make the

methods of investigation worthwhile by providing essential facts about the

interacting variables under experimental conditions. The fact that cross-

sectional experiments are more apt to be sharply defined, amenable to

relatively concrete manipulation and interpretation, take less time, energy

and manpower, makes them more suitable in many research situations,

 53,

Naturalistic Approach #6

Because naturalistic methods usually permit the study of several variables,

more potential latitude exists for discovering new relations between them,

The naturalistic methods are essentially comparative, correlational, or

genetic-developmental in their strategy. More opportunities are asked for

focussing upon new problems in which controlled experiments or observational

techniques provide greater precision, Clinicians have long insisted

that the study of patients is the best starting point for more intensive experimental

design with much evidence to support their claim that this approach will

best serve our needs to understand and master clinical problems.

Experimental Approach #6

The strength of most tightly designed experiments consists in focussing

upon one dependent variable which can reliably be measured in its relations

to several independent variables which in themselves can be manipulated,

As with the naturalistic method, this may be a shortcoming if the material

manipulated is inappropriately chosen, or if the operation produces trivial

results.
 54,

Naturalistic Approach #7

Ideally, although this is not uniformly true, hypotheses grow out of the

data produced by the longitudinal studies of a participant-observer in the

field situation. Unfortunately many clinicians laboriously accumulate much

data which they cannot process in any manner productive of meaningful

experiments or vitalizing hypotheses. Unfortunately, too, raw data is

too often interpreted in such a manner that the generalizations derived from

it are not convincing or useful in further research, or worse, cannot be

put to crucial tests. Too often, also, too many investigators view

natural history explanation as an end in itself and arrive at results which

are essentially sterile.

Experimental Approach #7

Ordinarily, a well designed experiment, with controls, contains a more

or less well formulated apriori hypothe sis which is being tested. Where

the question being asked is a good one and the method appropriate to the

interrogation, the results may be applauded, Too often neither of these

conditions is fulfilled and the results are disappointing. Again the experiment
 55,

can become an end in itself and lead only to trivial results when the

experimentalist becomes a slave to his tools.

Naturalistic Approach #8

When a number of variables are being studied over a relatively long period,

it is essential to make a selection of what appear to be the most significant relation:

between important variables among the available events, Errors in judg-

ment and interpretation are bound to occur, but the hope remains that

other investigators may examine the data for new interpretations, since

such critical review and reassessment is as necessary to the natural history

method as is repetition in the experimental method. In important areas

it may be necessary to re-do the observations repeatedly until the significant

variables are recorded with sufficient accuracy to establish confidence,

Experimental Approach #8

Although the by-products of a well designed experiment, as contrasted

to the pointed questions asked, may be productive of new experiments,

the artifacts inherent in the experimental design at times force inconclusive

 56.

or negative results of little significance for future work. This is a necessary

cost where the aim is to simplify and cut down all data subordinate to

the primary aim of the experiment, Here the attempt is to eliminate

"irrelevant" factors, to place variables in vivid contrast, and, if it is

not possible to ''randomize" the samples, it is possible to avoid undesired

effects of individual differences, The possible conclusions are, ina sense,

built into the experiments.

Naturalistic Approach #9

In general, natural history observation requires more continuous working

time and more energy spent on recording than the classic experimental

method, Clinicians as a rule have not provided sufficiently complete records

which may be profitably studied by colleagues who wish to gain new insights.

Clinicians, furthermore, as a result of differences in training, may not

produce records which are sufficiently comparable, Finally, clinicians

may tend to withhold salient information, either to protect patient privacy

or as a measure of self-protection,
 57.

Experimental Approach #9

The recording of data and its interpretations are much more concrete

and obvious in planned experiments. This is one of their most attractive

features.

It has been suggested that an investigator who works ina field

as a participant- observer over a relatively long period, becomes devoted

to the subject matter, and unduly motivated by his interest init. In this,

self-selection plays an important, but as yet indeterminable role. Such

an investigator may be better suited to his role than the investigator

whose primary investment is in technique, The former may be more

inclined to use techniques which are appropriate to the material because

the material is of primary concern. This generalization becomes vital

in clinical work where the investigator also has responsibility for the

welfare of patients. Unfortunately there are times when consideration for

the patient has absolute priority over any investigative procedure. Perhaps

some clinicians at times utilize this necessary rule either consciously or

 58,

unconsciously to save themselves embarrassments or unwanted insights.

It seems highly probable that this serious barrier can be overcome with

intelligent planning and hard work, but we do need to take more seriously

Freud's comments about the difficulties involved in trying to maintain a

stable therapeutic attitude simultaneously with an experimental attitude.

(Freud, 1912)

Freud also points out in this paper that the therapeutic ambition

to achieve results which will impress others is a serious affective danger

which must be controlled for the welfare of the patients. There is no reason

to believe that the experimentalist is any the less affected by these

variables. The participant-observer pays a considerable price among his

"tough-minded" colleagues for his freedom to form hypotheses ina

continuing study because his records are seldom complete enough to con-

vince skeptics, and his personal interpretations are usually vulnerable

to negative criticism or subject to alternative interpretations.

 59.

Hypotheses drawn from relatively small samples of be-

havior often sound like unquestioning belief or self-deception to workers

trained to expect quantitatively displayed, immediately demonstrable

evidence. While such hypotheses may frequently be inadequate, some

of them may lend themselves to experimental verification. Although such

experimental verification may seem remote, freedom to formulate such

hypotheses is absolutely essential to the progress of a discipline.

Experimentalists will learn that for every gain in method, there may also

be a loss, It is true that the undisciplined participant-observer may

introduce many artifacts intO the system which may not easily be detected,

thus abusing at times the inalienable "right of every scientist to be wrong,"

but with communication we need not fear that such error will long remain

undetected, All too often the critics of the participant-observer method are

simply unaware of the extensive training required by the practitioner of

this method, Several highly skilled individuals trained in the same methods

of observation and recording provide for indispensable self-correction in

 60.

the descriptive and analytic process,

The experimentalist, in the classic quantitative tradition,

has his role as an observer more or less defined by the experiment. His

recording is designed to be adequate for his specific purpose and for that

alone. Like the modern physicist he must be aware that as an observer

he becomes a part of the system in question. He must also be alert to the

possibility that he may, himself, be introducing a portion of the regularities

which he perceives in the system. Like the physicist, he, too, is bound

by the limitations of his observational instrument and by the restrictions

inherent in the experimental design. However, these inherent drawbacks

in his method tend to be much less questioned, and he may hope to be

rewarded for the loss of some degree of freedom by the greater security

of his results, In one gratifying way, even though it leads to more

frequent disappointment, he may have an advantage over the naturalistic

participant-observer in that he may be more likely to attain much sooner

and with greater certainty the end point of his experiments. ‘He can also
\

make a definite statement as to the positive or negative results. ''The

 6l,

refinement of techniques for the prompt discovery of error serves as well

as any other as a hallmark ot what we mean by science.'' (Oppenheimer,

1955, pp. 93-94)

A further advantage of the experimental method is that in many

experiments less training is required for the experimental technician

once the experimental frame is set. During the early exploratory phases

of discipline, the choice of the unit to be studied is apt to be determined

by the previous experience or bias of the investigators. Only with

experience do the units chosen for study become more appropriate toa the

task in hand, and different workers can find some equivalence in their

experiments.

The units of observation of a young science, therefore,

necessarily are often not so precise as one might wish. Of course,

the units chosen for observation are those which seem to be most

significant within the bias or conceptual scheme of the investigator.

(Pike 1967). Sometimes units are chosen primarily because they are

most amenable to manipulation, or the best provided by the tools

 62,

available, Such factors can be studied and improvements made as the

nature of the problem in hand is better understood,

 63.

4.6 Advantages of More Precise Observation and Analysis and the

Training Value of the New Techniques

It was in the hope that reliable descriptive units might for

the first time be made available that the demonstration described in this

book was undertaken. From the outset our goals were modest, and they

have remained so, A brief description of the raw material under investi-

gation will be presented here in anticipation of a fuller presentation to

follow (Chapter 5), For our examination Mr. Bateson was able to provide

1, 800 feet of sound-film of the activities of the members of a family of

three who had volunteered as subjects for his investigation of the etiology

of schizophvenia, These sound-films, supplemented by a fuller, but in

part simultaneous recording on tape, were taken in the home of the family

by Mr. Bateson's technical assistants utilizing a sound camera and with

sufficiently fast film that special lighting was unnecessary. The special

problems involved in the filming and recording are discussed later in this

chapter and elsewhere in this book, The scenes show father, mother

and son eating dinner together; the family entertaining neighbors; father
 64,

bathing the son; father and Mr, Bateson talking; mother, son and Mr.

Bateson talking. This last was chosen for varying degrees of analysis

both of vocal and of body motion activity, Interpretations of all activity

were made independently by all members of the team, each on the data

of his own medium, although these interpretations were necessarily strongly

influenced by the intensive work done together. In one experiment the

attempt was made to categorize the nature of the activity of one person

on the film in each of three modes of action,as independently as possible

by one member of each discipline. These results are reported in Chapter 9.

From our preliminary work we feel justified in suggesting the following

advantages inherent in the new procedures;

l. Intensive repeated viewing and listening to a limited and

carefully selected segment of behavior (1 second to 50 minutes), particularly

after tutoring by trained workers in linguistics and in kinesics, in an

enriching and gratifying experience. It is one which gives the student

new perspectives on and insights into his daily clinical techniques, his

strategies and maneuvers, both conscious and unconscious. One is

 65.

mindful of the shock of being confronted by auditory and visual evidence

of behavior of which we were previously unaware, On occasion, one may

even want to repudiate such evidence because it does not conform to one's

self-image or to the conscious plan of one's therapy. Through practice,

such shock is gradually overcome, just as our clinical defenses are brought

under control through supervision in therapy and by personal psychoanalysis.

2. This technique forces an increased awareness of minimal

cues, and permits a greater selectivity among them. We are forced to

accommodate to the unusual in ourselves and in others by the growing

recognition that we also are biological organizations capable of sending

very diverse messages to ourselves and to others. Some of these

messages may seem trivial, but many are vital to life and to well-being.

A good clinician is by definition one who can lift the more relevant facts

from the mass of data made available through the new techniques, The

good clinician will now have the chance to sharpen his own techniques of

observation through repeated and focussed viewing and listening. Not

only will he be able to detect more of the cues upon which he makes
 66,

judgments, but he will be able to be more explicit about the bases of

these very judgments.

3. The technique promises to objectify affects- research at

the interpersonal level, Transcribed taped and filmed materials will

provide the means by which his fellow clinicians may inspect the interaction

and proffer focused criticism and comment. It will no longer be necessary

to balance one intuition against another with no hope of arriving ata

concensus. Clinical insights can now be analyzed and substantiated by

specific reference to data observable by all. Such data can also be supported

(or refuted) by information on visceral activity, Both externally observable

and internally measurable data may be combined to show that a patient

or doctor is angry, disturbed, depressed, or indifferent; that a particular

system of activity represents masculinity, femininity, regression, aggression,

or ambivalence; that another action or state such as politeness, passive

aggressiveness, prudery, exhibitionism, or paranoid defensiveness is

idiosyncratic or patently culture-bound,

 67,

4, The clinician, sensitized by the observation of linguistic-

kinesic microanalysis to the patterning inherent in the clinical data, will

also gain a tremendous support for his assumption that all events ina

human interaction are interrelated and that events and sequences are

meaningful precisely because there is mutual triggering. Even in our

relatively limited experience with sound-films, we have found sequences

which are startling in their strictly patterned dance-like shapes. This

is especially impressive ir studying the relations between a mother and

her child. The closeness of their interdependenc as evidenced in their

e

vocal and body-motion activity lends additional credence to theories that

each individual, whatever his biological- genetic heritage, is also a strict

product of his orientation, his training, and his environment.

