Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Foucault
Author(s): Nancy Luxon
Source: Political Theory, Vol. 36, No. 3 (Jun., 2008), pp. 377-402
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20452638
Accessed: 12-06-2018 16:55 UTC
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20452638?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
me,i3i6";Number 3
....June2008. O 377-402
*? 2008 Sage Publications
Ethics and Sub ectivity 10.1177/009059.11.7083 15143
Ethics and Subjectivity http://ptx.sagep.com
Practices of Self-Governance in the http:/online.sagepub.com
Late Lectures of Michel Foucault
Nancy Luxon
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
1. Introduction
Modern individuals are faced with the paradoxical task of living against
themselves and experiencing their lives in certain important ways as
being "impossible." From the mid-19th century on, moderns have
become accustomed to the claim that our experience of the world leaves us
Author's Note: Thanks are owed to the following for their comments on earlier versions of
this paper: the two anonymous reviewers for Political Theory, Harvey Goldman, Alan
Houston, Jeffrey Lomonaco, Jennifer London, Wayne Martin, Tracy Strong, and the partici
pants in the 2006 Political Theory Workshop at the University of Chicago. An earlier draft of
this paper was also presented at the Western Political Science Association meeting of 2004.
Revisions were completed under the generosity of a Harper Fellowship with the University of
Chicago's Society of Fellows.
377
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
378 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 379
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
380 Political Theory
Foucault's turn towards the ancients finds its impetus in the ongoing
debates in France about the relationship between politics and ethics.
Following France's undistinguished experience with collaboration during
WWII, French post-war philosophy grappled with the theoretical founda
tions of the individual and the basis of his ethical responsibilities. Both
philosophical and political debate were especially dominated by Jean-Paul
Sartre, who exercised influence not only through his courses for the
students of l'Ecole Normale Superieure but also through his newspaper Les
Temps Modernes and his political involvement with the Communist Party
of France (PCF). Early on, these debates wrestled with the dilemma of find
ing a moral basis for political action, without forsaking France's historic
investment in secularism.
Foucault's ethical sensibility is standardly situated against the universals
of humanism. Indeed he claims, "What frightens me in humanism is that it
presents a certain form of our ethics as a universal model worthy for any
type of liberty. I think that our future contains more secrets, more possible
liberties, and more inventions than humanism allows us to imagine in the
dogmatic representation given it by the various groups on the political spec
trum ...2 Yet the problem Foucault identifies with humanism lies in the
response it prompts in adherents; it encourages them towards a dogmatic
filiation with a singular ethical vision rather than impelling them towards
the interpretive work that might allow individuals to discriminate between
a multiplicity of ethical models and relationships.
Even as Foucault's earliest writings avoid humanism by condemning it,
his research consistently treats those themes-most notably, moral psy
chology, freedom, and truth-often associated with the political and philo
sophical projects of the Enlightenment. Tellingly, rather than directly
engaging these themes, critical responses to Foucault's published work
have focused in large extent on how to read his books, and on the place they
leave for political action; for some, these two issues are not necessarily dis
tinct.3 The nature of this critical response, to be sure, has varied a great deal
across fields, from the enthusiastic embrace of philosophers of science, to
the general disapprobation of Anglophone classicists.4
Across all of these responses, the one commonalty is an uncertainty as to
the grounds upon which to judge and evaluate his work, along with the sense
that his work constituted an attack on those engaged in the "caring profes
sions." When Georges Canguilhem states, "In Foucault's thesis, it is mad
ness that is primarily at issue, not mental illness; it is exclusion, internment,
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 381
and discipline that is primarily at issue, not asylum, assistance, and care,"5
he means not that Foucault leaves the last set of issues untouched, but that
Foucault inverts the terms on which these discussions are generally con
ducted. The result is not only to undercut the humanistic impulses attached
to, in this case, mental illness, but also to disorient the academic reader
habituated to a particular-and usually humanistic-frame of reference.6
Some critics come close to asking whether his books are books at all. This
disorientation is intentional; indeed, Foucault refused to write a preface to
the second and third editions of Madness and Civilization on the argument
that such agenda setting would oblige the reader "to consent to a 'declara
tion of tyranny."'7 Foucault thus writes not to disable ethical impulses but
instead to provoke reflection on the interpretive framework invoked and the
adequacy of any attempted response. Not only does Foucault himself refuse
to play the part of the moralist-a position more willingly adopted by
Sartre-but he also embeds himself and his reader into the interpretive con
text generated by his writing. At the beginning of his work on the ancients,
Foucault theorizes this interpretive move more explicitly as "the intent ...
not to pursue the unspeakable, nor to reveal the hidden, nor to say the unsaid,
but on the contrary to capture the already-said, to collect what one has man
aged to hear or read ... 98Considered in light of these comments, Foucault's
preoccupation with moral psychology, freedom, and truth is with these con
cepts as part of the modem "already-said" that gains political and ethical
purchase through an interpretive working-through. The narrative occasioned
by self-formation is not driven by an ethical ideal-it is not allegory-nor is
it driven by the forward-moving, plot-based action of desire. Instead, it
works with the ambiguous ethical resources already possessed by individu
als, and leaves to them the final shaping of these resources into something
more. Foucault's work thus strikes a nervy chord not just with the episte
mological claims that intellectuals use to guide their work, but also with the
ethical principles that drive their self-understanding as intellectuals.
In its crudest formulation, Foucault's intellectual trajectory is away from
a philosophic investigation of the humanist subject and towards the condi
tions of political possibility. Where, in the investigations of the human sci
ences "man never found himself at the end of the destinies charted for
mankind,"9 political subjects have known a different history: "in the course
of their history, men have never ceased to construct themselves [on their
own], that is to say, to displace continuously their subjectivity, to constitute
themselves in an infinite, multitudinous series of different subjectivities,
and that will never end and never place us in front of something that would
be Man."'" Moving away from the "doubled" subject that characterizes his
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
382 Political Theory
earlier work cannot be, however, a simple refusal to grant such a subject
standing in his own work. And while the earlier work does suggest that
individuals forsake a "legislative" model in which their claims to subjec
tivity extend to others, the later work seems a different "exemplary" model
than one that stipulates that individuals must believe in certain values while
accepting the impossibility of their realization."1 Instead, the shift that dom
inates the later work, is the shift to personal relationships sustained by prac
tices that, following the imperative at the close of What is Critique? to not
be governed, take their starting point from the very asymmetries of these
relationships.
The subtleties of Foucault's ethical subjectivity premised in personal
relationships and expressed through actions sustained over time are sharp
ened by their contrast to Sartre's own work on ethics and subjectivity. Sartre
claims that the primary obstacle to morality is evasion, and turns to two
concepts-"birth" and "desert"-to make such cowardice all but impossi
ble. Sartre anchors the individual in the very "facticity" of his existence; the
mere fact of being born into the world necessitates that individuals assume
responsibility for it and for themselves.12 Repeatedly, Sartre asserts that
individuals "deserve" the world that they are born into; that is, they acquire
moral obligations by acquiring a context or a world.'3 Yet even as Sartre
hopes to translate his commitments to the material conditions of "facticity"
into a philosophic appreciation for the everyday, he fails adequately to
problematize everyday relationships and their relation to the past. His
account neglects the extent to which social relations rely on a conception of
the past in order to make sense of actions undertaken in the present. By
making "birth" the origin of responsibility, Sartre implies a birth in which one
must immediately claim oneself and one's context.
Such a childhood-less conception of origins renders individuals depen
dent on themselves alone for guidance in facing up to their terrifying free
dom and making the authentic choices that ethical living demands. Even in
Search for a Method, when Sartre speaks in the language of "praxis, cre
ation, invention"'14 and about those life projects that bind present and future
together, these continue to lack firm anchorage in any past. Lacking an
infancy, it is unclear how such individuals could form themselves or
develop attachments to others such that in choosing a project for them
selves, they could simultaneously choose for all others. The a-contextual
conception of "desert" does not allow us to make sense of our intuition that
different people have different claims on us, or that our ethical responsibil
ities to others are not-and need not be-uniform. In seeking to protect
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 383
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
384 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 385
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
386 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 387
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
388 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 389
model in which to cultivate, express, and act on ethical steadiness; that is,
they offer a structured relationship in which education is not simply the
story-telling of an experience of provocation and transfiguration, but
instead emerges from the dynamic tension and revision of two individuals'
vantage points and the norms that compose them. The first instance of
story-telling relies on the heroic account of an individual's encounter with,
resistance to, and overcoming of potentially coercive Others and norms; it
is an account whose beginning (the claiming of heroic or artistic status) is
defined by the continuous reassertion of its end (contest and resistance of
stabilizing norms). To return to the earlier discussion of Sartre and Deleuze,
it is an account structured by desire (to be otherwise), one ignorant of the
parentage of a nonheroic past, and risks being fundamentally conservative
(change is localized in the heroic individual).