5. It seems likely that with the new orientation the clinician

-will learn to ask highly specific questions which can be answered by the

presentation of linguistic-kinesic data. We may gradually learn not only

to ask questions of this type, but also consciously to seek out specific con-
 68,

stellations of vocal and body-motion behavior bearing on their

answers, Such questions as the following were asked (and in part answered)

in the course of our investigation:

"Does this person act his age?"'

"Does he speak and act in keeping with his

training and present position?"

"How do his body motions suggest bisexuality ?"'

"Has he regressed in his identification with

his father?"

"Is this behavior similar to that of adolescent

revolt?"

"Is the behavior of this person incongruently

mature?!"

6. The clinician acquires new evidence that very small

samples of interaction between persons may be the source of considerable

information about the participants and the way they relate one with
 69.

another, There is evidence that smaller and smaller segments of

behavior can be regarded as significant samples. Pattern-analysis

shows that such small sequences, if carefully chosen, may be iconic

for much larger stretches of behavior. This will hardly be news to the

many skillful clinicians who make use of the device of analyzing one

small segment of behavior, such as a patient's entry into the room, or his

walking across a room, or the associations to one dream, as a means

of writing out in detail many factors of a patient's conflicts and their

defenses,

7. The purposeful viewing of selected film-tape sequences will

encourage a much wider use of them as training devices and will probably

raise their general utility to a higher level because they offer a relatively

stable medium for such training,

For many clinicians in training, the prolonged and repeated

viewing of small quantities of such film-tape materials will bring home

the thesis that the price of civilization is repression. While we all know

this intellectually, it is a shock to experience it viscerally when the

 70,

clinician finds himself uncomfortable because of the intimacy which such

viewing and listening not only allows but forces on him. This shock

phenomenon deserves careful study, inasmuch as it will be necessary

to allow for it in a clinician's training; perhaps highly specific aversion

patterns and defenses against them may be recognized and allowed for,

thereby both accelerating self-awareness and facilitating the supervisory

process,

Training in intensive film-tape observation will help free

many clinicians from their need for large amounts of clinical history

and interactional data before making judgments. Certainly a great deal

of data must be compiled, analyzed and compared before reliance can be

placed on decisions based on small samples.

8. Although we have made only a beginning toward that end,

the new techniques allow us to hope that we may eventually arrive ata
~~.

dynamic diagnostic formulation of an illness from an analysis of relatively

small samples of behavior in typical settings. It will be possible to specify

 71,

with greater accuracy the criteria upon which a diagnostic formulation

is made, Similarly, the possibility exists that we may be able to make

much better prognostic evaluations with recommendations for greater

specificity of therapeutic intervention than is now possible. There is

no question that as our observational skills improve (with the gradual

discovery of the definable indices of vital processes occurring during a

mental illmess and during the therapeutic intervention) more reliable

ways will be found to detect and chart the phenomena which signify improvement

or regression. Prognostic studies will be more meaningful as we are able

to chart more tangibly (from the results of analysis of film-tapematerials)

those activities which are common to all patients with an active neurotic

process,

9. The new techniques have obvious advantages for comparing

and evaluating therapeutic procedures. With increasing experience, it is

conceivable that studies can be designed to investigate more adequately

those therapeutic activities which are common to the several allied types

of therapy. Studies on "control" patients may then become possible ina

 72,

way which does not.seem very rewarding now, and a genuine basis for

comparing therapeutic techniques will become feasible, It may eventually

be possible, through careful study of filmed-taped interviews of student-

candidate activity with patients, and of the procedures followed by

particular practicing therapists, to prescribe more economically a course

of training for the individual student, and to assign more efficiently particular

patients to particular therapists,

~ 10. Trial demonstrations of materials obtained through these

techniques have already shown their usefulness in case presentation.

It is likely that as clinicians become more at home with the techniques

involved in efficient use of film-tape materials, such film-tape data

will become increasingly popular at professional meetings when clinical

problems are presented, Such evidence will have greater impact and be

more convincing than is the usual written report.

We cannot expecttoomuch too soon, It is important to remember

that the use of recording devices in medicine (microscope, camera,

x-ray, EKG) required many years for their full development. It is

possible that with more accurate and more objective data, improved

identification, isolation and definition of various classes and categories

of disease processes will emerge. The change in these processes can

be followed in greater detail and thus provide valuable clues to the

crucial factors which make possible significant and enduring change,

It is certain that these methods in themselves will not solve all the

clinical problems of diagnosis, of interviewing, or of psychopathology.

It is quite likely that shortcomings will appear which are now not obvious,

Viewing film is not an adequate substitute for a face-to-face interview

with a live patient in a closed room, Extensive empirical experience

will be required before we can fix on those problem areas where these

techniques will have their most powerful application.

 74,

4.7 Possible Disadvantages of the New Methods of Recording, Trans-

cription, and Analysis

At this early stage of exploration it is not possible to spell

out with entire certainty the limitations of these methods. From our

experience a number of such limitations can be described as inherent

in them, Only further experience, however, will demonstrate to what

extent these can be minimized so that they will not constitute insurmountable

barriers to obtaining vital information. It is certain that, even though

reasonable control over new methods is gained, new difficulties will appear

as we deal with more (or less) complex patterns of communication,

1, It is unlikely that sound-films will ever entirely replace

face-to-face interviews in clinical research, since the recording media

inevitably tend to distort some aspects of the scene under observation,

Even technical improvements in reproducing the scene in color will not

provide the information furnished by odor, by temperature, or by

other sensory cues in their native setting, for which better methods of

measurement need to be devised, Even though it may be true that working

 75.

intimately with film-tape material will enable a worker to "translate"

with much greater insight and accuracy, we need more studies to demon-

strate the conditions under which more reliable translations may be produced.

The experienced investigator must learn to develop compensatory mechanisms

to counter- balance the sensory limitation inherent in the film-tape medium,

2. The privacy of the therapeutic transaction is usually cited

as an absolutely essential condition for good work, This may well be

true for some transactions, but we need evidence from experience to be

sure that this requirement has not been overestimated for many types of

psychotherapy. There are many investigators who do not share this

belief, for in the types of interviewing they have studied they have not

observed serious interference with the patient's production attributable

to the obvious presence of recording devices, This does not preclude the

possibility that more subtle transactions may be prevented from coming

into being by the nature of the recording situation, (Carmichael, 1956;

Bergman, 1966; Gill, et al, 1968) _

 76,

It has been observed, moreover, that the therapist, however

experienced, is more likely to remain acutely aware of his ''public'' role,

in such a situation, even after considerable practice, and is apt to introduce

artifacts into the transaction, This is in keeping with Freud's observations

(1912) already mentioned that therapeutic ambition to impress others presents

the greatest affective danger to the therapist, and that in some transactions one

may find it difficult to be an experimentalist and a therapist simultaneously.

Occasionally, the therapist will alter the course of the therapeutic process

for "the good of the patient.'' It will require much sensitive cooperative work

to establish the legitimacy of some of these claims which seem to be

motivated by the needs of the therapist rather than by the needs of the

patient, (Gill, et al, 1968)

Judicial and patient review by valued colleagues will make

possible the selection of therapists who are especially fitted for this

exacting experimentation, It is not unlikely that the therapist as well as

the patient should be protected by as much anonymity as possible by an

inbuilt system in the experimental design whereby the therapist has ample
 77.

social and professional support and consultation opportunity. With increased

skills, it is probable that the system of protective devices for the therapist

can be so arranged that his needs and those of his colleagues will not

interfere with the external requirements of the experimental design which

have been agreed upon at the beginning of the experiment. Planning of this

order will eliminate some of the difficulties which might prevent proper

examination, recording, and interpretation of raw data about the therapeutic

process.

3, It is not known at this time hoy much special training may

be required for the average worker to recover quickly from the "cultural

shock" of intensive viewing and listening. It is necessarily a transient

phenomenon which must be met by skilled tutoring, if the problem of

overcoming our resistances to focused viewing and examination of another

person's privacies is not to undo the defenses provided by good clinical

training. We suggest that we need to develop better methods of dealing

with the observer's feelings under the conditions of repeated intensive

listening and viewing.

 4, There is a potential danger that the mechanics of recording

will introduce artifacts, distortions and omissions which will lead to

misinterpretations, particularly if the recorded materials are collated

too literally with psysiological data or with the overt content of such

materials, It was not, for example, immediately detected on film that

one patient had dyed her hair, even though the shading was different in

films taken several months apart. Although investigators must be alert

to such artifacts and distortions, it seems unlikely that they can be of

serious consequence since they were detectable upon review by several

workers who had the total context in mind, Our original difficulties

in detecting that mid-face motility in Doris which clinically we identify

as grimacing, and in identifying on tape the voice with "flattened affect",

have diminished with increased practice.

5. There is the potential danger that the very setting of micro-

linguistic-kinesic examination and interpretation may lead us into distorted

evaluations because we have lost proper perspective both for the elements
 19

of the transaction and for the relations betweenth Freud's valuable

em,

caution about this problem in dream analysis is contained in his quotation

5

(Freud 1900) from Hanns Sachs:

"If we look in our consciousness at something that

has been told us by a dream about a contemporary
(real) situation, we ought not to be surprised to
find that the monster which we saw under the magni-
fying glass of analysis turns out to be a tiny infusorian,"'

The primary safeguard is provided by the multiple listening and viewing

technique leading to the establishment of patterns prior to the reevaluations

provided by narrow focussing. A further safeguard provided by a multi-

disciplinary team approach and by a larger number of experienced workers

will facilitate detection of misuse either of concepts or of data. It is well

known that preoccupation with very small samples of behavior may cause

distortions, but, as long as the possibility of correction exists, this need

not constitute an insurmountable barrier. We know that some patients may

vary from one extreme (apathy) to another (panic) within short periods,

but appropriate sampling will provide us with the proper evidence.

 80.

6. Some psychiatrists have suggested that large expenditures

of time, energy, and highly specialized skills required for work on small samples

may not be warranted in view of the relatively limited amount of new infor-

mation obtained, They claim that a similar expenditure of effort in the

more traditional recording and analysis of data vo uld probably be equally

rewarding. It is not possible to prove conclusively at this time that this

claim is not justified, but the probabilities are very strong that micro-

analysis will produce much new data and unforeseen hypotheses which

are inaccessible to ordinary recording methods,

7. The lack of adequate comparative data (such as that provided

by the social anthropologist and the social psychologist) in our own and in

other societies makes accurate evaluation of our micro-linguistic-kinesic

data difficult, We urgently need comparative series in the field of social

behavior, not only for the evaluation of our linguistic-kinesic data, but

also for the interpretation of the larger behavioral constellations in which

such data are embedded.

 81.

8. Some workers are skeptical about the value of micro-

analysis in view of the paucity of comprehensive psychological theories

of personality which are susceptible of testing. It seems likely that

the most unified theory of personality, the psychoanalytic, will become

increasingly available for testing as we are able to record the data on

which it rests more completely and more accurately. We m a y anticipate a

flood of new theories released by the new data being made available by

microanalysis,

9. Everyone who has worked with these recording methods

knows that there is a tremendous danger of being swamped by the mass

of accumulated data. The methods described in earlier chapters provide

the possibility of better selection and increased mastery of significant

material once the more important patterns of signal transmission between

individuals are recognized. The cost in time and skill in analyzing

samples may be large at this time. But this is a new method of examining

data in an orderly manner with the possibility of introducing new concepts.

 82,

Although future experience may show up areas of minimal return

due to redundance or relative degrees of inapplicability, it now seems

probable that the gains will far outweigh the disadvantages. It does

provide objective techniques in which scholars may be trained to check

upon each other's findings, Until this is done we cannot finally decide the

degree of parallelism, mutual support or possible contradiction between

lexical, linguistic, kinesic and physiologic behavior. Only then can we

finally determine the value of these developments for the physician and

other students of human behavior.