Yet if, as argued earlier, parrhesiastic accounts concentrate their atten
tion on the "messy middle" of personal interactions and relationships, then
their effects are more subtle and rely on parrhesiastic educators as those
who serve as points of orientation rather than "orthopaedic individualists"
who straighten or correct, or agonistic competitors who seek to carry it off
over their opponents. Even as parrhesiastic encounters are highly charged,
they represent a commitment to the interpretive and strategic arts of nego
tiation. To use another as a guide or a touchstone means to use her as a
marker or signpost-a buoy, perhaps, in troubled waters-by which to get
one's bearings. The basanos simply recalls individuals to themselves.
Motivated by curiosity and resolve rather than desire, parrhesiastic
accounts of oneself narrate an interaction not an experience, compose a
public site of judgment not a character, and leave postponed the finality of
their endings. Parrhesia's vantage points are multiple such that "it is a
matter of bringing into congruence the gaze of the other and that gaze which
one aims at oneself when one measures one's everyday actions ... ."32 For
such an account not to collapse into normalization requires not that norms
be forsaken but rather that congruence-the harmony of words and deeds,
rather than the singularity of intention-and interpretive modulation of
measurement be sought. In keeping with this attention to site, direction of
the timing and pace of activity become a matter of controlling those strate
gies that bear on and would govern over oneself. Alluding to Plato's
Republic, Foucault allows that different individuals may achieve different
harmonies that achieve different effects on the ear; no single model of eth
ical self-governance exists. Parrhesia's contribution as an educational prac
tice, then, lies in its ability to school individuals in a common set of ethical
practices; this body of practices both provides a measure of continuity and
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
390 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 391
their social relations to others. The effect is to rework the terms of moral
obligation and the way such terms and obligations structure a community,
in movement towards an ethical community defined in reference to its own
internally generated norms rather than to an external order.
Parrhesia would seem to offer an example of how the movement to
assess claims to value at least begins with local, personal relationships even
as it requires a broader set of collective practices to sustain such claims.
Foucault explains, "A long time ago one knew that the role of philosophy
was not to discover what is hidden but to render visible precisely what is
visible; that is to say, to make appear what is so close, what is so immedi
ate, what is so intimately linked to ourselves that because of all this we do
not perceive it."35 It is through the act of redescription that the "expressive
subject" submits events to be considered according to local distinctions
between truthfulness and falsity. For such reflection to generate ethical val
ues, the parrhesiastic mode of truth-telling would need to be brought to bear
on other values-such as liberty or security-central to that community;
such a relationship would enable this mode of truth-telling to be stable
under reflection and to acquire value itself. The intuition here is that truth
telling practices are collectively, not individually, maintained.36 Such public
redescriptions test the truth content of these events and claims for the pre
sent of "now and around here"; the mode of truth-telling is resolutely local
and articulated in terms of the community at hand.37 As historian Paul
Veyne has commented, it is "less a philosophy of truth than of speaking
truly."38 It offers a mode of truth-telling that results in the creation of an eth
ical structure capable of establishing and assessing a provisional harmony
of words and deeds.
Read against Foucault's earlier work on populations and biopower, such
ethical deliberation would need to work against the tendency, when settling
on the ordering of values, to forget that the process of such an ordering is
not itself an order and emphatically not a natural one. Individuals would
need to establish some means of giving priority to some values over others,
or at least to understanding this valuating process. Yet from critical atten
tion to their own experiences, and their capacity for self-governance, indi
viduals would seem to gain a different ability to talk about hard cases and
exceptions to governing norms. No longer dependent on the terms and
authority structures of external order, individuals need not push these
beyond the borders of community from a subjectivity defined from fear.