 CHAPTER 5

The Actors and the Setting

Gregory Bateson
 Conditions of Filming

The films which provide most of the data used in this book were

made under the following circumstances:

A therapist, who knew of my interest in collecting film data on

family interaction, told Doris (who was his patient) about my project.

It so happened that Larry and Doris had attended a public lecture which

I had given some months previously and, therefore, were receptive to

the idea of having some part in our research. As recounted elsewhere

(reference to Brosin's chapter on the case history), this couple had in

the past made considerable efforts to find solutions to the problems

which troubled them and their world. They had participated in dianetic

sessions and had maintained an interest in communicational problems as

part of their quest for answers.

Shortly after the therapist's conversation with Doris, Larry

telephoned me to express their interest in cooperating with my work.

I then made an appointment to visit the household with Mr. David M.

Myers, our cameraman, bringing camera, tape recorder, and lights.

Myers and I arrived punctually at four o'clock and found the house

empty. We withdrew and telephoned 15 minutes later verifying that Doris

had returned. She told us to come right over, but when we arrived we

found her quite flurried. She had just returned from a session with

the therapist, had picked up Billy from the house of a neighbor, and

was exhibiting the expectable responses of a housewife unprepared to

receive her visitors--let alone cameras and lights.

After introducing ourselves, Myers and I started to move the equip-

ment into the house, and she hastily defined the situation by pressing

upon us mugs of home brew. The exchange of social amenities was somewhat
confused by the business of setting up the recordings eouipment.

The "interview," of which this took is the natural history, followed

immediately, while Billy intermittently played on the floor in front of us,

and ceme and went,

4. word must be said about the human problems of such photography.

David Myers is singularly skillful in the art of effacing himself behind

his camera most of the time, while still being able to be a participant in

the group whenever this is called for. He lets children examine the

camera and look through the view finder and feel that the camera is not

alien to themselves. He is instructed not to shoct for any particular

type of behavior but to get as complete a record as possible of what

occurs, He and I rapidly made a reneral plan that we would try to concen-

trate action at one end of the living room around the couch, Beyond this,

he would make no effort to have people perform for the camera or place

themselves for his convenience. It was his job to record whatever haprened

as best he could without interferins with it,

Under these circumstances, a family rather rapidly settles down to

a freedom from camera consciousness and this process is, I think, aided

by me: I, too, am being photographed and I am accustomed to it, It is

also worth mentioning that the film was made before I had any contact with

micro-kinesic or micro-linguistic analysis, I was not aware that my small-

est movement and intonation would later be examined and, therefore, I was

not in a position to communicate any self-consciousness of this sort to

Doris.

Doris's living room was, fortunately,. rather longer than the usual

so that the camera could be well separated from the action, The far end
 ~3-

of the room, opening to the kitchen, was provided with a dining room table

at which the family usually ate. We set up camera and tripod beside this

table, facing down the length of the room to the couch.

The general decor of the room was such as might be expected in the

house of people with intellectual interests, There were two or three

objects of bexican art, and books, but the impression given by the room

as a whole was unsettled. The family had lived there for two or three

years, but I had no feeling that they liked living there or that the

various objects belonged in their various positions, The living room

windows opened onto a lawn where we later photographed Billy playing

various vames, and beyond the lawn was the railroad track. The interview,

conducted in the late afternoon, was repeatedly interrupted by the noise

of commterYtrains, at which Doris was markedly distressed, while trying to

_ laugh off the indignity of this interruption.

ae

The record was also interrunted by the recurrent need to reload

the camera. Doris and I simply went on talking, paving little attention

to what Myers was doing so that, while the tape record of ovr conversation

is complete, the film record has gaps in it every 34 minutes when a new

100 feet of film had to be inserted.

About 5:30 p.m, Larry returned from work. He and I then had a

conversation which was filmed while Doris prepared supper. Larry was

mainly interested in talking to me about scientific theory and other

impersonal matters, in the discussion of which he and I had the role of

intellectual. colleagues,

When supper was ready, the lishts and camera were imoved so as to

film the family meal, and in this context Billy, for the first time, began
 -l)-

to play up to the camera, The record shows him holding up a leaf of

salad, spreading it in his two hands somewhat in the manner of Saint

Veronica, while he waits impishly to see how his parents are going to

handle this misbehavior with the camera's eye upon them.

In subsequent visits, films were made of Billy playing in the

garden and of Billy being bathed by his father. We also made a film of

an informal party of friends gathered one evening at the house. This

family, unlike the majority of the much more troubled families with whom

we have worked, maintains an active informal social life with a number of

acquaintances, neighbors and young married couples, most of them Larry's

professional colleagues. Surprisingly, Doris's guests showed remarkably

little tension under the stress of being photographed. This rather

unusual situation arose in the following way. We had arranved to go over

in the evening to photograph Billy being bathed and put to bed. When we

arrived, we found the party in nrogress. te then filmed Billy's behavior

with the company and later moved the camera to the bathroom.

The material from these subsequent filmings has all been a part of

the. background of the present study, though no part of it was actually

used for micro~analysis,.

In retrospect, and especially in the light of subseouent experience

in filming other families, my main criticism of the collection of data is

that it contains too little interaction between Larry and Doris. Inter-

action between Doris and Billy and between Larry and Billy are both well

documented, and there is adequate documentation of each of the three

family members in interaction with me. It is difficult, however, to

get from the filmed material an adequate picture of the relationship

 5.

between the parents without which it is difficult to understand the total

“dynamics of the family.

In its subsequent history, the family has moved into more luxurious

surroundings, They now live in the country in a house of which Doris is

proud, and in the tiilding of which Doris and Larry did a considerable part

of the work, Their present living room does not have the unsettled appear-

ance mentioned above, and they are no longer troubled by the sound of

commte trains. Billy now has a little sister who, Doris laughingly says,

is "spoiled rotten,"

The film record was made on Eastman TRI-X film, using a 100 ft.

Auricon camera with an optical sound track, The lens used was a Pan-

Cinor ")" Reflex 70 zoom lens. We also made a magnetic tape recording

of the entire proceedings.

 END
MICROFILM COLLECTION
OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
FORMERLY: MICROFILM COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
AND
MICROFILM COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS
ON THE MIDDLE AMERICAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY ~-

Series: XV -
No: 95

Photographed by:
Department of Photoduplication - The Joseph Regenstein Library
University of Chicago - Chicago, III. 60637

REDUCTION ratio. _
 START
MICROFILM COLLECTION
OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
FORMERLY: MICROFILM COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS ON
AMERICAN INDIAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
AND
MICROFILM COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS
ON THE MIDDLE AMERICAN CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Series: XV_
No: 96.
Photographed by:
Department of Photoduplication - The Joseph Regenstein Library
University of Chicago - Chicago, Ill. 60637

REDUCTION RATIO: 12_

 THE NATURAL HISTORY
OF
AN INTERVIEW

(edited by Norman A. McQuown)

with contributions by

Gregory Bateson

Ray L. Birdwhistell

Henry W. Brosin

Charles F. Hockett

Norman A. McQuown

Henry L. Smith, Jr.

George L. Trager

Part II: Chapter 6

MICROFILM COLLECTION
OF
MANUSCRIPTS
ON
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

No. 96
Series XV

University of Chicago Library

, Chicago, Illinois

June 30, 1971

 | .
CHAPTER 6
i
aw dt
TOO ae ee .
oat L

I . Transcrict, Transcription,
and Cormentary

! {:
i
‘|
|
 -2- oo i . -3-

The materials here presented ccnstitute the core of the q The reader who desires to get merely the general. gist cf
, interview whese description is the subiect of this booke me | . ; _the interview should read thrcugi. the text focussing on the

Recorded in «cto on magnetic tape, they sre also available in | transcript alone. If he wishes << gather viva voce what the
part on sound film. For those porticns available only. on tape, : transcript fails to convey, he s:.culd listen to the tapes cr to
we may have ph:norecording, for those evsilable both on film ] | the sound-track of the film fcr tncse portions of the interview

and on: tape we may have both phonores:rzina and kinerecording, 7 sc zecorded, If he wishes tc gaan a general visual impress-cn
of varying desrees of refinement, desersing on the intensity / cf the filmed portions of the -nterview, he should view thezx,

9,paar nn en
:
of the focus <n particular stretches <f the ware
recorded materials. f irst wi
ith th e sound track cut cut .and then with it in. If he

_
‘ og : ;
We have precented the entire protoco! in zcnventional orthograpry wishes to gain a more precise kniu ledg e of voca l content, he

.
* 3 P 3 ."
. . thos heuld next listen to the tapes,
FES, shcrt section by y short section >

aml on
(the transcrizt) and considerable perticns cf it in phono-and/cr she
:
kine- ‘
reccrding er
(the transcription). ns fecussing first on one set of features in the transcripticn
Corsies of the tapes and the 9 P "
sa. : :
films may be made available at their exrense tove then on another If he wishes tz gain a more.accurate icea cf
those profes- °

ee
:
sional ; : : : :
worners who would like to conéfrer-: transcript and the bedy motion activit he shculd similarly run through the
trans- Y Ys Y
ar . fe :
eription with the original recordings. fiin,
iim, pref
p erably wiwith
bly °
the sound é
track cut out . focussing g first

MEN
$3 : tos . n cre aspect, then on another, first at normal speed, then at
The detaiis of the symbology empioyed in the transcriptions cn cne asp , ’ Pp y 6t
x a .s
are presented in the appendices to this vciume (App. I-IV). lewer d own
sicaer speeds (down to shifts fre one film-frame to ancther).
1Where symbcicgy
3 :
differs between Hockett end McQuown, the differ- ; i i i lewd: ill bri additionai

wa
. Each succeeding listening or viewing w ng
me :
ences are made explicit by means of eguati: cns, where these are features to his attention, anc, if ne attempts to tie trenscrip-

i
possible, I
er by explanations¢ where they ere not. In the , taped i icn t to au ditory
tacn r
ry or visual recerticn, ’ he will be forced to prin 3g

eperwenanmrirrs
‘
materials, re : tes :
items may be identified by reference to page and .intc conscious focus items of which he, without such aids, would
: . oo Ly subliminally conscious, cz, in the extreme case, total]
line. In these that are also availatie cn film, film frame-
. be cney Y , , , y
: ones
numbers are aided to permit even greater crecisi unaware
on of focus. °
sais: : . ‘ In the discussions to fclicv,
we shall bring into focus
Within the special scenes, in turn, frames are renumbered from
, .
54 easy reference, and these
zero to permit EI particular items (or consteliaticns of items) and attempt to
numbers are also added _ ;
through such scenes, 4' aoply to
pply. t them a variety Y of ex lanatory
Paenens Y frames °
-

‘IMPERFECT IN O R I G I N A L
ep
eer 2988
 ,
NIEMVIE ¥ OUTLINE

Frare " Phono= Fine.