Instead, the psychology of ethical self-governance is different-it educates
individuals to a manner of understanding better equipped to consider chal
lenges to ethical standards of value. As areas of weakness, not illness, these
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
392 Political Theory
hard cases will become new sites of ethical work; they will be occasions for
ongoing care, not singular cure, of oneself and one's community.
If by the end of Discipline and Punish, "the soul has become the prison of
the body," then steadiness is the attempt to dismantle that prison. The move
ment of adjustments that contribute to steadiness is the movement between
the "prison" from which one perhaps starts, towards another mode of exis
tence (une vie autre). One cannot simply exit the prison willfully and with
one swift movement; the exit or Ausgang must be created and its way pre
pared slowly in advance. Thus, the steadiness that grounds parrhesia renders
it less a ceaseless questioning that risks either being aimless, destabilizing, or
dissipating into ineffective critique than a set of practices that enables indi
viduals to become grounded and to thoroughly inhabit themselves.
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 393
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
394 Political Theory
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 395
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
396 Political Theory
5. Conclusion
Paul Veyne notes that in Foucault's new schema, "what is opposed to
time [as in 'times past'] as well as eternity is our own valorization of the
present."60 Foucault's use of the ancients considers this valorization both in
terms of abstract constitutive ideals but also in terms of finding value in the
world-at-hand. Undoubtedly, to many Foucault's turn to the ancients will
seem akin to one of plunder or to the despoiling of an archaeological dig.
Yet these digs help us to understand our present in light of the past, and to
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 397
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
398 Political Theory
of the value conflicts that characterize their community and less threat
ened by the existence of other manners of being. Politics, too, would seem
to need multiple manners of being, modes of truth-telling, and models of
subjectivity.
A different model of truth-telling and engagement might be especially
needed in those extraordinary moments when matters of political principle
and foundation enter public debate. Here parrhesia makes a more obvious
contribution to political engagement. In such moments, the normative pressure
is on forging or reforging a consensus, on repairing a break, on re-orienting
the community's course. In such moments individuals seek consensus under
the pressure of political necessity, but they do so in the absence of settled
norms and values for evaluating such a consensus. Foucault's work on par
rhesia suggests that to recognize such moments and adjust one's response
accordingly requires a discretionary capability and a capacity to settle on
values one is willing to stand for. The practices of parrhesia offer a moment
of observation key for those extraordinary moments of politics where the
challenge is not always to challenge, protest, and revolutionize (although it
is often that), but also to consider what might be an effective and appropri
ate response to such challenges-to consider how and to what extent polit
ical norms and values ought be revised for a particular community at a
particular historical juncture. Indeed, what emerges from Foucault's work
on parrhesia is the necessary role not just of agitators, but also of specta
tors; spectators who hesitate, who observe, who gauge the possibilities for
political responsiveness. Just as those participants to the spectacle of the
scaffold determine the response to public power-a vicarious revelry, an
inversion of relations of authority, a challenge to the executionary power of
the state-so do these spectators determine the political narratives to be
told and the cultural values to be internalized.
Throughout his lectures, Foucault comments on those texts that would
make such ethical self-governance a precondition for participation in poli
tics; one must be able to rule oneself before attempting to rule others. Such
a claim is not unusual for texts that generally view the oikos and polis as
distinct from one another, modern interpretations and arguments to the con
trary. This claim serves as yet another reminder that Foucault does not
claim to be offering a straightforward solution to modern disenchantments.
Instead, the modern challenge is the challenge of adaptation: to read these
practices against our own and to consider whether in them we find a pre
history of a time very different than our own; a genealogy from which we
are directly descended; or a model for ethical self-governance from which
we can borrow and revise. The advantage of taking Foucault's reading of
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 399
Notes
1. Such are the approaches taken by Arlene Saxonhouse in Free Speech and Democracy in
Ancient Athens (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Sara Monoson in Plato's
Democratic Entanglements (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); and Bryan
Garsten's Saving Persuasion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006).
2. See the 1982 interview, Michel Foucault, "V?rit?, pouvoir, et soi," in Dits et ?crits II,
eds. Daniel Defert and Fran?ois Ewald (Paris: Gallimard, 2001), 1601.