Transcript (pare) - numbe ra transeription transcription Scene

Froa To Fron To SS . -
Pe Pe : eeSCoveseoe ORTHOGRAPHY (H)* Peeeeeeeeneevevee eSCSnveeeveneseseseeeaere@

Pe Pe Sesdcsecnece Serimicre(y)* OO eccneeeveccece Coen eoereercernereeeeSs

Pe Pe , _ 0 w= 1179 Semiricre(#): . yacro ' Gan Scene

®
e

fe
a
1179-1668 Semimicro(H)’” miero "Cut the. Window" Scene

e
Pe
Q ~~

ws
fEB1850 micro(i) (i) nicro¢?) Pillo. Scuns

®
®

a
&
1850-2156 micro(H) (HK) —-—smAlcro | Post-Pillow Scene
Pe : Pe: 2156-2158 Semimicro(H) macro First Airplane Scene’
Pe Pe , 285A2324R Sem\{micro(H) macro Second Airplane Scene

Pre "Pe . 3248-3323 CRTHOGNA? HY (4) macre | Second Airplane Scene

Pe Pe 332341023 ONTHOGRAPHY(H) me cron?) | Playmate Scene Lae

Pops (FILM BREAK CATHOGRAPEY(H) seceaeeeccesecee sesueuvecevscpensscouse
P. : P. FILM RAUSAK Semimicro() COeecereecsesene Ooo ec cenececcencencccee

Pe Pe - bOE3-4432 Semimicro(s) macrocommentur;( 7) ~=Box Scene

z
° ¢

Pe Pe 4432-4853 Semémicro(H) macrccommentary = Fost-Rox Scene

“Pe | Pe i 4853-6220 Semi micro(I) | racrocom=ntury Sucneat Scene
Je Pe 6220-6941 Semi microti) ma crocemmon tury! Firat "Had" Scane

Poe FILM BREAK Semiricro(R) sesscecescsceecs caeecsscecccesenceccove

* Corrected by R.L. Birdwhistell, Norman A. McQuown, etc. me

:
Te arene
iam a vee ee

o
Pe Pe €942-°020 Semimicro(H) macroccmment: ry "iwattle Green Zars" Scene

Pe Pe 020-8112 CRTHOGHRAPEY CH) macrocozrentary Pust-"Lattle Green Ears" Scene

Pe Pe FILM BREA CRTEOSEATHY CH) eceonnececocssce roste"iittle Green Ears" Scene

Pe Pe 8157-9478 CRTHCGRAFIY (3) macrocormentary "Interruptions" Scene

Pe Pe 9478-9£00 OnTHCGHAFHY CH) occ cceeceesese "Intermy tions” Scene

pe pe 9400-9622: Serimicro(i: . ccc reer ecsccee "interra; ticns”

Pe Pe WW OR-IAZEO saanms ere ryPecormenlary “interpu, ticns” Leone

ye Je 19 C.11197 “Sumit ei) TP IMO Dy Neconi “heb: very

j ps Pe 11197-11608 CRTHCORAPEY (1) meerceomreantory ccc cc cec ec ccececsvesseenecces

Pe Pe 11603. 12 206 CRIHOGHAPHY CH) coveereccsccens eer c eevee esccarcesceseecesees®

Fe Pe FIM PROAL ORT! GHAFID’ (CH) Co teccererserees eee eee eee eee ee ee)

rrr

END OF TAIE 1 . wee eeeTEU NING CP TAGE 2

SS

pe Pe FILM BREAK micro Ca eeoerecrsecnrvecs CHC OH OS CSET EERE EPO SER EOE REE ES

Fe pe L2VPI! TFT OLTHOGAPER CD (1) mL ere Modeoure tte cena

pe Te 17985213121 ORT: ce RAPE YH} Peeves oe seentar Corecess e severe cescesenenosseege

Pe
ore

Pe 13191-15639 Cie PEOGRATHY (2) micrecomentrry "Aelescope” Soene

Pe Pe FILM AREAK ORTHOU A! EY C3) ee Teeceeecoerseccesccersecccccncs

H=Hockett MeMo® cont

 Master Score

Phonomacro «Lines 1°-7!5

Phonesemimicro Lines 1~-+i a,

Phonomicro . Lines 1-

Kinemacro Lines (7°

Kinemacrocommentary Lines ~“t

Lines 2°:
Kinemicro

Voca} Attitude Live IO Body Attitude ba he,

~ N- normal —» interactive
E editorial extra-personal
I introspective J intratensive

Content Characterization oi: !"~

‘interactive

externalizing

internalizing
 Ta ‘Ib
-20.a.- ~20.b.~

ACTIVITY CHART: ; ° |
. Score,Arbreviations,Categories” . 9 ” toxic state
Symbols . . - 10 nest | n-state

Oo | TL | ‘Time Line | . / vs Voice Set

Chr _ Character - i st "Status

O 1 2 ete, . _ (seconds) © 12 ge gender

3 6 5 etce (film frames) 13 egr age grade _

14 bi health imese
VA ' Nocal Activity .
15 bi body image
VB Voice Base
. 16 ri rhythm image
1 po position
, . 17 icl oo locale
2 se sex ,
7 18 mod mode
3 aQ ts age -
.
19 ti, toxic image
y sh . gtate of health
20 nests nestatus
5 bb body build

6 rp rhythm phase ©

7 let . location

8 “moo - mood
 -20.c.- - : | : - | * -20.d.~
| slbr slight breath e
PL | _ paralanguage - ; hbr heavy breath ee
VQT Voice Qualities 25 ac articuation control
21 pr | | pitch range oO fst ‘ forceful FE
, \ ~
spr spread J Oe rel | , relaxed R.
nr narrowed x i | 26 re \ thythe control.

22 pc pitch control . . Sm “smooth

r~—2
shtr sharp transition —_f y jk jerky KY
smtr smooth transition > ~Yy " 27 . re resonance

23, le (vocal) lip control ce - res resonant xr

rsp rasp - i j th
. thin i
°
° °
opn openness . a Oe 28 o ,
te .
_ tempo oe

‘Oh ge glottis control | S ce inc increased >

Ovs overvoicing Vv : der , decreased <

uvs . underveicing = ao ce | —
 -20.e.- 0° Bn $20.8.
ne / ‘Vez | Vocalizations | . sO 34 gr groaning

Vch | . Vocal Characterizers . 35 | . br . breaking

29 if | laughing Co | - 36 . bl, belching

gi | | giggling , | BR yn . "yawning

sn | snickering | 7 | | VQF Vocal Qualifiers

30 cr a erying . 38 PH Pitch Height

wh: whimpering | . ; , = | oh overhigh t

so sobbing — 7 | _ ol | . overl ow y

31 . ye -yelling | . 39 In Intensity

mf | . muffled | . 7 | ovl | overloud : nN

32 | wh | whispering | - ovs over soft y

_ mt muttering 40 | Ex . Extent

33. —=« mn moaning . | | a : dr. | drawled a.

cl clipped w
 ' ! Th
-20.h.-
-20.g.-

BM Body Motion
VSqg Vocal Segregates

Pt
51 TL Time Line
Phonetics
BB Body Base
Language

po position
Phonemics

se sex
Intonation
ly ag age
Stress and Juncture
99 sh state of health
45 Seamentals
56 bb nedy build
Morphemics . (Morphophonemics)
rp
and ) 57 rhytr:. phase
( Tactics .)
46 Int Intonation ter territoriality

StrJ Stress and Juncture moo mood

Sgm Segmentals ts toxic state

TL Time Line “nest n-state

Orthography
 -20.5.-
-20.,i.-

In - Intensity
BS Body Set . Po ne
62 st ot overtense

|
status

|
ge tense
gender

64 agr age grade

heutral

65 hi health image
lax

66 bi body image
over lax
es
ri Du Duration
rhythm image

68 terst territorial status

St staccato

é9 mod mode
Al allegro

70 ti
75 * Rn Range
toxic image

71 n-sts
nr narrow
n-status

—O> .<
PM ltd limited
paramotion we

72 Me wdd widened
Motion Characterizers

‘MQF Motion Qualifiers

 -20.k.- os t
Tk | -20.1.-
1

brd _ broad 85 R-D Rhythmic - Disrhythmic

AS | action signa’ 7 Bo | Cpen - Closed

AM Action Modifiers MM, Motion Markers

76 U-B - Unilateral - zilateral 87 Cc ce Cue

77 . | S-G | | Specific - Generalized . 88 . Ss ' Selection

78 R-D - , Rhythmic. - Diernythmic 89 D 7 | Duration

79 | G-A Graceful - Aaraard. 96 A -Area

89 F-S . Bast = Slow 91 PR ' _Pronominal Reference

81 ‘L-E - Integrated - Fragmented M . Motion

82. Ir-Ira Intertensive - Intratensive Mi Microtranscription

82. Sp-Sc . Self-possessed - Self-contained 92.07 He | Head

IM Interaction Modifiers. 93 . Fo | Forehead

84 M-P ‘Mirror - Parallel. 94 | Br oo Brows

 Taw ; | OO
-20.m.~ 7”
-20.ne-
95°. E . Eyes

96 | Fa/No ' -° Face/Nose . | 108 | Ha/Pa ‘Hand/Paim

97 Che Cheek . cg Fi | Fingers

98 Mo Mouth | SO Lis RL. Right Leg.
99 Chi Chin | lil bE | Foot
100 Sho/Ne Sticu:der/Neck . | OS 12 LL Left Leg
10k | . Sho Shouiders | a | 13 - F _ Foot

1C2 Tr Trunk Ma Macrctzanscription

103 | | Hi Hips De | a 114 He | Head

1c | RA .. ‘Right Arm | | | 11d Fo a Forehead

105 Ha/Pa Hand/Palm So , 116 Bro Brow

106 Fi - Fingers : —_ | a rT, E Eyes a
107 - LA. - > Left Arm . | 118 | Fa/No i Face/Nose

119 Che | Cheek

 -20.p.-

134 ae ~-—=" “Left Leg

Mo. Mouth
135 Foot |
Chi Chin
(136 KI Kinesic Junctures
- Sho/Ne Shoulder/Neck
137 Km Kinemerphics
Shoulder
138 ‘Kmk Kinescrehckinics
i 2h Trunk
139 Kmt Kinemerphstactics
125 Hi Hips
140 Time Line
126 RA RightArm
141 VA Vocal Attitude
127 Ha/Pa Hand/Palm
142 BA Body Attitude
128 Fi. Fingers
143 CCh Content Characterization
LA Left Arm
144 Com Commentary
Ha/Pa Hand/Palm

Fi Fingers

Right Leg

Foot
 SYMBOLS USED IN THE TRANSCRIPTION OF SPEECH

THE SCORE VOCAL MODIFIERS

TEMPO
VOCAL LOUDNESS TEMPO (1) OVERFAST >>- —-> OVERSLOW <<- ox
MOCIFIERS REGISTER LOUDNESS (2) overtouo - -A OVERSOFT y- -¥
BOUNDARY PHENOMENA wiatneo here MUTED ¥- -k sereap: t- -+
FOR OTHER (4, SOMETIMES 3 WHEN TWO OR MORE OCCUR AT ONCE ) .
CROSG-REFERENCE RASP 9- -% OPENNESS o- -0
PHONEMICS
FROM ELSEWHERE
ELS BREATHINESS GB —~ -B STRONG VOICING V-—s -V
ON THE CHART )
OVERPRECISE P P OVERSLOPPY
PHONETICS aricucation PF— PF seticuration SI St
GLISSANDO - -Gl SINGING - —
ORTHOGRAPHY PITCH contro! G PITCH CONTROL Sg Sg
BREAKING 6- -8
LAUGHING be =k
WHISPERING X—~ =—X

BOUNDARY PHENOMENA (5,6)

ONSETS: smooth (WO HARK) APPROACHES FADING > OFFSETS: SMOoTH (wo MARK)
GLOTTAL TO END DRAWLING © GLOTTAL ?
ASPIRATED BOTH 2 EXHALING h
VOICED RETENTION @

a lov
CRESCENDO OF LAST
PHONEME
VOICED 3
INTERUTTERANCE SILENCE
PHENOMENA : EXHALING NASALIZED ,M
INHALING
VOICING
VOICED INHALATION
JSC Oo eH

PHONEMICS (7-9)
INTONATION INTERNAL OPEN JUNCTURE (8)
STOPPING OR PAUSING
BEFORE COMPLETION STRESS LEVELS PRIMARY
OF INTONATION (7-9) (OVER VOWEL SYMBOLS ON 8) SECONDARY
TERTIARY
END OF INTONATION (7-9) WEAKEST (WO MARK)
SEGMENTAL PHONEMES (8)
END OF {NTONATION VOWELS : i¢tuesao0exwad
WITH DRAWL, FADE,
OR BoTH (7-9) SEMICGNSONANTS : w yh oe
PITCH LEVELS (7) CONSONANTS: ptEékbdJgf OsS$vBzimnnirer
PITCH LEVEL ON SYLLABLE
WITH PRIMARY STRESS (7)