3. One of the first such works is the seminal analysis of Hubert Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow
in Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Chicago, 111.: University of
Chicago Press, 1983). For critical responses in the history of science, see Ian Hacking,
"Michel Foucault's Immature Science," Nous, 13, no. 1 (March 1979): 39-51; and his "Two
Kinds of 'New Historicism' for Philosophers," New Literary History 21, no. 2 (Winter 1990):
343-64; and Georges Canguilhem, "On Histoire de la folie as an Event," in Foucault and his
Interlocutors, ed. Arnold Davidson (Chicago, 111.: The University of Chicago Press, 1997). For
a historicist response, see Paul Veyne "Foucault Revolutionizes History," in Foucault and his
Interlocutors. On Foucault's public intellectual and private aesthetic practices, see "Moral
Identity and Private Autonomy," Michel Foucault, Philosopher, ed. Timothy J. Armstrong
(New York: Routledge, 1992) and "What is Enlightenment?: Kant and Foucault," The
Cambridge Companion to Foucault, ed. Gary Gutting (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1994).
4. Pierre Hadot, La Philosophie comme mani?re de vivre, Entretiens avec Jeannie Carlier
et Arnold Davidson (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, Itin?raires du savoir, 2001), 215-19. See
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
400 Political Theory
also "Forms of Life and Forms of Discourse in Ancient Philosophy" in Foucault and his
Interlocutors. Averil Cameron constitutes an exception here: "Redrawing the Map: Early
Christian Territory after Foucault," The Journal for Roman Studies, 76 (1986): 266-71.
5. Canguilhem, "On Histoire de la folie," 30.
6. Foucault, "Human Nature: Justice versus Power" in Foucault and his Interlocutors.
This well-known interview with Noam Chomsky provides the starkest example of such dis
orientation.
7. Canguilhem, "On Histoire de la folie," 32. Foucault also had the preface original to the
first edition removed from the new editions.
8. Foucault, "Self Writing," Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth, vol. 1 of Essential Works of
Foucault 1954-84, ed. Paul Rabinow and trans. Robert Hurley (New York: The New Press,
1997), 211.
9. See the 1978 "Entretien avec Michel Foucault" with D. Trombadori, in DE II, 894.
10. Ibid.
11. For a discussion of doubles in Foucault, and the distinction between legislative and
exemplary projects, see David Owen, "Genealogy as Exemplary Critique," Economy and
Society, vol. 24, no. 4 (November 1995): 489-506.
12. Sartrian existentialism achieves its fullest elaboration in Being and Nothingness; a
condensed version of these claims can be found in Jean-Paul Sartre, "Freedom and Responsibility"
and "Existentialism is a Humanism" in Essays in Existentialism (New York: Citadel Press,
1993). For an excellent treatment of Sartre within the context of French post-war thought, see
Sonia Kruks, Situation and Human Experience: Freedom, Subjectivity, and Society (New York:
Routledge, 1990).
13. Sartre, "Freedom and Responsibility," in Essays.
14. Jean-Paul Sartre, Search for a Method, trans. Hazel E. Barnes (New York: Vintage
Books, 1968).
15. The roots for this new formulation of philosophy's relationship to power emerge in an
unscripted address given during Foucault's 1978 visit to Japan. See "La Philosophie analy
tique de la politique" in DE II, 540.
16. Foucault, "? propos de la g?n?alogie de l'?thique: Un aper?u du travail en cours" in
DE II, 1436.
17. "Interview avec Michel Foucault" by I. Lindung, reprinted in Dits et Ecrits I (Paris:
?ditions Gallimard, 2001), 687. Foucault consistently acknowledges his inheritance of the
Freudian model of an unintegrated self.
18. Gilles Deleuze and F?lix Guattari, The Anti-Oedipus, trans. Robert Hurley et al,
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990 [1972]). Foucault writes an enthusiastic
preface to Anti-Oedipus and situates it as an important new ethics.