PHONETICS (11)
POINT OF SYLLABLE DIVISION : . NONSYLLABIC VOCOID LENGTHS :

WHISPERED VvOcoio OVERSHORT

VOCOIDS :
SLIGHTLY BACKED “NORMAL ”
FRONTED LONG
RAISED OQVERLONG
LOWERED
RETROFLEXED
CONTOIDE :
NASALIZED

SYLLABICG CONTOID

SIMULTANEOUS GLOTTAL CLOSURE a

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Cast of Characters

D = Doris L = Larry
B = Billy Cameraman
G = Gregory

Symbology

— Orthegraphy- (Tape)
-_-, Fiim
lL» Phenotranscription
|> ‘ine transcription
[sa ) Phenomacro |
i[smi > ' Phenesemimicro
{pes s Phcnemicro

[Ma y Kinemacro
[Macmy Kinemacrocommentary

{M3 ) Kinemicro Mi

400 Phenesymptomatic Features .

"3567 Kinesymptomatic Features

4213 Kinesic Shifts

 you called,

D: afterncon

a
a
4
after we

“
were collapsing from

D: the whole thing and Marian

ww

said Well,

(
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D: if she, wants some problems, Thursday's é
 “I!
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: GH: and (Lhvcecececcceeeeseceseeeeeees PeFlects To)a 1

CM: a "Fo of 6] that; Bruce. 2

44
oe
CM: See?
oy

See the red needle? See i

B: M-hm. 4

I was quite 5

D: fascinated with the uh films that we saw in your 6

Oo ec
ony

D: lecture class and I was amazed th- 1

Yeah, I sewed-- 2

(throat) Yeah. 3

G: I showed the three families in that

 I

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D: but the - thing made me 60 -- I don't know 1

a
whether it was because We had been eee ee eee eee nee tenn el

D: at all the LECEULeS. . ec ccc cee ccc ewww eee et ee eect ec ee eect ar ec et see essence 4

D: Francisco-way — Speclal. ccc ccc ccc cc ccc cress cece ee ce eUMe cece cscs scccccceceseceseces WhEN 5

D: thatec cece ccc cc eee eceeeeeseeeee that Lee of course Lee had been6

cf the
D: dabbling around in -
all. fields that you were talking l

D: about for many years and you were pulling all of 2

G: Yeah Yeah 3

D: them together for him which was making him quite 4

D: happy. But - when- uh- there were several gals 5

the wh? the

D: from preschool class that had just gone to movies -6
and Yr darned mad with them when t went

back to school because all they were talking about

bn e
ieee
WAS eee eeee eevee HOw)
ese how
eeteet teeter eae did or
eee

approve of what some mother or other was doing with &

her child, and this was about the extent of

yes

their under standing So T tried to explain or 2

See eeceeeeese. they

were a couple 3

of them who couldn't even understand what nonverbal é

communication was, I mean how can you communicate 5

 couple of coffee mornings |

and decided... ccccc ccc ccccccccceccceces Oh well

What

of this WHOLE... ieee cece cece cece eeeeeeees problem,

business as far as you're concerned and

with Bruce

s0 on.

on which 2
D: that they're. ccc ces cceeceececeeeeceeces dmproving a great desl. Hoy

D: think that», it ) SUEMS. cece cece wcnc cre rencease ed great deal from 2

D: acc c nce a cece ces ecteeeseseecess ear ly infancy when uh the whole 3

D: general problem of interpersonal relationshigs and communication

D: around = this _ family was very poorly loused up. And 5

D: it was it WAS ccs orersccreeeesecccccasreaee sVOLy very bad. 1

- . ~ [hay Myr bs we;

Olden a
XN
D: and uh (sigh) He was definitely... ccc ccc ccc cc ec wesc ee eens e MM, 2

bey
Fights?

D: uh _ Lee and I were sort of [having| a running battle 3

ie tte

D: over hin. - I had these great ideas that this 4

o ~
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/
a
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ye YC
with n -
D: child Tmust. not interfere with my life and Lee on 5
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D: the other hand felt that he had to overcompensate > 6

 what LYever se of 1

D: what ,., is the usual 2

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D: story about MOC KED cece cone o voce concer eoscec re oo caret . er ece eo een enearecacce 3
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eglect her husband

16 25 26

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time would
76 (81) (02 -107 108
4

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because I would
134 138 154
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a ue.Pt cele ee f OBZsudrtio.“di. _. osaed’t |evels | gi’ -dzast’, beaut kg ae" AQ" eAONt”. MO” 2 QUAL.
we ae ee en ee ae eee me AEE eee te te cenaee rater eeeSc | a Oo papteee ee Nn te ee cel eeee Ee ee a

.
ceeeee PM. a ee em “2 —2.°- 2 rt tne: Sot gm Oe rer RE rns naa ee

J
ww43 Int en ar
3 too +ott te
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a *

U4 StrJ_
{ -45_S$gm_—_____._____-__.-_-_-.AY td -—---- day. sayd—__| wel _betax .-downt,__now_ hwat
Be a ee nee eeEt RCIA AAet ee i a As pnre eeee et ne te=e Arh ee RE EAE6 OL

OTLGa159.162.165..7_“171174 177180 183.eB ae198.202 20420721023J

ee AA ne nete rt a cene — ne ee a a ce | RESeeen
rN Hee

i50.0 ; I would decide well

St Pe ee
he. just better fry Z _don't
eon rn eeeeea nt Re eeFAT TF
know what A
|
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else
aAAtt
to tmS Te
1

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a rs ep
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14O TL =... Chr. ZERO... 6 147. 150 253 496.159 162 165 7 #i7l 174 127. (180.183 i8 i189 8 195.198. 202 20+ 207 210 213. 9
A Do ae aeee aeNo AAeR A eR tne See

I _ wavOY Ee attte ee BN te te
he
_ Bevenience
AW) wo te ee tc Meee

143! re- (externalizing) | Soo fo nn._interactives | Boe Se Se eee He ts

: ° : ° wo,
Fine ete sdette cece sees nen et nen ene nee * ee.
tate wees te anne cane unne BOP personalizings_
sect ene eee tn cee ee nun bw nee
, 144 Com . “*Indicates that the hee: of the. shoe is allowed, to drcep away from the foot-the zces hold shoes. ce ee tee ce
: ce es neue. Her shoes have a bacn-strap which holds above hee. protuberance, 00 ne _ (face sag) __.
51 TL. ee Eee 222.179. 8 26 92i208 ee eete
ase... G 8ne SO
eo ee i ee ae re ne FO ET ene ee OESI eeap Ee eR ce eS meen ee eee a cen atce ne te ie nee ape ND a AeeG ee ce nee ee ten ne tee ree te ce ia ME ee ee ten ee ere ee

120 Mo by) tana nvaneee ee UZ

cig. ss cig :
date

jAMT 6 _347150153156.“9162_165 7~ aL aan177180. 283 Be389. 8 195_198... arr.204.207210.213. 9 oe

a a ae atn GA GL, EH RO Oeee

_ wa Va inea neooNEAOR rttateginneRnRP NR Sen ee *

nn oeRE a PHEtES AR OR A APa Op ce trRRRR ee

von DH2BAnnnNe
mn caER RRAR attnA ARnSho ce neSnA NN ARRinN PsatneetMtr

q coe DHBLCCHne,
| an et eeAft 8 Ah RR A9Pt © SHAhhNL Sa enteee ae

_.49Comsmokes)a *ROlls.cigarettes

oe et te a ire nc Le eRA HtcARY eA Hw

zeCOB ____ 00 _
aeTr oe

MOTL La?150353156159162165 7 _i7l_17h180 183,286189 g 195.198201 2ch207210213 9

 at mn - noes tae ss mute - 3c. wee lel TST sass ae ame ne - oa. : we Tastee - ropa ‘. - 7 . Pe) soos .

GUN SCENE oo 7 eG ' | | — . a 4

OTL Chr ZERO, Q 219 222. 225. 228 231 234 237 IO a3, ake akg a52 255. 258. 26: WN 267270. 273.276. 272,282 285 12 -
Cee Dg aoe ee ee aae,

oo Be SOU
7 eK_. LfDynamocaa--- tay" iQuas

RE EN _. ee _.
LVScece rectee ee ete ee SE
we ce ee ee en en em eea em ee eeee eee ee ee neet a me er on ee ee oe annem rime ee ce re ae ee eee ee ee ee wo ee re ee

42 Pt. wee ene ee en Ste a eee a. .sdusy] andst

ee en eee ee eee name elic.uvd't _ aie eee bit
ne : conve
8. a VEET
FOIeT 1 ensre coe ec tee tee t een?: creimiees see 2OVeVETS otfpatistiad t_.
ce a ee er eeee ee ee te re ee ae eee ee ae aa ee aeete eete nAec eeene freee ce ener eee neee ee ee ne bee eee eo te eee

weetceee ww EBit beeengs epee aaee ne ent ee cone

a.
43 Int...ff I —jJ. ce et en a en a eo ee ee,

Us StrJne ee ee
+ ° te ' ence “ . + a + +
a

eete cy a en
‘ .
ees cee on teh nee ren se een ee rene scene ene tah mane rumen conte smaree atl
oO” 1
‘ AN °

eS Sqmtdgalhy won: bay haveric

. 2
ewme
en;fd cee r ge ec ee 6 piriyed
veDe
ae ee enee me eet eae meeeamareene oene ee ee a cen enee ee em ee ee ee

- Tban V. 219222225228231 (P3232 WO _2h3_2h6 249 252.295,._258_. 26,AL_-267._270_273_2276279282285 12 — |

ien | _Leewould we.beDe.Nov
hoveringee “anders eeeese over ee eee
2 period noe ee
ee oe 6 Qe
LTE 216 _ ma _ a __. 2 266 268 929IQ-— + ee SNL 285
261 284
ctan ne en i=ee ee es een

ee
ad

GUN SCENE | . | a hg | - Oo : oo . " “A

WO TL a (ZERO... . .@ _ 219 222. 225. 228. 231__ 234. 237 10 243 246 249 252 255 258 261 LL 267.270 273 276 279 282 265 12

W.VA NNR
“ko BAL Se tN ;
43 CCH ee eee “externalizing a

MR Comhand)(£0
ce a aeine nee te aie ee omneenneannenaein eeetins nnn fe ere ates soaan ieenn inte en eee ee OQ ectee a ene tere
51 Th. | ee
eeeONGie nee | | 3
SE253, |
264 266 268 270) -
ee ee 28) } 2856
284 0 ses

mdeG@ dig
“120.Mo_.EA) cig . : : 639

q “pie226eas228231 23h.237 10 “23246.249252255, 258 261 W 267270273, 276279282 285 12 __

140 TL
ee are itt

atn ch a teanT Tm pe Re

en a a oth fe
Z 2 — 8 : et
oe att eR HeteoeeernA : 7 ° i
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: i i : : : . :
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eae a ee ee en natRR Att Ne Te EA NA eR ARRE | tN ee ot nee a:
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a ntee

32KRD2Vea) Ha LAs EA“LfieGafare/9tt Lf 1Sa(R/2>ct/3)fl

gun m, , : gun gun
ae ee ne aen a a NL et AN ee aenme ce ae

_28
251
OTR 822222ah 2h9
23237 10 243_2b6 28
2762B
255258261. il “267217273
252 12.
2

a 14h Com °frame_0

*From withhisfeetlateral to his buttocks.
) to 216, the bcyhas remainedrelativelyimmobile,sitting w _.
Erect, his. weight is distributed on knees, buttocks, and the media. aspects of his feet. Excect in that this quiet
———~—= —*body alert® is a significantposture, eii movements—are- -tin-isolates-parts-of-the-weak and -are-iergely hidden: fromDoris—————
and Greacry. During the entire scenehenever looks at (or at_least never focuses on thece: camera or cameraman directly
in front of him, a: a
 . os : . : po Fee a Se a woe ” ee a pote: ow. MUR ye : Meee te wee ”y Th Saat woos. wt red eS LU. tx ASHES ne Tee eee BT TS ae Tae tle eT gn aa Sa Shem omnmott ot slof ot

GUN SCENE | . oo | : ro 2 . | : g
| | | s
OTL | Chr. ZERO 12 291 29% 297 307 303 306 309 1B 315 3:8 x) 3 307330 333 14. 339. 3H2...345 HB. 352 35% 357 15
ooo Po es
2) prohye
CBN aeeeter
I ee ee te ee eine eee eee ne me em ee eee eee

Wc een itggg an na ooo a

Sn Se te eeos

ke. Pt. paee WANE tpagm. . riesgat’, et oMDtZe282, ae cel scence ec es co

pe ee ee ee sme o-f -. mene ie ee ee en ES SmoY re Ne Ie TR ana eg Le FR A en RO mE een ws mend fae ee meee

Rae ee meta a ctennte ee ne rmanae ee ee em ee te a

43 Int. a icc ee ceceeect ceecee ne a

« a « « ‘ : ‘ a
+ StrJ_ ate wee ee : P ‘ i a es eae‘ aa.

cnetSQM —$v___.. __.__tay ——_—~-tAs__kat__t# — biyoe.prétiy go. _i_mizaréb ge.

i te a aee etetRRRLA AA nntrrectartemngenees geae ee ee ge eeee ee meetfeteteers meet oe

O49TE - 12.291-294297.300 303... 306... 709

09 13.315.328. Bal. 32 327. ...330.....333. 14339. 32.35348352_.354.352 is...
a nes ena etet te lh EE | I EEET geet

- 500... timeween _ this.—90t___to._.“be, a pretty. Oe eeee asmiserable wo _

ert ne cece tnncee SeneoeORE eeeenNA

LTRagGHe828 240.346... .32_-___358____.

-oa-— a
hdHe)foeeets

| aorn 1
aa aa Tt
 eo TL. Chr ZERO. =... 22 291 294-297 390 303, 306 309_13 315-326-321 324 327 330333 14 - 339 32.345. 348. 351.354 357. 15
we eee

JY. VA Loae)eeNe

1-2 BA We) _. ootYL _ | aa Vv 7 .

143 CCh . (external izing) Ce ln tne interactive Er... * ° * . : "

Ve Com ee SOUL Of breathe . a ce e e ees convenes ue

ce
53 Th gener 297 BOD BOK 206 820, BRB BAD BO 882 BB

Jl“ He ee. (Hq). eeasteee ce ceeeee cilnenenagtnneeiig es coerneen ae ne et geen git ane ngeenennete cei celatnie nen age canoeseee nae peer eee means geet ee ersten eet eee wageig neg chit eine nit
a ee aEM nenm eu ee re ene pe irae eine cafee ee ee ca cee ettne RREG NE te et npn ae ne ee ee eT pen EE eee tete ge ee He ee aee Oe Rn em ee me tn een A en a ate ee ee

120 Mo. QA) weet cnt eee = cnnc eene cea ee eeet tae ieee nate eeeeee anicarn aete enn treeennngeentee nanegete ee een gnageneraanne
cig
a eee neeOcoee ce eene Reetees monn een oe a aet a ea aei cere ee ne ne ce ee et ee eee ce te re ee ne me aE ee en DE Cm ee eae ee me ee ee cee regeee epee etreeene nn ne ate eae ne eee eeeee

yee Th.ee 12 _291_Pit297. 300 43 306... 309. 13 315... 318, 32). 32+ 327- 330.333.14 339. He...Ses aye351. 254b 357 15.
we eee eee ee ee ret enane aeeent necereee eeente eparene ee eeenen See Ene op ee et Sh RNRRG RR AAh=RE| ER RE RRA
: : on

wee ee ee 2 - cnnN nnn ee be cea er renter tn ene RpOe

° HnRN Sa et eS Ae a oe ae ee OeSREN ARREEc AT sn
: ‘ i . .
ee me ee en a ee Et EAReOA eget EYSttsEE AeEN | eeRRee eR ee eeaRR Ee teA, RY ee a tama ec nereee

117 E_ _ NM . , e ° . e ° . ° ° ° ° ° ° ° * ° o- ° ° . ° _e , e ° . e °
fa teCe ae eteeee A A ceey SNreie tapernnn pee eee: eeteeeetete epeR Ahesetenter

wo oo

ne‘4377 Km _.Rl2grb/3¢—_.2/2083c SS e St. _s RL 4 (OOL/4

exc
Lennie «mre es entRRme Se A a eteeaeCe as Se

9913 35 &_321__32h. .327..330. 333- 14 339.342 —345 348.35.354357 15

oedia 3)29297308 303306309
we tne ee ee en RR EN ARNT =

eeA cl GE Aat tA AeeHERtAARARRRA 8tretterete mene nn

eeen NE RARER AAhe eenrRee A ARRth RR A teA

ie i AeeNRT teen
 - ~ - ues 5 a =. To = = = Saris = Sea >. >

OTL... Chr. .zero. ... L§ 363 366 369. 372 375. 378 381. 16 | 387 390| 393. 396. 399.402.405. 17 Ma. Maha7 420 423. +26 4eg 18°
oo DB gy
2) (pX.. —_(*-) oe . “eo ° oe
oat yoeee me i ee ee tes ctr

ceceeee i TT cee ee ee ee cee ee

ee ak eee eame eR te meeeet ennee eta ntEEN RE RAC ne ORR Emenee eee enae a ne eee neeRR nr regen feceeecetct nee mg eretcepemmente sees eae cep cet ei nee eae cng btn se vane ce ve casa
23 1 c { ) e e : e . , e e e : e e e e ‘e e . e -
© CR Le enMO ec cnt weeee onie ee tie ee ee arena te a neta mentee eae ee eae ee cee eaten atte nen ce epee eran nana ene nt ee be tee beeen gee
ce ate ee ee eee ne eree | - ee Le ce ee ee ccee peee eeae e oteee eee cementing acseameeg eoe ee amen meena cc gence ne Cag meee ene cee ene ee ne eee net ee nee ane wee eee eae ee ee ee eee cee nee ue ee ee nee

26+ go. 8...“BD. ee eet ee ee cape ete ee pent nen a ce simtenmnnine ee ee Bc ee ee a we

bo VSg 0 one eK on __Y ee ; ;

Cn genspenecans en ianenaeneee . | oe eee et eee beeeteet ceeeeee

NO Pt lee ee SEA eeen. nence pee te

oePMfog ycg
a i
eee 3 4 te eneronee
Se "eo Into anarrte ce ee nm= teteeeee Nl ttetneen ee een tte ne eene ee teeeine ee afheeeen seene A Se ea eS eta mee ne geet a gee
* o 2
ae “UkStr ee, te a ee a aeA Ne|Ne at ANT SERREe ReAeSE ot SRRRORNR AFR

aSomasit...Suw._ey_¥én wey
. t

a na ne ae aee ee a a i ee re ee ee ette tee ne nee ee ee prt i te ns ee rt oe ee ne ee eeetee eee

WO TL -363..366_-369__ 372.375. 378 381. 16 .387... 3x. 393... 396: 399. 4O2405 17. Hd.a‘az_ke0. +23.226. 4e918
a ee a eeee ee cei ne ne reneoetenet, a reee aey aAYGOHe cee creaT a en a RS SE OREE RG ene a+ emer teenwee

wee _5¢ 0 a weSD it uation — MO a ee Uhuo ee,

aan nen eeneneeS Se ene ee teRANEAeRts Rf Oe on Ses doe weteo

aeST 388807 80
——. ih nes ee et ae ee oe eR ane ee.
 — — = - ~ = ws Sg et 7s = = moe

GUN SCENE a| 4 lee. 7 | Ls | | . :

149 TL. Chr. ZERO, .16 363 | 366. 369 372“35 378 381 16 387 390 393 366 399 402 4osAF 412 414417 420423 42e -29 18
coe —— nae eee DB ee ae er CR neRtR&S e en ene en ne ce ee eeere, oo eee a ceee eetn ee ee eeee ee ee

“yh “VA.eeANS)Ne
e e . e e e , e . e e e

ce ee ee ee a pe: ete es oe Ree memeaten SOE eR Fmeee ee ne ee ne ee ce ee cee te ae ee me ne ee ee Gree eee cee ee ee ne cones rete pee ee ee ee eee

“342 BA We)eeee otte

43.CCh (interactive) Ce eS ee. ‘interne: izing . /

Ve Com ce erSHOR ;
BYTE ce eee eee AI BBHSBB OO HOTOB 0 OD
em re ae eeeen ce rane ee ee ee ee ce Seren nee reerte ee ee ee ne ee eeew te eee ee ee ee me ee ee wo eee Se eee

217 Ee OO
oe a a sig ne ee ee
120. Mo. oe ts : . : :

fe ee ee eee me en eR EL ARt AR Fol eS Oe eenea

E40TL. ne 15 263.366 369... 372.375. 378. 381 16 387. 399.393396. 399.402...KOS. 17. Loi. lb ka7.420 423..426 429 1B

UeCom Saute.SSoe
Be nnnOO

Fe ee ee ee aetRENR, ne: A SeA ttt rent +

fye Bc. —ts tt

j-.__..127 BA/Fi

140 TL , | 1S 363 366 369 372 375 378 381 16 367 393 36 399 402 hos AT ui wy 417 W2o 423 426 429/18
-d

| : oe Pomme : oe 7 .
GUN SCENE po ae : . 7 : | oO | , s 7
OTL. Ghr ZERO.1B 3S 38 a7 HO uss TD 459 M62 HOS 468 47) 474. 477. 20 483486. .4BS 492 495 498 501 ZL
eee Do Co i
2h pro
8 te
~39.Inee a tintveneer ents nnsvae neerpeinWtnt ce neuen veut wen oan i
OUDVSG rc

ce BP ee enee ere er DeBpee SR fast? atgut i

eee PM oeee eerR RR Ht neeeeeee ae neeR ee eee eee soc ne ee ee ee ee, a Tt ne ee ten re encea gine ae za wee ere ene ~ yee ween eee eee,

MBG ctccne ene tif ceegene c ccagee tie ceceeis eee a ne we

Str ccne ilcnee ee ener eaepetal te
ne DSMFeAdyfatto

WBS489492495LOB501 2b.
OTL18ae“54219usorHOMeB47:47h477 ZO__4B3
nenrcS ao oe rni ate oe ee ne ce ee ct eee eete

poOOeegeeefussedtoe
S38wuag
tniPR AAE AIhe ce aee at ctaeee eeeA 9 cease pn ee

we eee DL_TL aes ep ah re cenee Meee eee ee

caeR aaee SEAA nree a nen ee a ee ce te ee RR eAi i aTNte ee Ae Smee

24 He) nae irere

Fob
ae ne eetne AA NR RS ANtAntenr

veeDDE, OVO , a

} 120Mo

]. -.. 133 BLVE___.___(mysz)_

 - ae wt se - STL LTT = = = awit ATOMS TES TL ot Te ad - —. a.t 2

GUN SCENE | . : SE | po! I SO .

140 TL =. Chr. ZERO. 18 435438We) a 7 85D 453 19 459. 462 465 +68wn 474477 20 483 486 489 492_5: 498 522 21
qo DB pi 0 ne ee eee ee ne eee cee ern sree tee ee nee

41)VAEt ot soottt ott . oT ‘oof

142 BA ey we

wu3.cch SC nternaddzing) 8 tn Ceatermailizingy©US

pone eee ee vee weg ee ee eeee cee ey eet ee ee ee et ert tine m re ee e cme a eeeee ne eee

UGG Com) ce ce woe eeFWOOPS ee ee _ _ . .

_.**Lip bite. ‘

CSUTL |RB so
HO_enereneBarycenAM73,MDaosae Cee BD

dDHe| ~ _G “a=aa~ ee=ataLtt TE .

| eoDMOTE38Megs3 AO 22H.68M.47a72.20,183.286MB9._A92FA5122.

—27 avi:B RAS9ML attRD

cm nn renor

130,LAF ——b/azy ye
337Km_re

NOT —-B$35H38_WOs_W743 19 92_bep_8_71

W272.72018)aesA21
ee craRL iY Or

tm ng ar ne ain oF
 3
-

_ : i2. — -Leth a me me. = ~ aes set -eeeaes ei este =~ wont

= woos = : — opm et wees ‘ a 7or = — ones Sagmtoes
S ueet site -_ *Le
Te “ees
~
ay o oD
mer:
= ee _ ._ _ . . : bE 3 ‘

GUN SCENE _.. | oo : , | | ! . | "

OTL |. Chr ZERO... 2507. Bie. 513. 516. 519, 522, 525 22 531.53. 537540|543 5-6. 549.23 558. 558 56. 564 567. 570 573 24.
wee ee ct eee ce ee ee D oa ee ee a eens ne ines ae in eea ee a nt enee eee

be nent nent iyitiwie sameness :

+ aera tee + 6 ents saa erre “ER AN ee Or ee ee Re ee te ee ee

| MOE

us i fae, oth Bit waht, _ek.stggi}

iim:® en. %ex° -uaz*s
u ; .no*- -*gePepi
.sapepit..
e ....

a PO

e * ‘ « « , ° a a a * a
So ee Pi ee Pe ce eethe ee a Ce a ee pe cg ne ee
t
45 Som —_ . mac BY... went.EUW far. dt | Rhy akan... ekstrdym od mneeee

AP Treencoe eee“21” 507. 52° 543. 516|519 ~522.. 525 22,“532 53k537.540.
> 53 5h6.
549 23555.558 Se56h58757057324

bee ane50 Oe aet MH and DL. “went too far to__...thes othero ‘extreme. vonAG..... There ..was.....N0~.....“happy. ws
nr0ee nnce oe el neem a antes lenn ce | rtnt me re a eents ae

woTE07 5 8.SORBe
niana ne ee nares aeteraetna eeHEE RNweene rs AO Re Hee aeerectees en neee neenane aee RnR ee ETae ee He: eR ee ntae oeee ee ee

=
bete) aHe“15,taottWet cdA
me ee att ee ee entnt mit ae en eneeer ernenetnAe8etSteetenet ee ie ee oe eemnie A ctdie eet Sacer mene ee reererent ene ee ee te eece eaae woe

uoTh._507... 522- 533516.519.522 525 22 531.53h532.SHO.HS. She 549 23 555.558 Sel.

= 56H --567....520... 523 24.2.
atnt a en

Te VA npLe tot reraera so

{~
ann fe aes wre ne a a me ee

vee 43 CCHexternalizing ot
ie ce etae cnAte irrNt

ne neetreRREeant ptnnnent

ne eenea a rt
 GUN SCENE | | Oo a! | | | CR
:
t
i
i ‘
; 4 :
: : 7 f : : ’

51 TL .Ghr..ZeRO. SOP SUBSUNB 22 nts ee ent re ee de we nt he a ce ne ape ee ime ng eee cern ee ae eine beeen eee

cee G@
Aye He gyteeee
a a anaeee A rnee ep en me ee a ee ee ~ ae neentre

OTE | AD807519.513. 516,519522525 22531535 537THO 543SHE5-92Z 555.558 561564 5E7 5795732g.
BR COM ae eeevee oe MEYOS teevvennui ene ve ne ebee ee
: we cette eee eee! **Gregory and. Doris at. each OCMeKe i eee bet ee tee eae cee cane eee eevee Gonna nee pnb ceeee en vee

we ee a ne ieee ee te metres cecnee cap memeeecc ate: beet eee carmen) cement mee ae RR me cree ane ee ae me te ee

wee we ee me ne er ee ee ee ene RE gu ant me me Rg RG eRcen ee megieee tiene wee

-cee ne ee cee eeeeng nenae RReee eA HERE Lee RE oe AUER REE Magee ene nie SRee fe net netne Semen nenRE | Oe GRRE eteete aeen ee ne cig eee oo eRe ee Sg a Ee ane RNee cepeRG SOepAe ne a ee eee ne ips eee ran ceenge serene pe tele gue eens
1
ce ee ete end at egcten ee Oe NR atte NRE Ae Ee A a eetRR RRnes teNE RE NE ReeER Het EEE eR GeREL op EnteRRL ne a ee npentena nelle REE A eg ce ee RR ARE ee nt eRe trees ene een eee cee oe

wea i etee a ai ntl ee A RR tt RENeoA nt ee eee nee Se A Ae rH NN cae Ae a A aee FARE ee ne EE tte te ae
4
: 1
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: ee a RE
OTL... Che. ZERO... .. GD 1659 1662 1665 1668 1671 1674 1677 7O 1683 1686 1689 1692 1695 1€98 1701 FZ 1707. 1710 1713 27:6 1719 1722.1925 72

50 0 De a Oh . thanks honey .
. fee , . : . . oe +, . . . . : 15" : Loe : . . , . .

92 He . . . . . . . . a30" “hi Z>a h¢ >A nti en a E™N 4 oN a. aA thes.

+ 2 2 + <ccc

. . . 4 . . : . gle: . a . . ; . . . ay
9 EF | oo . . CO 00 v>>. se 2 oe .- oe OO vy ney owe
floor boy tcy's face Ly to pillow OL Se?
. . . ' ' . . . . . : : . oe . ' : > < . : . oad .

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. . es s we . . . : . 0 . 1é@ e . -

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104 RA . : . O'R : 3139 | : . |

+ woe a
wee a . ,
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a. Bb oe, teR. Knee . > ne“Knee 8 AGx. shoulder .,: OLA A AEN oe Pr |
195 5 H Ha/Pa v
/P + ye ‘ . : : . cig. —
tis
eeil . (2b3b)
a aoe ‘ stk x oa
“elbow LA a&~
hidden ak
> by pillow . : 5 Ye . woes .

are Be ' ee ws a a coe cae elbow a . .

, io , to ' ;
. . ’ - : wea - . . « . . 7 wie ee HN ee eee eee . . - ee _ nae . . . . « « . ee ee —— bed * . . * .

197 LA. :- = oa a . . . : oo. Oe

opee . ee hidden by . boy ‘and pillow e . e te OL e a oY coe, . e .. ° .

108 Ha/Pa ss, ‘between se, 30"

SOF314g, a la > Rie ete bee ed et nner te me
: ‘ k nees 2b) P? 2.
et ee ee : so. . a Py’ ae - ve nee eign ert Ee amteneren roe ge De ee ed ew “ ce tenes
: . + : : :

119. RL...vb a cdee i a

WF be TD tt2. _hisses.(by BOYet
decheute woe : a Seesgenet sagenentdancin aot ae ne emul ett cee
112 LL. beet teee . eevee eenegynt beets ens ee ne ee nese epee eee
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a ee te em meee ne cen ne te cee ee ee nena ce ae eee eee ete eee eee nmi eee cee meee eernee ee ee ee cee fe ee ee . -s ~

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~ — - we ee ene ae aes a nnene a tee ee o aan - _ - ee wee ee - -

hm ee soe Sm ee ee ce a ne ce eee te me ee EE ee ne rene oe ce ee ee ee ee ee nes en cence cn eee EE ee eine ee em es ee eee eee enue anes ee ee - oo ee wee ~ ~ ~ ~

- ee oo . - _ -— oe cee geese ee nee aay eee eee helene ane coe ence cee eeene ieee em enna eee ee ee eee ae tne we mene Re en MRR ee RR ge ng ee eben ee ee tae ue aie

ete ee -- - Pe ne ae pre eet cae ae einen eercenters wentRe te ge ne ee eee ee es nad eenee mete Ae met Ee ee cee ge Re ee neoe ne Ree ne ete eHecgeee te geen Nene eee eee
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 - Pillow Scene.nncccone eee es espe means teppei es eh bib ws
| meee me e cena _ ° my . SORES AS TE BT ESTE Ean ET 254

OTL __ Db __ZERO. 2 173: 1734 1737 1740173. 1746 1759. 73 L755. 1758, 1761 176% 1767 1770 1273. 74 1779 1782 1785 17881791 1794 1757. AS

6 hidd en. PUL]S 0 meee nnn cen n nn nnn nnn enn nnn nnn ne-wee nn rene n en ene nnn ne eese wy over lax
95 E . . . . . . Sllow’) 8 te . . oe . . . . . . chin drop -

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1°91 Sho . .
ra TN
. oo, — “pillow ray 7 >
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. tea , _- , pivots on hips.
194 RA. . ' Lo AA.itton lyago >>> oe . . . yr ne Co
Cet Ce . a 5 wee 4Ad . . i " pillow -------., *
195 ‘Ha/Pa ; i : > > 39
, a pillow. even’. ‘
mo top of head _ on shoulder: oS ;

197 LA

‘8 Ha/Pa vee we ce eb buena

et ee eee + ce eee ee ee ee — +: aprpc mee cee; eteee i eee ent cae ee ee ee mene tae eee nee a Bm a ee
* ee ee ee

amie nomen ents ae Sete po eee = Se "iaensch seseeconcsitccicctoseataceetorenrona BE dSEn by” dress:
1d F cnet nee

. Feet en ee eee ate bee ce te reese tt ee spc mann mgm an beter eet ene ee eae ns Btee penee ee ata ce — wee 7

we ee ee ee ee mee see --: fen eee mete ee ae ree ei ee ee Fe ee ee ee nr ee eee eee ten me nt ne me ee eee cee eee

112 LL wre es tee nee ae eee ; cee tee eee t wee eee oe tee ee ee ae . ae hidden-eres ewes oon es mae eemeonneworwleft leg.under . ee
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ADB AE ne ee ee oe . he _ Tight. leg

Lo ‘ oY 7 oe — footshows ~~
wee ee ete cope ee me eee eee cpm - tes tee - nn pe sien seme eee rs aas ee — tare ey an wee eee sreea 7 few meee eee ee wo en a we mee ee

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Pill ow... 5 CONEwoe: Se RET PEAY IS TTS ete er ran. nenttins ASVROISAgeAm sm et. nce epee esse Be TL toe toe
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OTL Chr. ZERO... 173) 1734 2737.1740.1743 1746 1745 731755. 1758_1761 1764 1767 77° 1773 T# 1779 1782 ayes 2788 1791 1794 1797 75
see sees Bee eee ~ 4s ws : - 4 ee Bet ne ee ee ee

RO pe py ane
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92 He 1 < nh. 3 R 2:30 «00...

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95 E 00 | UU |
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—Gack to mo. watches till “-
>Greg(?) UY pillow falis

98 M o

191 Sho aA 39" T

i5" A A .
1n2 Tr pivot >
< Pivot -

104 RA ; . oy ; - Of qyan. lax - 1330 ; iy

re ; 27 oo Chino «<\in. °
195 Ha/Pa. Uf eee 4 .
. cee wnt a -
pillow _ 193000 rrr rrr tre tener ce rte reccresercre
197 LA. 2:2. (_30" wan:
: <] 223°: 1230 2:30 <
ng Ha/pa - =A AeA L2:30-a x pivot. + -
198 Ha/Pa,. _. nee no a, SBR .
oitto w . ; .. weleases pillow 0 0.00
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Abe

co MOR.
LE : ee oot Doo ‘ : 5 ’ >> @ i oc) stepping bene eneenneeeehissen errr errr renner
oe Me e- - Starts step. O vee walking oo...
Pivots > on both | mo,
es ee - vee ne, “heels c= we
es - ce cic ee gee ceeenegeannne eae nts neemcena voce cache neemeeen tenner cee oe -- fee es eee

LIB Foo eee : cee foe henge ce,

' - Pivots oF
.
PoOMB... Bower Bighto rece
>_>_ anah,.,t”t”*t”*~C~S~S toward right-r-r--- ee ee

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weoeneesceeed eee edn 2 fone Piece ane cn agate cmemean c ns en mince entne neeneSidi ae Rem manag ta oa
I ceenIET PR ET EE aT
ene pe! nef i ee ereneee ps cutee fempeep
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i ienespice i ob ntuten sogeeeneihiennnnnnengcrcnite
a ttecantanmin iene gine anes fieanemepannae ena cane nate i dies Soe pete pe
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orn 8 Re
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: rt rn tr ne renee -+ _—~- idee ntenegerpaneces eaneneneenee ene a thee cee ge ieee ee
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Piitow Scene — /8S0 C mQuowNn TRAWSCRIPTION ) 1886 PEST -P1LLOW SCENE
poy : ' io po |

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,, Pillow Scene - 1850. ASE fee te ee ee Sb ast. rae cyt steed

_- 1859 - Post’- Pillow Scene. . foot eeeee eee

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OTL... Chr. .ZEROL....... 7& 3893 186 1899 1812 18151818 182] 7G. 1827 1830 1833 1832 1839 1842 1845 77 1851 :854 1857 1860 1863 1866 1865 78.
ete ee ee oe ae lk Bete ee - Bee tre re mee aa ere etme nm ee ee em 8g etree eee ee ee ee ee ee ene Fe te eee cee ae : eo Fee ee eo ee

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32 KR . . , i : re a ne . . a *
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41 VSg . oo, , , - Coo, co Lees ce Co , 8 a%o : ee . ay

42 Pt Lo, : . So, a . . Rez oz eT ochrelaw Mal nits’ saiegick %

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4 ~ - wee ee ce te te tee ee nee hee det ee een eenpenemn ie gee eee ee ee ae eee L

ve be dee ee ee eee Lo teeta cnn feceeneeee ere ee coe ee re . coc pee

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_ - : . oe ee bo me e nee te eegeeeet _ . . -

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; ; ! . :

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os - ede a - cobs - ie eee cee Leneceeee nn a eseence tene eee wee aeg ee eee eee ee ee cine eae cree mete ce cent deneneae - -

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3 : 1 aa : :

wie Sect ee ned ee ee ee ed ee ee me ceeeetaentelre ng eeeherein oot ee aetnacaeanea ! fee eece eceea cre et oepene ee eee nig weenie eet omnes ie eee een
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 o Pillow. wocene.-1859 eeewimnpiemesene ree tsetsesaps ne Te TT a 1850..:° Post .=* Pillow..» SCONEeee on eS Te ot SI, t2 ere = Cn sss S. >. Tar
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5° .0 ‘ ee . a tae . i . we . eee ereere eee eee eerere oes FHF HOCH HS HSH SPH HR ee HE OPO e there's | Boece eee LOt zt this I think

sone * . : .e ‘ eo: . a ‘ - oe : oe : : . Cot ae oe : . : : . “”

92 He. . . . hg 2:90 --------meeeeeceee weeeeeeeee>> “TN133°

>—— to floor? arene ener neceenens= >>>> -00-
95 .E

98Mo . eG bb ,
. Ss " _ mt mo Hs oo * sustained to 1899 °
i191 Sho foo a ao Co be . . O> to camera .
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195 Ha/Pa ow. | ot Pee Pp oe ge) ae

cede odemee Meee a ne ebde ce fe Pad el sw MASLS. tO: tightens | be nee
bee gece bee Se bei thu pues uty wutierieerwa towns em wove sue aePalm nail grip) |
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me bo _ , 3a ; r. hand of
aSe aSe a a nnnnk a a nn ee eetc ere ni eee dene tte Re cme:

41% (RL sce cewejen ewes cae. ween ee eee eee enon ween wee ee nn ee gene eee nnn e ne eee cen eresmote mec renee esree i i 4 ane
11).F. oohfe be ceeeteeedeee cc edeccees cue ne vigleecenterseededee gt or menteenbn Gaeeneennetanne Sieaetedniee Geeegece nena nner ts) onantes epimers cae nee ee
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92 Fe | . ; - oe cee ohA BAH. - He vV>e> DD.

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ou Br . . as 50) soe ees ri ¥ a

95 E . ; 00 Greg... + + + « » Og OC <«< slowiy out of focus ...< , S$ ¥ -<y es Vv

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99 Chi. , . . ; er SO
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le Com. wi. east degree posterior-anterior.. cs ADEOWS weakly, loweredfo ee le

rock occasioned by hip tension * loss of cheek tonus :
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Seema oe eei ee rr ee pet Re ee re ei a re ettne 4 ed eame oe ee ee ee eee eee ae eeeegeneeeaeeaten ae comedegeanpcnne Con ceeeenpiny fhe ot erent eet ewaen ee eeenee ee a epee cit cenaengt a scenes hee Scena eee eee
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Dp to fn ener nee tine cee ap tet ere te we cerene ribet ene tee nt ttt ee pe nt eee erp cette ee ateertrhe ree ee nem ae tr eee ee ee 8 Le ee ieee: teat ne ng cmermenee cr ogee nee aSe nd be
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jee ewe ek dec ee ead . Be gle ceeutwneh veneee spe. eee eee venhe ne cee ce - - :

SOO unstable 0. 0. or... immature.character, in many, | many. ways

+ 4 - - ~ De ee ~ = Lpocmse Do mettnctes ommmen n in nae ag Sot ed eae meget ceetemen ss ree non ns crete cee mp a nee reee ee

a mode cin be ee : fof ee eae . gee eeeede wee cea be ce ne te meee: eee cee: ee ee Ce ete Fe eine ee ee ee ng ete cm ete cee ener em coe Le nefer pen eee eee ees

a
dite ieee veer ap ney ee eens ete fee cee oe Re ee ne re ee ee ete ce me otter eetena ne ey eed oo ei aerated eeneg ee Eee enenent at ctENR em a Ee Ep aR ge ee ee mcs mee ane ape eg ee re oe te gee oe en ee cre renee

cee ee ge ee reefers meee ieee gece deen me pe cee eee ebm eee ng ie ec meemeetee cab i een ete eet ate cake meee ee ee cet geen commun emer ere: ene tee nee rennet rebenee ennener areneates ee imeem nemae rede RE ree eee Me rT be tee be ee ee ee
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ene soca en eee eeeoe ee men emmy pees nepeenerin mene bre metenatertm te et eae eters meeeeh ee eee ee en ee ee oe ee ae nent AenReep EN Ie RROR A RR ean One Ae etRy et mh om A me Fe em ee mg Fires fee cpenraneenn ena: He cements ae nee
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98 Me : ‘ a . * 8 us . @ © e,0e # @ @ vocal (oj-l—E. e e.e e . 8 ©. 9 © © © ©. 8 8 8 ewe eo ee 8 ee Be le

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wees 111 F meee me ee ne emer ber cece ee ee OO eR BL 8 8 ee ee ee ek ee ee ee 8 ee ee ee we a

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ay woe ‘ noe - ~ 4 - tb ences WTERES TT + : -. vee 4 - .- . : - . . oo -

: * maybe quality of strong reenter (on basis. of rarity) | *slow move of lcwer arm to raise cigarette

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knowee= - the situation.

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Ds in uh °°°"’s family such as yours “°°” where your in- uhe- 4

Ds your interests are so much intellectual and YOU'TCccesccccscvcvces 5

Ds Cee cr ercrccccccerececcsccvccssl don't know I I would think 6

 Ds that that YOUF severe cecvecevsvesesecesccessccscevsccvethidt your level ]

D3: of eh Of wee rerccccccccerevccccvececevcccccseccecestalking

and stuff . 2

Gs Well, - there's garden, there's always . 3

Di would be even higher ANd so cececcsecccsecese higher than a

Gs the yard after al) (laugh) - 5

Ds ours. I mean we like to SW cece cccrssecessereerevecece 6

Ds . oh well, you'll see when Lee gets home uh 1

aeanaenae
Ds what that that's uhh Lrrarn | can be a pretty 2

EEAEE A A et

: G3 eoccese what happens? Uh-huh. 3

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Ds rough time because he is wanting daddy............but good 4
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.

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 GOH

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De: seveccccscesecescscs ofS problems

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Ds and it usually makes dinner times just ghastly because 5

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wontt have any . 6

Ds of this and he won't do that and -he

Ds - wants this and he wants that and we try for the ae 3

Ds most part just’ to ignore it now. eerrrrrnay no attention 4

G: Myeah, ours, I'm 5

Ds to it well Doce sccccccrcvvccreveccc

cvccccvcvcsecece 6
 GOT

Gs glad to say, eats like horse / we don't have a 1

Ds keep figuring some day - he'll SLATteccsvesevevscccccccerevecsesch@'S © 2

Ge bit of problem in that field. 3

Ds ' not, obviously he's not sick (laugh) how us

G3 He willl (laugh) He will 5

De he lives on what he eats I dunno. But uh 6

60%

Ds uu=-we ' uuewe've uh really don't worry too much about it 1

: .

D: . any - more, And uh Is wasn't I wasn't sure just 2

K
D: what you were interested in doing uh Bob (Gantor - told 4

De: us to call you if we were interested in working 5

 D3 and. —have any part ‘in what you were doing seemed

Ds: like a very fine thought to US.

G3 Well. That's uh okay by sme. uh We have 3

G3 a PLOJECEsccccccesscscscccecccssscecssseceeat the VA cccccccccccccscceccs 4

- G3 with outside finances actually that pays for the film

G3 from thes ccccccecccsesMacy Foundation. We're studying the

'

NN

G3 disruption of communication between parents and children,

Gs trying “to get some idea of the various gambits that -

Gs the two sides use, in trying ‘to ge t together

G3 or, the degree to which the gambits separate them

“G3 or bring them together. There's very little been

G3 done, - actually, on the actual natural history

G: of what does happen between parents and children. 1

Gs I mean a thing like that three families film. 2

\
t

Gt “Nobody else - has done =§ a film . like that that I 3

ee
t

G: know of. It's very obvious, it's ot 5 4

G3 oe nccccecceccccccccseessaccessible | ready to do. And most 5

Ds (throat cleared) 6

400

Gt what is said about parents and children is on some= 1

Gs body's report of what happens. So we're trying to 2

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LITTLE GREEN EARS SCENE Po ee Soe 108

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LITTLE GREEN EARS SCENE | ; : ;

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 LITTLE GREEN EARS SCENE : : a 7 : ' oO

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23 1c (0-)

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144 Com eee : ho oe cee ete a Dy(scratches head)..

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LITTLE GREEN EARS SCENE 5 re BS ee

2 eR ZERO, 306 7347 7357 7353. 7356 7359 7362 7365307 73717374 7377 7380 7383 7386.7389 308 73957398 7502 T4O4 7407 7410 7413 309

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LITTLE GREEN EARS SCENE en re Pp SG | 7

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M-hm. 6

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DeRi 5 HAD LEFT AND Cows JTS Reecn

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Nyaa this is particularly.

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Brucie, Mickey 2

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that's the end of the picture, see? | 4

LN

Yeah.

((long — pause3 she walks back)) One of the greatest . 6

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Ds eeccecceeeel | don't know I uh | maybe it's just cause I'm 95

Ds in: “a good mood today or - maybe it's because it's Thursday 6

Ds and you should have caught me on "Friday (laugh). 1

Gr
(laugh). - 2

Ds AN cescccccesccescvccec
ese things are UN oe scesecescceveeeeethi
ngs seem 3

D: - to be better ANd se esececcccccccvceccccccececesess@XCuSe me. (long pause)4+

‘Ds Hullo? ¢

xt. (another woman in kitchens) - didn't was 6

(other womant) - wondering if you had any cold beer 1

Ds (laugh) | We have a cold beer, yes (1augh) 2

END OF TAPE ‘ONE

[oocgcece ce se

AIDE

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