19. Gilles Deleuze, "Desire and Pleasure" in Foucault and his Interlocutors, 189.
20. Immanuel Kant, "What is Enlightenment?" in Kant's Political Writings, 2nd edition,
ed. Hans Reiss and trans. H.B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
21. These lectures surprisingly imply a different relationship of modern politics and
aesthetics to Christianity than what is often argued. Foucault draws on pre-Augustinian texts
and argues that they lack the concern for self-purification that arises later; Diogenes, in his
account, becomes a liminal figure whose practices teeter at the edge of those "technologies"
Foucault later attributes to the early Christians. He can more readily claim, then, that the "aes
thetics of existence" is not a turn towards the human and the individual away from the divine
and metaphysical; it is not a version of 19th century dandyism. Nor is it not simply a substitute
for religion reliant on a secular "strategy of piety," to use Connolly's phrase. Parrhesia does
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Luxon / Techniques of Self-Governance 401
not need Nietzschean agonism to fight against a (newly secular) "pagan enemy" because the
identity of those who practice parrhesia does not rely on some concept of an "other." Although
Foucault does not build this comparison, a contemporary politics in the spirit of parrhesia
would look very different from a Nietzschean-inspired politics such as that elaborated by
William Connolly. See Identity \ Difference (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991) and
Tracy Strong's review in Ethics, 102, no. 4 (July 1992): 863-65. For a different account of the
relations between Nietzsche, practices of the self, and politics, see Tracy Strong's Friedrich
Nietzsche and the Politics of Transfiguration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000).
22. Through use of the word "r?gime"?which in French variously means "system of
governance," "diet," and "rate of activity"?Foucault knits together issues in governance and
self-governance with issues in medicine, psychology, and pedagogy. See Le Courage de la v?rit?,
1 f?vrier 1984, CD 1A.
23. Foucault, "Governmentality" in The Foucault Effect, eds. Graham Burchell and Colin
Gordon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 93.
24. Foucault, Le Courage de la v?rit?, 21 mars 1984, CD 9A.
25. These basic characteristics find different formulations over the eight centuries Foucault
treats. For example, they find one expression in concepts of eunomia, and another in Seneca's
later use of tranquilitas and fermitas. See Michel Foucault, Fearless Speech, ed. Joseph
Pearson (Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2001), 142-160.
26. For a very different approach to Foucault on curiosity?one that associates it with the
"will to know"?see Paul Rabinow's "Modern and Counter-Modern: Ethos and Epoch in
Heidegger and Foucault" in The Cambridge Companion to Foucault.
27. Foucault, Fearless Speech, 153-154.
28. See Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter (London: Routledge, 1993) and The Psychic Life
of Power (Stanford, Conn.: Stanford University Press, 1997).
29. See "? Propos de la g?n?alogie de l'?thique," DE II, 1441.
30. Foucault, The Use of Pleasure, trans. Robert Hurley, (New York: Vintage Books, 1990),
41 and 43.
31. Foucault, Fearless Speech, 137.
32. Foucault, "Self Writing," Ethics, 221.
33. Foucault, "Self Writing," Ethics, 217.
34. For a slightly different take on moral desert, see Bernard Williams, Truth and
Truthfulness: An Essay in Genealogy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002).
35. Foucault, "La Philosophie analytique de la politique," DE II, 540-41.
36. Foucault, Le Courage de la v?rit?, 22 f?vrier 1984, CD 4B and 5A.
37. Bernard Williams, Truth and Truthfulness: An Essay in Genealogy (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 2002); Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1985).
38. Veyne, "Foucault Revolutionizes History" in Foucault and his Interlocutors, 153.
39. Foucault, Le Gouvernement du soi et des autres, 5 janvier 1983, CD 1 A.
40. Foucault, "Entretien avec Michel Foucault," DE II, 913.
41. Foucault, "? propos de la g?n?alogie de l'?thique," DE II, 1430.
42. Foucault, "Entretien avec Michel Foucault," DE II, 912-13.
43. See Le Courage de la v?rit?, 21 mars 1984, CD 10A.
44. Foucault, "La Philosophie analytique de la politique," DE II, 537.
45. Ibid.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid.
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
402 Political Theory
Nancy Luxon is an assistant professor at the University of Minnesota. Her research lies within
contemporary political and social theory, and treats issues of education, political authority, and
ethics. She has recently published "Truthfulness, Risk and Trust in the Late Lectures of Michel
Foucault" and is working on a book-length manuscript entitled 'The Impossible Professions':
Freud and Foucault on doctors, educators, and ethical subjectivity.
This content downloaded from 84.89.157.36 on Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:55:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms