01 Thermal Comfort in Hot Dry Climates Trad PDF

Thermal Comfort in
Hot Dry Climates
With increases in global temperatures, the risk of overheating is expected

to rise around the world. This results in a much higher dependency upon
energy-intensive cooling systems and air-conditioners to provide thermal
comfort, but how sustainable is this in a world where problems with the
production of electricity are predicted?
Vernacular houses in hot and dry central Iran have been adapted to the
climate through passive cooling techniques, and this book provides a
valuable assessment of the thermal performance of such housing. Shedding
new light on the ability of traditional housing forms to provide thermal
comfort, Thermal Comfort in Hot Dry Climates identifies the main cooling
systems and methods in traditional houses in central Iran, and examines
how architectural elements such as central courtyards, distinct seasonal
rooms, loggias, basements and wind-catchers can contribute to the provision
of thermal comfort in vernacular houses.
Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr is an academic and architect who has worked in

the UK and the Middle East on a variety of projects in both state and private
companies, and was awarded first prize in two architectural competitions
in Iran. He has published a number of peer-reviewed journal articles on
traditional passive cooling systems in Iranian architecture. In March 2008,
his research on vernacular cooling systems and thermal comfort was awarded
the top ORSAS (Overseas Research Student Award Scheme) award for
outstanding merit and research potential at Oxford Brookes University.
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Thermal Comfort in Hot Dry Climates

Traditional Dwellings in Iran
Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr
Thermal Comfort in
Hot Dry Climates
Traditional Dwellings in Iran
Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr
The right of Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by him/her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
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from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Foruzanmehr, Ahmadreza, author.
Title: Thermal comfort in hot dry climates : traditional dwellings in Iran /
Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge research in
architecture | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017016189| ISBN 9781138694996 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315527130 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Architecture, Domestic—Arid regions—Iran—Yazd. |
Vernacular architecture—Environmental aspects—Iran—Yazd. | Solar air
conditioning—Passive systems—Iran—Yazd. | Yazd (Iran)—Buildings,
structures, etc.
Classification: LCC NA7117.A74 F67 2018 | DDC 728.0955/94—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017016189
ISBN: 978-1-138-69499-6 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-52713-0 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Keystroke, Neville Lodge, Tettenhall, Wolverhampton
I am immensely grateful to my family who have always supported
me in pursuing my goals. I would like to dedicate this book to
them.
Contents
1 Introduction1
1.1 Background and importance of the research 1
1.2 Gap in knowledge 5
1.3 Aim of the book 7
1.4 Distinctive features of the book 8
1.5 Overview of chapters 8
2 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates: the city of Yazd13

2.1 Introduction 13
2.2 Discourse of vernacular architecture 13
2.3 Vernacular architecture – current situation 16
2.4 Importance of traditional and vernacular architecture 17
2.5 Common forms of vernacular architecture: home, house
and dwelling 18
2.5.1 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates 20
2.6 Iran: physical geography 21
2.6.1 Yazd 21
2.7 The traditional house in central Iran 24
2.8 Social life in traditional houses in central Iran 31
2.9 Change in traditional architectural and urban patterns 32
2.9.1 Change in street systems 32
2.9.2 Change of building patterns – orientation, materials
and form 33
2.9.3 Changes in households 37
2.9.4 Traditional courtyard houses and new occupation
patterns 37
2.9.5 Vernacular dwelling in the present day 38
2.10 Conclusions 38
viii Contents
3 Vernacular passive cooling systems in Iran44
3.1 Introduction 44
3.2 Passive cooling – history and concept 44
3.3 Air-conditioning and its effects 46
3.4 Importance of passive cooling systems 48
3.5 Vernacular passive cooling systems 48
3.5.1 Central courtyard (hayat-e markazi) 52
3.5.1.1 Plants and water features in the
central courtyard 55
3.5.1.1.1 Pool of water (howz) in the
3.5.1.1.2 Greenery in the central courtyard 57
3.5.1.2 Courtyard level 57
3.5.1.3 Sunken garden in the central courtyard
(godal bagh-cheh) 58
3.5.1.4 Thermal performance of the central
courtyard 59
3.5.1.5 Privacy in the central courtyard 61
3.5.1.6 Advantages and disadvantages of the
3.5.2 Loggia (talar or eyvan) 62
3.5.2.1 Talar and eyvan 62
3.5.2.2 The use of the loggia 65
3.5.2.3 Thermal effect of the loggia 65
3.5.2.4 Loggia and its transformation in
non-traditional houses 65
3.5.3 Distinct seasonal rooms (otagh-haye fasli) 66
3.5.3.1 North-facing summer rooms 70
3.5.3.2 South-facing winter rooms 71
3.5.3.3 East-facing and west-facing rooms 72
3.5.3.4 Comfort and seasonal rooms 72
3.5.4 Underground living spaces 73
3.5.4.1 Basement and cellar (zir-zamin and sardab) 73
3.5.4.2 Sardab 77
3.5.4.3 Positive and negative points about the
basement 78
3.5.5 Walls (divar) 79
3.5.5.1 Thick lofty walls and their thermal effects 79
3.5.5.2 Thick and high walls and their effect on
privacy 80
3.5.5.3 Thick walls and cultural identity 81
Contents ix
3.5.6 Wind-catcher (badgir) 81
3.5.6.1 Variety of wind-catchers 83
3.5.6.2 Construction of the Yazdi wind-catcher 84
3.5.6.3 The wind-catcher as a passive cooling
system 85
3.5.6.4 Functions of the wind-catcher 85
3.5.6.5 Water and the wind-catcher in Yazd 87
3.5.6.6 Control and the wind-catcher 87
3.5.6.7 Symbolic values of the wind-catcher 88
3.5.6.8 Disadvantages of wind-catchers 88
3.6 Conclusions 89
4 Thermal comfort in buildings96

4.1 Introduction 96
4.2 Thermal comfort 96
4.3 Physical measures: environmental factors, clothing
and metabolic rate 97
4.3.1 Air temperature 97
4.3.2 Radiant temperature 98
4.3.3 Air velocity 99
4.3.4 Relative humidity 100
4.3.5 Clothing and metabolic rate 100
4.4 Thermal comfort research 101
4.4.1 Physiological comfort model 101
4.4.2 Field studies (field surveys) and adaptive comfort 103
4.4.2.1 Review of field studies 104
4.4.2.2 The adaptive model 110
4.4.2.3 Comfort temperature and comfort zone 113
4.5 Conclusions 115
5 Summertime thermal comfort in vernacular earth dwellings

in Yazd, Iran120
5.1 Introduction 120
5.2 Thermal comfort survey – method of investigation 120
5.3 Temperature variation measurements – method of
investigation 121
5.4 Analysis of the thermal comfort survey in Yazd 124
5.4.1 Distribution of sensation votes (comfort votes) and
preference votes 125
5.4.2 Correlation coefficient between sensation votes and
preference votes 127
x Contents
indoor temperatures 128
5.4.4 Calculation of the neutral temperature from
regression analysis 130
5.4.5 Calculation of the neutral temperature using
Griffiths’ method 131
5.4.6 Correlation coefficient between comfort and
indoor/outdoor temperatures 132
5.4.7 Comfortable temperature ranges 133
5.4.8 Summary of the results of the thermal comfort
survey 133
5.5 Temperature variation survey 134
5.6 Conclusions 137
6 Perception and use of vernacular passive cooling systems141

6.1 Data collection 141
6.2 Cooling method selection: vernacular passive versus
electro-mechanical 141
6.3 Popularity of VPCSs 143
6.4 Central courtyard: for and against 144
6.4.1 Statements on positive aspects 144
6.4.2 Description of the statements on positive aspects
of courtyards 146
6.4.3 Statements on negative aspects 147
6.4.4 Description of the statements on negative
aspects 148
6.5 Loggia: for and against 149
6.5.3 Summary of findings on traditional loggias 153
6.6 Seasonal rooms: for and against 154
6.6.1 Moving around the house to deal with indoor
heat and cold 155
6.6.2 The main positive points about having distinct
seasonal rooms 155
6.6.3 Description of the statements on positive aspects 156
6.6.4 The main negative points about having distinct
seasonal rooms 157
6.6.5 Description of the statements on negative aspects 158
6.6.6 Summary of findings on distinct seasonal rooms 158
6.7 Basements: for and against 159
Contents xi
6.7.5 Summary of findings on basements 164
6.8 Wind-catchers: for and against 165
6.8.3 Statements on negative points 168
6.8.5 Summary of the findings on wind-catchers 172
6.9 Traditional houses: for and against 173
6.9.1 Statements on positive points 173
6.10 Summary of findings on vernacular dwellings in Yazd 178
6.11 Discussions 179
6.12 Conclusion: environmental and cultural considerations 182
6.13 Summary of the conclusions 184
7 Conclusions188
7.1 Conclusions and contribution to knowledge 188
7.2 Limitations of the research 190
7.3 Scope for further research 191
Index192
1 Introduction
1.1 Background and importance of the research

Currently, global warming, climate change and the excessive use of energy
and natural resources are threatening the sustainability of life on earth
(Nicol, 2008). Energy is a vital part of every aspect of life in the modern
world, and the demand for it is rising rapidly (Ghobadian, 2008, p.71). The
analysis carried out by the US Energy Information Administration estimates
that, by 2030, global energy consumption will have grown by over 70%
(EIA, 2007). The world’s population, which over the last 50 years has
increased more rapidly than at any time before, generates huge future demand
for houses along with the energy to run them.
The proportion of total energy use attributable to buildings is very
considerable (Robertson, 1992, p.129). In the developed world, and speci-
fically the UK, buildings currently account for 45–50% of total fossil fuel
consumption (Raydan and Steemers, 2006, p.7; Thomas, 2006, p.29). In
Iran, the focus of this research, houses and household appliances consume
more energy than any other economic sector (Ghobadian, 2008, p.73), and
statistics show that buildings account for about 39% of total energy con-
sumption (IFCO, 2007). A survey covering the whole country shows that the
average of the total energy consumption for buildings in Iran is 310kWh/m2/
year (Ghobadian, 2008, p.73), which is higher than 289kWh/m2/year for
Europe, and much higher than 120kWh/m2/year for the Passivhaus Energy
Standard (MacKay, 2009, p.299). The amount of energy consumed in build-
ings in Iran is equal to 30% of its annual oil income, equivalent to US$15
billion in 2005 (Foruzanmehr, 2010). Some 50% of this is wasted, due to
inappropriate non-energy-conscious building construction and design, and
also because of the low energy efficiency of the appliances. According to
Ehyaei and Bahadori (2007), in domestic buildings in Iran 100% of the
thermal energy requirements for heating, hot water and cooking is met by
employing fossil fuels, particularly natural gas, and almost all cooling energy
requirements are met through electricity. In the hot areas of Iran, the electricity
used for cooling in domestic buildings accounts for more than 60% of the
total power consumption during the peak load period of the year, i.e. June,
July and August (Hatamipour et al., 2007).
2 Introduction
Iran being one of the major energy consumers in the world, the building
sector also accounts for approximately 30–50% of global warming gases,
and contributes enormously to climate change (Thomas, 2006, p.29; Smith
et al., 2008, p.30). In hot climates, most twentieth-century buildings are
dependent on air-conditioning systems and electricity, without which they
are unable to adapt to a warming climate. This leads to increased use of
electrical equipment and energy to maintain desired thermal comfort for the
occupants – which, in turn, results in more emissions of greenhouse gases
that drive climate change and global warming. It has been predicted that
climate change may be followed by extreme weather conditions, including
higher summer temperatures (Roaf et al., 2004, p.313; Dow and Downing,
2006). According to the Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
(2007), global temperatures, which have risen by over 0.7˚C in the last 300
years, are predicted to rise by up to 8˚C by 2050. Another study shows that,
by 2017, CO2 emissions are likely to raise the average global temperature
by between 1.9˚C and 11.5˚C, with the highest probability being 3.4˚C
(Smith, 2007, p.163). Both studies confirm that global warming is occurring.
The IPCC (2007) believes most of the warming in recent decades is likely
(at least 90% certain) to be the result of energy-related human activities,
mainly because of CO2 emitted from burning fossil fuels. The increase in
summer average temperatures can be intensified in urban areas, where cities
replace natural land cover with man-made materials and structures. On hot
summer days, according to the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA,
2007), urban air can be 2–6˚C hotter than in the surrounding countryside.
Furthermore, added waste heat from vehicles, factories and air-conditioned
buildings raises the need for air-conditioning. This impacts on energy
demands and costs, with concomitant effects on greenhouse-gas emissions,
air-pollution levels and heat-related illnesses. Thus, there is a need for urgent
action, and in such action the built environment and buildings are, as
Smith (2010) and Roaf et al. (2004, p.130) have said, the ‘front line of our
defence’ and must be designed to reduce the adverse ecological impacts
(Edwards, 2001) and shield us from the effects of climate change and global
warming.
In hot climates, without electro-mechanical cooling systems, most twentieth-
century buildings are not suitable even for present climatic conditions.
Modern dwellings have been designed largely to keep natural phenomena
outside, and to separate conditions indoors from outdoors as much as
possible (Konya, 1980, p.7). They are, as mentioned earlier, reliant on electrical
air-conditioning systems, and lead to extreme use of electricity to provide
comfortable indoor temperatures, especially when the weather conditions are
harsh and extreme. The hot regions contain most of the world’s population
and are said to be the place where the majority of new buildings are built
(Konya, 1980, p.7). In hot regions such as the southern and central parts of
Iran, the use of electrical air-conditioners during the long summer periods
causes a high cooling load and electricity consumption, and a high peak cooling
Introduction 3
load and peak electricity demand (Hatamipour et al., 2007). In these areas,
because of overuse by consumers and problems in the production of
electricity, reductions or cutbacks in electric power are predicted (Bahadori
et al., 2008). As a result of increasing summer temperatures (as a consequence
of global warming), people cannot rely on electro-mechanical cooling
systems and will not be able to stay in many buildings if the electricity fails,
particularly during the day.
In contrast to the majority of modern buildings, vernacular buildings in
hot and dry climates, such as those of Iran, have been shown to be able
to adapt more simply to the climate, according to principles evolved over
many generations (Fathy, 1986; Abro, 1994). They set a harmony between
dwellings, dwellers and the physical environment (Singh et al., 2009). They
are equipped with thick high walls, wind-catchers, central courtyards, pools
of water, rich gardens, loggias and separate seasonal rooms. All of these
vernacular passive cooling systems (henceforth VPCSs) modify to some
extent the impact of a hostile outdoor environment. They are made of locally
available materials, employ local and mainly renewable sources of energy,
and adopt construction practices that favour recycling and respect for nature.
It is claimed that they can reduce (by up to 60%) the energy needed for
heating and cooling in houses (Ochoa and Capeluto, 2008). They represent
a resource that has considerable potential for helping to understand the
principles of sustainable design and construction. Designed in harmony with
the values and needs of people, as well as being adapted to the environment,
these structures used to be culturally and physically efficient. Many of the
traditional vernacular systems have been said to remain relevant to local
needs, to be based on low and local use of energy and resources, and to work
in harmony with the natural and social environment (Afshar et al., 1975;
Miraftab, 1999). This certainly does not mean that society should revert to
a pre-industrial technology, repeat historical solutions, or replicate tradi-
tional design decisions in the contemporary built form (Bonine, 1980, p.216;
Memarian, 1998, p.211; Miraftab, 1999). It does mean, however, that
vernacular housing should be studied carefully, so that those aspects which
can be adopted and blended into a modernising society will make that
transition (i.e. from traditional to modern) easier and more liveable (Bonine,
1980, p.216). There are many lessons to be learned from vernacular techno-
logy and vernacular passive cooling systems, as demonstrated by the houses
of central Iran. In this regard, they provide many examples of integrative
design that is claimed to be environmentally and socially responsive to local
natural resources and cultural practices.
However, in recent decades many of the long-standing vernacular concepts
essential for living in hot climates have been ignored or suppressed (Cain
et al., 1976; Moore, 1995, p.15; Singh et al., 2009). Vernacular systems
and their potentials have been neglected in most Third-World countries and
replaced by methods inappropriate to local conditions, and physical,
economic, social, cultural and aesthetic requirements (Afshar et al., 1975;
4 Introduction
Anderson, 1977, p.3; Nahar et al., 2003). Traditional architecture and its
methods and strategies, especially those of the hot and dry climates of Iran,
are undervalued and unused in contemporary constructions. They are
usually identified as signs of underdevelopment, backwardness and poverty,
because they have most often been employed by poorer classes of society
(Cain et al., 1976; Fardeheb, 1987; Bonine, 2000; Vellinga et al., 2007).
Many vernacular technologies are no longer functioning properly due to
changed cultural and ecological situations, and have been abandoned or have
disappeared. In contemporary Iran, the traditional urban fabric and built
form have been gradually disappearing (Miraftab, 1999). Degradation of the
traditional urban fabric and particularly vernacular dwellings is amongst
the main challenges confronting those who are interested and involved in
vernacular architecture. According to the Statistical Centre of Iran (2008),
11.5 million out of 15.9 million dwellings (counted in the nationwide census
of 2006) in Iran are located in the cities. It has also been predicted (Habibi
et al., 2007, p.19) that the surface area of urban spaces in Iran will be doubled
by 2021, if the rate of population growth and urbanism stays as it is. The
disorganised development of cities, regardless of the vernacular cultural
values, has resulted in traditional urban areas being abandoned and becoming
more prone to degradation (Foruzanmehr, 2009). A scarcity of appropriate
public projects in accordance with local people’s needs, and the neglect of the
existing traditions in the older areas, have doubled the pace of degradation.
The damage is happening despite the fact that these vernacular urban
cores, with their physical and cultural values, could help to create a sense of
unity within cities and provide a real sense of local identity (Foruzanmehr,
2009). They could protect cities from internal degradation and restrict their
unstructured development. The adoption of traditional idioms in con-
temporary construction would enable greater harmony to be preserved in
cities undergoing renewal (Proudlove, 1969, p.20). The economic, social,
cultural, environmental and physical significance of traditional urban
fabric and buildings necessitates their conservation, rehabilitation and re-
generation, and calls for understanding the methods by which they are
conserved, rehabilitated and regenerated.
In this regard, if the values and knowledge embedded in vernacular
buildings and urban fabric are systematically identified, studied and taken
into account in the process of making decisions for architectural and urban
interventions, not only will the cost of these interventions be considerably
lowered, but also the value added to these schemes will be greatly increased.
In this respect, the key challenge for scholars in the twenty-first century is
to learn the fundamental lessons and principles of vernacular architecture,
and to find ways of integrating these into the development programmes for
new settlements as well as the upgrading of existing ones. The demanding
task is to preserve vernacular techniques and make them widely known to
modern designers and builders (Zhai and Previtali, 2009). The only valid
approach, according to Rapoport (1989, p.79) and Taghi (1990, p.276), is
Introduction 5
to analyse traditional environments in terms of concepts and to derive
lessons which are applicable to research, theory-building or design.
1.2 Gap in knowledge

A review of the existing literature has revealed that significant gaps in
knowledge exist in the field of vernacular architecture, particularly that of
the hot and dry climates of central Iran. As an academic field of interest,
vernacular architecture has long been neglected (Rapoport, 1969, p.1;
Lawrence, 1987, p.18) and has indeed been systematically omitted from
most histories or encyclopaedias of architecture (Vellinga et al., 2007, p.xiii).
Although previous studies have identified general principles and concepts
of vernacular architecture, many of them failed to pay much explicit attention
to the way in which traditional technologies might, as Asquith and Vellinga
have said (2006), contribute to the creation of future built environments.
References to dwellings and settlements have tended to be descriptive
rather than analytical (Rapoport, 1969, p.viii). There has been a lack of a
systematic analysis of housing requirements, including surveys of existing
residential buildings and their inhabitants (Lawrence, 1987, p.11). The way
in which buildings respond to environmental conditions and, at the same
time, to the traditional way of life of their users has often been ignored or
forgotten (Konya, 1980, p.7). Even in developed countries the way in which
vernacular knowledge and experience may be used to respond to twenty-
first-century challenges has not been the subject of much discussion (Oliver,
2003, p.14). A very small number of systematic empirical investigations has
examined and explored the nature of traditional architectural features of
dwellings, and their application in and compatibility with the current way
of life of the people living in rapidly changing Middle Eastern societies
including Iran (Vaziritabar, 1990). Research projects that explicitly address
the application of these skills in contemporary architectural practice are rare
(Asquith and Vellinga, 2006).
In the Middle East and parts of Southwest Asia, despite repeated calls for
the reintroduction and continued use of vernacular cooling technologies,
systematic research into their climatic performance and appropriateness is
needed before any conclusions regarding their potential generic value in the
provision of sustainable buildings in the region can be drawn (Vellinga et al.,
2007, p.89). In the specific case of Iran, few attempts have been made to
investigate vernacular architecture even in general. According to Kheirabadi
(1991), there is a noticeable gap in the literature (particularly in the English
language) regarding the explanation of spatial patterns and the physical
morphology of Iranian cities and their buildings. Examination of the litera-
ture indicates that most studies have remained at the level of explanation of
the problem, and have failed to analyse the problem and examine it system-
atically (Vaziritabar, 1990, p.9). Little of the existing literature in this field
deals with traditions in terms of the success or failure of vernacular strategies
6 Introduction
in a modern context. Beazley and Harverson (1982), Roaf (1988), Taghi
(1990), Pirnia (1991), Memarian (1993), Moradi and Amirkabirian (2001),
Tavassoli (2002) and Ghobadian (2003) have conducted studies of verna-
cular architecture in Iran, but most of these studies are concerned with
descriptive architectural history, showing how this kind of architecture
worked in the past. The goal of most of these studies has been the classifica-
tion, listing and description of house types and their features. However, the
application of historical approaches in Iran has also been hindered by a
paucity of documentary evidence (Memarian, 1998, p.205). Little attempt
has been made to link these forms to life patterns, beliefs and desires, as
has been done for other countries (Rapoport, 1969, p.16). Neither the
difficulties in using traditional technologies nor the opportunities they could
offer to the architecture of today have been addressed. There is a need to
seek ways in which the knowledge of local building traditions can be
preserved and put into practice in mainstream architectural and urban
design activities (Miraftab, 1999). There is a need for more analytical studies
that can explain the process by which the traditional architecture has
developed throughout Iranian history – studies which can provide insights
into the theory and practice of the morphology of traditional Iranian cities
(Kheirabadi, 1991).
An understanding of how vernacular houses were occupied, and how life
went on within them, helps to preserve memories of a traditional past (Coles
and Jackson, 2007, p.xi). Globally, only a small percentage of building
traditions has been subjected to scientific analysis, and although the climate-
modifying qualities of some traditional buildings may be accepted or even
experienced, the question remains as to whether there is supporting evidence
of their success or failure (Oliver, 2003, p.132). A small number of research
studies have examined whether architectural characteristics of the past,
in any respect, are still appropriate for, applicable to and compatible with
the current and actual requirements of people (Vaziritabar, 1990, p.9). Except
for a small number of research projects such as those undertaken by Ben-
Gurion and Oxford Brookes universities (Meir and Roaf, 2006), Stivastan
and Jones (2009) and Borong et al. (2004), the way traditional architecture
works at present, and can work in the future, in relation to energy and
thermal performance is a neglected field. Studies often deal with ‘one aspect
only of the morass of variables’ (Roaf, 1988, p.106). There is also a dearth
of research projects concerning the thermal performance of the passive
cooling techniques adopted in traditional architecture in the Middle East
(Fardeheb, 1987). In Iran, except for a small amount of research undertaken
by Bahadori and Yaghoobi (2006) on the thermal performance of Iranian
traditional cooling systems (which is mostly based on computer simulations
and theoretical mathematical studies rather than empirical measurements),
the extent to which traditional systems could provide comfortable condi-
tions in the buildings of today, and the way buildings can withstand
extremely hot summer temperatures, have not been well addressed. Globally,
Introduction 7
and particularly in Iran, there has been a lack of research and empirical
studies that measure the residents’ satisfaction with their homes and the
vernacular passive cooling systems employed in them in hot and dry climates.
Except for a limited number of journal articles by the author (for example,
Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011, and Foruzanmehr, 2016), there is a lack of
published research on vernacular cooling systems in Iran dealing with the
ability of the systems to provide thermal comfort, and the practical issues
with which they are associated. The review of the existing literature shows
that much more research is needed to be done on this subject.
What is needed therefore in this area is research that critically and
systematically tests the actual thermal performance of vernacular buildings
and particularly VPCSs, taking into account the perception of their actual
users, which generates an understanding of how they may be upgraded
to help provide truly sustainable and comfortable buildings for the new
millennium. There is a need for research which helps to understand the
performance of VPCSs based on both subjective experience and empirical
study. This kind of research encourages an awareness of how relevant
many traditional features are to the modern challenges around building
sustainable environments (Coles and Jackson, 2007).
1.3 Aim of the book

As mentioned earlier, the vernacular dwellings in central Iran are repeatedly
cited in academic literature as models of environmental and social responsi-
veness, from which fundamental lessons for creating resilient low-energy
buildings should be learned. Paradoxically, however, many of these long-
standing vernacular techniques have been ignored or suppressed in modern
constructions. The research presented in this book, for the first time, explores
this paradox through an investigation of the current thermal performance
and perceived value of traditional Iranian architectural cooling features.
The book provides a valuable assessment of the thermal performance of
vernacular housing in Iran, shedding new light on the ability of traditional
housing forms to provide thermal comfort in extremely hot climates without
the use of air-conditioning and sophisticated mechanical cooling equipment.
The book provides an overview of traditional Iranian architecture
and vernacular cooling systems. It identifies the main cooling systems and
methods in traditional houses in central Iran, and examines how architectural
elements such as central courtyards, distinct seasonal rooms, loggias,
basements and wind-catchers can contribute to the provision of thermal
comfort in vernacular houses. This detailed empirical evidence identifies the
major factors influencing the success or failure of architectural cooling
elements for present-day lifestyles according to current user perceptions.
It critically and systematically analyses the way in which Iranian vernacular
houses have been subject to changes due to socio-cultural challenges, taking
into account the perception of their actual users.
8 Introduction
1.4 Distinctive features of the book
The key themes of vernacular architecture and thermal comfort are woven
together across the book to investigate and illustrate, for the first time, the
extent to which vernacular architecture in Iran provides thermal comfort to
its inhabitants.
This work provides a rich understanding of the interdependence of
physical factors and human perceptions in the subject of thermal comfort. It
demonstrates that housing form, orientation and simple non-mechanical
installations, as well as human interactions, are determining factors in pro-
viding energy-efficient methods of achieving thermal comfort in houses
subject to hot and dry climates. The book tackles a widespread myth that
vernacular architecture is always sustainable and comfortable by changing
the way we understand vernacular buildings.
The originality of the existing research is not just apparent from its subject
matter, however, but is also to be found in the rigorous way in which scientific
and social-scientific methods have been used to investigate not only the
actual environmental performance of the buildings but also the way in
which the performance of the buildings is perceived by its inhabitants and,
critically, how both aspects interrelate. In doing so, the book contributes to
the thematic and methodological advancement of both the field of vernacular
architecture studies and the field of thermal comfort studies. This multi-
disciplinary research demonstrates the interconnections between human
behaviour, socio-cultural factors and the physical environment, and raises
significant theoretical and practical issues (and answers) that alter how we
think about vernacular buildings. It is the first of its kind in Iran to address
this urgent issue through empirical research and as such has already been
agenda-setting. (In March 2008 the research was awarded the top ORSAS,
Overseas Research Student Award Scheme, award for outstanding merit and
research potential at Oxford Brookes University.) The book offers a valuable
new contribution to the literature on sustainable vernacular architecture.
1.5 Overview of chapters

Chapter 2 – Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates: the city of Yazd –
describes definitions and meanings of vernacular architecture and intro-
duces the reader to vernacular dwellings, specifically those in the hot and
dry climates of Iran. It illustrates how they were used in the past and how
they have changed and developed over time; it also shows the kinds of build-
ings with which they have been replaced. The chapter attempts to provide
a general understanding of the nature of hot and dry climates, focusing on
the geographical area of the present study, through a brief description of the
history and geography of Iran. The chapter also discusses the climate and
geography of Iran with a focus on Yazd, the city selected for the field studies.
It gives a brief description of Yazd, and the historic and climatic elements
of the city.
Introduction 9
Chapter 3 – Vernacular passive cooling systems in Iran – reviews the exist-
ing literature on passive cooling and its definitions. It discusses the impor-
tance and benefits of this technology as opposed to electrical air-conditioning
systems. It establishes a definition for passive cooling applicable for this
research, and identifies and explains traditional passive cooling systems
implemented in vernacular dwellings in the hot and dry climates of Iran.
Chapter 4 – Thermal comfort in buildings – gives an overview of thermal
comfort as it relates to buildings. It describes the various models used to
predict comfort temperature and explains their inherent flaws as well as their
positive points. In this chapter, thermal-comfort field studies in naturally
ventilated indoor environments (mainly in hot seasons) are reviewed and
compared. The most acceptable models for predicting comfort temperature
in the context of this research are then presented and discussed. The main
aim of this chapter is to decide on the best method for calculating the comfort
temperature and comfort zone in passively cooled vernacular buildings in hot
and dry climates in Iran.
Chapter 5 – Summertime thermal comfort in vernacular earth dwellings in
Yazd, Iran – discusses two surveys undertaken in order to investigate the
provision of comfortable indoor temperatures in vernacular central-courtyard
dwellings in Yazd in hot seasons. It briefly presents the methodology developed
and used to obtain and analyse the data required to answer the main research
question posed in this book: are vernacular passive cooling systems (VPCSs)
practicable for the provision of comfortable indoor temperatures in dwellings
in the hot and dry climates of present-day Iran? The comfort temperature
for the residents of vernacular dwellings during hot summer days in Yazd is
then established by carrying out a thermal comfort survey. The diversity of
temperatures that these dwellings provide within their different spaces in a
typical hot season is afterwards investigated by measuring the temperature
variation in seven typical vernacular central-courtyard houses on typical
summer days. The temperature variations are subsequently compared with
the comfort temperature obtained from the thermal comfort survey to find out
if VPCSs actually provide the comfort temperature.
Chapter 6 – Perception and use of vernacular passive cooling systems –
discusses the qualitative and quantitative data from the questionnaire survey
and interviews. The chapter presents the perceptions of actual and potential
users of VPCSs about the positive and negative aspects of vernacular dwellings
in Yazd and their integrated VPCSs. The purpose of the chapter is to find out,
apart from the actual provision of comfort temperature, which factors (and
why) have influenced the use (or non-use) and success (or failure) of VPCSs.
Chapter 7 – Conclusions – draws together briefly the main conclusions of
the study by explaining how today the urge or compulsion to use VPCSs for
providing thermal comfort no longer exists. It suggests that VPCSs are already
being replaced by electric coolers, and as a cooling system, on the whole, are
regarded as non-practicable and obsolete. It shows why the obsolescence of
VPCSs is not simply and purely because these systems are unable to provide
thermal comfort throughout the hot season.
10 Introduction
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12 Introduction
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2 Vernacular dwellings in hot
and dry climates
The city of Yazd
2.1 Introduction
This chapter describes definitions and meanings of vernacular architecture
and introduces the reader to vernacular dwellings, specifically those in the
hot and dry climates of Iran. It illustrates how they were used in the past, and
how they have changed and developed over time; it also shows the kinds of
buildings with which they have been replaced.
2.2 Discourse of vernacular architecture

The word vernacular has had a long, rich history, and there are diverse inter-
pretations of vernacular architecture (Lawrence, 1987, p.16). In Latin, it
originally meant ‘whatever was homebred, homespun, home-grown, home-
made, as opposed to what was obtained in formal exchange’, and was later
applied to ‘locally produced speech’ (Bourgeois and Pelos, 1983, p.91). The
term vernacular, according to the Oxford English Dictionary (Simpson and
Weiner, 1989), refers to a domestic, native and indigenous object and is
derived from Latin vern – a home-born slave – or from the Latin vernaculus
meaning domestic and indigenous (Bowyer, 1980). In architecture, vernacular
refers to architecture concerned with ordinary domestic and functional build-
ings as opposed to the monumental. It was in 1857 that the term vernacular
was first applied in architecture, to distinguish regional from academic urban
styles (Bourgeois and Pelos, 1983, p.91). Since then, the term vernacular has
been most widely used to describe a type of architecture which is indigenous,
spontaneous, local, peasant, folk, tribal, rural and traditional (Oliver, 1997,
p.xxi; Bourgeois and Pelos 1983). Like most discourses, vernacular architec-
ture is a ‘realm of inquiry that is constantly evolving and changing’ (Carter
and Cromley, 2005, p.xxv). It incorporates many perspectives, and there are
many ideas about what it is.
Many attempts have been made to define vernacular architecture. How-
ever, according to Oliver (1997, p.xxi), these attempts have not been very
successful, because the term is complex and is used to embrace a diversity of
building types, forms, traditions, uses and contexts. Complex concepts such
14 Vernacular dwellings in hot dry climates
as ‘vernacular’ cannot be defined on the basis of a single characteristic or even
a small set of characteristics (Rapoport, 1989, p.80). Such concepts need a
larger number of attributes. For instance, the term ‘indigenous’ does not have
the same weight as vernacular, because much non-formal architecture was
built by immigrants and colonists rather than by indigenous people (Oliver,
1997, p.xxi). ‘Spontaneous’ is another term, which implies that buildings are
constructed without conscious intent, and does not cover vernacular. ‘Local’,
‘peasant’ and ‘rural’ are too narrowly applied (Oliver, 1997, p.xxi); ‘local’
does not exclude architect-designed or monumental architecture, ‘rural’ and
‘peasant’ exclude ordinary domestic urban buildings. ‘Traditional’ is broadly
applicable to a variety of buildings, from monumental and architect-designed
to anonymous constructions. ‘Traditional architecture’ is a term to describe
all buildings from the past that survive to the present (Oliver, 1989, p.54).
Bourdier and Alsayyad (1989, p.5) have the same opinion as Oliver that
traditional dwellings are those with links to the past. They argue that tradi-
tional dwellings and settlements are the built expression of a heritage that
continues to be transmitted from one generation to another, and are usually
the products of common people without professional intervention.
Traditional architecture acknowledges the inheritance of the past (Oliver,
1987, p.9) and can include much formal and designed architecture, such as
temples and palaces, which would not usually be included in the rubric
vernacular. Oliver argues that the term which has gained wider acceptance
than traditional architecture is vernacular architecture, which is ‘the folk
equivalent of formal architecture, as vernacular speech is to the language of
the court or college’ (Oliver, 1987, p.9). In line with Oliver’s idea, Bourgeois
and Pelos (1983, p.ix) agree that the term vernacular ‘stands in contrast
to the traditions of high-style, formal monuments designed to display the
power and taste of a ruler or elite’. Noble (2007) introduces a different inter-
pretation of the term ‘traditional’. He suggests that a traditional building
is ‘the product of talented but largely untrained individuals, who build as
they do because such knowledge has been more or less informally passed on
from generation to generation’ (Noble, 2007, p.14). Nevertheless, the claim
that a traditional building is a product of untrained individuals can be
challenged by the fact that many traditional buildings were made by skilled
and usually experienced builders, and trades were traditionally learned
through apprenticeships; skilled builders and apprentices were not untrained,
although the nature of the training might have been different.
It can be seen that, to seek a single definition of vernacular architecture is,
as Oliver argues (1997, p.xxi), ‘probably ill-advised, and reduces its diversity
and richness to a simplistic description’. An effective definition was first
used by Eric Mercer (Mercer, 1975, p.I) in his English Vernacular House:
‘vernacular buildings belong to a type that is common in a given area at a
given time’. Mercer argues that such buildings are traditional, common
within and peculiar to particular areas, small and mean compared to their
neighbours. Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, in their (1986) Common
Vernacular dwellings in hot dry climates 15
Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, have found Mercer’s
definition useful as it centres on the idea that vernacular architecture
is common architecture that most people build and use. Based on Mercer’s
description, Carter and Cromley (2005, p.18) have defined vernacular
architecture as ‘the common buildings or ensemble of buildings of a given
place and time which are the cultural manifestations and products of a
particular architectural community’.
According to the Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture of the
World (Oliver, 1997, p.xxiii) and the Atlas of Vernacular Architecture of
the World (Vellinga et al., 2007, p.xiii), vernacular architecture comprises the
dwellings and all other buildings of the people which, related to their environ-
mental contexts and available resources, are customarily owner- or community-
built, utilising traditional technologies.
Brunskill (1981, p.24) defines a vernacular building as a sort of building
which is
deliberately permanent rather than temporary, which is traditional rather

than academic in its inspiration, which provides for the simple activities
of ordinary people, their farms and their simple industrial enterprises,
which is strongly related to place, especially through the use of local
building materials, but which represents design and building with thought
and feeling rather than in a base or strictly utilitarian manner.
‘Permanent’, ‘traditional’, ‘simple and ordinary’, ‘related to place’, ‘built

of local material’ and ‘designed with thought and feeling’ are the main
attributes that Brunskill assigns to vernacular architecture. ‘Permanent’ has
also been suggested by Oliver (2003, p.133) as one of the major character-
istics of vernacular architecture when he argues that ‘most vernacular
structures are too substantial, and often too permanent, for major changes
to be practicable’.
Glassie introduces vernacular architecture from a different angle.
According to Glassie (2000, p.18), architecture is like ‘the realization of
potential and the projection of thought’. It is what divides space and makes
it meaningful, habitable and human. In his view, buildings as projections of
architecture are cultural creations and consequences of a collision between
intentions and conditions. Buildings vary because cultures and circumstances
vary. Although reflecting historic and cultural values, some of these creations
are unknown to us, as they are the exotic products of indigenous people
(Glassie, 2000). Some are neglected because they are too familiar. Having
these in mind, he calls the neglected buildings ‘vernacular’ – to lift them out
of obscurity and the unknown into awareness and the known. In his opinion
the term ‘vernacular’ brings protection for buildings, highlights their cultural
significance, prepares them for analysis, translates them from unknown to
known, and draws attentions to their meaning (Glassie, 2000, p.20).
Glassie (2000, p.28) attributes some characteristics to vernacular
architecture:
composed of local (not national) materials, hand made (not industrial),

skilful and beautiful and environment-friendly, socially connected,
dependent on direct connections (direct access to materials, direct
connection between suppliers, producers and consumers and direct rela-
tionship between social order and economic arrangement), culturally
connected among design, construction and use.
It can be seen that there are diverse and varied notions about ‘vernacular
architecture’. The term is used with reference to a wide range of building
forms (Oliver, 1997), mostly domestic buildings (Lawrence, 2000, p.53),
which are usually related to the local environmental conditions and available
resources and are often constructed by those who occupy them using tradi-
tional construction materials and methods (Lawrence, 2000, p.53). However,
the consensus of the scholars in the field is that a vernacular building is a
building of the ordinary people, often owner- or community-built, in a given
time and given place, in accordance with environmental context, using
traditional technologies and available resources.
In Persian, the terms sonnati and boomi are the closest equivalents for
vernacular and literally mean ‘traditional’ and ‘local’ respectively. In the
studies which have been done in Iran, sonnati or traditional architecture
refers to the pre-industrial architecture before the overall modernisation
of Iranian society, which started to occur in the early twentieth century
(Proudlove, 1969; Lawrence, 1987; Kheirabadi, 1991, p.6; Madanipour,
1998; Memarian, 1998; Heidari, 2000; Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001). In the
context of this research, a vernacular or traditional building refers to a build-
ing built by local people using traditional technologies, from locally available
materials, in accordance with environmental context, to accommodate
domestic ways of life. For the purpose of this study, which focused on the
city of Yazd in central Iran, earth (sun-dried or fired mud-brick) central-
courtyard buildings or neighbourhoods built before the 1920s embrace
the above-mentioned characteristics and can interchangeably be called
vernacular or traditional.
2.3 Vernacular architecture – current situation

Technological innovations in the first half of the twentieth century (Beazley,
1977, p.89) and the steady process of modernisation, urbanisation and
globalisation (Vellinga et al., 2007, p.xiii) have exerted increasing pressure
on traditional cultures throughout the world, leading to widespread and
often radical changes to social and economic structures, the erosion of local
cultural values and, with respect to the built environment, the international-
isation of architectural practices, forms and materials. When traditional
lifestyles and ways of building come into contact with forces of change and
modernisation, conflicts are bound to occur (Bourdier and Alsayyad, 1989,
p.23). In this process, many vernacular traditions have become associated
with the past, underdevelopment and poverty, leading to the perception of
vernacular buildings as obstacles on the road to progress, rather than as
works of architecture that are well-adapted to local cultures and environ-
ments (Cain et al., 1976; Fardeheb, 1987; Vellinga et al., 2007, p.xiii).
Globally, and particularly in the Middle East, traditional societies and
everything associated with them have been thought to indicate backward-
ness (Madanipour, 1998, p.246). In turn, this has led to the abandonment
and replacement of many vernacular buildings (Vellinga et al., 2007,
p.xiii). Furthermore, many contemporary standards of size, amenity, health,
safety and performance imply that the actual forms of many vernacular
buildings are unsuitable (Rapoport, 1969, p.85). Consequently, the historic
or social value of vernacular solutions has been ignored or discounted
in the contemporary world (Bonine, 2000; Oliver, 2006, p.24). This has
happened in a way that is summed up by Beazley (1977, p.102): ‘it is the
fate of vernacular buildings throughout the world to be neglected until they
are nearly extinct’.
2.4 Importance of traditional and vernacular architecture

The significance of vernacular architecture has frequently been set forth and
emphasised by academics. According to Oliver (2003), the vernacular is
believed to make up more than 90% of the world’s total building stock. This
percentage might not be as high for countries where an increasing number
of buildings have been (and are being) built by professional architects and
practices using nation-wide non-traditional materials and workforces.
However, globally, the great number of vernacular buildings and the large
number of people who live in them signify the importance of the research
and study in this field.
Vernacular buildings represent hundreds of years of accumulated experi-
ence of many generations. Many of the vernacular technologies are the
end-product of millennia of experimentation with and adaptation to local
environmental and social conditions (Bonine, 1980, p.215). As stated by
Rapoport (1989, p.100), vernacular design is considered as ‘a treasure house
of human experience, of successes and failures, of ways in which built
environments have interacted with ecological settings and cultures’. There-
fore, traditional environments are essential parts of what design must become
now and in the future; as Beazley (1977, p.102) states, there is much to be
gained from the knowledge of any traditional technology which makes
ingenious use of natural resources.
Furthermore, vernacular buildings provide roots and meaning for the
culture. Oliver (2006, p.25) claims that ‘a culture without the presence of
its history is a culture without roots and, very possibly, without meaning’.
The study of vernacular architecture is therefore considered to be of value in
understanding the ideas, customs, lifestyles and social behaviour of previous
generations.
Vernacular buildings represent human adaptation to local environmental
conditions. Practical applications of indigenous solutions to environ-
mental problems may give a material incentive to the urgent recovery of
vernacular know-how (Oliver, 2006, p.25). Realising, understanding
and expanding the potentials of vernacular environmental systems to meet
contemporary needs are essential to the development of sustainable
architecture.
Notwithstanding their importance, in many parts of the world there is
a lack of knowledge of indigenous technologies and traditions (Bonine,
1980, p.215; Lari, 1989, p.vii). In Iran, until recently, there has been little
attempt to record vernacular buildings, and even less to analyse or explain
their advantages and disadvantages. The book aims to present a holistic and
inclusive study of vernacular dwellings in central Iran. In the following
sections, vernacular dwellings, as the main subset of vernacular architecture,
are discussed.
2.5 Common forms of vernacular architecture: home,

house and dwelling
Domestic buildings make up the majority of vernacular buildings (Lawrence,
2000, p.53) and hence are the best sources of information for studying
vernacular architecture. These buildings are where people live, and are made
by human beings for human beings (Izikowitz, 1982). According to Izikowitz
(1982, p.5), the study of domestic buildings reveals many of the important
aspects of a given society. Different terms have so far been used to describe
them, including dwelling, house and home. These terms are slightly different
and have different connotations.
The New Oxford Dictionary of English (Pearsall, 2001) defines home as
‘a place where one lives, a fixed residence’, house as ‘a building for human
habitation’, and dwelling as ‘a house or residence’. Home is regarded as the
largest part of the domestic environment (Oliver, 1987). It can be a room
inside a house, a house within a neighbourhood, and even a city within a
nation (Dovey, 1985, p.46).
A house, on the other hand, is the ‘built manifestation’ of a home (Oliver,
1997, p.85). It can be suggested that the term ‘home’ has been regarded and
used to imply a broader and more inclusive concept than has the term ‘house’.
In this respect, Lawrence (1987, p.7) differentiates the ‘house’ from the
‘home’; to him the house is ‘a precise geometrical composition of interrelated
spaces (defined by floors, ceilings, walls, doors and windows)’, whereas the
home is ‘that physical composition after it has been endowed with, and trans-
formed by, psychological and social processes related to its decoration,
personalization and use’. Similarly, Dovey (1985, p.48) comments that the
‘house is static’, whereas ‘home is dynamic and process-oriented’. However,
some researchers believe that houses also fulfil a variety of functions, from
protection to the expression of social status (Hole and Attenburrow, 1966,
p.62). For instance, Yusuf Al-Qaradawi defines the house as ‘the place in
which an individual protects himself from the climatic elements, and in which
he finds freedom from the restrictions and pressures of society. It is a place of
rest for the body and relaxation for the mind’ (see Mortada, 2003, p.94). In
Al-Qaradawi’s definition, protection from climate, privacy and relaxation are
the main characteristics attributed to the ‘house’. In his definition, however,
the term ‘house’ has stronger associative ties with the building than with the
nature of its occupancy.
It can be seen that the distinction between the definitions of the ‘house’ and
‘home’ is not crystal clear. What can be said is that a ‘home’ is an occupied,
inhabited ‘house’. ‘House’ is more about the physical aspects of a place
and implies ‘a building’, whereas home rather signifies the socio-cultural and
psychological factors of that space. The overlap and confusion between the
terms house and home, Oranratmanee (2008, p.13) believes, will continue to
be an ongoing topic of discussion in the field of housing study.
‘Dwelling’ is another term which has been commonly used by scholars in
the field. According to Bourdier and Alsayyad (1989, p.8), the dwelling is ‘the
basic architectural component of the traditional environment’ which is influ-
enced by ‘physical determinants, climatic constraints, aesthetic meanings and
social practices’. This indicates a broader and more inclusive meaning for
‘dwelling’ compared to ‘home’ and ‘house’. Oliver (1987, p.7) states that ‘all
houses are dwellings’, but not all dwellings are houses. He argues that a
dwelling is a place for living in, or at, or on, or about; it can be ‘a permanent
structure or a temporary accommodation, where people live in, even if there
is little evidence of building’. Dwelling is the physical expression and the
process of living at a location. Since dwelling is seen as the activity of living
or residing, as well as the place or structure which is the focus of residence,
the term dwelling encompasses ‘the manifold cultural and material aspects of
domestic habitation’ (Oliver, 1987, p.7). It can be seen that the terms ‘dwell-
ing’ and ‘home’ encompass analogous meanings, and have this dual connota-
tion, but the emphasis on the physical aspect of a building is more in ‘dwelling’
than it is in ‘home’. Dwellings, in the vast majority of cases, are built by the
people who inhabit them, and are clear responses to a society’s physical,
social and psychological needs, and are shaped as much by belief systems and
concepts of status, territory and security as by economy, material resources,
technology and climatic conditions (Oliver, 1987). Hence, dwellings from the
past can be regarded as vernacular buildings.
Some cultures and languages apply different words for house, home
and dwelling, whereas some use only one. For example, in Portuguese and
Italian the term casa and in German the word Haus are generally applied for
house, home and dwelling. Heim is another German term used for home.
In Arabic the words bait and sakan are used. Bait means house and sakan
means home or dwelling. The word sakan, according to Ismail (1972, 115),
is related to the word sakinah, meaning peace and tranquillity, and implies
a private, comfortable, self-contained and peaceful place away from the
harsh public world of work, warfare and commerce; it is the place where
the early Arab family found its sakinah.
In Persian kha-ne is the main word which is commonly and interchangeably
used for home, house and dwelling. Sokoonat-gah is also occasionally
applied for dwellings in academic texts. However, one may find other terms
such as manzel, saraa, emaarat and mostaghelat as equivalents for house
in Persian literature, but manzel is less commonly used, and the rest are
obsolete and very uncommon. In this research, the terms ‘home’, ‘house’ and
‘dwelling’ are interchangeably applied to indicate domestic buildings where
people (almost permanently) live.
2.5.1 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates

A large part of the world is under the influence of hot and arid climates.
Around 20% to 30% of the earth is classified as hot, arid land, and this has
been predicted to increase by 15% because of climate change (Moran, 2000,
p.182).
Having spent hundreds of years seeking solutions, local people in these
climates have traditionally learned how to cope with the harsh environment
through the design and use of their living spaces. The architecture of
vernacular houses in hot and dry regions, and particularly in the Middle
East, represents a significant wealth of traditional technologies based on
climate-responsive buildings (Fardeheb, 1987). In Iran, the traditional court-
yard house, for example, has been designed to provide the maximum privacy,
protection from strangers, a humble appearance of the exterior of the home,
and adaptation to climatic conditions (Schoenauer, 2000, p.150).
Investigation of the Iranian traditional urban dwelling gives a great insight
into vernacular architecture of the Middle East region. This is because the
design of vernacular dwellings in Iran has strongly influenced the dwellings
in neighbouring regions in the Middle East (Schoenauer, 2000, p.168). In
addition, since dwellings are the most common form of vernacular architec-
ture (Lawrence, 2000, p.53), any research on vernacular dwellings will
broaden the knowledge of vernacular architecture in general. Also, urban
dwellings are not usually free-standing and isolated (in contrast to rural
houses); they shape parts of settlements and sometimes reveal their ability to
be packed, creating a dense urban tissue (Rapoport, 2007, p.59). Any inves-
tigation into vernacular urban dwellings will give insight into the vernacular
urban fabric and consequently vernacular urbanism and architecture. In this
study, vernacular dwellings in the hot and dry regions of central Iran, par-
ticularly those in the city of Yazd (the focus of this research), are discussed.
For this purpose and in order to set the context, some information about
Iran and Yazd is provided in the following sections.
2.6 Iran: physical geography
Iran is situated in Southwest Asia, on the northern side of the Persian Gulf
and the easternmost edge of the geographic cultural region of the Middle
East (Figure 2.1). The central area of Iran has extreme climatic conditions
which are characterised by a shortage of water, higher evaporation than
precipitation (resulting in low humidity), intense solar radiation (especially
during hot summer days), high diurnal and seasonal temperature ranges,
and damaging dust and sandstorms (Kheirabadi, 1991, p.20). It is cold and
dry in winter, and hot and dry in summer.
2.6.1 Yazd
The city of Yazd is situated at the fringe of a desert in central Iran, almost
600 kilometres south of the capital city of Tehran (Figure 2.2), at an elevation
of 1230 metres above sea level (Iran Meteorological Organisation, 2009). In
2009, Yazd had a population of 527,276 (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2008).
It is an administrative, industrial and market centre in the region.
Yazd has a hot, dry summer and a cold, dry winter. The summer and
winter periods are much longer than the spring and autumn, making it a
two-season city (Oliver 1997, p. 134). The annual average temperature is
19.3°C, the maximum and minimum recorded temperatures being 45.6°C
Figure 2.1 Iran in the Middle East

Source: All the images in the book were produced by the author, unless otherwise indicated.
Figure 2.2 Map of Iran and the location of Yazd
(July 1982) and –16°C (December 1963), respectively, showing that the city
has experienced a fluctuation of 61.6°C. There is a considerable temperature
difference between day and night. In summer, the average relative humidity
is about 18%. The annual precipitation is low and the average annual
rainfall in the city is 71mm (Iran Meteorological Organisation, 2009).
Table 2.1 illustrates the climatic data of Yazd.
The history of Yazd dates back to the pre-Islamic era. From then, the city
developed slowly until the 1920s, when fast-modernising interventions
changed the nature and process of development from traditional and slow
to modern and speedy. Figure 2.3 shows the city and the location of its
traditional (or historic) area. The traditional area encompasses the areas
developed in various stages from the pre-Islamic periods to the early
twentieth century. According to Kalantari and Hataminejad (2006), there
were 11,200 dwelling units in the historic area in 1996 (comprising 53%
earth buildings, 41% steel and brick buildings and 6% concrete or mixed
construction). The average area of dwellings in the historic area is 361m2.
The average size of a household is 4.5 people in Yazd, while that of the
historic area is 3.0.
The next section deals with vernacular houses in the hot and dry climates
of Iran, especially the dwellings in the traditional neighbourhoods of Yazd.
Table 2.1 Climatic data of Yazd
Cooling degree days
Heating degree days

temperature ≥ 30°C
temperature (°C)
temperature (°C)
temperature (°C)
RH mean (%)
Maximum air
maximum air
Minimum air
(base =21°C)
(base =18°C)
Rain (mm)
Days with
Mean air

January 5.5 12.3 –0.4 0 0 372.3 54 11

February 8.5 15.5 1.9 0 0 262.6 44 12.7
March 13.6 20.3 6.7 0.4 0.9 147.8 38 12.7
April 19.7 26.5 12.4 8.1 25 27.5 33 13.2
May 25.3 32.1 17.4 23.6 123.3 1.0 26 5
June 30.7 37.7 22.2 29.8 268.9 0 18 0
July 32.5 39.4 24.3 30.9 335.4 0 18 0
August 30.6 38.0 21.9 30.9 277.3 0 18 0
September 26.4 34.3 17.5 27.6 149.2 0.4 19 0
October 19.6 27.6 11.3 9.6 18.2 21.3 27 2.3
November 12.2 19.9 4.9 0 0 168.9 39 3.9
December 7 14.3 0.6 0 0 326.2 50 10.2
Year (1952–2005) 19.3 26.5 11.7 160.9 1198.2 1328 31 71
Source: Iran Meteorological Organisation (2009).
Figure 2.3 The city of Yazd and the location of the historic area
2.7 The traditional house in central Iran
The typical traditional dwelling type in central Iran is believed to be the
one- or two-storey house centred upon one or two central courtyards (Von
Hardenberg, 1982; Vaziritabar, 1990; Kheirabadi, 1991, p.35; Heidari,
2000, p.27). According to Roaf (1988, p.120), traditional houses of the
city of Yazd have almost exclusively been courtyard houses. The single-
central-courtyard house, according to Madanipour (1998, p.141), Memarian
(1998, p.101), Noghsan-Mohammadi (2001, p.158), Sultanzade (2005,
p.60) and Abbott (1977, p.82), is the commonest type throughout the cities
of central Iran (Figure 2.4). It generally contains a symmetrical private open
space in the form of a courtyard (Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.158)
which is flanked by rooms and loggias on two, three or even four sides.
The central courtyard has a pool of water and beds of mixed planting
around it (Figure 2.5). The courtyard level is slightly lower than street level.
The shape of a courtyard is closely related to the size of the plot, the rectangle
being the most common shape (Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.158). The
typical traditional dwelling always faces inwards, turning blank lofty walls
to the streets and spaces outside, responding to the desire for privacy and
climatic requirements (Abbott, 1977, p.82; Vaziritabar, 1990; Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.229; Memarian and Brown, 2006, p.22). In some
Figure 2.4 Central-courtyard houses in Yazd

Source: All the photos in the book belong to the author.
Figure 2.5 A view of a typical central-courtyard house
larger houses, apart from the main central courtyard, there may be a separate
courtyard for guests to show respect and to exhibit the financial power
of the house-owner, but the extra courtyard is usually smaller than the
main one.
Rooms and spaces located in the north of the courtyard are exposed
to solar radiation and form the winter quarters. Rooms and spaces on the
south side of the courtyard form the summer quarters. This is the area
that receives most of the shade, and therefore is cooler than the winter
quarters. The main feature of the summer quarters is a semi-open space
called the talar or eyvan. It is open to the courtyard and sometimes has
a wind-catcher (or badgir) to aid in its cooling. Dwellers migrated through
the house when the seasons dictated. The use of different areas of the house
during different seasons has given rise to the term ‘four-season houses’
(Foruzanmehr, 2006, p.27) or ‘year round houses’ (Noghsan-Mohammadi,
2001, p.159).
Rooms have thick walls, and roofs are made of sun-dried or baked (fired)
bricks (Abbott, 1977, p.82; Kheirabadi, 1991, p.35). Rooms open onto
the courtyard, and windows on the peripheral walls are normally lacking
or else present only occasionally, and are of minimal size and above eye level
(Vaziritabar, 1990). The lack or small size of windows facilitates keeping
hot wind and dust out of the living spaces, as well as promoting privacy
(Bonine, 2000).
Walking through the narrow streets of Yazd and other cities in central
Iran, one observes that the only opening into a traditional house is its portal
entrance (Foruzanmehr, 2012). The portal entrance normally projects (or
is set back) from the massive surface of the exterior walls (Figure 2.6). It is
simply a heavy front door in small houses, while in large houses it could have
elaborate elements such as a stone bench, pilasters, portal arch and a timber
front door (Memarian, 1998, p.129). The location of the entrance in central-
courtyard houses is related to the shape of the plot and the position of the
surrounding streets (Memarian, 1998, p.209).
The front door has two separate door knockers, the larger one for men
(a metal hammer) and the smaller one for women (a metal ring) (Figure 2.7).
This is to signal to the household whether they have male or female guests,
so that the appropriate action can be taken by the occupants of the house.
The practice is now obsolescent, however, and most houses today have
replaced the traditional fittings with modern bells (Memarian, 1998, p.100).
The front door opens on to a reception foyer, called hashti, which is usually
either hexagonal or octagonal and has a domed roof (Bonine, 1980, p.211).
There is a long corridor (dalan), designed so that women can be given time
to put on appropriate dress before the guest gets inside, from the hashti to
the main courtyard. To add to the provision of privacy, the corridor is off
axis and has a bend in it to cut the direct view of the inside of the house
from the hashti or the street (Beazley and Harverson, 1985; Taghi, 1990,
p.92; Vaziritabar, 1990, p.14; Memarian, 1998, p.208; Oliver, 2003, p.137;
Sultanzade, 2005, p.60;). Figure 2.8 shows the plan of a typical entrance to
a vernacular house in Yazd.
The vestibule or hashti is a stopping point and can be used as a temporary
reception room for those persons who do not need to enter the guest room.
It usually has two or three niches which provide a place for people to sit
(Taghi, 1990, p.93; Memarian, 1998, p.100). In double-courtyard houses,
the vestibule is an element that gives access to both reception and private
areas.
The rooftops of vernacular houses in Yazd are mostly flat (Figure 2.9).
They were used in summer for a number of domestic tasks such as drying
washing, drying vegetables and fruits. Flat rooftops were also used for
sleeping during the summer nights. There, the family could enjoy the breezes
and cooler temperatures unavailable inside the house. The family’s privacy
on the roof was ensured by a parapet, higher than standing eye level,
surrounding the edges of the roof. This parapet provides shade and allows
a portion of the roof surface to stay relatively cool and assist cooling in the
space beneath (Fardeheb, 1987). It also protects the family from excessive
dust and wind (Bonine, 1980, p.197). However, sleeping on the rooftop and
in the courtyard is now an obsolete practice, due to lower levels of con-
venience and privacy (because of the commanding view from neighbouring
Figure 2.6 A portal entrance in Yazd
Figure 2.7 A traditional front door in Yazd
Figure 2.8 Plan of a typical house in Nain, Iran
Figure 2.9 Rooftop of vernacular houses in Yazd
taller buildings) and higher levels of air pollution in modern cities

(Foruzanmehr, 2012). Besides using the roof for sleeping, Iranians turned the
roof space to good account as a place for socialising in the late evenings,
when it is not too hot, an important cultural practice found in many areas
of the Middle East (Bonine, 1980, p.197; Sibley, 2006, p.53).
Curved roofs (domes and vaulted roofs) have also been used in vernacular
buildings in hot and dry regions. They have been the subject of several
research studies and are claimed to have different (and usually better) thermal
performances compared to flat roofs (Fathy, 1986; Miraftab, 1999; Tang
et al., 2003; Hadavand et al., 2007). However, in vernacular houses in Yazd,
when these curved roofs were constructed, their rooftops were usually made
flat in order to make them usable for the previously mentioned purposes.
There is often a basement (zir-zamin) under the summer quarters. The
basement was used for resting and sleeping, as well as for storage. Not only
did dwellers migrate through the house during the year from north to south
and back, but they also did so throughout the day. In summer they slept on
the roof and spent daytime moving around from the courtyard to the summer
quarters to the basement, depending on the outdoor temperature. This is
called diurnal migration (Foruzanmehr, 2012) or, according to Fardeheb
(1987), ‘internal nomadism’ and has been well explained by Fethi and Roaf
(1986, p.49) in connection with central houses in Baghdad:
The family, having slept on the roof, will rise between 5:30 – 6:30am,
when the sun rises, and, having had a light breakfast including tea, the
men will leave for their work at 7–7:30am. The hottest part of the day,
between 1 and 4pm, is usually spent eating, talking and sleeping, often
in that order, in the basement or courtyard depending on the month.
Many men such as those who work in the markets will go back to their
occupations at 4–5pm, where they stay until 7–8pm. The women of the
household will sweep floors, bake, cook, wash and potter in the court-
yard or the summer room until lunchtime when they join the rest of
the family in the basement or the covered courtyard for the largest meal
of the day. The family assembles in the courtyard or the summer room in
the evening and the men may entertain in the guest room. A light supper
is eaten between 8 and 11pm after which the fruit, tea and sweets may
be taken. The family retires intermittently between 10pm and 12pm to
sleep together on the roof.
Similarly, a typical day during the hot season in an Iranian traditional

central-courtyard house, according to Roaf (1988, p.207), has been sum-
marised in Table 2.2. It can be seen from the table that the family was
traditionally in continual motion around the house both horizontally and
vertically, in search of an optimum climatic environment. In contrast to the
modern approach to comfort and design, in which the individual chooses
the climate for a room, the residents of traditional houses selected a room
for its climate (Roaf, 1988, p.204). Such choice and movement around
a house during a day constitute a behavioural adjustment which has been
an essential adaptation by the traditional dwellers of hot desert regions,
enabling them to inhabit a seemingly hostile environment with some degree
of comfort.
Table 2.2 Typical daily life in old Yazd
Time Space Men Women Meal
6am Roof Waking/rising Waking/rising Breakfast

7am Courtyard Sitting/eating Sitting/eating Breakfast
7:30am Courtyard Working Sitting –
9:30am Summer Working Housework –
quarters
11am Kitchen Working Cooking –
12:30pm Basement Returning from Sitting –
work
2pm Basement Eating Eating Lunch
3pm Basement Sleeping Sleeping –
5pm Basement Sitting Sitting Tea
6pm Talar Sitting Sitting Fruit
7:30pm Courtyard Some men back Sitting Tea
to work
9pm Kitchen – Cooking –
10–11pm Courtyard Eating Eating Dinner
12–1am Roof Going to sleep Sleeping Cold water
Source: Adapted from Roaf (1988).
2.8 Social life in traditional houses in central Iran

The basic traditional household unit was the extended patriarchal family
in which moral attitude between children and parents and also between
female and male members of the household was, in spiritual and cultural
terms, clearly defined and followed in a hierarchic structure. According to
Vaziritabar (1990, p.8), the family was headed by the father, followed by his
wife, married and then unmarried sons, unmarried daughters and daughters-
in-law, and finally grandsons and granddaughters. Junior members of the
extended families were generally economically dependent upon the family
head and lived together with him in the family courtyard house. Usually three
generations lived together. Each was obedient to the previous one. Family
members were also supportive to each other and had some responsibilities
and roles in the family.
Family-life structure and relations defined the structure of spaces in the
home. The central-courtyard house, which is particularly suited to hot climate
regions, was a social response to the extended family organisation (Afshar
et al., 1975). The general arrangement of interconnected rooms, and the way
they were used, were in line with the emphasised group life and constant
interactions and patterns of living and sharing together, rather than the
individuality signified and symbolised by owning a room (Vaziritabar, 1990,
p.10). The many linkages of most rooms or spaces to one another depicted
the tight integration and interdependencies of family members and their lives,
activities and behaviour, symbolising the unity of the family as one people.
Among factors which facilitated the flexibility of the house were: lack of
personal territories (one’s own room); few personal possessions and
belongings; little, light and easily moveable furniture; and absence of modern
and heavy furniture. For instance, beds were not present. For sitting,
mattresses and cushions were used. Dining table and chairs were not present.
In more formal spaces such as reception rooms, however, chairs and small
tables were common and often present.
In terms of privacy, the traditional house was graded from the highly
private to the semi-private, called andarooni (inner or inside) and birooni
(outer or outside) respectively (Memarian and Brown, 2006, p.26). The
former was to accommodate family life and activities, and was primarily
the domain for women and children of the house. It was not often directly
related to the outside world. The birooni, primarily the domain for men,
provided a buffer space between the andarooni and the outside world. The
birooni in traditional houses in Yazd was sometimes furnished with a second
courtyard. The birooni’s function was to make it possible to receive male
visitors and individuals from outside the immediate family without inter-
fering with the family’s life. The private part of the home served as one room
in which the whole family lived as one people. Thus the internal arrangement
and use of spaces within this private section were of minimal concern; rather,
the enclosure of and relationship between this space and other parts of the
house as well as the outside seemed to be the main concern. According to
Vaziritabar (1990, p.16), the unity of the family as one people required, and
was associated with, a certain type of time structuring; this meant that the
family worked, ate, went to bed and did many routine activities together in
a synchronised fashion.
2.9 Change in traditional architectural and urban patterns

There is a consensus that after the industrial revolution in Iran in the early
twentieth century, particularly in the 1920s, traditional patterns of streets,
domestic buildings, households and labour in the cities changed in tens
of years, whereas in earlier centuries these changes had occurred over
hundreds of years (Proudlove, 1969; Lawrence, 1987; Madanipour, 1998;
Memarian, 1998; Roaf, 1988, p.144; Heidari, 2000; Noghsan-Mohammadi,
2001; Habibi et al., 2007, p.68).
All of these changes have influenced the way that traditional houses and
their elements are used at the present time, and resulted in the creation of
building types which are fundamentally different from traditional ones. The
following sections explain some of these changes.
2.9.1 Change in street systems

Until the beginning of the twentieth century, the traditional street system in
Iran was based on pedestrian movement. It was a hierarchical distribution
pattern of narrow, twisting, partly roofed streets leading to culs-de-sac which
ended in groups of buildings (Madanipour, 1998, p.119). Upon this pattern,
which had evolved over long periods of time according to strong social and
environmental rationalities, was imposed an orthogonal network of roads
for modernisation (Madanipour, 1998, p.119). In 1923, the Pahlavi regime
was initiated, and subsequently an accelerated modernisation agenda took
place. Iranian cities were ordered by the Shah to be modified ‘to minimise
their dusty, seemingly humble past, and to embrace the scientific laws of
standardised spaces’ (Modarres, 2006, p.86). Muddy alleys were replaced
by asphalt streets. The newly built streets were increasingly lined with shops,
which tended to compete with the bazaar for customers. With the arrival of
electricity around 1930 and the establishment of a street-oriented urban
culture, new forms of socialisation emerged, and Yazdis, more than ever
before, grew familiar with modern concepts of time and leisure such as
strolling in the street, bicycling and public interaction on the pavements of
the new streets (Eslami Nadoushan, 1994).
The dimensions of the modern Iranian city, as a result of increasing
population and falling development densities, became greater than was con-
venient for pedestrian activity (Proudlove, 1969, p.16). As distances become
comparatively great, intra-city travel was increasingly done by vehicle, and
distance or mobility became an important dimension in everyday life
(Proudlove, 1969, p.18). Vehicular travel became general, and a road system
became the essential structuring and orienting element of new develop-
ment or large-scale renewal. Wide new avenues for motorised vehicular traffic
were cut through the old, compactly structured urban texture (Proudlove,
1969, p.13; Schoenauer, 2000, p.173) and led to a fundamental change in
building patterns.
2.9.2 Change of building patterns – orientation, materials

and form
Changes in building form in Iran were largely associated with the change in
the street system (Madanipour, 1998, p.125). Lawrence (1987, p.10) claims
that the motor car was the most significant factor that transformed the
Iranian residential environment in the twentieth century, during which
pedestrian access was segregated from vehicular access, and the traditional
relationship between the house and the street was completely transformed.
The orientation of the buildings was largely determined by the orientation
of the street system (Madanipour, 1998, p.125). The new system of land
subdivision, the rationalisation and standardisation of the size and shape of
land parcels, which was consistent with the orthogonal blocks and streets,
led to new building forms (Figures 2.10 and 2.11).
Newer housing areas were much more regular in their arrangement and
layout, clearly resulting from more formal subdivision of large land tracts
and a more technological approach to house design and construction.
Figure 2.10 (top) and Figure 2.11 (bottom) New and non-traditional building
forms in Yazd
The development of the new building form was, like the new street pattern,
part of a package of goods, ideas and images imported from the West
(Madanipour, 1998, p.125).
Houses in Iran underwent significant changes after 1925 (Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.167). According to Modarres (2006, p.84), in the city
of Yazd, the transition from traditional patterns to modern ones began to
take place in 1923. A transformation in the concept of the arrangement of
spaces around a courtyard occurred, and the spatial pattern of the dwelling
unit changed. No longer was an internally oriented architecture in fashion in
new dwellings (Vaziritabar, 1990, p.5). The pattern of a central courtyard
was abandoned; the traditional central courtyard was replaced by a courtyard
close to the street, behind or in front of the house (Heidari, 2000, p.25;
Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.327). New buildings became extroverted
(Madanipour, 1998, p.243) and constructed without central courtyards,
meaning that all rooms came to face the street, opening their windows on
to the streets (Madanipour, 1998, p.134). It is said that, even in traditional
courtyard houses, there was for the first time, as a gesture of modernity by
some, a tendency to open some windows in the external blank walls facing
the alleyway (Vaziritabar, 1990, p.5). A rigorous north and south orientation
developed, and at least one vehicular access to each property became essential.
New layouts of housing and car-parking were constructed (Lawrence,
1987, p.10) in such a way that, from no provision at all at the turn of the
twentieth century, there is now usually at least one parking space for each
dwelling unit. Almost all new dwelling units have direct access to the linear
streets provided for vehicular and pedestrian access to the plots (Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.266).
Morton claims (2008, p.13) that, in Africa and the Middle East, earth
buildings have been replaced with buildings made of concrete and steel
because ‘these materials symbolise the modernising progress to which people
commonly aspire’. However, this has not been the only reason in the case of
Iranian houses. From the late Qajar period (1900 ad) and the early Pahlavi
period (1930 ad), new materials were increasingly adopted in Iranian house
construction, and structural systems changed from the traditional methods
(Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.157). Timber joists were replaced with
steel I-beams, again imported from outside Iran. Roofs were constructed flat
and covered with mosaic tiles. The external walls of the building units were
often made of bricks, which might on occasions be plastered (Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.266). Small wooden windows also gave way to large
metal-framed windows, and some parts of the houses were rendered with
a cement mixture (Memarian, 1998, p.115). The availability of building
materials influenced the external façades. The general external modesty of
the buildings, which had stemmed from social and religious norms and a
need for security, was increasingly undermined by the demand for the spatial
expression of individualism in new buildings (Madanipour, 1998, p.125).
Concrete and glass became the most popular building materials, together
with other imperishable surfacings such as marble or granite (Proudlove,
1969, p.20). Structural techniques permitted the construction of multi-storeyed
steel or concrete framed buildings (Proudlove, 1969, p.20), which replaced the
traditional load-bearing wall systems and became the most popular style,
altering the horizontal skyline of the city (Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001,
p.327).
As mentioned before, the form of vernacular dwelling before the twentieth
century was predominantly single-storey courtyard housing (Abbott,
1977, p.82; Madanipour, 1998, p.141; Memarian, 1998, p.101; Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.158; Sultanzade, 2005, p.60). The continued pressure
on urban space from the rising population and the introduction of Western
dwelling types of two-storey terraced houses and multi-storey flats led to a
new housing morphology and a transition from low-rise, inward-looking
courtyard houses to medium- to high-rise outward-looking apartments
(Madanipour, 1998, p.127; Miraftab, 1999). New, non-traditional dwellings,
also called ‘contemporary’ (Heidari, 2000, p.25) and ‘modern’ (Roaf, 1988,
p.144), became generally smaller, and a culture of living in flats developed.
New or non-traditional houses consist of a living room, one or more
bedrooms, a kitchen and a bathroom around a central roofed hall. External
and internal walls and roofs are constructed of baked brick, plastered
internally with gypsum plaster (Roaf, 1998, p.138; Heidari, 2000, p.25).
These houses represent a complete stylistic break from the traditional
courtyard house, with the central living area now covered (Roaf, 1988,
p.139). Furthermore, it became increasingly common for a house to include
a bathroom and toilet, rather than rely on communal facilities. Solid fuel
ranges for space heating were gradually replaced with gas and then electrical
appliances (Lawrence, 1987, p.10).
The micro-climate of the non-traditional house changed compared to
a traditional one, as a result of change in its orientation, size, location,
the details of windows, and the thermal resistance and heat capacity of
its envelope (Heidari, 2000). In the 1960s, a big change occurred in Iran:
swamp coolers (evaporative coolers) were introduced, which have been used
since then (Heidarinejad et al., 2008). The swamp cooler is installed on the
roof of the house. It consists of an electric fan which draws external air into
the room across water-soaked straw panels, thus introducing cooled air with
considerable water content. Such coolers are popular and widely used in all
types of houses in Yazd (Roaf, 1988, p.199). The popularity of evaporative
coolers relates to several factors: effectiveness; simplicity of installation;
low initial, operational and maintenance costs; elimination of dust, dirt and
flies (compared to traditional cooling systems); and the lower rate of energy
consumption, compared to electro-mechanical air-conditioning systems
(Bahadori et al., 2008; Heidarinejad et al., 2008). Evaporative coolers seem
to work well with the climate but suffer from the disadvantage that in Yazd,
as in many other cities of the Middle East, in mid-afternoon in summer,
when the maximum load is placed on the electricity supply system, frequent
power failures occur (Roaf, 1988, p.197). In addition to the power failure
risk, the high levels of humidity which swamp coolers provide (Givoni, 1984)
are often remarked upon by Yazdis to be harmful to health, causing colds and
rheumatism (Roaf, 1988, p.197). Also, these swamp coolers are sometimes
considered to be a ‘noisy and unsightly protuberance’ on buildings
(Ghiabaklou, 2001).
2.9.3 Changes in households

In the second half of the nineteenth century in Iran, the economic necessity
of large, extended families declined. The patriarchal economic structure of
the extended family was undermined by the weakening of the traditional
sources of income on which it was based. Money in the community shifted
into the hands of young workers, juniors in the old family hierarchy. These
younger members often chose to live independently. They left the older
generation behind in their neighbourhoods, villages and towns.
The pattern of household structure and central family unit in Iran changed
rapidly from that of large extended families to small nuclear families in the
twentieth century (Vaziritabar, 1990, p.21). This dictated the smaller sizes of
houses (Roaf, 1988, p.139) and therefore meant a demand for more dwellings
for the same number of people (Madanipour, 1998, p.140). This demand was
also triggered by increasing living standards and rising expectations, as
well as population growth (Madanipour, 1998, p.140). High land prices also
led to the development of smaller and smaller dwellings (Madanipour, 1998,
p.91).
2.9.4 Traditional courtyard houses and new occupation patterns

In the process of modernisation traditional multi-courtyard (and also large
single-courtyard) houses also underwent extensive changes. They usually
belonged to affluent people who moved to newer sections of the city in
search of a better quality of life (Schoenauer, 2000, p.177) and adaptation
to modernisation. The assumption of a lower quality of life in traditional
neighbourhoods was the result of several factors. These neighbourhoods did
not have enough urban facilities (such as leisure centres, fire stations, parking
and green space), good public transport and good accessibility for cars. In
addition, the existence of low-quality and unsafe structures in buildings, and
the replacement of the original residents with migrants from lower income/
cultural classes who had less attachment to the neighbourhood accounted
for the lower quality of life in these neighbourhoods (Habibi et al., 2007). As
a result, many traditional houses and neighbourhoods lost their wealthier
residents.
Some large traditional central-courtyard houses have been used for multi-
occupancy renting, which could be a source of income for the family or
accommodation for the household’s offspring (Madanipour, 1998, p.141).
Sometimes, if the owner died, the house would be passed on to a number of
beneficiaries who would never return to the house. In such cases, the house
might be rented out to immigrants, perhaps several families. Examples of this
can still be seen in cities such as Shiraz and Yazd, which accommodate large
numbers of refugees from the Iranian border with Iraq and from neighbouring
countries such as Afghanistan. Immigrants were drawn particularly to the
historic centres because of the abundance of large houses and the number of
empty properties (Memarian, 1998, p.103). In such cases, generally little or
no repair was carried out, and the houses suffered a great deal of deterioration
(Memarian, 1998, p.105). In addition, sometimes the house was sold to state
organisations, and the function of dwelling units was altered to governmental
offices, museums or even higher education buildings, such as the School of
Architecture in Yazd.
2.9.5 Vernacular dwelling in the present day

In spite of the changes which have occurred in Iran, examples of traditional
courtyard houses still exist in old neighbourhoods of many cities in central
Iran. Nevertheless, considering the impact that all these and other changes
might have introduced to individuals, families and society at large, the likeli-
hood of a continuing close match between design and user requirements
in the traditional house is rather dubious, and requires further exploration
and explanation, and systematic empirical work. In spite of the existence of
a situation where vernacular houses are seen to be in a state of decline or at
risk of being replaced by modern counterparts or used for new purposes,
these buildings are still cited in academic literature as models of socially
acceptable and sustainable practice. In order to find out more about this
paradoxical situation, we need to know not only about the buildings them-
selves but also about the attitudes and opinions of the actual users of these
buildings. These aspects are further investigated and discussed in the next
chapters.
2.10 Conclusions
This chapter discussed various views and conceptions about vernacular
architecture, and discussed the notions of ‘home’, ‘house’ and ‘dwelling’. It
introduced and examined vernacular dwellings in the hot and dry climates
of Iran, and explained how they were occupied and used in the past, how
they have changed and developed, or been abandoned and replaced, over
time. The summary of the main findings of this chapter is as follows:
• In the context of this research, a vernacular building refers to a building

built by local people using traditional technologies, from locally available
materials, in accordance with environmental context, to accommodate
domestic ways of life. Traditional architecture is a term to describe all
buildings from the past that have survived to the present. In Iran, the
term sonnati (traditional) refers to the pre-industrial architecture before
the overall modernisation of Iranian society which started in the early
twentieth century (particularly in the 1920s). For the purpose of this
study (which has particularly taken place in the city of Yazd, the focus
of the research), central-courtyard earth buildings which were built
before the 1920s embrace the above-mentioned characteristics, and can
be called vernacular or traditional.
• Throughout the cities of central Iran, the single-central-courtyard house
(one- or sometimes two-storey) is the commonest type, in which the
family was traditionally in a continual motion both horizontally and
vertically, in search of an optimum climatic environment.
• After the industrial revolution in Iran in the early twentieth century
(after the 1920s), traditional patterns of streets, domestic buildings,
households and labour in the cities changed. All of these changes influ-
enced the way that traditional houses and their elements are used at the
present time, and resulted in the creation of building types which are
different from traditional ones.
• There has been little attempt to record vernacular buildings in Iran,
and even less to analyse or explain their forms, advantages and dis-
advantages, or to evaluate their performance according to their users’
perceptions.
The purpose of the next chapter is to identify the main vernacular passive
cooling systems in traditional houses in the hot and dry climates of Iran.
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3 Vernacular passive cooling
systems in Iran
3.1 Introduction
The previous chapter introduced the concept of vernacular architecture and
domestic buildings. It scrutinised vernacular dwellings in the hot and dry
climates of Iran, the way in which they were used, the reasons why they
were changed, and the buildings with which they were replaced.
This chapter introduces passive cooling and establishes a definition for
vernacular passive cooling applicable to this research, and also identifies and
explains traditional cooling systems implemented in vernacular dwellings in
the hot and dry climates of Iran.
3.2 Passive cooling – history and concept

It is believed that the energy crises of the 1970s aroused interest in the use
of natural renewable energy systems. This led to the development of active
solar space heating systems, which later shifted to passive heating. Passive
cooling, however, was virtually ignored in that period and was even named
as the ‘neglected stepsister’ of passive solar heating by Jeffery Cook (1989,
p.37). Only in about 1978 did more worldwide interest arise and systematic
research start into passive cooling systems (Givoni, 1994, p.4).
The term ‘passive system’ has been defined by many experts in the field.
Invented in the United States, as claimed by Cook (1989, p.3), the term
‘passive’ was adopted by researchers in federal laboratories in the early 1970s
to describe thermal delivery systems that are driven by natural phenomena
and without power-driven mechanical devices. Stressing the natural make-up
of passive systems, Edward Mazria in his Passive Solar Energy Book (1979,
p.28) defines a passive solar heating or cooling system as ‘a system in which
the thermal energy flows naturally by means of radiation, conduction and
convection’. He adds that, in essence, the building structure (or elements of it)
is the system and argues that passive systems collect and transport heat by
non-mechanical means, and operate on the energy available in the immediate
environment; in contrast, an active system imports energy, such as electricity,
to power the fans and pumps to make the system work. Mazria’s definition
Vernacular passive cooling systems in Iran 45
is slightly vague, because it does not say whether or not the sources of heating
or cooling which are available in ‘the immediate environment’ should be
natural. Ralph Lebens (1980, p.1) states that there is usually no working fluid
used in absorbing, storing and delivering heat in a passive design – all the
functions are carried by building materials themselves – whereas in an active
system one or more working fluids are always used and circulated by means
of fans and pumps. He argues that all buildings are passively solar heated to
some extent, since solar gains are present in every building (Lebens, 1980,
p.1). The Lebens definition is not completely acceptable, because it does not
consider the fact that air is a fluid by which heat can be naturally delivered.
According to Cook (1989, p.20), passive cooling is more complicated than
passive heating, and embraces several heat sinks which are the sky, earth and
ambient air.
The term ‘passive cooling’ was also defined by Cook (1989, p.9) as any
building design technique that not only combats outdoor heat, but also
transfers indoor heat to natural heat sinks such as the sky (upper atmosphere),
the atmosphere (ambient air) and the earth without the use of motorised
mechanical components (Cook, 1989, p.4). ‘Ambient cooling sinks’ is another
name that Santamouris and Asimakopoulos (1995, p.37) have given to
the term ‘natural heat sinks’. Building on Cook’s definition, Baruch Givoni
(1994, p.1) explains that the term ‘passive cooling systems’ applies to various
simple cooling techniques that enable the indoor temperatures of buildings
to be lowered through the use of natural energy sources. In most cases, the
cold collection and storage elements of such a system are an integral part
of the building itself, for example the roof, structural materials or soil under
the building. In his book Passive Cooling (1989), Cook deals mainly with the
physics of the heat loss to the various natural heat sinks (i.e. sky, air and
earth) through radiation, convection and conduction. By contrast, Givoni
(1994, p.3) puts more emphasis on the architectural and climatic issues
involved in the utilisation of the same natural heat sinks.
In some literature, ‘passive cooling’ is regarded as natural cooling. According
to Santamouris and Asimakopoulos (1995, p.53), passive cooling broadly
covers all the measures and processes that contribute to the natural control
and reduction of the cooling needs of buildings. It includes all the preventive
measures to avoid overheating in the interior of buildings as well as strategies
for the transfer of internal heat to the external environment, whether generated
within the interior or entering through the envelope of the building.
Stressing the energy performance of the system, Clark (1989, p.348)
describes passive cooling systems as systems that require negligible electric or
fossil-fuel energy to remove heat from a person (or a building) to an environ-
mental sink. Natural ventilation has been cited as a common example. In
Clark’s definition the terms ‘negligible’ and ‘significantly greater’ have not
been defined in a measurable way.
It can be seen that many attempts have been made to define passive cooling
systems; various other definitions have also been proposed. In this research
46 Vernacular passive cooling systems in Iran
a passive cooling system refers to any building element, design or any method
that, naturally and without the use of electro-mechanical components,
lowers the temperature inside the building by excluding outdoor heat or by
transferring the indoor heat to natural heat sinks (i.e. the earth, sky and
ambient air).
3.3 Air-conditioning and its effects

Air-conditioning (A/C) is generally considered as the opposite of passive
cooling. Contrary to methods of passive cooling, mechanical air-conditioning
is defined as the use of electrical appliances to cool (and dehumidify) air in
enclosed spaces using evaporation or refrigeration techniques (Parkhurst and
Parnaby, 2008, p.352). The use of electricity for evaporating and refrigerating
is the distinguishing aspect of A/C.
Since their introduction, A/C systems have caused radical and fundamental
changes to human life. A/C technologies have become an integral part of
contemporary culture (Parkhurst and Parnaby, 2008, p.354). For example, it
is sometimes believed that, without A/C, urban offices or suburban shopping
malls would simply not be possible (Parkhurst and Parnaby, 2008, p.354).
Another example is the elimination of the siesta (i.e. midday or afternoon
rest or nap), and the idea that the working day runs from eight or nine in the
morning through to five or six in the evening, a relatively recent convention
in many environments enabled by the introduction of A/C systems. One of
the results of air-conditioning is that it maintains the same temperature
throughout the day, irrespective of the daily and seasonal rhythms of the
sun, allowing people to live and work at a constant and accelerated pace
(Brager and de Dear, 2003, p.193). With mechanical cooling in place, people
are climatically free to work when they want (Shove, 2003, p.61) or when
the business wants. This standardisation of the indoor environment has
freed people from a shared regime of daily and seasonal change (Shove, 2003,
p.169).
A/C has an enormous impact on people’s relationship with the outdoor
climate, which in turn has affected social practices, behaviours and customs.
Technological advances in mechanical heating and cooling systems have led
to buildings becoming more rigidly isolated from the outdoor environment,
as well as from their social and cultural contexts (Brager and de Dear, 2003,
p.198). They generate standardised indoor climates by mechanical means
(Shove, 2003, p.62) and have totally altered the micro-climate in which
people conduct their lives (Coles and Jackson, 2007, p.4). In 1937, S. F.
Markham (1944) identified the power of air-conditioning to enable people,
adapted to the colder climates of Europe and the United States, to colonise
the world (Nicol, 2008). Air-conditioning has also become so tied up with the
signification of modernity that Japanese families acquired and installed
such systems even when they preferred natural ventilation (Wilhite et al.,
1996; Shove, 2003, p.51). Coles and Jackson (2007, p.4) argue that A/C has
made possible the promotion of tourism by providing satisfactory micro-
climates that are sheltered from extreme weather. Elizabeth Shove (2003)
traces the way in which air-conditioning has moved from being a luxury for
the few to being a necessity for the many. She considers manufactured weather
as a key ingredient in utopian visions of the future, and cites rising demands
for comfort, cleanliness and convenience as key motivations for more use of
A/C (Shove, 2003, p.27).
The trend in the use of air-conditioning to cool buildings has been (and
still is) undermining the employment of traditional building forms, materials
and elements of regionally appropriate passive buildings. It has liberated
designers to create buildings that have increasingly become more fashionably
disconnected from the climate and environment in which they are found
(Nicol, 2008).
After the introduction of A/C, the majority of building designers thought
that air-conditioned buildings no longer needed passive cooling features
(such as overhanging eaves or verandas), and by omitting these they were
able to save money in order to offset the additional cost of installing mechan-
ical cooling. To save on construction costs, walls were built thinner, arcades
and shading devices were eliminated, and rooms grew smaller. With the
arrival of great numbers of small air-conditioning units and low-cost electric-
ity, buildings changed even more and moved away from their traditional
passive design. Little by little, architects forgot simple, common-sense meas-
ures such as appropriately orienting and recessing windows (Gallo, 1996,
p.313). In this situation, without passive cooling features in place, extensive
use of A/C (and hence energy) has become inevitable for new houses to be
thermally comfortable (Shove, 2003, p.54). As a result, high energy needs
and costs have become associated with the massive air-conditioning needs for
an entire city (Bonine, 2000). This has created a critical problem in places
where the electricity supply is unreliable or interrupted for any extended
period of time.
A/C systems are increasingly seen as a contributor to the climate change
problem (Roaf, 2008, p.xxvi). A/C is a resource-intensive cooling technology
which drives energy demand and associated emissions of CO2 (Hall, 2006,
p.280; Shove, 2003, p.21). Huge amounts of energy are required for A/C
systems to sustain recognised standards of comfort (Shove, 2003, p.21), and
the rising cost of energy makes it an expensive technology. The economic
and environmental costs of energy use and the high proportion of greenhouse
gas emissions resulting from highly serviced buildings are the primary
arguments driving the move back to the use of natural ventilation and passive
heating and cooling of buildings (Abro, 1994; Nicol, 2008). Many of the
issues giving rise to the need for air-conditioning are believed to be solvable
simply by improving the thermal performance of the building envelope,
combined with the use of passive cooling systems (Rapoport, 1969, p.84;
Hall, 2006, p.280; Nicol, 2008). In essence, appropriate design criteria and
the promotion of natural and passive systems can minimise the need for
high-energy systems, such as domestic electrical air-conditioning. This does
not mean that reliance should be placed only on passive systems (an unrealistic
goal in the contemporary world), but the less use dependence there is on high-
energy systems, the more sustainable the built environment (Bonine, 2000;
Thomas, 2006).
3.4 Importance of passive cooling systems

In a world where issues of energy conservation and global warming are
becoming increasingly critical, the adoption of methods for passively cooling
buildings is one of the most effective ways in which people can cope with
climate change. Nicol (2008) states that buildings that rely on centralised
control and conventional energy-powered systems will no longer be able to
deliver adequate comfort at an affordable price for the majority of the world’s
population. In contrast, robust passive buildings can be cooled using much
less energy and will not fail if the grid goes down. In a well-designed passively
cooled (or heated) building, the building itself, as a result of its form and
fabric, will cope with peak conditions by moderating both the diurnal swing
and seasonal changes in indoor temperature (Thomas, 2006, p.132; Nicol,
2008), and contribute to the thermal comfort of its occupants.
Passive cooling systems use natural energy. In most cultures ‘natural’ is
generally preferred to ‘artificial’; people would prefer passive cooling to
air-conditioning, if it provided an equal level of thermal comfort. One study
(carried out by Sawachi et al. in 1987) examined Japanese attitudes towards
natural cooling, as compared to air-conditioning, and found that 90% of
people considered natural cooling healthier, 75% considered it more
economical, and 70% preferred it (Brager and de Dear, 2003, p.192). Passive
cooling methods are increasingly praised for their sustainability and lower
energy use, and have become distinctive elements in academic and popular
representations of vernacular architecture in the Middle East (Vellinga et al.,
2007, p.89).
3.5 Vernacular passive cooling systems

The terms ‘vernacular’ and ‘passive cooling system’ have been discussed and
defined in the previous sections. A vernacular passive cooling system applies
to any passive cooling system that has traditionally been employed and
used in vernacular buildings. In contrast to modern air-conditioning techno-
logies, vernacular means of cooling in hot and arid regions have largely been
‘passive’ (Vellinga et al., 2007, p.88). Vernacular passive techniques and their
long-standing features have slowly been perfected in traditional societies
(Noble, 2007, p.233) and are associated with and adapted to the climate
(Cook, 1997, p.135).
A considerable number of commentators have identified various traditional
vernacular cooling techniques and systems as used in traditional dwellings
in hot climates globally, and particularly in the Middle East and Iran. Lechner
(2001, p.2), for example, has described a number of vernacular architectural
cooling strategies in hot and dry climates, listing massive constructions,
small openings, light-coloured exterior surfaces, closely clustered buildings
and the use of roofs for sleeping at night.
Rijal et al. (2005) have investigated the effects of passive cooling in tradi-
tional vernacular houses in subtropical regions of Nepal. Having conducted
a thermal investigation and a thermal comfort survey of traditional houses
and their residents, they found that the residents were satisfied with the
thermal conditions of their houses, and traditional houses and lifestyles were
effective in producing thermal comfort for residents. Grass roofs, earthen
structures (floors and walls) and semi-open and open spaces in the houses
were found to be the main passive cooling systems. Borong et al. (2004)
carried out a field study on the thermal performance of Chinese dwellings in
summer and identified sun-shading and insulation as the major vernacular
cooling systems in those dwellings. They have claimed that natural ventilation
is used to improve the thermal environment; however, it is only an auxiliary
facility. Srivastav and Jones (2009) have studied traditional passive strategies
in India by using thermal modelling. They discovered that traditional tech-
niques, while potentially minimising energy use, provide a high degree of
comfort for a longer part of the day in traditional houses, in comparison to
modern ones. In their study, orientation, shading, evaporative cooling, wind-
towers, stack effect, carved exposed façades and thick or double roofs were
identified as the main traditional passive cooling techniques. Singh et al.
(2009) have also studied vernacular buildings in India and identified the main
vernacular passive cooling features in them, including thick walls, high ceil-
ings, vegetation, veranda, air vents and central courtyards. None of these
studies (in Nepal, China and India) focuses on the users’ perception of and
satisfaction with the cultural, social and financial aspects of traditional
cooling systems.
Schoenauer (2000), and similarly Fardeheb (1987), suggest that water
features and plants in the courtyard, semi-open living spaces, wind-catchers,
high ceilings, shading devices and compact houses have been common
traditional architectural passive cooling methods in the Middle East:
Water fountains, basins, and salsabils (fountains in which water tumbled

over a ridged surface into a pool and through evaporation cooled
and humidified the air) as well as planted or potted trees create a cool
ambience in the courtyard in sharp contrast to the aridity and heat of the
street outside. Semi-open spaces, such as eyvan (recessed porticos with
open arches facing the court), verandas and galleries, were oriented to
take advantage of climatic realities. Wind traps, equipped with cooling
jars and linked to a vertical air duct, brought fresh and humidified air
into the dwelling and helped in general to create better air circulation in
the house. A disproportionately high ceiling in the living rooms enhanced
air circulation. By sitting at floor level the occupants enjoyed the coolest
indoor environment. The trellised mashrabiyyahs eliminate glare and
provided a pleasant level of illumination to the interior. Finally, the
urban houses were grouped closely together; thus a minimum surface
was exposed to the merciless hot sun.
(Schoenauer, 2000, p.151)
In Iran, many academics have written about vernacular architectural passive

cooling methods in the hot and dry climates of the country. Bonine (2000;
1980, p.214) pinpoints courtyards, thick adobe walls, eyvans, underground
rooms, wind-towers, domes, air vents and seasonal rooms as the main
features of traditional passive cooling systems in Iran which have enabled
residents to be quite comfortable:
In pre-industrial times, the traditional Iranian house represented a most

comfortable and rational design for a hot arid climate. The open courtyard
and such features as thick adobe walls, iwans, underground rooms,
windtowers, domes, and air vents all indicate an intimate knowledge of
the environment as well as a sophisticated indigenous building technology.
Seasonal usage of rooms, a focus on a courtyard pool and vegetation;
and the extensive utilization of the roof are fantastically simple solutions
to the extremes of a hot (and cold) arid climate.
(Bonine, 1980, p.214)
Kheirabadi (1991) highlights the existence of compact urban form,

winding streets and courtyards as main features of Iranian vernacular cooling
systems:
To adjust to the hostile climate, traditional Iranian urban planners learned

to minimize the direct impact of solar radiation, to soften the blow of
harmful and unpleasant winds, and to optimize the use of shade, breeze,
and water. The planners’ objectives were achieved by adopting a compact
urban form, developing special street and alley patterns, and designing
houses with courtyards.
(Kheirabadi, 1991, p.20)
According to Ghobadian et al. (2008), central courtyards, distinct summer

and winter quarters, wind-catchers, heavy masonry walls and compact urban
texture are major traditional passive cooling components:
Traditionally, inwardly-oriented houses – with central courtyards –

would protect the interior of the buildings from the frequent sandstorms.
These houses are called ‘four seasons’ houses because the north side of
the house, which receives direct sunlight, is used as the family residence
during the cold months of the year. The south side of the house, which is
always in shade, is used during the summer months. Wind catchers
are usually built on top of the summer section. These houses are built
with heavy masonry walls and vaults, which act as thermal masses and
therefore reduce temperature fluctuations between day and night. The
urban texture of traditional cities in this area is compact. In this way,
the whole city is protected against sand storms, and winter heat loss
through outside walls is also minimised.
(Ghobadian et al., 2008, p.174)
Similarly, Monshizade (2008), Zahiri (2008), Soflaei (2006), Memarian and

Brown (2006, p.24), Mohajeri (2005), A’zami et al. (2005), Noori (2004)
and Miraftab (1999) claim that the compact form of the city, the narrow,
twisting and covered passageways, wind-catchers, the orientation of buildings
to sun and wind, the arrangement of separate summer and winter spaces,
using local materials and natural energies, the construction of underground
living spaces, deep central courtyards with greenery and pools of water, thick
earthen walls, and reusing materials are the main vernacular urban and
architectural solutions in hot and dry regions of Iran.
According to Heidari (2000) and Memarian (1998, p.136), a central
courtyard, separate summer and winter areas, movement between different
places in the house, thermal mass of the walls and roofs, high ceilings, vaulted
and domed roofs, and the use of openings are the main strategies employed
in traditional houses in hot arid zones of Iran.
Bahadori (1978) has explained passive cooling systems in Iranian archi-
tecture and identified different features of them in traditional dwellings
consisting of: thick adobe walls, courtyards planted with trees and shrubs,
basements as living spaces, roofs for sleeping, wind-catchers and air vents.
In that study, the general physical performance of wind-catchers is discussed,
but discussion about the temperatures which result from these vernacular
cooling methods, in relation to outdoor temperature, is lacking. Also, the
work does not deal with the socio-cultural roles of vernacular cooling
systems.
Using computer simulation programmes, Bahadori and Yaghoobi (2006)
have comprehensively described the cooling performance of models of
a wind-catcher, basement, cellar, courtyard and dome (explained in the
following related sections). The problem with computer models is that they
do not record actual temperature readings in real buildings and do not engage
with the socio-cultural aspects relating to the usage of these systems.
Based on the reviewed literature, the following vernacular passive cooling
systems and methods have been identified as being employed in the hot and
dry regions of central Iran:
• central courtyards with greenery, vegetation and water features;

• basements (underground living spaces);
• distinct seasonal rooms (i.e. separate summer and winter rooms);
• talars and eyvans (semi-open living spaces, loggias);
• badgirs (wind-catchers);
• massive thick walls;
• domes and vaulted roofs;
• air vents;
• sleeping on rooftops;
• proper building orientations;
• compact urban textures/fabrics;
• twisting and covered streets.
Among the above vernacular passive cooling systems (VPCSs), ‘compact

urban textures’ and ‘twisting and covered streets’ are traditional urban
cooling methods. Domed rooftops and air vents have not commonly been
used in vernacular houses in the central part of Iran. They were mostly used
as covering roofs for mosques, water cisterns and bazaars (covered markets)
(A’zami et al., 2005). They are, therefore, not discussed here, whereas the
rest of these VPCSs are explored in further detail.
Passive cooling in vernacular buildings is believed to start with defence
against solar radiation, which is achieved through the correct orientation
of the building (Memarian, 1998, p.136; Oliver, 1987, p.118; 2003, p.136).
The correct orientation of a building helps to reduce its exposure to the
intensity of the sun. This is critical in hot and dry climates, and it is claimed
that there can be a difference of as much as 3°C in the air temperature
between the best and the worst orientation (Fardeheb, 1987). Since vernacu-
lar houses in central Iran are inward-looking, the correct orientation of living
spaces (rooms and loggias) is achieved through the positioning of the central
courtyard and the living spaces around it. Analysis of a survey (Memarian,
1998, p.14) reveals that in Yazd the orientation of the rooms is much more
consistent and rigorous than in other Iranian cities, and the use of basements,
semi-open spaces (talar) and wind-catchers (badgir) is more widespread.
A study by Memarian (2007, p.301) on the typology of traditional houses in
Yazd shows that the courtyard and loggia are present in almost all house
types. It also shows that the existence of basements and separate summer/
winter rooms is widespread in traditional houses in Yazd. As the most preva-
lent and widespread VPCSs in houses in the hot and dry regions of central
Iran, central courtyards, loggias (eyvans and talars), distinct seasonal rooms,
basements, massive walls and wind-catchers are explained in further detail
in the following sections.
3.5.1 Central courtyard ( hayat-e markazi)

The courtyard is the main open space of houses in hot arid areas (Manzoor,
1989). It is an outdoor space bounded and defined by surrounding buildings,
loggias, rooms or walls. It is the central element of the house and the most
commonly used living space in vernacular houses in hot and dry climates of
the Middle East (Mazouz, 1988, p.77). Courtyards have an ancient history.
They have been in use in residential architecture for almost as long as humans
have lived in constructed dwellings. According to Oliver (1987, p.119), the
earliest known courtyard houses were built in Egypt, India and China and
date as far back as 3000 bc. However, some scholars (such as Memarian,
2007, p.16; Soflaei, 2006) claim that the origin of courtyard houses in Iran
goes back to around 8000 years ago. In many parts of the Middle East
and the Mediterranean world (and, by diffusion, Mexico and other areas of
Latin America), central-courtyard houses have been the standard vernacular
housing plan (Bonine, 2000). According to Oliver (1987, p.119), the distri-
bution of courtyard houses extends ‘between Morocco to the west, and India
to the east where the haveli, or atrium house, is common in the cities
developed under Moghul influence such as Haridwar, Jaipur and Ahmedabad’.
Of all the traditional features, the Iranian central courtyard has played
the most important role in the physical well-being of the inhabitants, as well
as in their daily social lives (Manzoor, 1989; Miraftab, 1999). The courtyard
is a multi-functional space that, according to Rapoport (2007, p.59), provides
privacy, means of access, climatic modification, the ability to form a dense
settlement and settings for courtyard houses. The courtyard generically
offers a secluded and private space. It often acts as a focal point in a building,
offering light, air and a sanctuary from the outside world (Moore, 1995,
p.14). It is a pleasant oasis within the surrounding hostile environment
(Figure 3.1).
With the exception of very hot or cold periods of the year, many of the
family activities have traditionally been carried out in the courtyard, includ-
ing preparation and consumption of food, drying fruits and vegetables,
sleeping, working, playing, praying, gardening, entertaining guests, perform-
ing crafts, and even as a place to keep animals (Golany, 1980; Foruzanmehr,
2006; Sibley, 2006, p.50; Vellinga et al., 2007, p.70). Furthermore, the
central courtyard plays an important role in creating a protected and
child-friendly outdoor space which can be overlooked from the rooms sur-
rounding it (Golany, 1980; Raydan and Steemers, 2006, p.6). Courtyards,
within a close packing of residential units, provide the needed open space
for social interaction in such hot and dry lands (Manzoor, 1989, p.125).
Beazley and Harverson (1982, p.28) say that ‘shelter is needed in the plateau
village not only from weather. Suspicion of the stranger, fear of theft and
the Islamic desire for privacy for the household combine with the climate
to make buildings inward looking, so they are often planned around
courtyards’.
Central-courtyard dwellings are particularly common in urban areas,
where they are often built in clusters (Figure 3.2). They have been designed
and built throughout the world with considerable variation in terms of
shape, size, decoration, closeness and permanence (Vellinga et al., 2007).
Courtyards have taken many different shapes, with rectangular as the most
common. Some are single-storey, some are several storeys high, but in
Figure 3.1 Courtyard in a house in Yazd
principle they are adapted to moderate the climate (Oliver, 1987, p.120;
Oliver, 2003, p.137). The courtyard size has been constrained by social
determinants, such as the size or the wealth of the family, and by climatic
factors (Fardeheb, 1987).
Figure 3.2 Aerial photo of a traditional urban area in Yazd
3.5.1.1 Plants and water features in the central courtyard

A typical traditional central courtyard generally has a planted garden and a
paved section, as well as a pool of water, often with a fountain in the middle
(Figure 3.3). The greenery and water features of the courtyard create a micro-
climate within the house which is a few degrees lower in temperature and
slightly higher in relative humidity than outside (Safarzadeh and Bahadori,
2005). They create a pleasant aesthetic atmosphere (Kheirabadi, 1991, p.36),
bring nature within the building’s reach (Reynolds, 2002, p.26) and give a
symbol of life to the house (Fardeheb, 1987).
3.5.1.1.1 POOL OF WATER (HOWZ) IN THE CENTRAL COURTYARD
Before the introduction of a piped water supply in the 1960s (Taghi, 1990,
p.33) to the cities situated in the hot region of Iran, there was a local neigh-
bourhood water supply system, circulating and feeding the pools. Water
came from subterranean water streams (or qanats), through street gutters
and streams, filled up the pool in the courtyard, sometimes overflowed all
round, and finally was collected by tiny canals passing through the garden.
Water in pools and canals was traditionally used for household work and
watering the garden, as well as sprinkling the paved area on summer days
(Golany, 1980).
Figure 3.3 A central courtyard in Yazd
Regardless of the size of the traditional house and financial status of the
family, a small pool of water will usually exist in the courtyard (Taghi, 1990;
Foruzanmehr, 2006). The size of the pool is dependent on the size of the
household and the house. The bigger the household is, the greater the water
consumption, and hence the bigger the pool that they need. Pools are
generally shallow and often have square, rectangular or sometimes octagonal,
hexagonal, circular or ellipsoidal forms. In some courtyards, pools are
deeper and can even be used for swimming.
The function of this pool of water has been not only to provide water, but
also to create a micro-climate. Evaporation from the pool in the courtyard
increases the humidity of the air and lowers the temperature in the imme-
diate surroundings. Dust blowing around settles as the air cools over the
water (Beazley and Harverson, 1982). The fountains are additional tools
occasionally used to cool the air temperature. This is done by utilising the
basic principle that contact between cool water and hot, dry air produces
evaporation and results in heat loss to the surrounding areas (Golany, 1980).
The custom of sprinkling or hosing the courtyard paving with water in the
late afternoons and early evenings also provides added relief. Water in
the pool additionally functions as a calm haven from where the residents
can observe the changing light of the day. It is an oasis from the scorched
grittiness of the desert (Beazley and Harverson, 1985). Ardalan and Bakhtiar
(1973) argue that a mirror-like pool in the middle of the courtyard creates
the romantic illusion of the sky on earth, which equates to both human
physical needs and their symbolic desires.
3.5.1.1.2 GREENERY IN THE CENTRAL COURTYARD
Flowers, shrubs and trees are very common elements of central courtyards in
Iran. Surrounding the pool of water, they comprise a small garden (baghche)
which provides a beautiful setting within the courtyard. The plants in the
courtyard are important modifiers of climate and effective in cleaning the air
(Mazouz, 1988, p.82; Schoenauer, 2000, p.175). They add colour, move-
ment and life to the courtyard (Golany, 1980; Zein Al Abidin, 2006, p.32).
The watering of and moisture in plants, shrubs and trees help reduce air
temperatures by the process of evaporative cooling, whilst the transpiration
of the leaves also assists in lowering the temperature and increasing the
relative humidity of the courtyard space (Bonine, 1980, p.195; ; Beazley and
Harverson, 1982; Argirion and Santamouris, 1993, p.41). The shade created
by trees cools the air beneath them, allowing the heavier, cooler air to pass
to the buildings and intercepting the hotter air at foliage level (Oliver, 1987,
p.123; Oliver, 2003, p.141). Deciduous trees intercept the sun’s rays in the
summer but permit them to pass through the leafless branches in winter
(Oliver, 2003, p.141).
The foliage of plants and trees grown in the courtyard creates a miniature
oasis in the heart of the house (Figure 3.4). Foliage, having absorbed radiant
heat from the sun, does not radiate it back as much as the quantity radiated
by paving or dry earth. The cooling effect of shady trees, depending on
the trees’ density and cluster geometry, can be up to 3°K in the courtyard
(Shashua-Bar and Hoffman, 2004). According to Foruzanmehr (2006), in
hot and dry regions the greenery in the courtyard has a significant effect on
the environment of the courtyard and surrounding rooms, because it:
1 decreases the direct radiation of sunbeams on yard spaces;

2 casts a shadow on walls, windows and openings of buildings;
3 decreases the temperature in and around the building;
4 increases the humidity in dry regions;
5 decreases the dust in the surrounding environment of the building;
6 decreases the undesirable wind speed in building surroundings.
3.5.1.2 Courtyard level

The courtyard level in the vernacular house in central Iran is usually lower
than the street level. This provides several advantages. Firstly, the lower court-
yard is usually better shaded. Secondly, because of the lower level of the
courtyard, the cool air of the night lingers there longer during the hot summer
Figure 3.4 Foliage of trees in a courtyard, Yazd
days (Manzoor, 1989). Thirdly, water was more easily directed into the pool
from the streams along the streets, before the availability of piped water.
Fourthly, the deeper the courtyard is, the greater the privacy potential for the
residents. Fifthly, the earth recovered from the excavation would commonly
be used to make the mud bricks and the mud–straw mixture which constitute
the main building materials for the house.
3.5.1.3 Sunken garden in the central courtyard (godal bagh-cheh)

A sunken garden (godal bagh-che or padiav) is a small-size deeper courtyard
excavated in the middle of another larger courtyard (Figure 3.5). It is an
alternative to and a less common house plan than typical central courtyards
in central Iran. The depth of the sunken garden is more than that of the
normal courtyard, to have access to the subterranean water system (i.e. qanat)
which passes beneath the yard.
A sunken garden is flanked with basement summer rooms and provides
these with natural light and fresh air. It may be, at the upper larger courtyard’s
level, covered with lattices and vines, which would add to the cooling and
comfort of the bottom level. It has a pool and trees to make the lower yard
and the rooms around it pleasant for summer occupancy. By having a cover
Figure 3.5 A sunken garden in Yazd
full of plants and trees as well as a pool of water, a sunken garden acts as a
coolant and fresh air reservoir for the house. In the winter, however, the
lower level rooms are too cold for occupancy, and so the upper level is used
(Bonine, 1980, p.198).
Having used a computer simulation programme, Al-Mumin (2001) shows
the sunken garden design would provide 23–35% annual savings on energy
costs (compared to a conventional design) in Kuwait. Furthermore, he notes
that the construction cost of a sunken garden and associated underground
rooms (up to two floors below the ground) is not more than that of an
above-ground courtyard building (of similar size); he suggests that the
sunken garden design would be a cheaper option in the long term, if running
costs were taken into consideration. The most important key to the success
of the sunken garden design, he claims, is the existence of adequate openings
to provide the needed view to the outside world, and that its design permits
adequate daylight and sunlight.
3.5.1.4 Thermal performance of the central courtyard

The central courtyard is probably the main element of the house in hot arid
regions of the Middle East which is adapted to provide thermal comfort.
It creates a moderate micro-climate and acts like breathing pockets for
houses and cities under very hot summer conditions (Golany, 1980; Reynolds,
2002, p.77). It is usually surrounded by rooms and massive high walls which
provide shade and reduce the infiltration of hot and dusty winds into the
courtyard and other interior spaces (Safarzadeh and Bahadori, 2005).
The courtyard’s floor and its surrounding walls radiate the heat (which has
been absorbed during the day) into the clear and cold night sky. They get cool
and remain cool for a considerable time during the following day. Central
courtyards also act as cooling wells. Cool night-time air from high above
the courtyard, heavier and denser than warm air, sinks into the courtyard.
It replaces the warmer air that has accumulated there during the day. The
ambient air above the courtyard is warmer, so denser cool air is unable to
escape (Norton, 1997b, p.464). The cooler air in the courtyard then seeps
into the surrounding rooms and cools them. It remains in the courtyard
until the next day, when the sun is high enough to shine into and warm it
(Norton, 1997b, p.460; Coles and Jackson, 2007, p.38). As the sun sets, the
temperature drops rapidly and air currents circulate within the courtyard and
filter through to the rooms (Oliver, 1987, p.120). This effect works at its best
in hot and dry climates where there is a significant difference between hot
daytime and cold night-time temperatures (Norton, 1997b, p.464).
The size of the courtyard plays an important role in its thermal performance.
If the courtyard is too large or the walls are too low, the cool-air sink-effect
will not be achieved (Norton, 1997b, p.464; Reynolds, 2002). If the walls
are built too high, the winter sunshine will not reach the appropriate rooms
(Bonine, 1980, p.197). In larger houses, the courtyard is not necessarily
larger, because the shade afforded by the surrounding walls and buildings
would be lost in any such large open space. Instead, two or more courtyards
are built with rooms clustering around them. The single-courtyard house,
however, is the commonest type throughout the cities of Iran (Memarian,
1998, p.101).
In addition to the above-mentioned night cooling, the use of greenery and
water in a courtyard helps bring the temperature down during the hot and
dry seasons (Rapoport, 1969, p.90). Many academics claim that a central
courtyard (with greenery and water) acts as a passive cooling device in
the house (Rapoport, 1969, p.90; Ganapathi, 1997, p.463; Norton, 1997b,
p.460; Miraftab, 1999; Reynolds, 2002; Safarzadeh and Bahadori, 2005;
Vellinga et al., 2007, p.70). Yet, the extent to which courtyards today provide
comfortable conditions and the way vernacular courtyard houses can with-
stand extremely hot summer temperatures have not been well addressed
(Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011). Safarzadeh and Bahadori (2005), by
using energy-analysis software, have found that central courtyards, with
their pools of water and planted gardens, cannot maintain thermal comfort
during the hot summer hours in Tehran. However, they have established that
the central courtyard and its features reduce the heat gain of the building
and decrease the cooling energy of the building to some extent. Similarly,
a study by Foruzanmehr (2012a) shows that vernacular central-courtyard
dwellings in Yazd could not provide comfortable temperatures throughout
an entire typical hot summer day, except in their basements. It demonstrates,
however, that these buildings have lower cooling requirements compared to
their modern counterparts.
3.5.1.5 Privacy in the central courtyard
The central courtyard in traditional dwellings is regarded as the private
centre of the house (Safarzadeh and Bahadori, 2005). It is visually separated
from the outside either by buildings or by high walls, and cannot be over-
looked from the streets or neighbouring houses. It is generally arrived at via
a bent-axis entrance from the street, designed to avoid direct vision by
passers-by into the heart of the house, even when the entrance door is open
(Fethi and Roaf, 1986, p.41; Sibley, 2006, p.50).
The form of vernacular dwelling in hot arid zones of Iran before the
twentieth century was predominantly single-storey inward-looking central-
courtyard housing (Abbott, 1977, p.82; Madanipour, 1998, p.141; Memarian,
1998, p.101; Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.158; Sultanzade, 2005, p.60).
The overriding consideration in the design of such houses seems to have been
the socio-religious need for privacy, which coincided with the concomitant
need for an introverted plan form in this climate. In some Islamic cultures,
private courtyards provide the only outdoor space where women can relax
unobserved.
Nevertheless, the continued pressure on urban space from the rising popu-
lation led to the introduction of two-storey terraced houses and multi-storey
flats. The building form showed a transition from low-rise, inward-looking
courtyard houses to medium- to high-rise outward-looking apartments,
which were sometimes built in or around traditional neighbourhoods
and overlooked traditional central courtyards. As a result, the heart of the
vernacular house became less (or even no more) visually private. In addition,
in the built forms which later emerged, such as flats and condominiums, the
courtyard was used by more than one household, especially in the case of
plots with an entrance through the courtyard. The shared courtyard thus lost
its previous uses and increasingly became the less-private parking place for
the dwellings (Madanipour, 1998, p.243).
3.5.1.6 Advantages and disadvantages of the central courtyard

The protected nature of courtyards, provided by the surrounding walls, has
both advantages and disadvantages. The comforts offered by a courtyard
(air, light, privacy, security and tranquillity) are properties almost universally
desired in human housing. Manzoor (1989, p.129) has listed the positive
functions of a central courtyard as follows:
Providing vegetation and greenery, cooling the air (by its pool and vege-
tation), creating maximum shadow, especially during long hot summer
days, providing an open-to-air social space for gathering and entertain-
ment for the afternoons and evenings, separating the private and semi-
private parts of the house, providing enclosed and private sleeping
places at night for the hot periods of the year, giving an additional place
for food preparation and domestic work during the spring and summer
days, and helping air circulation within the house.
(Manzoor, 1989, p.129)
In addition, courtyards can be a safe place for children to play. However, the
enclosed nature of the central courtyard may lead to poor ventilation and
overheated spaces in courtyard houses. Reflected heat and glare can also
cause a problem by damaging tender plants, or by rendering the area too
glary on bright days. Poor light can also be a problem, if the courtyard is
surrounded by overhanging trees that block out the light for part, or even
all, of the day (Foruzanmehr, 2006). Furthermore, large distances must be
covered by householders to complete simple traditional chores in courtyard
houses, such as opening the front door, serving food from the kitchen to
the basement or reception rooms, or collecting a pillow from the roof. This
travelling is problematic when it is very hot in summer or very cold in winter.
In Iran, there has been a lack of empirical studies which measure residents’
satisfaction with traditional courtyards. Apart from a limited number of
research projects – for example those carried out by Foruzanmehr (2010;
2012a; 2012b; 2016) – there is a lack of published research on the practical
issues surrounding vernacular houses and spaces with regard to the
provision of thermal comfort. In particular, there is a lack of understanding
regarding how suitable, practicable and acceptable it would be to have a
central courtyard in the dwelling in order to deal with the climate. The
following chapters aim to bridge this gap in knowledge.
3.5.2 Loggia (talar or eyvan)

The loggia is a semi-open living space within the body of a building, closed
on three sides as well as on top and connected to the courtyard by its open
side (Foruzanmehr, 2015b). It has a flat floor, often slightly raised and located
at the ground floor level (Figure 3.6). It is a feature of vernacular architecture
in many parts of the world, including Mexico and Spain (Moore, 1995, p.14)
and the Middle East, and has a long history in Iranian architecture (Manzoor,
1989). Terms like veranda, porch, portico and gallery are used as synonyms
for loggia, or to identify a slightly different building element (Schoenauer,
2000, p.171; Vellinga et al., 2007, p.91). In Persian, the terms talar (and less
frequently soffeh) and eyvan (also aivan, ayvan, ivan or iwan) have been used
for loggia by academics.
3.5.2.1 Talar and eyvan

According to Memarian (1998, p.129), eyvan and talar are ‘semi-open
spaces which face onto an open space such as a courtyard’. Similarly, Roaf
(1988,p.267) defines talar and eyvan as ‘vaulted reception rooms with an
open wall overlooking onto the courtyard’.
Figure 3.6 Talar in Moulayi House in Yazd
Talars and eyvans have similar functions, but they can be distinguished from
each other by their forms (Figures 3.7 and 3.8). A talar is a large rectangle
(or sometimes square) in plan. It is an independent space, rarely placed in front
of a room, where it does occur in conjunction with another room (Memarian,
1998, p.129; Schoenauer, 2000, p.170). Its floor is often raised a few steps
above the level of the courtyard, so that an underground room (basement) can
be built underneath (Manzoor, 1989, p.120) with natural light and ventilation.
The talar is usually entered through side doors rather than from the front
(Schoenauer, 2000, p.170). It has its long axis at a right angle to the court and,
consequently, does not require column support at its open end (Schoenauer,
2000, p.171). The talar is the dominant space (usually) on the south side of
central courtyards and one of the most common spatial elements in plans
of vernacular dwellings in Yazd (Roaf, 1988, p.269; Memarian, 1998, p.128).
The use of a talar extends to all social classes (Memarian, 1998, p.129).
An eyvan is slightly different from a talar. According to Memarian (1998),
it is usually of a long rectangular shape and positioned in front of a three-door
or five-door room, connecting it to the courtyard. At the front of an eyvan,
the roof is carried on a series of slender posts, usually of timber. Therefore, the
existence of posts at the front and a room at the rear helps distinguish
the eyvan from a talar. In this research, the terms loggia, talar and eyvan are
Figure 3.7 A talar in Yazd
Figure 3.8 An eyvan in Yazd

interchangeably used to indicate a space within the body of a building that is
open on one side to the courtyard, serving as an open-air room.
3.5.2.2 The use of the loggia

The loggia (eyvan or talar) is a very important semi-open space in traditional
dwellings in hot and dry climates. It is not only integral to the building,
forming part of the construction (Vellinga et al., 2007, p.91), but also a
sophisticated extension of the courtyard (Foruzanmehr, 2006, 2015b). It is
alternatively or simultaneously used for resting, working, socialising or even
storage purposes, especially in the summertime (Oliver, 1997; Vellinga et al.,
2007, p.90). It provides sitting, sleeping and circulation space that connects
the outdoors (i.e. the open space of the courtyard) and indoors (i.e. the main
rooms of the house) (Rapoport, 1969, p.86; Manzoor, 1989, p.120; Vellinga
et al., 2007, p.91). It is a space from which the aesthetic qualities of the
courtyard can be enjoyed (Zein Al Abidin, 2006, p.33). Since it is well defined
by walls on three sides and a roof, it gives the feeling of being enclosed and
so is perhaps more suitable for a number of social and intimate activities that
may not be carried on in a totally open space. According to Shove (2003,
p.45), a loggia (or veranda) ‘creates opportunities for casual observation and
social exchange’, and during a certain part of the year people would eat, play
and sleep outside. Depending on the size of the house, there may be more
than one loggia; if there is only one, it usually opens towards the north, or in
the prevailing wind direction.
3.5.2.3 Thermal effect of the loggia

Loggias are widely used day and night in the hot and arid regions. They have
the advantage of both being open and having a roof on top. They usually face
north. As such, they continuously provide shade, are naturally ventilated and
create a pleasant place for sleeping, sitting, gathering and eating (Rapoport,
1969, p.86; Manzoor, 1989). Schoenauer (2000), Fardeheb (1987), Bonine
(2000; 1980), Soflaei (2006) and Memarian and Brown (2006, p.24) all claim
that the loggia is among the main vernacular architectural innovations in
the hot and dry climates of Iran which have enabled residents to be relatively
comfortable. In Yazd, the loggia is occupied throughout the arid season,
usually from May until November.
3.5.2.4 Loggia and its transformation in non-traditional houses

As explained in the previous sections, a transition from traditional patterns
of low-rise, inward-looking courtyard houses to medium- to high-rise
outward-looking apartments began to take place in 1920s. New buildings
became extroverted and constructed with a courtyard close to the street
behind or in front of the house, rather than with central courtyards. In the
built forms which later emerged, such as flats and condominiums, the cour-
tyard was used by more than one household, especially in the case of plots
with an entrance through the courtyard. The shared courtyard thus lost its
previous uses and increasingly became the parking place for the dwellings
(Madanipour, 1998, p.243). Without a central courtyard, the loggia was
transformed into a small balcony placed in front of the rooms in new houses
(Memarian, 1998, p.134).
As a result of the lack of security and privacy, balconies either fell into
disuse or were annexed to the rooms. The privacy on balconies was too little
compared with the cultural requirements for privacy in Iranian society
(Vaziritabar, 1990, p.20). These changes of use and their aftermaths, which
have been broadly explained by Foruzanmehr (2010; 2013; 2016), have
influenced the way that traditional houses and their elements (including
loggias) are perceived and used at the present time. Considering the impact
of these changes, the likelihood of a continuing close match between design
and user requirements in the traditional house is rather dubious and requires
further exploration and explanation. In this regard, drawing upon the
findings of research on vernacular cooling systems in Iran (Foruzanmehr,
2010), subsequent chapters explore thermal comfort and users’ perceptions
regarding loggias.
3.5.3 Distinct seasonal rooms (otagh-haye fasli)

A room, according to the New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (Brown,
1993), is a portion of space within a building or other structure, enclosed
by walls or partitions, floor and ceiling. It might be set aside for a specified
purpose or serve multiple purposes.
A room (otagh) in a traditional Iranian house is a closed multi-purpose living
space which provides for such needs as sitting, eating, sleeping, gathering and
entertainment. The multi-functionality of the room works well for extended
families in traditional societies whose members require their limited living
spaces to serve a variety of functions (Manzoor, 1989). There is no heavy fur-
niture in the room and the floor is covered with carpets. This makes it possible
for the space to be used simultaneously or alternatively during the day and
night, summer and winter, depending on the needs and changes in the weather.
Various factors, including size, climate and the dual demands of privacy and
hospitality, can change the function of the room (Memarian, 1998, p.124).
Rooms in vernacular central-courtyard dwellings are located on two, three
or four sides of a central courtyard. They are usually different in size and
appearance, and traditionally they were occupied and used based on their
location, according to the season. They are called different names consistent
with the season in which they are occupied, and also in relation to their size
(Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.158). Beds are not present. Instead, pallets
and bedding are kept piled against the wall in one or more rooms during the
day, and are brought in and spread when and where they are needed. For
sitting, mattresses and cushions are used. A dining table and chairs are not
present. Instead, the table cloth is laid with everyone sitting round on the floor
(Vaziritabar, 1990). Tin trunks, often of elaborate design, contain the family
valuables. Niches, formed in the mud-plaster walls, contain knick-knacks,
radio sets and oil lanterns (Abbott, 1977, p.82).
Rooms are usually named after the number of door-windows they have
that open onto the courtyard (Taghi, 1990; Memarian, 1998). A door-window
(often abbreviated to door) is a kind of opening that serves as a window and
consists of double doors which open onto a courtyard (Figure 3.9). The most
common rooms in vernacular Iranian courtyard houses are three-door
rooms (se-dari), five-door rooms (panj-dari) and sash-window rooms (orsi)
(Memarian, 1998). Seven-door rooms occasionally existed in some larger
Yazdi houses.
Figure 3.9 Door-windows in a house, Yazd

Figure 3.10 Plan and

internal elevations of a
three-door room in Yazd Figure 3.11 Plan and internal elevations of
(not to scale) a five-door room in Yazd (not to scale)
A three-door room functioned as a bedroom, a working room, a sitting

room and, especially in the evenings, a guest room (Figure 3.10). In some
small houses three-door rooms were also used as reception rooms (Memarian,
1998, p.124). The small size of these rooms meant that they could be kept
warmer at night in winter. The three-door rooms sometimes have a store
room (pastoo) at the rear side specifically designed to hold cushions,
mattresses and other nocturnal paraphernalia, something that supports the
multi-functionality of these rooms (Memarian, 1998, p.127).
The function of a five-door room (Figure 3.11) differed according to its
location within the house and the size of the traditional house. Generally, it
was used as a guest room, a dining room or a family meeting room during
the moderate seasons. Five-door rooms in small dwellings served as reception
rooms, while in larger houses they could be used as family living rooms
(Kheirabadi, 1991, p.36).
Sash windows were normally used for central rooms in large houses
(Figure 3.12). The central room (also called the sash-window room) is the
room that is the most centrally placed in the plan with its long or narrow
dimension adjacent to the courtyard (Memarian, 1998, p.124). It is usually
the largest room of the house, rectangular in plan and generally intended to
provide a direct view of the courtyard from any position.
Although a variety of rooms of differing sizes are usually available in a
traditional central-courtyard dwelling, the choice of living space is determined
by the climate in hot and dry regions at any particular time of the day or year
Figure 3.12 A sash window in Yazd
(Von Hardenberg, 1982; Fethi and Roaf, 1986, p.42; Schoenauer, 2000,
p.148). The strongly contrasting seasons, such as those in Yazd, imply
architecture of either contrasting and movable parts or movable functions
(Cook, 1997, p.136). In this kind of climate, the inhabitants of the traditional
house may shift their activities according to the seasons (Memarian, 1998,
p.99) and opt for the seasonal use of rooms as one way of adapting to the
desert environment (Bonine, 2000). The majority of rooms are not designed
for a specific function, but for a very specific internal climate (Fethi and
Roaf, 1986, p.42).
Traditional Yazdi houses usually have a division between summer and
winter quarters. The northern and southern parts of the building are devoted
to winter and summer use respectively (Madanipour, 1998, p.108; Memarian
and Brown, 2006, p.24). Generally, rooms in a typical vernacular house
are located either on the south side or on the north side of the courtyard.
The rooms which are located in the south are more protected from solar
radiation and receive more shade. They are called summer rooms, and
the whole southern section of the house is called the summer quarters. The
rooms on the north side of the house get most of the sun’s heat and are called
winter rooms. Dwellers can migrate through the house when the seasons
dictate. The major migration of the year in Iranian vernacular houses usually
took place in October, from the north-facing summer quarters of the house
to the south-facing rooms of the courtyard, and again between April and May
back into the summer quarters and to the basement and roof (Fethi and Roaf,
1986, p.48; Memarian and Brown, 2006, p.25). The use of different areas
of the house during different seasons has given rise to the term ‘four-season
houses’ (Foruzanmehr, 2006, p.27) or ‘year round houses’ (Noghsan-
Mohammadi, 2001, p.159).
Not only would dwellers migrate through the house during the year from
north to south and back, but they would do likewise throughout the day.
In summer they would sleep on the roof and spend the daytime moving
around from courtyard to summer quarters to basement, depending on the
outdoor temperature. The family was traditionally in continual motion
around the house both horizontally and vertically, in search of an optimum
climatic environment. This behavioural adjustment was an essential adapt-
ation to the hot climate by the traditional population. It was possible because
vernacular houses have a variety of spaces, and also are equipped with vern-
acular passive cooling systems, to optimise the internal environment in
summer (Figure 3.13).
3.5.3.1 North-facing summer rooms

Located on the south side of the courtyard, the summer quarters (tabestan-
neshin) face north and away from the sun. This part of the house is also
known as the nisar, meaning shady (Taghi, 1990; Kheirabadi, 1991). It
includes a loggia (talar or eyvan), one or more summer rooms (otaghe
tabestan-neshin), a wind-catcher (badgir) and an underground room usually
beneath the loggia.
Summer rooms are less exposed to the sun compared to winter rooms. In
fact, exposure occurs only in the early and late hours of summer days when
the angle of altitude is low and such that the sun’s rays are almost tangential
to the surface of the wall (Foruzanmehr, 2006). Summer rooms have high
ceilings. Their thick walls and roofs retard and reduce the transmission of
heat. They store and retain heat during the day and release it in the evening
and at night (Bonine, 2000). Hence, in the summer, summer rooms can be
cooler than outside during the day and warmer in the evenings and early
night hours, when the outdoor temperature drops (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
This characteristic is reflected in daily life during the summer season: people
would stay indoors during summer days, especially in the mornings, but
avoid the interior at night. Instead, they would carry on various activities,
including resting and sleeping, in semi-open spaces such as loggias or open
spaces such as courtyards, or on the flat roofs of the house (Memarian, 1998,
p.110; Bonine, 2000).
Figure 3.13 Plan and room perspective for a vernacular house in Yazd

(not to scale)
3.5.3.2 South-facing winter rooms

Winter rooms (zemestan-neshin) are located on the north side of the courtyard,
opposite the summer section, and exposed to the winter sun. They are also
called aftab-ru (facing sun) or aftab-gir (sun-catcher) in Persian (Kheirabadi,
1991, p.39). In many cities in Iran, such as Yazd, winter rooms face southwest,
following the general street orientation of the city, instead of directly south.
This direction, incidentally, corresponds to the direction of Mecca, i.e. ghebleh
or qibla (Kheirabadi, 1991, p.39), and is also called roone-raste by some
Iranian scholars (Pirnia, 1999).
South-facing winter rooms are planned so that the low rays of the winter
sun can shine through their windows. The sunshine passes through the glass
in timber doors, and its heat is stored in mud-brick walls which are about
70cm thick (and also in the tiled or earthen floor). The heat is released
gradually within seven to nine hours to keep the family warm when the sun
moves on (Beazley and Harverson, 1982). Winter rooms have lower ceilings
compared to summer rooms, to help warm the rooms more easily and quickly.
In very cold winters, the sun’s energy is not sufficient, and extra energy is
required to warm up winter rooms. In order to reduce energy consumption on
winter nights, instead of warming the whole winter room, a smaller place for
sitting and sleeping is heated. This small place is known as a Korsi.
The Korsi is a small table (short legged, about 60cm high) completely
covered with a heavy and large quilt, with a container full of burning charcoal
placed below it. It was traditionally surrounded by mats with cushioned
backrests. It acted as a focal point for the family in winter (Taghi, 1990, p.84)
and was the best place for a family to sit and enjoy a comfortable, warm
environment where they could talk and communicate with each other. The
Korsi is a good example of energy consumption reduction by reducing
the size of the heated space (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
3.5.3.3 East-facing and west-facing rooms

In addition to the north- and south-facing rooms, there may also be rooms
located on the east or west side of the courtyard, used as kitchen, storage
and stable areas or as regular living areas in various seasons (Kheirabadi,
1991, p.39).
The east-facing facade absorbs the sun’s rays only from sunrise to noon. It
cools down considerably by the evening, making this exposure more suitable
for bedrooms. The west-facing façade is exposed to the sun in the afternoon.
According to Fathy (1986), a room with a façade opening to the west is
generally the worst case encountered in terms of overheating, owing to the
heat gain of the surrounding environment during the day and the angle of
the sun’s altitude, which allows the sun’s rays to penetrate into the interior.
Therefore, rooms on this side are sometimes replaced by a blank wall.
3.5.3.4 Comfort and seasonal rooms

Roaf (1988) plotted the temperature in a number of rooms in vernacular
houses in central Iran against time of day. She found that different rooms
had quite different thermal environments, and the occupants chased the best
living conditions from a host of alternative environments presented by the
different rooms of the house. She also found that the strategy of the occupants
of the building in moving from one room to another at different times of the
day was, to a large extent, decided by the thermal profile of each of the spaces
concerned (Nicol, 2008).
However, to date in Iran, apart from a limited number of research projects –
for example, the studies carried out by Foruzanmehr (2010; 2015a;
2016) – there is a lack of published research on the practical issues regarding
vernacular houses in the provision of thermal comfort. In particular, there is
a lack of understanding of how practicable it would be to have separate
seasonal living spaces, in order to deal with the climate. The next chapters
aim to discuss this subject in detail.
3.5.4 Underground living spaces

Amongst the traditional cooling features, domestic basements or under-
ground living spaces are repeatedly cited in the academic literature as an
indispensable element of vernacular dwellings in the hot and dry regions of
central Iran. Monshizade (2008), Zahiri (2008), Soflaei (2006), Memarian
and Brown (2006, p.24), Mohajeri (2005), A’zami et al. (2005) and Noori
(2004) claim that the construction of underground living spaces is one of
the main vernacular urban and architectural solutions to help residents cope
with the hot and dry regions of Iran. Empirical investigations, such as that
of Bahadori and Yaghoobi (2006), also show that these spaces provide sub-
stantially cooler indoor temperatures in summer, accounting for the fact
that dwellers traditionally used these spaces as afternoon living quarters.
In addition to the basement’s cooling and thermal comfort effect, which
results in higher energy efficiency, the provision of underground living spaces
would also improve land utilisation and could provide homes that are
adaptable to changes in lifestyle. The provision of, and more importantly the
optimised use of, the basement could therefore address some principles of
sustainability. However, paradoxically, despite all these benefits and the fact
that basements exist in vernacular dwellings, these spaces are currently
unused or underused. Understanding the reasons for this particular paradox
can significantly contribute to an optimised incorporation and use of
basements in future housing developments, to create a more sustainable built
environment.
The following sections attempt to pull together the existing knowledge on
different aspects of basements in traditional Iranian dwellings in order to
arrive at a more holistic understanding.
3.5.4.1 Basement and cellar (zir-zamin and sardab)

One of the main components of a vernacular dwelling in the hot and dry
climates of Iran is an underground room. Underground rooms exist in most
vernacular houses in the form of a zir-zamin (basement) or a sardab (cellar).
These spaces are present regardless of the size of the dwellings or the financial
status of their owners (Kheirabadi, 1991). According to Von Hardenberg
(1982), the existence of basements as living rooms is inevitable in vernacular
houses in Yazd, especially when, in spite of all provisions of thermal control,
the ground floor rooms become overheated and uncomfortable during the
hot summer periods.
A zir-zamin is a large, deep basement used as a family living area during
the hot hours of summer days (Kheirabadi, 1991, p.36; Memarian and
Brown, 2006, p.25). It comprises one or more floors of a building that are
either completely or partially below the ground floor (Figure 3.14). It typically
has a ceiling about one metre higher than the surface of the courtyard, the
rest of it being positioned underground (Manzoor, 1989).
The zir-zamin is usually located under the summer quarters of the house
and provides a welcome refuge on very hot and dry summer days (Manzoor,
1989, p.122; Taghi, 1990, p.66).
As the floor of the summer quarters is built up to approximately one metre
above the level of the courtyard, a clerestory is created for the zir-zamin,
which as a result is naturally lit and ventilated to some extent (Bonine, 1980,
p.211) (Figure 3.15). Large houses of the wealthy often have basements or
subterranean rooms on all sides of the courtyard; many of them are used for
storage (Figure 3.16).
Figure 3.14 Section and plan of a vernacular house, Yazd

Figure 3.15 Basement with clerestory in a house in Yazd
During the hottest part of the summer, the summer rooms or other spaces
of the house are used until early afternoon, when the inhabitants retreat to
a cool basement (Bonine, 1980). The basement is occupied from about
1:00pm to 5:30pm, after which time the relative humidity in them becomes
too high (Fethi and Roaf, 1986, p.42).
Figure 3.16 Use of a basement for storage in Yazd
Basements exist outside Iran in the architecture of other hot and dry areas.
In Baghdad, they are called neem and used more or less at the same time
during summer days and for the same purpose as zir-zamins are used in
Iran (Schoenauer, 2000, p.171). The zir-zamin is sometimes connected to
both the wind-catcher and the courtyard, and thus the air can circulate
through it to provide ventilation. It may be connected to the wind-catcher
by means of an underground tunnel or an underground stream. Manzoor
(1989) claims that the provision of a zir-zamin connected to a wind-catcher
is a necessity for hot and arid environments. The zir-zamin can also function
as a cool space for food storage during the summer (Manzoor, 1989, p.124).
3.5.4.2 Sardab
In a few cases, there may be underground rooms at even greater depths than
zir-zamins. These rooms are called sardabs. Sardabs (or sirdabs), according
to Fethi and Roaf (1986, p.42), are full basements which may be four to five
metres deep and have high, small-grilled windows into the courtyard for
ventilation (Fethi and Roaf, 1986, p.42). However, Bahadori and Yaghoobi
(2006) state that sardabs are completely below the ground level and do
not have any windows. In a few cases there may be rooms at even greater
depths, which may have access to water. Some older elite houses in Yazd, for
instance, had such facilities as deep as 6.5 metres below the level of the
courtyard, providing a refrigeration room in which to keep perishable foods
(Bonine, 1980, p.210; Bonine, 2000) (Figure 3.17).
Sardabs may also be connected to and ventilated by a wind-catcher.
Traditionally Sardabs were usually used for storing perishable food during
Figure 3.17 Access and a set of steps to a sardab in Yazd

summer. They provided access to the water of qanats (subterranean water
streams) and served as a naturally cold storage area (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
3.5.4.3 Positive and negative points about the basement

The use of the zir-zamin (basement) in summer has been a direct and func-
tional response to the severe climatic conditions of central Iran (Manzoor,
1989, p.122). The concept of living underground has been one of the passive
cooling methods used in the past to keep cool and maximise comfort during
the day (Manzoor, 1989, p.124). Underground rooms, according to Bonine
(1980, p.210) and Zein Al Abidin (2006), can provide places with substan-
tially cooler temperatures in the summer. These remain comfortably cool even
during the hottest summer afternoons, without the use of air-conditioning
systems. In summer, the ground temperature at a depth of a few metres is
below the average ambient temperature, and especially below the daytime air
temperature in hot climates (Gallo, 1996, p.314). It has, therefore, the poten-
tial to serve as a heat sink for underground rooms which are in direct contact
with the ground on five sides.
Moreover, when a building is constructed underground, the contact with
the earth is increased. This decreases the heat exchange of the building with the
outside air and provides natural cooling in hot seasons (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
Taghi (1990, p.67) has shown that the basements of houses in the city of
Ardakan (in Yazd region, Iran) maintain a relatively stable temperature of
about 25°C to 28°C during the hot periods. Manzoor (1989, p.124) claims that
the basement is an indispensable element of life to shelter from the excessive
heat in these environments.
In spite of their cooling effectiveness, currently basements of traditional
houses are merely used for storage or found unoccupied and unused. Taghi
(1990, p.67) mentions that basements in Yazdi traditional houses are not
ventilated adequately enough for human occupation and are generally
used as store rooms. Provided with just a small window under the loggia, a
basement suffers from dim light and insufficient ventilation. In a survey on
a fifteenth-century house in Yazd, Roaf (1988, p.123) reports that ‘basements
appeared to be very poorly lit, with small grills beneath the raised floors
of the loggias, suggesting that they may have been used for storage rather
than as afternoon living rooms’. She also states (1988, p.138) that in Yazd,
in one traditional house cooled by mechanical swamp coolers on the roof,
even a well-ventilated basement was, in 1978, being used solely for storage.
Insufficient daylight and ventilation have already been identified as the main
drawbacks associated with basements. However, there might be even more
important factors that explain why basements are no longer used as a living
space during summer afternoons. This issue is examined through research
(Foruzanmehr, 2015a) on how basements are perceived by their users in the
following chapters.
3.5.5 Walls (divar)
Hot and arid climates are characterised by intense sunshine, high daytime and
low night-time temperatures, and large fluctuations of temperature between
day and night. Buildings with no mechanical means of cooling, therefore,
need to be shaded, thermally insulated, and able to reduce the internal tem-
perature fluctuation. Within such climates, walls (divars) help provide thermal
comfort and play an important role in providing privacy, be it the interior
walls of the house, or the walls which surround a settlement (Manzoor, 1989).
3.5.5.1 Thick lofty walls and their thermal effects

Usually in vernacular dwellings in central Iran, the walls are constructed
50–80cm thick with mud bricks and rendered with a mud and straw mixture
(Figure 3.18). The thickness and colour of the walls have been claimed
(Hatamipour and Abedi, 2008) to have the largest effect in reducing the
cooling loads in such climates compared to other traditional techniques.
Firstly, this type of construction acts as insulation against external heat
(Bonine, 1980; Manzoor, 1989). Secondly, massive building materials such
as adobe or fired mud bricks have high heat-retaining capacities (Bourgeois
and Pelos, 1983; Chow and Chastan, 1997) and provide stable interior
conditions that are desirable in summer (Cook, 1997, p.134); however, this
Figure 3.18 Thick earth walls, Yazd

type of construction requires more energy for heating in winter. Rapoport
(1969, p.90) suggests that perhaps winter rooms work better if they have
walls with lower heat capacity.
Although it is true that a room with a heavy structure needs more energy
to be warmed up, the heat is retained for longer, which provides stable
warmth inside the room and contributes to maintaining a more comfortable
indoor temperature.
When mud, adobe or fired mud bricks are used in the building of room
walls and roofs, they provide a thermal lag. They absorb the heat during the
day when it is hot and radiate it back slowly to the interior (i.e. rooms) or
the exterior (i.e. open space outside) at night. This cycle diminishes the overall
diurnal temperature swing and provides cooler daytime temperatures
(Bonine, 1980, p.197; Chow and Chastan, 1997, p.464; Noble, 2007, p.227),
a process confirmed by Ghobadian et al. (2008, p.184), who suggest that thick
walls perform as a thermal mass, minimising the house’s temperature
fluctuations between day and night, thereby creating a remarkably constant
indoor temperature (Bourgeois and Pelos, 1983, p.8). The thickness of
the walls and the amount of retained heat prior to re-exposure will affect the
thermal performance of an earth-constructed dwelling (Oliver, 2003, p.131).
In addition to their high heat capacity and resistance, high and massive
earth walls offer more thermal comfort by providing a refuge from the sun’s
glare and protecting the interior from hot winds (Manzoor, 1989).
Rapoport (1969, p.106) emphasises that thick high walls in dwellings
produce beneficial climatic effects. He mentions that since such heavy earth
walls are not always structurally necessary, climatic control is clearly the
object; however, they suffer from structural inefficiency (Rapoport, 1969,
p.106).
3.5.5.2 Thick and high walls and their effect on privacy

The high walls in Iranian traditional architecture not only physically regulate
the indoor temperature, but also respond to a social concern with audio-
visual privacy. These architectural elements reduce the passage of sound
inward, outward or both. Having dense materials such as mud bricks, walls
provide a high level of acoustic insulation (Mortada, 2003, p.106) for
central-courtyard dwellings, and contribute to acoustic privacy by keeping
out much of the street noise (Bonine, 1980, p.197; Manzoor, 1989). Internal
thick walls also prevent noise passing from one room to another and improve
privacy inside the house.
The enclosing thick and high walls of vernacular dwellings help to give a
sense of security and visual privacy to the inhabitants (Memarian, 1998,
p.129). They block the view of neighbours into homes and private spaces,
and prevent the courtyard and rooms from being overlooked by outsiders
(Mortada, 2003, p.97). Bourgeois and Pelos (1983, p.6) believe that massive
mud walls turn the house into ‘a thermal, optical, and psychological fortress’.
3.5.5.3 Thick walls and cultural identity
Mud and mud-brick walls can engender a sense of social and cultural identity
at the scale of the dwelling, neighbourhood and whole settlement (Manzoor,
1989). In traditional societies, people have a chance to make their homes
personal and individual, and personalised houses reflect the people who live
in them (Alexander et al., 1977, p.909) and have the ability to produce a
sense of cultural identity for the inhabitants. According to Alexander et al.
(1977), the home will become personal if the walls are so constructed that
each new family can leave its mark on them. This means that walls must be
deep enough to contain shelves, cabinets, displays, special lights, special
surfaces, deep window reveals, individual niches, built-in seats and nooks.
For this to happen, walls must be thick enough and made of some material
which is inherently structural, so that even if much of it gets carved out, the
whole remains rigid and the surface remains continuous, almost no matter
how much is removed or added (Alexander et al., 1977, p.911). Rooms with
large, flat, unbroken wall surfaces provide less opportunity for inhabitants to
make them personal.
The load-bearing walls in the interior of a traditional Iranian house are
thick. A thick wall allows the creation of deep openings and recesses
(tagh-che) for the display of a household’s important articles and personal
belongings. Tagh-che (niche) provides the rooms with a special sense of
identity, relating to the character of the inhabitants. As discussed before,
rooms in vernacular central-courtyard dwellings are not furnished for one
particular function such as sleeping or dining. These niches for storage are
more meaningful in a room with almost no furniture. The walls in the rooms
can act as an enclosing element for decoration in the house. Furthermore, the
surfaces of the interior walls are ornamented with stucco relief and motifs and
are considered as decorative and ornamental elements of the house. The use
of stucco for decoration as a surface or wall modifier in Iran goes back to
the Sasanian era (226–652 ad) (Manzoor, 1989; National Cartographic
Centre, 1999).
3.5.6 Wind-catcher (badgir)

The wind-catcher (badgir) is a ventilating shaft which projects above the
roof of a building with openings towards the favourable prevailing winds.
Its main function is to capture air from above and transmit it indoors,
thereby providing the living quarters with ventilation. It is generally consid-
ered as a sustainable technology, a spectacular and ingenious climate
modifier (Beazley, 1977; Bonine, 1980; Von Hardenberg, 1982; Fardeheb,
1987; Oliver, 1987; Roaf, 1988; Kheirabadi, 1991; Gallo, 1996; Oliver,
2003; A’zami, 2005; Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011). It resembles a tall
chimney and can be several metres high, the taller examples being found
in the houses of richer families. One such example is shown in Figure 3.19.
Figure 3.19 A wind-catcher, Yazd
The city of Yazd on the central plateau of Iran has the greatest concentration
and variety of wind-catchers of any city (Figure 3.20). It once had approxi-
mately 4000 wind-catchers (Bonine, 2000). The large number of badgirs in
Yazd has been attributed to the economic success of the city between 1868
and 1900, when, as a result of the opening up of Hong Kong by the British
Figure 3.20 Wind-catchers in Yazd
as an opium port for China, Yazd became ‘the largest producer of opium in
Iran, wind-catchers reflect[ing] the great prosperity of the period for the city’
(Roaf, 1997, p.473).
Wind-catchers have been in common use from North Africa to Afghanistan
and Pakistan (Lari, 1989). They are also found in southern parts of the Persian
Gulf, where the idea was brought by Iranians in the nineteenth century. In the
old Bastakia quarter in Dubai a few wind-catchers still exist, built by Persian
émigrés within the last few hundred years (Coles and Jackson, 2007).
Wind-catchers are alternatively called badgir in Iran, Iraq and the Gulf,
malqaf in Egypt, bating in Syria, and mungh or hawa-dani (literally
meaning breeze container) in the local language of the Sindh province of
Pakistan (Abro, 1994). In this research the terms wind-catcher and badgir
are interchangeably used.
3.5.6.1 Variety of wind-catchers

Wind-catchers take a variety of forms (Oliver, 1987, p.123; Vellinga et al.,
2007, p.89). They differ in terms of materials and size, ranging from rela-
tively plain wind scoops that can receive breezes from one direction to elabo-
rately decorated multi-directional wind towers with openings on several
sides. The designs of wind-catchers vary regarding the height of the tower,
the cross-section of the air passages, the placement and number of openings
and the placement of the tower which they are meant to cool (Bahadori,
1978).
The type of wind-catcher used in a place depends on the consistency of the
wind direction. If the wind is variable, the wind-catchers are open on all
sides. If there is a predominant wind, as in the Iran–Afghanistan border
region, the wind-catchers face that particular direction. In Iraq the towers
are oriented towards the prevailing northwest wind, whereas in Yazd in Iran
the winds are more variable and the wind-catchers are open on all four sides
(Bonine, 1980, p.203).
The wind-catchers of Iran (badgirs) are very different in form and character
from those found in countries such as Iraq and Pakistan. Of unknown
date, but described as early as the fourteenth century, the badgirs of Iran are
often considered to be more sophisticated (Oliver, 1987, p.123), more
spectacular (Bonine, 2000) and more complex structures (Coles and Jackson,
2007, p.162) than their counterparts in other regions. They are multi-faced
and multi-directional towers with openings on two or four sides, and with
several vertical shafts (Coles and Jackson, 1975, p.52; Lari, 1989, p.132;
Norton, 1997a, p.461). They are mostly square or rectangular in plan with
four faces, but some of them may have up to eight faces (Lari, 1989, p.132).
They are also used on a ‘more modest scale on the village houses of the
general populace, whose dwellings are orientated to make the best use
of shade for the summer room’ (Oliver, 1987, p.123; Oliver, 2003, p.138).
Although simple towers may be less than three metres high, more elabo-
rate examples reach a height of five metres (Lari, 1989, p.132) or more
(Kheirabadi, 1991, p.36). The wind-catchers in Iranian towns like Yazd
often carry ornamentation (Lari, 1989, p.132) and elaborate decoration
(Norton, 1997a, p.461).
3.5.6.2 Construction of the Yazdi wind-catcher

A traditional badgir consists of a top (head), a brick tower, the internal shafts
of the tower, and the space (room) under the tower. The brick tower, called
locally the pa-ye badgir (foot of the badgir) or sotun (column of the tower),
is a baked or sun-dried mud-brick tower rising high above the building. It is
covered with mud plaster (with fine or coarse straw chopped into it) or
occasionally with fine white gypsum plaster. The tower of the wind-catcher
is reinforced with wooden beams that extend outwards. These small beams
are used as scaffolding for cleaning and maintenance (Fardeheb, 1987). The
internal shaft is divided by internal partitions made of ajore-farshi (square
brick tiles) or bricks on edge and plastered with rough straw plaster. The
partitions are supported on a timber frame. The wood used is often mulberry,
which is said to be resistant to termites.
Roaf (1988) measured 732 towers in the Yazd region and reported that
there was an enormous range of dimensions in the plan of badgirs in Yazd.
Table 3.1 Variation of height in badgirs of Yazd
Category Height (cm) Description Numbers Percentage
1 0–120 barely noticeable 141 21.3

2 121–299 low visual intrusion 255 38.5
3 300–499 medium level intrusion 157 23.7
4 500–999 recognisable landmark 103 15.5
5 over 1000 exceptional badgir 7 1.1
Total 663
Source: Adapted from Roaf (1988).
The smallest she measured was a mere 40cm × 80cm, whilst the largest
tower was 5m × 5m. In terms of height, badgirs vary from less than one
metre to more than ten metres high. In a survey of 663 badgirs in the city of
Yazd in 1977, Roaf found that the majority of badgirs were less than three
metres high; however, 110 of them were over five metres high. Table 3.1
shows the number of badgirs in relation to their height in the city of Yazd
in 1977.
3.5.6.3 The wind-catcher as a passive cooling system

As mentioned before, vernacular dwellings in hot and arid zones are intro-
verted and densely built with a minimum area of external walls. External
walls are usually blank, and windows are not found on them unless they are
small. This is because increasing the window size to permit sufficient light-
ing and an outside view lets in hot air as well as a strong, offensive glare.
Therefore, the provision of cross-ventilation through the use of windows
is difficult (Fathy, 1986). A wind-catcher can satisfy the need for natural
ventilation without compromising privacy (Fathy, 1986; Coles and Jackson,
2007). It has traditionally been used as a passive cooling system in Yazdi
houses (Norton, 1997a, p.461). The majority (86%) of badgirs in the city
of Yazd in 1977 were built on houses (Roaf, 1988, p.152), although they
were also found cooling mosques and underground water cisterns (Lari,
1989, p.132).
3.5.6.4 Functions of the wind-catcher

The badgir functions by trapping the faster-moving air above the dense
settlements of the region. It exploits pressure differentials existing between
the vents above roof level and room outlet level (Figure 3.21). Similar to a
normal window, it provides natural ventilation, while at the same time it
excludes direct solar radiation from summer rooms (Roaf, 1997, p.473).
According to Bahadori (1985; 1994), the operation of a badgir depends
on wind conditions and the time of day (which is associated with temperature
Figure 3.21 Wind-catcher in Arab-ha House in Yazd
differentials). A badgir can function alternately as intake and outlet in four

main modes (Roaf, 1988):
When there is no wind at night (i.e. when the temperature of the badgir is
higher than the temperature of the surrounding air), the badgir operates
like a chimney, circulating air by pulling it upward and out through the
tower openings. Having absorbed heat during the day, the badgir walls
(including the internal walls that separate the air passages) transfer heat
to the cooler air in and around the tower of the badgir. The configuration
of the upper part of the tower, namely the thickness of the walls and the
cross-section of the air passages, provides sufficient heat-storage capacity
and heat-transfer area for this task. Since warmer air is less dense, the air
pressure at the top of the tower is reduced, creating an upward draft.
The air in the building is drawn up through the tower, and consequently
cool ambient air is pulled into the building through the doors and
windows from the courtyard. The process continues during the night, so
that cool air is kept circulating through the building.
When there is a wind at night, the air is pushed down the badgir, and
the rooms get cooled by night air coming down the badgir. Here,
although the night air is slightly warmed by the tower walls before it
enters the building, the cooling can still be sufficiently effective to bring
the temperature in the building close to that of the ambient air.
When there is no wind during the day (i.e. when the temperature of the
badgir is lower than the temperature of the surrounding air), the oper-
ation of the badgir is the reverse of a chimney. Hot ambient air comes
into contact with the walls of the badgir, which have been cooled during
the previous night. It becomes cooler and denser and flows down the
badgir. The cooled air is pushed through the building and eventually out
through the doors and windows. During this process, the badgir walls
absorb heat from the air and get warmer. When the temperature of the
badgir reaches and then exceeds that of the ambient air, the circulation
of air down through the tower and into the building ceases and the tower
begins to operate like a chimney.
When there is wind during the day, the wind blowing into the vents of a
badgir is forced down through it and is slightly cooled by being in contact
with the walls of the structure (resulting from the cooling of the badgir
during the previous night). The entered air can be circulated through any
room in the building by the appropriate arrangement of doors in the
badgir as well as in the rooms.
As has been explained, the operation of the badgir is multi-functional,

depending on the air temperature, the intensity of solar radiation and the
wind direction and velocity.
3.5.6.5 Water and the wind-catcher in Yazd

There is a popular opinion that the cooling efficiency of a wind-catcher is
enhanced if the captured breezes can be directed across a pool or pot of
water, or a fountain (Noble, 2007, p.231). Oliver (1987, p.123), for example,
states that, in order to assist the cooling process, water vessels may be placed
in the shaft of a wind-catcher at the opening into the room; alternatively,
straw matting, soaked at intervals in water, may be hung over the vent
opening to promote cooling by evaporation, and trays of charcoal, wetted at
intervals, may be placed at the bottom of the shaft for the same reason (Oliver,
1987, p.123).
Contrary to this popular opinion, Roaf (1988, p.259) argues that it is very
rare to find pools of water associated with badgirs in Yazd. They are, she
says, virtually never found in basements, although in several houses the
water channels of qanats are linked to the basements served by badgirs,
directly or indirectly. Use of porous pots containing water specifically for
the evaporative cooling of the basement, in association with badgirs, has
never been recorded in Yazd (Roaf, 1988, p.259).
3.5.6.6 Control and the wind-catcher

When there is sufficient wind, the flow of air through different parts of the
building can be controlled by opening and closing the doors of the badgir
(if any) and the doors of the rooms connected to the badgir (Kheirabadi,
1991, p.36). Shutters (under the badgir) may be used to close off the flow of
air into rooms temporarily, while the vents in the tower are closed up during
the winter (Bonine, 1980, p.203). However, the flow of air provided by a
badgir is dependent on the strength of the wind and its direction (Noori,
2004; Montazeri and Azizian, 2008). Some towers have screens over the
vents to keep out birds and insects, and dust is minimised by providing small
ledges within sections of the tower for the dust to settle on, as the air velocity
reduces (Bonine, 1980, p.203).
3.5.6.7 Symbolic values of the wind-catcher

In addition to their climatic and technical utility, wind-catchers also perform
social and cultural functions. Coles and Jackson (2007) believe that wind-
catchers act as decorative symbols of the national heritage; for example,
in Dubai they have become ‘key international symbols’ of the city in the
early twenty-first century. In the city of Yazd, wind-catchers act as major
landmarks on the skyline of the city (Noghsan-Mohammadi, 2001, p.160).
According to Montazeri and Azizian (2008), the shape and dimensions of a
badgir were traditional indicators of the dignity, wealth and social position
of house owners. The richer house owners were more likely to have a large
and elaborate tower, while the houses of the poor had simpler forms. This
shows that the possession of a larger badgir indicated a greater social status.
Furthermore, Bourgeois and Pelos (1983) state that, at a time of ceiling fans,
table fans and free-standing fans, the wind-catcher became a conspicuous
symbol of a slower and supposedly more backward way of life and so
was on the wane, although they argue that the rising cost of energy has the
potential to reverse the trend.
3.5.6.8 Disadvantages of wind-catchers

Although badgirs have been repeatedly recognised as ingenious and advan-
tageous cooling systems, various authors have identified their shortfalls,
including:
1 The badgir has an opening with no protection which can cause a problem
with noise, insects, dust, rain and small birds entering the building.
2 There is also a lack of control over the wind-catcher’s performance.
Shutters (above or below the badgir) may be used to close off the flow
of air into rooms temporarily, while during the winter the vents in the
tower are closed up.
3 Additionally, Bahadori (1994) argues that the cooling potentials of
wind-catchers are limited and suggests that wind-catchers equipped with
dampers and moist surfaces would perform better than the conventional
traditional wind-catchers. Having compared the performance of multi-
directional wind-catchers in Yazd with that of single-directional exam-
ples in Egypt and Pakistan, Noori (2004, p.160) argues that four-sided
wind-catchers in Yazd (those with openings on four different sides) are
much less effective, because they do not face the prevailing favourable
winds all the time; the vent is not sufficiently aerodynamically designed
to direct the wind downwards; additionally, the intake and discharge
air shafts are not fully separated (Noori, 2004, p.161), so that some of
the air admitted to the tower is lost through other tower openings and
never enters the building (Bahadori, 1985; 2008).
4 By placing the usual four-sided badgir on the roof, the fresh cool air
drawn into the building by one of the sides gets mixed with the warm
air being drawn out by the other three sides. When this happens, the
temperature of the inflowing air increases, and the overall cooling
performance of the badgir decreases (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
5 During the winter, the traditional badgir still allows cold air into the
building and shifts the warm air out. This makes the spaces connected
to the badgir almost redundant (Foruzanmehr, 2006).
In evaluating the performance of wind-catchers, the majority of studies have

been based on short-term physical observations, measurements and modelling
only. Few even touch on the issue of how their performance is perceived in
terms of convenience, economy, social concerns or aesthetics. This study was
undertaken to investigate those perceptions in relation to overall comfort
and convenience.
3.6 Conclusions
This chapter presented passive cooling and its definitions. It discussed the
importance and benefits of this technology as opposed to electrical air-
conditioning systems. It established a definition for passive cooling applicable
to this research and identified and explained vernacular passive cooling
systems implemented in traditional dwellings in the hot and dry climates of
Iran. A summary of the findings of this chapter is as follows:
• In this research a passive cooling system refers to any building element or

design that, naturally and without the use of electro-mechanical compo-
nents, lowers the temperature of the building by excluding outdoor heat
or by transferring the indoor heat to natural heat sinks (i.e. the earth, sky
and ambient air). The term vernacular passive cooling system (VPCS)
applies to any passive system that has traditionally been employed and
used in vernacular buildings.
• In the existing literature, central courtyards, loggias (eyvans and talars),
distinct summer and winter rooms, basements, massive building struc-
tures (earth walls and roofs) and wind-catchers have been identified as
the most prevalent and widespread VPCSs in traditional houses in hot
and dry regions of central Iran.
• VPCSs have been cited as suitable strategies and systems integrated in
vernacular housing design to keep mechanical interventions to a minimum
and reduce the cooling loads of buildings. Nevertheless, little analytical
research has been done to accurately assess their cooling performance or
their acceptability to their users.
The next chapter provides an overview of thermal comfort and discusses
various models for predicting the comfort temperature in buildings. The aim
is to decide on the best method for establishing the comfort temperature in
vernacular passively cooled houses in this study.
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4 Thermal comfort in buildings
4.1 Introduction
The previous chapter introduced vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates,
as well as identifying and explaining the main vernacular passive cooling
systems (VPCSs) implemented in those dwellings. In order to discover whether
or not the cooling provided by the VPCSs in vernacular houses is comfor-
table, we need to establish what the comfortable temperature range is and
compare it with the temperatures available inside the houses. For this purpose,
therefore, a review of thermal comfort studies is required.
This chapter gives an overview of thermal comfort as it relates to buildings.
It describes the two main approaches used to predict the comfort tempera-
ture, and explains their inherent flaws as well as their positive points. In this
chapter, thermal comfort field studies in naturally ventilated indoor environ-
ments (mainly in hot seasons) are reviewed and compared. Moreover, the
most acceptable models for predicting the comfort temperature are discussed
in the context of this research.
The main aim of this chapter is to decide on the best method for calculating
the comfort temperature and comfort zone in passively cooled vernacular
buildings in hot and dry climates in Iran.
4.2 Thermal comfort

According to the New Oxford Dictionary of English, thermal means ‘relating
to heat and temperature’, and comfort is defined as ‘a state of physical ease’
(Pearsall, 2001). Their combination, thermal comfort, has been described
by the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating and Air Conditioning
Engineers as ‘that condition of mind that expresses satisfaction with the
thermal environment’. The condition of mind depends on psychological
and physiological factors, and varies from person to person. Therefore, the
perceived thermal satisfaction varies among individuals, making it difficult
to find a condition in which every one is thermally satisfied (ISO 7730
Standard, 2005). Also, since comfort is regarded as a subjective mental state
which is continuously changing, depending on various factors, it cannot be
Thermal comfort in buildings 97
measured objectively. Its measurement is a complex task and it is affected
by many parameters, including temperature, humidity, air movement, air
quality, lighting, noise, habit, clothing, activity level, the ability to control the
environment, personal preferences and culture (Sassi, 2006, p.100).
According to Olgyay (1992, p.18), thermal comfort is ‘the condition
wherein the average person will not experience the feeling of discomfort’.
Under this condition, Olgyay notes, people succeed in minimising the
expenditure of energy needed to adjust themselves to their environment. He
mentions that the feeling of thermal neutrality differs with individuals, types
of clothing and the nature of the activity being carried out. Similar to Olgyay’s
definition, Benzinger (1979) and Cole (2003, p.68) define thermal comfort
as a state in which there are no driving impulses to correct the environment
by behaviour. This is a more objective definition than the one of ASHRAE
(Hensen, 1990), but again the range and effectiveness of these driving
impulses can vary from one person to another.
Thermal comfort has been defined by Givoni (1998, p.3) as ‘the range of
climatic conditions considered comfortable and acceptable inside buildings’
or ‘an absence of any sensation of thermal discomfort’. This range is gener-
ally referred to as the comfort zone (Szokolay, 2008, p.20). According to
Nicol (2004a, p.95), thermal comfort is ‘the thermal condition which is not
too hot or cold’.
It can be seen that all the definitions mentioned above indicate that
the thermal comfort of a space is perceived directly from the climatic factors
of that space and the sensation of its occupants. Hence, in order to delineate
the thermal comfort zone in a space, both physical measures (including the
environmental factors, clothing and metabolic rate) and subjective measures
(the feeling or sensation of the occupants) should be investigated, measured
and analysed. The thermal comfort of a person in a space can therefore be
defined as a combination of climatic factors wherein the person will experience
the feeling of comfort inside that space.
4.3 Physical measures: environmental factors, clothing and

metabolic rate
The feeling of thermal comfort is associated with the characteristics of the
occupants’ environment as well as with their clothing and activities. There
are four environmental factors that are linked to an individual’s feeling of
thermal comfort: air temperature, radiant temperature, humidity and air
velocity (Goulding et al., 1992, p.112; Nicol, 2008).
4.3.1 Air temperature

Any object will exchange heat with the air by convection and with the
surrounding surfaces by radiation (Nicol, 2008). Air temperature is very
important to thermal comfort, since the amount and process of heat loss
from the human body is partly determined by the ambient air temperature
(Goulding et al., 1992, p.113). It can be measured with an ordinary dry bulb
thermometer. To measure the air temperature, the effect of radiant heat
exchange should be minimised (Nicol, 2008). One method of reducing the
effect of radiant temperature is to surround the thermometer with a bright
metallic shield. The shield cuts off the radiant component whilst allowing
the thermometer to maintain close contact with the air. The other method
which can be used to reduce the relative effect of radiation is the adjust-
ment of the size of the sensor. The smaller the sensor, the smaller is the
radiant exchange with the environment relative to the convective exchange.
Unshielded thermocouples are usually sufficiently small to be insensitive to
low temperature radiation from internal surfaces, though direct sun should
not be allowed to fall on them (Nicol, 2008). If the radiant temperature is
different from the air temperature, then the temperature probe will be at
some intermediate temperature.
Air temperature is only one of the parameters that contribute to thermal
comfort (Hole and Attenburrow, 1966, p.40), although studies of occupants’
satisfaction have shown temperature as one of the most important factors;
it is the one which frequently gives rise to complaints (Harris, 1991).
4.3.2 Radiant temperature

Radiation affects thermal comfort through the radiant exchanges between
the body and the surfaces that surround it. The radiant temperature for a
person depends on the temperature of the surrounding surfaces. In order to
estimate the effect of the radiant temperature, the mean radiant temperature
(MRT) is measured. MRT is defined as the temperature of a sphere (Nicol,
2008) or a human-shaped body (Fanger, 1970) at the point in question which
would exchange no net radiation with the environment. It can be measured
by infra red scanners or calculated as a function of globe temperature, air
temperature and air velocity (Goulding et al., 1992, p.113). Globe tempera-
ture is the temperature of a sphere, generally painted black or grey and about
40mm in diameter. It is a combination of radiant and air temperature and
lies somewhere between them (Nicol, 2008). The globe temperature has been
so widely used in comfort surveys that it has almost become a basic variable.
It has been recommended to use the globe temperature in order to estimate
the combined effect of air and radiant temperature on the human body
(Nicol, 2008).
However, in order to conduct analyses in thermal comfort surveys, Nicol
and Humphreys (2010) suggest that the operative temperature performs well
as the index of the warmth of the environment. Details about the operative
Temperature can be found in CIBSE (2006) Guide A, where the operative
Temperature (Top) is defined as:
Top = A Tai + (1–A) Tr (˚C)

where Tai is the indoor air temperature (˚C) and Tr the mean radiant
temperature (˚C), A is the ratio hc/(hc+hr) and (1–A) the ratio hr/(hc+hr);
hc and hr are the surface heat transfer coefficients of the clothed body by
convection and by radiation respectively (W.m–2.K–1).
At indoor air speeds at or below 0.2m/s, along with moderate temperatures,
operative temperature may be taken as the mean of the room air temperature
and the mean radiant temperature (Goulding et al., 1992, p.114):
Top = ½ Tai + ½ Tr
Operative temperature approximates closely to the temperature at the centre

of a painted globe 40mm in diameter (Humphreys, 1977), and globe tem-
perature can be used where measured values of the operative temperature
are required.
4.3.3 Air velocity

The velocity of the air relative to the individual influences the heat lost
through convection. Air movement increases the heat loss from the body by
forcing dry air nearer to the skin, and increasing the evaporation. In cases
where air temperature is below skin temperature, the air movement also
causes heat loss by convection (Nicol, 1975 and 2008).
In hot and dry climates, air movement usually has a big effect on the
thermal comfort of subjects. The effect of introducing air movement has
been estimated to be equivalent to a drop in temperature of up to more than
3˚K (Nicol, 2008). Figure 4.1 shows how much air speed can offset the
Figure 4.1 Air speed required to offset operative temperature; the horizontal

dotted line signifies an air speed above which papers might be disturbed
Source: CEN Standard EN15251.
operative temperature (ISO 7730 Standard, 2005). As can be seen from this
graph, when air speed within a building is 0.2m/s or less, it does not offset
any increased operative temperature. When air speed within a space is 0.3m/s,
it offsets the operative temperature by 1.5°K.
Air movement and radiant heat each affect comfort levels without affecting
the air temperature, and so does relative humidity (Sassi, 2006, p.101).
4.3.4 Relative humidity

Relative humidity of the space affects the evaporation rate from the skin
(La Roche, 2012). Expressed as a percentage, it is the ratio of the amount of
moisture in the air to the moisture it would contain if it were saturated at the
same temperature and pressure (Goulding et al., 1992, p.113). Humidity
between 30% and 60% is usually considered acceptable, with limited effect
on thermal comfort (La Roche, 2012). According to Nicol (2008), in the
majority of thermal comfort surveys the humidity of the air plays relatively
little part. A lower relative humidity of the air allows more sweat to evaporate
and cool the skin, whereas higher relative humidity (i.e. above 70%) makes
it more difficult for the sweat to evaporate.
4.3.5 Clothing and metabolic rate

Clothing is the insulation around the body that creates a thermal resistance
to the exchange of heat between the surface of the skin and the surrounding
atmosphere. The thermal resistance of clothing is expressed in clo units.
The clo has the same dimension as the R value used to describe insulation
utilised in building construction. One clo is equal to 0.155m2K/w (Goulding
et al., 1992, p.112; La Roche, 2012) and is the amount of clothing that
allows a person at rest to maintain thermal equilibrium in an environment at
21°C in a normally ventilated room (i.e. 0.1m/s air movement). The clothing
is assumed to be a function of the climatic and social surroundings of the
subjects, and is one of the factors which make up the desired conditions.
The thermal resistance of ordinary summer clothes is about 0.5 clo, while
that of indoor winter wear is 1.0 clo. A record of clothing worn will be useful
if the results of the survey are to be compared with other surveys, or if some
generalisations are to be made from them.
Metabolism is the sum of chemical reactions which occur within the body
to maintain its optimum internal temperature of 36.7°C (Goulding et al.,
1992, p.112). Production of metabolic energy depends on the level of activity
in which the individual is engaged. Office work, for instance, generates
approximately 1.2 met. The met is the unit of metabolic energy and is equal
to 58w/m2. The surface area of the human body is, on average, 1.8m2. The
measurement of metabolic rate is not really necessary in field studies, because
it is assumed to be a function of the social and climatic milieu, and the task
for which a comfort temperature is being found. It is useful, however,
to retain a description of the tasks being performed by the subjects for
comparison with comfort predictions from other studies. ISO 7730 (2005)
provides a standard list of metabolic rates and also a comprehensive list of
clothing descriptions.
As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the thermal comfort of a space is
perceived from the physical factors of that space as well as the sensation of
its occupants. The physical factors and their influence on thermal comfort
have been discussed. The following section describes the methods which have
been used to deal with subjective sensations of comfort.
4.4 Thermal comfort research

Since the beginning of thermal comfort studies in the early twentieth century,
two main approaches have been developed according to the extent of control
over environmental conditions as well as the emphasis on subjective or
objective domains (Humphreys and Nicol, 2008). These are the physiologi-
cal model (heat balance model) and the field study approach (adaptive
model). The former states that humans are all the same and that the comfort
zone is the same for all without considering location and adaptation. The
adaptive model, on the other hand, states that, in occupant-controlled, natu-
rally conditioned spaces, the thermal response and thus the comfort zone are
affected by the outdoor climate (La Roche, 2012). In both approaches, the
level of thermal comfort is often expressed as the percentage of people who
are satisfied with the climatic conditions, and it is usually obtained by carry-
ing out a questionnaire survey. These thermal comfort methods are reviewed
in more detail in the following sections.
4.4.1 Physiological comfort model

The physiological comfort model is based on laboratory studies which take
place in climatic chambers where the environmental, clothing and activity
levels can be altered and accurately controlled. Comprehensive measure-
ments of the environment and its occupants are usually taken in this kind
of ‘steady state’ study and used as the basis to develop technical standards
which define thermal comfort conditions (Fanger, 1970; Nevins and Gagge,
1972). The aim is to determine comfort indices by taking a physical variable
as a measure of respondents’ perception, and lack of discomfort is related
back to the physical variable.
The heat balance model is best exemplified by Fanger’s work (1972) in
which he comprehensively researched the effects of climatic factors on
thermal sensation. His method is based on the assumption that six factors
influence thermal perception: air temperature, mean radiant temperature,
humidity, air speed, clothing level and metabolic rate. It defines the condition
in which most people are likely to be comfortable for any specified level of
activity and clothing. Having strictly controlled all the above six factors in
Table 4.1 The ASHRAE and Bedford scales of comfort
ASHRAE Comfort vote Bedford
Hot +3 Much too warm

Warm +2 Too warm
Slightly Warm +1 Comfortably warm
Neutral 0 Comfortable neither warm nor cool
Slightly cool –1 Comfortably cool
Cool –2 Too cool
Cold –3 Much too cool
Source: Adapted from ASHRAE (2004) and Bedford (1936).
climate chambers, Fanger tested and measured subjects from Denmark and
the United States, and adjusted the chamber until his subjects could not say
whether they wanted it warmer or colder. He then assessed how the subjects
perceived their comfort on ASHRAE’s seven-point comfort scale ranging
from cold (–3) to hot (+3) with neutral at 0 (see Table 4.1).
Fanger defined comfort as the condition under which the subjective thermal
comfort votes were between ‘slightly cool’ (–1) and ‘slightly warm’ (+1) on
that scale. The actual measured condition and the perceived comfort index
were combined to form the Predicted Mean Vote (PMV), which represents
the mean response of a large group of subjects. Fanger also found that there
were always some people who were dissatisfied with indoor environments
and voted outside the central three scaling points on the ASHRAE scale (even
at calculated comfort temperatures in which the majority felt comfortable).
This formed the basis of Predicted Percentage Dissatisfied (PPD). Fanger
suggested that even under optimum conditions (whenever the PMV is neutral)
the minimum PPD number is 5% (Fanger, 1972).
The subjective data on which Fanger’s model is based were obtained
exclusively from climatic chamber studies, and in conditions where a
steady state had been reached (Nicol, 2008). Fanger’s comfort equation is,
however, in disagreement with a number of studies of the thermal sensations
of persons in their homes or offices. Exclusively concerned with changes in the
six basic variables, it overlooks cultural context and the ability of subjects
to adapt to their thermal environment (de Dear, 1994). It also takes no
account of behaviour as an important factor in comfort (Foruzanmehr,
2010). Field studies conducted later in real-life situations, such as the research
of Tanabe (1988), the review of Humphreys (1992), the research of Oseland
(1994) and the review of Humphreys and Nicol (2002), have not validated
Fanger’s formula (Givoni, 1998). They have shown that the average values
of PMV are different from the average comfort vote.
Nevertheless, the advantages of using climatic chambers are self-evident.
According to McIntyre (1982), climate chamber studies have been central to
thermal comfort research for many years. They can be very accurate and
enable controlled experimentation (Humphreys and Nicol, 2008). They give
the ability to produce the desired environmental conditions and control
unwanted variables, which might otherwise influence the results. Though
they are beneficial in producing comfort indices, there are some pitfalls
associated with this type of study. These can be summarised as follows:
1 Climatic chambers have an artificial environment and are different from

real-life conditions; subjects cannot actively make any adjustment for
their activity and clothing as they do in everyday life.
2 Subjects are volunteers exposed to the laboratory conditions for a short
time, so they are not likely to show the same variation in responses as
in real-life conditions (Hanna, 1990, p.111).
3 These experiments require sophisticated climatic chambers which are
highly technical and complex; they are not always available in some of
the developing countries (Hanna, 1990, p.111), especially in vernacular
contexts.
Being unable to take account of social and cultural factors (Nicol, 2008),
laboratory studies seem to fail in producing precise comfort indices, and
hence they should be cross-checked by field studies (Humphreys, 1976).
4.4.2 Field studies (field surveys) and adaptive comfort

Parallel to the above-mentioned laboratory studies, there has been a continu-
ing stream of thermal comfort field studies which are aimed at measuring
thermal comfort in the real world. These field studies are conducted in the
‘normal setting of daily life’ (Humphreys and Nicol, 2008, p.1) instead
of experimental chambers. They are more immediately relevant to typical
living or working conditions. Neither the environmental conditions nor the
clothing and activity choices are controlled, except by the subjects them-
selves. Also, the environments are likely to be ‘fairly typical of normal
building stock’ (Humphreys and Nicol, 2008, p.1). According to Nicol and
Humphreys (2002), in the field survey the researcher collects data about the
thermal environment and the concurrent thermal response of subjects going
about their everyday lives. The thermal response of subjects is usually
measured by asking them for a comfort vote on a descriptive scale such as the
Bedford or ASHRAE scale (Table 4.1). The researcher uses statistical methods
to analyse the data using the natural variability of thermal conditions. The
aim is to find the temperature or combination of thermal variables which
most subjects consider comfortable or neutral (Nicol and Humphreys, 2002).
The results are used to predict the comfort temperatures or conditions which
will be found acceptable in similar conditions elsewhere. The well-known
early work of Bedford (1936) is an example of this approach.
This type of study, however, has disadvantages and pitfalls. According to
Humphreys and Nicol (2008, p.1), comprehensive measurements of either
the people or their environment would be too intrusive. The field study does
not use controlled experimentation; the environmental conditions are
inherently variable and difficult to measure accurately, and errors in the input
data introduce a systematic bias in the regression coefficient and increase
the random error of prediction (Humphreys and Nicol, 2000a). In addition,
it is difficult to generalise from the statistical analysis because the results from
one survey are seldom applicable to the data from another, even in similar
conditions (Nicol and Humphreys, 2002).
4.4.2.1 Review of field studies

Some of the field studies are reviewed below, firstly to determine the param-
eters that have the most influence on thermal comfort, and secondly to
compare the comfort temperature variations in different field studies.
Nicol (1972; 1975) analysed the data that Charles Webb collected
in Baghdad (Iraq) and Roorkee (India) from June to July 1962. The data
comprised the air temperature, globe temperature, relative humidity, air
velocity and sensation of subjects on the seven-point Bedford scale. The
subjects lived and worked in modern buildings with walls of concrete blocks.
Nicol found that comfort temperature for the Iraqi and Indian subjects
was in the region of 32°C. He also found that when the temperature rose
above 36°C, thermal discomfort exceeded by 20% and by 50% when globe
temperature rose above 40°C. This shows that subjects were acclimatised
to a hot climate and comfortable at temperatures considered uncomfortably
warm in models developed for temperate climates. The region of comfort,
however, established by this study may now be unacceptable as the data
were collected in 1962, and many changes in people’s attitudes, lifestyles and
expectations have taken place since then (Hanna, 1990, p.117). Increased
reliance on mechanical equipment to modify the indoor climate of buildings
in hot climates and a rise in standard of living may make people prefer
regions of comfort lower than 32°C (Hanna, 1990, p.117). In these studies,
air and globe temperatures were found to be the most influential of the six
variables identified by Fanger (1970).
In 1976, Woolard (1980) carried out a comfort study on the residents
of naturally ventilated houses in the Solomon Islands from June to August.
The air and globe temperatures, relative humidity and air velocity were
measured. The neutral temperature calculated from regression analysis was
about 27.5°C with a range of neutrality of 4.5°K. Woolard found that air
temperature was a reasonable thermal index. He noticed that the comfort
requirements of Solomon islanders were not substantially different from
those of other residents in warm humid tropics.
Sharma and Ali (1986) studied the thermal comfort of Indian subjects to
establish a tropical summer index (a chart that includes ranges of climatic
variables necessary for comfort) to be used indoors and outdoors. The
optimum temperature indoors and outdoors in which most of the subjects felt
comfortable was 27.5°C. The correlation matrix showed that both air and
globe temperatures were strongly correlated with thermal sensation, while
neither water vapour pressure nor air velocity correlated significantly with
thermal sensation, compatible with Nicol’s findings (1975) in this respect.
Malick (1996) studied the thermal comfort of the people who were living
in urban housing in Bangladesh. The results of his study showed that the
neutral temperature was 28°C, and the subjects were comfortable with
temperatures between 24°C and 32°C and high relative humidity up to 95%
using simple means such as cool surfaces and ceiling fans.
Malama (1997) has reported another study of thermal comfort in Zambia
during both the warm and cool seasons. The results show that the neutral
temperature was 25.2°C in the cool season and 26°C during the warm season,
demonstrating that, in the warm season, control of the environment (such as
closing the windows and doors) was used by subjects as a method of adjusting
their thermal environment. Malama showed that the globe temperature was
the most accurate predictor of thermal comfort, as it had a greater effect than
air velocity and relative humidity.
Oseland (1994) investigated the thermal sensation of new-home dwellers
in the UK by using the ASHRAE seven-point comfort scale. Measurements in
this research show that the mean indoor and outdoor temperatures were
19.2°C and 12.1°C in winter and 21.7°C and 19.2°C in summer, respectively.
The neutral temperature from linear regression analysis was 17°C for winter
and 18.9°C for summer. On average, respondents rated themselves warmer
in winter than in summer, even though the room temperatures were lower.
Oseland believed that these thermal sensations corresponded to the lower
outdoor temperature, and to the larger difference between the indoor and
outdoor temperatures in winter. The strong relationship between comfort
temperature and indoor/outdoor temperature has been more clearly shown
in the following studies.
Humphreys (1976) reviewed 36 field studies which were conducted by
various techniques and in different environmental conditions, ranging from
summer in Iraq to winter in Sweden. He used regression analysis and devised
the following equation for predicting the neutral temperature from the mean
internal temperature:
Tn = 2.56 + 0.831Ti (1)
where Tn is neutral temperature and Ti is mean indoor temperature. The

neutral temperature (Tn) is the air temperature at which a large group of
people would not feel hot or cold, and the body would be under minimal
thermal stress.
Humphreys in another study (1978) demonstrated that the neutral or
comfort temperature in free-running buildings is strongly related to the mean
outdoor temperatures according to this equation:
Tn = 11.9 + 0.534To (2)

where Tn is neutral temperature and To is mean monthly outdoor temperature,
i.e. ½(monthly mean maximum + monthly mean minimum).
Auliciems and de Dear (1986) used a larger database and also found a
correlation between the thermal neutrality in non-air-conditioned buildings
and the outdoor average temperature. This correlation was valid for tem-
peratures between 18°C and 28°C and expressed in the following equation
(Auliciems and de Dear, 1986):
Tc = 17.6 + 0.31To (3)
where T c is comfort temperature and To is mean monthly outdoor

temperature.
Nicol et al. (1994) conducted a longitudinal survey of thermal comfort in
five different climate zones in Pakistan. The research revealed that summer
comfort temperatures varied from 26.7°C to 29.9°C, while in winter the
variation was 19.8°C to 25.2°C. The temperature which people find
comfortable in buildings without air-conditioning in the summer was
predicted from the equation:
Tc = 12.1 + 0.534To (4)
where T c is comfort temperature and To is mean monthly outdoor

temperature.
Nicol et al. (1999) undertook another thermal comfort survey in Pakistan,
one longitudinal study conducted in summer (July 1993) and winter (January
1994), and one transverse with monthly surveys over a whole year (April
1995 to July 1996). The temperature which people find comfortable was
predicted from the following equations based on the transverse and
longitudinal surveys:
Longitudinal: Tc = 11.7 + 0.55Tg (5)

Tc = 18.0 + 0.33To (6)
Transverse: Tc = 11.5 + 0.53Tg (7)
Tc = 18.5 + 0.36To (8)
where T c is comfort temperature, Tg is globe temperature and To is monthly

mean outdoor temperature.
It was also suggested that the design indoor temperature for commercial
buildings in Pakistan should be set according to this formula:
Td = 18.5 + 0.36Tolt (9)
where Td is the design indoor (or set-point) temperature and Tolt is the
monthly mean outdoor temperature from meteorological records.
Humphreys and Nicol (2000b) showed that the relationship between
comfort temperature T c and outdoor temperature To for free-running buildings
is remarkably stable for the data presented in the 1970s by Humphreys (1978)
and the 1998 ASHRAE database (de Dear, 1998). The equation for comfort
temperature is almost exactly (T c = 13.5 + 0.54To), where To in this case is
monthly mean of the outdoor temperature.
In a more recent and relevant study, Heidari (2000) investigated thermal
comfort for naturally ventilated housing in Iran with special reference to
Ilam. He conducted short- and long-term surveys in hot and cold seasons.
Neutral temperature for the hot season appeared to be 26.7°C for his long-
term and 28.4°C for his short-term studies. The results showed a good
relationship between neutral temperature and mean indoor/outdoor
temperatures. The indoor comfort temperature (T c), which is dependent on
the mean outdoor temperature (To), could be found from the following
equation:
Tc = 17.3 + 0.36To (10)
The findings of this study revealed that the Ilami people could achieve
comfort at higher indoor air temperatures than those recommended by
international standards such as ISO 7730.
Heidari (2006) reports another thermal comfort research study carried
out from 26 June to 14 July 2002 in the city of Yazd (hot and dry climate
of Iran), in which over 420 subjects in 32 courtyard houses and 39 flats (all
naturally ventilated) responded to thermal comfort questionnaires. Neutral
temperature during the hot season for indoor subjects was 28.4°C, which is
comparable with the neutral temperatures from other field studies in Iran
(Heidari, 2000).
Griffiths (1990) and Nicol and Roaf (1996) also found similar correlations
between the neutral temperature and the outdoor average temperature. In
general, these equations are valid when the outdoor temperature is between
17°C and 30°C (La Roche, 2012). De Dear and Brager (1998) examined the
relationship between thermal comfort and indoor and outdoor temperature
in a database of 21,000 observations from 160 buildings worldwide. They
found that occupants in naturally ventilated buildings were tolerant of a
significantly wider range of temperatures compared to those in buildings
with heating, ventilation and air-conditioning. They explained this by a
combination of both behavioural adjustments and physiological adaptations.
The results of this research were incorporated in the 2000 revision of
ASHRAE Comfort Standard 55 (2004), which contains a chart relating
the neutral temperatures in naturally ventilated buildings to the prevailing
outdoor temperatures. The adaptive equation underlying the ASHRAE
standard is:
Tcomf = 17.8 + 0.31Tom (11)

Figure 4.2 Preferred temperature inside a naturally ventilated building
where T comf is the comfort temperature and Tom is the monthly mean outdoor
temperature.
The equation shows that the preferred temperature inside a naturally
ventilated building increases by approximately one degree for every three
degrees of increase in mean monthly outdoor air temperature. It is valid only
when the mean monthly outdoor temperature is between 10°C and 33.5°C,
and the comfort zone lies between 2°C above and below the neutral
temperature (Figure 4.2).
The implementation of the adaptive model in the ASHRAE comfort
standard is important because it accepts that naturally ventilated buildings, in
which the occupants have more control over their thermal environment, have
a larger comfort zone (La Roche, 2012). This promotes the implementation
of passive cooling systems in buildings, highlighting the role of the user in
controlling the thermal environment.
The European standard for naturally ventilated buildings (EN15251) also
incorporates a version of the adaptive method developed by Nicol and
Humphreys (2010). Analysis of the SCATs data (EU project: Smart Controls
and Thermal Comfort) for free-running buildings (Nicol and Humphreys,
2010) confirms the linear relationship between neutral temperature and
outdoor temperature, and yields the following equation:
Tcomf = 18.8 + 0.33Trm (12)
where T comf is the comfort temperature and Trm is the running mean of the
daily mean air temperature.
The adaptive approach assumes the neutral temperature is related to
a person’s thermal history, with more recent experiences being more influen-
tial. This makes exponential weighting suitable as a weighting for past tem-
peratures (Nicol and Humphreys, 2010). For a series of days the value of Trm
for any day can be calculated from the value of the running mean and of
the mean outdoor temperature for the previous day (respectively Trm–1
and Tod–1):
Trm = (1–a) Tod–1 + a Trm–1
Where an extensive run of days is not available, CEN Standard EN15251

(2007) gives an approximate calculation method using the mean temperatures
for the last seven days (a = 0.8):
Trm = (Tod–1 + 0.8Tod –2 + 0.6Tod –3 + 0.5Tod –4 + 0.4Tod –5 + 0.3Tod –6 + 0.2Tod –7)/3.8
Figure 4.3 shows the design values for the indoor operative temperature for
buildings without mechanical cooling systems as a function of the exponen-
tially weighted running mean of the outdoor temperature.
The equation and charts proposed for this standard are similar, but not
identical, to those proposed by the ASHRAE standard. According to La
Roche (2012), the differences between the two equations are probably a
result of several differences in the research. The databases are different
Figure 4.3 Design indoor operative temperatures for buildings without mechanical

cooling
Source: CEN Standard EN15251. Category III indicates an acceptable, moderate level of
expectation and may be used for existing buildings.
because ASHRAE 55–2004 uses the data from the ASHRAE world database
of field experiments collected by De Dear and Brager (1998), while EN15251
uses the data from the more recent European SCATs project. The ASHRAE
adaptive standard applies only to naturally ventilated buildings, whereas
EN15251 applies to any building in free-running mode, thus including more
buildings. The ASHRAE equation uses the monthly mean outdoor temperature,
while EN15251 uses a running average.
The range of temperatures in which comfort is experienced is considered
as the comfort (temperature) zone (Konya, 1980, p.27). Having calculated
the optimum comfort temperature, a comfort zone of 2˚K to 3˚K either side
of the optimum can be taken as acceptable (Nicol, 2004b). If fans are
available to building occupants, another 2˚K can be added to the predicted
comfort temperature in hot conditions (Nicol, 2004b).
Table 4.2 summarises some key data from the aforementioned thermal
comfort field studies and research.
As can be seen from the studies summarised in Table 4.2, air and globe
temperatures are the most important indices in determining thermal comfort.
Furthermore, the comfort (or neutral) temperatures found in various field
studies vary remarkably from one another and are often far from the
temperatures calculated from the laboratory studies. Consideration of these
phenomena led to reviewing thermal comfort as part of a self-regulating
system where the actions of the subjects as well as their physiology form part
of the way in which comfort is characterised (Nicol, 2008). This way of
regarding thermal comfort has become generally known as the adaptive
model (Humphreys and Nicol, 1998).
4.4.2.2 The adaptive model

Field studies of thermal comfort have provided the foundations for the
development of adaptive theory, which has an important effect on the under-
standing of comfort (neutral) temperature. In the early 1970s, Nicol and
Humphreys (1972) introduced the adaptive comfort theory. This theory
stated that if building occupants were allowed to adapt to their environment,
either by adjusting clothing, controls or location, then they could tolerate
environmental conditions outside those recommended by the steady-state
theories and current thermal comfort standards (McCartney and Nicol,
2002). Humphreys and Nicol, in the publication ‘Adaptive thermal comfort
in buildings’ (2008), state that the adaptive approach to thermal comfort rec-
ognises that people are not passive in relation to their thermal environment.
On the contrary, they actively control it to secure comfort. According to
Humphreys and Nicol (1998), if change occurs to produce discomfort,
people react in ways that tend to restore their comfort. Thermal comfort
can thus be seen as a self-regulating system, incorporating not only the
heat exchange between the person and the environment, but also the behav-
ioural, physiological and psychological responses of the person, as well
Table 4.2 Findings from some thermal comfort field studies and research
Researcher Year of Place Summer comfort Lessons to consider

report temperature/zone
Nicol 1972 and Baghdad, 32˚C When the temperature rose above 36˚C, thermal
1975 Roorkee discomfort exceeded by 20%.
Subjects acclimatised to hot climates considered
uncomfortably warm in models for temperate zones.
Woolard 1980 Solomon Islands 27.5˚C ± 4.5˚C Air temperature is a reasonable index.
Sharma and Ali 1986 India 27.5˚C Air/globe temperatures are more important
environmental factors in determining thermal sensation.
Malick 1996 Bangladesh 28˚C ± 4˚C Subjects were comfortable at relative humidity up to
95% using simple means such as cool surfaces and
ceiling fans.
Malama 1997 Zambia 26˚C Globe temperature is most accurate predictor of thermal
comfort and has a greater effect on thermal comfort
than air velocity and relative humidity.
Oseland 1994 UK 18.9˚C Thermal sensations correspond to indoor and outdoor
temperatures.
Humphreys 1976 Worldwide Various Tn = 2.56 + 0.831Ti
Subjects adapt to dissimilar conditions.
Humphreys 1978 Worldwide Various Tn = 11.9 + 0.531To
Subjects adapt to dissimilar conditions.
Auliciems and de Dear 1986 Worldwide Various T c = 17.6 + 0.31To
23.18˚C–26.28˚C
(continued)
Table 4.2 Findings from some thermal comfort field studies and research (continued)
Researcher Year of Place Summer comfort Lessons to consider

report temperature/zone
Nicol et al. 1994 Pakistan 26.7˚C–29.9˚C T c = 12.1 + 0.534To

For summer (To > 20˚C)
Nicol et al. 1999 Pakistan T c = 18.5 + 0.36To
T c = 11.5 + 0.53Tg
(from transverse surveys)
Humphreys and Nicol 2000a Free-running T c = 13.5 + 0.54To
buildings
Heidari 2000 Ilam (Iran) 26.7˚C–28.4˚C T c = 17.3 + 0.36To
Heidari 2006 Yazd (Iran) 28.4˚C Cv = 0.27To – 7.6
ASHRAE Standard 55 2004 – (20.9–28.18) ± T comf = 17.8 + 0.31To
2˚C
Nicol and Humphreys 2010 – – T comf = 18.8 + 0.33Trm
as the control opportunities afforded by the design and construction of the
building.
The fundamental distinction between the heat balance theory used in
laboratory research and the adaptive model lies in their assumptions about
the underlying basis or cause for a shift in comfort temperature. The former
permits only adjustments to heat balance variables such as clothing or air
velocity, whereas the adaptive model can include changing the expectations
and behaviours of building occupants (de Dear, 1994) and increasing their
options for improving their comfort.
Each person in the adaptive model, according to Humphreys (1994), is in
dynamic equilibrium with the environment. They seek comfort by making
successive attempts to satisfy a set of continually varying desires and needs.
Humphreys (1994) also lists typical actions which people take to secure
thermal comfort, which are:
• to modify the internal heat generation;

• to modify the rate of body heat loss;
• to modify the thermal environment; and
• to select a different thermal environment.
If the various factors of the environment are not independently controll-

able, the person may have to trade off one kind of comfort against another,
and so a compromise must be made. For example, opening a window
to cool the indoors may let in too much noise. However, amongst the
various environmental factors which influence people’s perception of their
thermal environment, temperature appears to be the most important.
Therefore, providing the comfort temperature is the first step in the process
of providing thermal comfort.
4.4.2.3 Comfort temperature and comfort zone

In most of the thermal comfort studies mentioned above, the methods for
predicting comfort temperature were either regression analysis or probit
analysis. Regression analysis is used to calculate the temperature which will
give an average comfort vote of zero (Nicol, 1993). Probit analysis is applied
to calculate the temperature at which the greatest number of people will be
comfortable. Each of these methods requires a substantial amount of data
and a spread of temperatures to make an accurate estimate of the neutral
temperature (Nicol and Humphreys, 2010).
It should be mentioned that regression analysis may have various forms of
error as a predictive method (McCartney and Nicol, 2002). Also, the regression
equation determined from regression analysis is continually changing, as
subjects adapt to their surrounding environment. Therefore, in order to
estimate the comfort temperature from a fairly small sample of comfort votes
over a particular period of time, another method should be devised. This
method is explained below.
In order to improve predictive accuracy Humphreys and Nicol (2000a),
following the example of Griffiths (1990), suggested the use of an assumed
regression slope for the relationship between comfort vote and temperature.
Griffiths (1990) suggested that there was a linear relationship between
comfort vote and ‘operative temperature’ with a constant gradient. This
constant is called the ‘Griffiths constant’: G (K–1) (Nicol and Humphreys,
2010).
Griffiths’ statement can be interpreted into Equation 1, in which Cv is
comfort vote, Top is operative temperature and h is a constant.
Cv = G Top + h (Equation 1)
Nicol and Humphreys (2010) used an extensive database of thermal comfort

field studies to suggest that the appropriate slope (G) for this relationship
was 0.5. It is assumed that coefficient 0.5 would apply to the conditions in
Yazd. However, that would be subject to further research. Therefore the
Equation 1 becomes:
Cv = 0.5Top + h (Equation 2)
Operative temperature approximates closely to globe temperature (Nicol

and Humphreys, 2010; Humphreys, 1977), so that Equation 2 can also be
presented as:
Cv = 0.5Tg + h (Equation 3)
where Tg is the globe temperature.

According to Nicol and Humphreys (2010), the neutral temperature is the
‘operative temperature’ at which either the average person will be thermally
neutral or the largest proportion of a group will be comfortable. A person
in comfort is taken to be one who is ‘slightly cool’, ‘neutral’ or ‘slightly
warm’ on the ASHRAE scale, the convention used in ISO Standard 7730 and
ASHRAE Standard 55.
The neutral temperature can then be calculated from the comfort vote by
assuming that a comfort vote of zero (neutral) will represent ‘comfort’. For
solving the equation, the comfort (or neutral) temperature can be defined as
‘the indoor operative temperature at which an average subject will vote
comfortable (or zero) on the ASHRAE scale’ (McCartney and Nicol, 2002,
p.627). So, by assuming Cv = 0, Tg will be equal to T comf and we have:
0 = 0.5T comf + h (Equation 4)
Solve Equations 3 and 4 to remove the constant yields:
T comf = Tg – 2 Cv (Equation 5)
If the ASHRAE scale is numbered from 1 to 7 (cold to hot), then the comfort
temperature (when the comfort vote is ‘neutral’) will occur at point 4. Thus,
Equation 5 becomes:
T comf = Tg – 2 (Cv – 4) (Equation 6)
Based on Equation 6, the comfort temperature can be calculated for each

response. This can then be compared to an index of outside temperature to
ascertain the relationship between comfort and outside temperatures.
4.5 Conclusions
This chapter described the theory of thermal comfort. Different interpreta-
tions of some of the terms used in thermal comfort studies and the physical
factors affecting thermal comfort were presented. The differences between
the results of field studies and climatic chamber studies, along with the posi-
tive and negative aspects of both approaches, were discussed. The results of
the reviewed field studies revealed that:
• In order to delineate the thermal comfort zone in a space, both physical

measures (including the climatic data, clothing and metabolic rate) and
subjective measures (the feeling or sensation of the occupants) should
be investigated, measured and analysed.
• In order to find the temperature or combination of thermal variables
which most subjects (those going about their everyday lives) consider
comfortable or neutral, the field-survey approach should be adopted.
The thermal response of subjects is usually measured by asking them for
a comfort vote on a descriptive scale such as the Bedford or ASHRAE
scale.
• The findings from field studies show that the greatest part of the variation
in thermal sensation can be attributed to the change in temperature
rather than the change in either humidity or air movement. Temperature
is the most important thermal comfort index, and a strong linear correla-
tion exists between air temperature and sensation votes in both climatic
chamber and field studies. Relative humidity has a small effect on neutral
temperature.
• When air temperature and mean radiant temperature differ little from
each other, it does not matter which one is used for the calculation of
the neutral temperature. Operative temperature approximates closely
to globe temperature.
• The neutral temperature varies from one climate to another and from
one culture to another; the occupants have a dynamic relationship with
their environment and will take action to secure their own comfort, if
they are able to do so.
The next chapter describes two surveys undertaken to investigate the provi-
sion of comfortable indoor temperatures in vernacular central-courtyard
dwellings in Yazd during the hot season: the thermal comfort survey and
the temperature variation survey. It shows the degree to which vernacular
passively cooled houses could provide comfortable indoor temperatures.
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5 Summertime thermal comfort
in vernacular earth dwellings in
Yazd, Iran
5.1 Introduction
There is a widespread assumption that vernacular earth dwellings in hot
climates, particularly those in central Iran, are climate-responsive buildings
in which thermal comfort is provided in hot periods even without the aid of
conventional cooling systems (Foruzanmehr, 2010). This assumption is not
usually based on rigorous scientific investigations into the thermal perfor-
mance of the passive cooling techniques adopted in vernacular Iranian archi-
tecture. Nevertheless, much of the work on this subject is based on computer
simulations and theoretical mathematical studies, rather than on empirical
measurements (Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011). Consequently, the extent
to which traditional systems today provide comfortable conditions and the
way in which vernacular architecture can withstand extremely hot summer
temperatures have to be better addressed. To address this gap, this chapter
describes two surveys undertaken to investigate the provision of comfort-
able indoor temperatures in vernacular central-courtyard dwellings in Yazd
during the hot seasons: a thermal comfort survey and a temperature varia-
tion survey. It shows how, by carrying out a thermal comfort survey, the
comfort temperature, and also the comfort-temperature zone, were estab-
lished for the residents of vernacular dwellings during hot summer days
in Yazd. It also includes the diversity of temperatures that could be found
within different spaces of typical vernacular dwellings on typical summer
days. This was investigated by measuring and recording the temperature
variations. Recorded temperatures were afterwards compared with the
comfort temperature (zone) obtained from the thermal comfort survey in
order to discover whether indoor temperatures fell inside (or outside) the
comfort zone. This chapter shows to what extent and for how long vernacu-
lar passively cooled houses could provide comfortable indoor temperatures.
5.2 Thermal comfort survey – method of investigation

In order to find out the comfort temperature (and also the range of comfort-
able indoor temperatures) in passively cooled vernacular dwellings in Yazd,
Summertime thermal comfort in Yazd 121
a thermal comfort field survey was conducted (Foruzanmehr, 2012). Because
the inhabitants of vernacular houses were going about their everyday lives
in their dwellings, a thermal comfort field-survey approach was adopted in
order to collect data about their thermal environment and concurrent thermal
responses. The thermal comfort survey involved 143 thermal-sensation votes
(from about 120 distinct respondents who participated) and was carried out
from 5 to 9 August 2008, during the hot season in the traditional neighbour-
hood of Fahadan in the city of Yazd. The start time of each day’s survey was
often before 8:00am and the finish time was typically 11:00pm. All subjects
looked as if they were in good health. The age of the subjects ranged from
18 to 75 years, with a mean age of 35. Temperature was used as the principal
physical variable. Air temperature was obtained alongside the relative humid-
ity using small digital data loggers (TempTec thermo-hygrometer: model TH
103). The size of the thermo-hygrometer was small, so the temperature it
measured was probably close to the operative temperature. It could measure
a temperature range of –10°C to +50°C with a precision of 0.1°C. Wind
speed was also measured using a pocket anemometer/wind meter (model:
Kestrel 1000). This wind meter could measure the wind-speeds in a range
of 0.3m/s to 40m/s with an accuracy of ±3% of reading. The instruments
(data logger and wind meter) were carried from subject to subject and were
positioned close to the subjects and at chest height (i.e. 20cm to 30cm away
from them). The measurement of environmental data was taken while the
subjects were completing their thermal comfort questionnaires. Some of
the subjects responded only once, whilst others responded more frequently.
These data, plus the actual local time of completion, were also entered on
the questionnaires. The questionnaire had previously been translated into
Persian. This might have introduced some differences from the meaning of
the original English version; Humphreys (2008) has assessed some of these
differences for other languages. The questionnaire contained two main sec-
tions: thermal sensation, using a seven-point ASHRAE scale (cold, cool,
slightly cool, neutral, slightly warm, warm, hot) and thermal preference,
using a five-point scale (much warmer, slightly warmer, no change, slightly
cooler, much cooler). In the first section, subjects were asked about how hot
or cold they felt at the time of answering the question. They had to tick or
mark inside the box which term they felt best described their feelings. In the
second section, the subjects were asked whether they would prefer to feel
warmer or cooler. Data from the thermal comfort survey as well as those
from the Iran Meteorological Organisation (2009) were used for further
analysis.
5.3 Temperature variation measurements – method

of investigation
In order to investigate the temperature variations inside traditional dwellings,
temperature readings were taken in a number of typical and representative
122 Summertime thermal comfort in Yazd
traditional dwellings in Yazd. A set of criteria was established and used to
assure the representativeness of the selected buildings. It comprised:
1 Location: the selected buildings were located in the traditional

neighbourhood of Yazd.
2 Age of the building: the selected buildings were constructed in or before
the 1920s.
3 Materials of the building: the selected buildings were all earth buildings,
made of sun-dried and/or baked mud bricks.
4 Existence of a central courtyard in the building: the selected buildings
had a central internal courtyard, with accessible and distinct winter and
summer rooms on two opposite sides (north and south).
5 Existence of a basement in the building: the selected buildings had an
accessible basement with a window to the courtyard where the data
logger could be installed for the period of the temperature measurement
survey.
6 Intact cooling features: the selected buildings were intact and equipped
with intact passive cooling systems; this means that they were not
altered through the addition of extra doors or windows in the spaces
where temperature measurements were taken. The traditional cooling
systems in the selected buildings were not disabled, blocked or modified
by an air-conditioning unit.
7 Safety and good physical condition: the choice of the houses was based
primarily on their physical condition. The selected buildings were
structurally sound and safe enough for carrying out the survey and for
leaving the data loggers over the period of the survey.
8 Permission for access to the building: the selected buildings had
permission for access granted by the owner or authorities in charge of
the building. The accessibility of the properties selected for the survey
was an overriding factor.
More than 30 traditional buildings were initially identified and listed for
conducting the temperature readings. The case-study houses were identified
on the basis of data from the literature review and from experienced local
experts and architects. The listed buildings were visited afterwards and,
according to the above-mentioned criteria, seven case-study houses were
selected as representative of vernacular central-courtyard passive dwellings
in the city of Yazd. This part of the survey was conducted over two periods
of time, both in the hot season. Three out of seven buildings were surveyed
from 18 to 21 June 2007 and the rest were measured from 5 to 9 August
2008, two typical hot periods of the year in Yazd. Permission was granted
by the owners of these buildings, such as the Iranian Cultural Heritage
Organisation, the Municipality of Yazd and the Management and Planning
Organisation in the city of Yazd. The temperatures were recorded in different
naturally ventilated and passively cooled spaces, as well as in some rooms
Figure 5.1 Plan of Mahmoodi House and the location of the data loggers
cooled with evaporative coolers. This allowed a comparison to be made

between various indoor temperatures and comfort or outdoor temperatures,
and helped to establish the extent to which these traditional houses can
provide comfort temperature for occupants.
In order to monitor the temperature variations within the selected case-
study houses, i-button temperature data loggers were installed in different
spaces, such as basements, loggias, courtyards and rooms. Figure 5.1
illustrates the location of the data loggers on the plan of one of the case-study
houses (Mahmoodi House), and Figure 5.2 shows a view of the courtyard
in this house. These data loggers measure the temperature within a range of
–40°C to +85°C in 0.5°C increments. Their accuracy is ±1°C for temperatures
between –30°C and +70°C, and ±3°C for temperatures outside this range.
Important parameters which required definition before installation were
temperature ranges for each data logger, time between readings and start
time. They were set to record the temperatures at five-minute intervals for a
period of a week (to ensure logging continued to the end of the survey period).
The measurement period could not be extended because the access to the
buildings was restricted, and time limits did not allow a longer record time.
The data was downloaded from data loggers onto a portable computer in the
evening following the last day of recording. Graphs were generated from
the logged temperatures for further analysis. The climatic data which were
automatically recorded – every 30 minutes – by the Iran Meteorological
Organisation (2009) in the city of Yazd were also added to the collected
data. Recorded indoor temperatures were analysed against the comfort-
zone limits to find out whether they fell inside or outside the comfort zone
and the duration of the time those temperatures might exceed the comfort
threshold. This analysis showed to what extent and for how long these
passive cooling systems should be assisted by other means of cooling in
these buildings in order to provide comfort. The results and analysis of the
Figure 5.2 A view of Mahmoodi House, Yazd
collected data are extensively explained by Foruzanmehr (2012) and outlined

in the following sections.
5.4 Analysis of the thermal comfort survey in Yazd

During the short-term study of thermal comfort in summer 2008, the logged
indoor temperatures ranged from a low of 25°C to a high of 37.5°C, with
an average of around 29.9°C (Table 5.1). In the same period, the outside
temperature ranged from 27.5°C to 39°C, with a mean of 33.3°C.
The mean metabolic rate was around 1.6 met, and the mean clothing value
was 0.50 clo. The activity levels and clothing values were determined from
observation of the subjects’ activities and clothing.
Table 5.1 Logged temperatures and humidity during the thermal comfort survey
Minimum Maximum Mean Standard deviation
T indoor (°C) 25 37.5 29.9 3.1

T outdoor (°C) 27 39 33.3 3.6
Humidity (%) 7 52 29 9.4
5.4.1 Distribution of sensation votes (comfort votes)
and preference votes
The distribution of thermal sensation (or comfort) votes is shown in Table 5.2
and Table 5.3. Figure 5.3 shows the overall picture of the distribution of
thermal sensation votes of subjects in this short-term thermal comfort survey.
The ASHRAE thermal sensation scale (ASHRAE Standard 55, 2004)
was used for this survey, ranging from 7 for hot to 1 for cold, with 4 for
neutral. The votes varied from slightly cold (3) to hot (7). The peak vote was
for neutral (4), receiving 55.9% of the entire votes. The mean sensation
vote on the ASHRAE scale (+1 to +7 instead of –3 to +3) was 4.38, which
means a sensation of neutral to slightly warm. Around 81% of subjects’
votes (116 out of the total 143 votes) fell into one of the three central
categories between slightly cool and slightly warm (i.e. the comfort range).
When the range of sensation votes was in the comfort range (3 to 5),
the operative temperature varied from 25°C to 37.5°C. Considering the
temperature range, it can be seen that subjects were comfortable in a wide
range of temperatures.
There were no votes for cool (2) and cold (1), whereas about 19% of votes
fell into the warm (6) and hot (7) categories. This shows that only a minority
of subjects (19%) were thermally uncomfortable in this survey.
A five-point thermal preference scale was devised ranging from 1 for
warmer to 5 for cooler, with 3 for no change. The distribution of thermal
preference votes is shown in Table 5.4 and Table 5.5. The percentages of
preference vote on the five-point scale were 7% preferring slightly warmer,
39.2% no change, 44.1% slightly cooler and 9.8% cooler. The mean
preference was 3.57, which means that the majority of the subjects preferred
Table 5.2 Mean and standard deviation of thermal sensation votes
Number Minimum Maximum Mean Standard

of votes deviation
Thermal sensation 143 3 7 4.38 1.006

votes (1–7, cold to hot)
Table 5.3 Distribution of thermal sensation votes
Frequency %
Slightly cool (3) 20 14

Neutral (4) 80 55.9
Slightly warm (5) 16 11.2
Warm (6) 23 16.1
Hot (7) 4 2.8
Total 143 100
Figure 5.3 Histogram of thermal sensation votes
Table 5.4 Descriptive statistics of thermal preference votes

of votes deviation
Preference vote 143 2 5 3.57 0.765

(1–5, warmer to
cooler)
Table 5.5 Distribution of thermal preference votes
Preference votes Frequency %
Slightly warmer (2) 10 7

No change (3) 56 39.2
Slightly cooler (4) 63 44.1
Cooler (5) 14 9.8
Total 143 100
Figure 5.4 Correlation between thermal sensation and preference votes
the temperature to stay the same or be slightly cooler. The standard deviation
of preference votes was 0.76.

preference votes
Figure 5.4 and Table 5.6 and Table 5.7 show the cross-tabulation of and
correlation between thermal preference and sensation votes. It can be seen
that there is a strong positive correlation between thermal sensation votes
and preference votes. The warmer the sensation votes indicated, the cooler
the subjects preferred to be, relative to how they felt at that time.
Table 5.6 Cross-tabulation of thermal sensation and preference votes
Thermal Preference vote

sensation vote
Slightly No change Slightly Cooler Total
warmer cooler
Slightly cool 10 8 2 0 20
Neutral 0 46 34 0 80
Slightly warm 0 2 14 0 16
Warm 0 0 11 12 23
Hot 0 0 2 2 4
Total 10 56 63 14 143
Table 5.7 Correlation between thermal sensation and preference votes
Comfort vote Preference vote
Comfort vote Pearson correlation 1 .727**

Sig. (2-tailed) 0
N 143 143
Preference vote Pearson correlation .727** 1
Sig. (2-tailed) 0
N 143 143
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
5.4.3 Correlation coefficient between sensation votes and indoor

temperatures
Correlations of the thermal sensation and preference votes with the indoor
temperature are presented in Table 5.8 and Figure 5.5 and Figure 5.6. The
correlation between indoor operative temperature and thermal sensation
votes was relatively high (0.59), so the higher the temperature was, the
warmer the sensation became. Such a relationship also existed between
indoor air temperature and preference votes. As shown in Figure 5.6, most
of the subjects preferred lower temperatures when there was a higher indoor
temperature.
The results demonstrate that the preference votes showed a slightly
lower correlation with operative temperature (0.56) than the sensation
votes did (0.59), which is in agreement with Nicol et al. (1994) and Heidari
(2000).
Table 5.8 Correlation between operative temperature and comfort and preference

votes
Indoor Thermal Preference

temperature sensation vote vote
Operative Pearson correlation 1 .592** .558**

temperature Sig. (2-tailed) 0 0
N 143 143 143
Thermal Pearson correlation .592** 1 .727**
sensation vote Sig. (2-tailed) 0 0
N 143 143 143
Preference vote Pearson correlation .558** .727** 1
Sig. (2-tailed) 0 0
N 143 143 143
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Figure 5.5 Scatter diagram and relationship between indoor temperature and
thermal sensation votes
Figure 5.6 Scatter diagram and relationship between indoor temperature and

preference votes
5.4.4 Calculation of the neutral temperature from regression
analysis
One of the methods for predicting the subjective thermal comfort which
results from a given temperature, or a combination of climatic variables, is
regression analysis (Nicol et al., 1994). In this research, a simple linear regres-
sion was performed using the responses on the ASHRAE seven-point scale
versus operative temperature to determine the strength of the relationship
between them.
Table 5.9 shows the results of the regression analysis. As shown here, the
slope of comfort votes is around 0.19/°K, whereas Nicol (1993) reported
that 0.25/°K is the most common regression slope in field surveys. However,
Humphreys (1976) found a slope of 0.22/°K from a worldwide field studies
review, and Heidari (2000) reported a gradient of 0.21/°K in traditional
housing in Iran during hot seasons. Such slopes are less steep than the slope
of 0.33/°K reported by Fanger (1970) for his climate-chamber experiments.
According to Humphreys (1976), the lower values of the slope suggest the
occurrence of adaptation of respondents to their thermal environments.
Wyon (1994) suggests that in different environments the regression slope
relating the reported thermal sensation to temperature would vary due to
differences in expectations of that environment, and thus different neutral
temperatures will be produced.
From Table 5.9 it can also be seen that the intercept of the line is –1.319
which, with a slope of 0.19, yields the equation:
CV = 0.19 Tin – 1.319 (1)
In this equation, CV is the comfort vote (thermal sensation vote) and Tin is
the ambient (indoor) temperature. This equation can also be written as:
Tin = (CV + 1.319) / 0.19 (2)
If CV is neutral and, therefore, has the value 4, Tin will equal neutral
temperature (Tn), and thus we will have:
Tn = (4+1.319) / 0.19 = 28°C (3)
Table 5.9 Regression between indoor temperatures and thermal sensation votes
Un-standardised coefficients Standardised t Sig.

coefficients
B Std. Error Beta
(Constant) –1.319 0.656 –2.01 0.046

Indoor temperature 0.191 0.022 0.592 8.729 0
Dependent variable: thermal sensation vote
Considering the possible standard error, the neutral temperature in the course
of this survey was 28°C ± 1°C. It is comparable with neutral temperatures
from other field studies in hot regions, notably those of Webb (1959), with
27.2°C in Singapore; Nicol (1972; 1975), with 32°C in India and Iraq; Nicol
et al. (1994), with 26.7°C to 29.9°C in summer in Pakistan; Malick (1996),
with approximately 28°C in Bangladesh; Heidari (2000), with 27.4°C to
28.4°C during summer in Ilam, Iran; and Heidari (2006), with 28.4°C
in Yazd, Iran. The subjects (the residents of the selected buildings in the tra-
ditional neighbourhood in Yazd) were free to move or sit anywhere and
could choose to sit on cool floors; this perhaps explains why their neutral
temperature was as high as 28°C.
The regression line of thermal sensation of all subjects in the scatter
diagram presented in Figure 5.5 shows a high correlation coefficient of 0.592
between operative temperature and thermal sensation votes, which indicates
a well-fitting regression line between them.
5.4.5 Calculation of the neutral temperature using Griffiths’ method

In order to make an accurate estimate of the neutral temperature, a spread
of temperatures and a substantial amount of data are required (Nicol and
Humphreys, 2009). The sample used in this thermal comfort survey was a
fairly small sample of comfort votes over a short period of time. Therefore,
according to Humphreys and Nicol (2000), in order to improve the predic-
tive accuracy, an assumed regression slope for the relationship between
comfort vote and temperature was used. As a result of this, as explained in
the previous chapter, equation Tn = Tg – 2 (CV – 4) was achieved (where Tg is
globe temperature, Tn is neutral temperature and Cv is comfort vote).
Based on this equation, the neutral temperature was calculated for each
response in this thermal comfort survey. The calculated neutral temperatures
ranged from 23.9°C to 33.9°C, with a mean of 29.1°C (Table 5.10).
As can be seen, the calculated mean neutral temperature from Griffiths’
method (i.e. 29.1°C) is different from that obtained using regression analysis
(i.e. 28°C). The reason is that regression analysis includes some adaptations
(i.e. it takes into account that subjects might be wearing less or more clothing
or have a fan running). These adaptations bring about a reduction in the
variation in the comfort vote (for a given change in the temperature) and a
decrease in the gradient of the slope of comfort votes. The Griffiths’ method,
on the other hand, is supposed to assume that no adaptation has happened.
Table 5.10 Calculated neutral temperatures based on Griffiths’ method

of votes deviation
Neutral temperature 143 23.9 33.9 29.1 2.52

Table 5.11 Regression between neutral and indoor temperatures

coefficients
B Std. Error Beta
(Constant) 10.637 1.312 8.106 0

Indoor
0.619 0.044 0.766 14.162 0
temperature
Dependent variable: neutral temperature
It is trying to predict what temperature subjects would be comfortable at if

they did not adapt at all. Therefore, the slope of comfort votes is higher and,
considering the average comfort vote of 4.38, results in a higher neutral
temperature.
5.4.6 Correlation coefficient between comfort and indoor/

outdoor temperatures
Table 5.11 shows the results of the regression analysis performed between
neutral and indoor temperature.
As shown here, there is a high positive correlation between neutral and
indoor temperature (+0.766). The slope of the line of best fit is 0.619, with
the intercept of 10.637. These figures yield an equation to ascertain the
relationship between neutral and indoor (ambient) temperatures:
Tn = 0.62 Tin + 10.6°C (25 ≤ Tin ≤ 37.5)
The equation calculates the neutral temperature for any given indoor
temperature in the range of 25°C to 37.5°C.
Table 5.12 shows the regression analysis between neutral and outdoor
temperature. There is a low to moderate correlation between neutral and
outdoor temperatures (i.e. +0.385). This can be explained by the fact that
the research respondents were experiencing the comparatively stable indoor
Table 5.12 Regression between neutral and indoor temperatures

coefficients
B Std. Error Beta
(Constant) 20.137 1.826 11.028 0

Outdoor
0.269 0.054 0.385 4.948 0
temperature
Dependent variable: neutral temperature
temperatures (in basements or rooms with huge thermal mass) rather than
the variable outdoor ones.
5.4.7 Comfortable temperature ranges

Table 5.13 demonstrates different ranges of the measured indoor tempera-
tures and the number of thermal sensation and discomfort votes which
occurred in each range. It shows that when the indoor air temperature was
between 25°C and 28°C, all of the votes fell within the comfort zone, and no
one was dissatisfied with the ambient temperature. In the range of 28°C to
30°C, only 6.8% of the votes indicated dissatisfaction with the indoor tem-
perature, indicating that more than 93% of the subjects were experiencing
comfortable temperatures. When the temperature increased 2 to 6 degrees
higher than the neutral temperature (i.e. when it was between 30°C and
34°C), the proportion of subjects dissatisfied with the temperature rose to
35%. The percentage of discomfort votes increased to 50% for tempera-
tures between 34°C and 36°C, and when the temperature exceeded 36°C, no
one was comfortable.
On average, more than 85% of the subjects were comfortable when the
temperature was in the range of 28°C to 33°C. This proportion is high and
shows that even when the temperature is five degrees higher than the neutral
temperature, a majority of people are still in their comfort zone. The zone
of comfortable temperature can be expanded by two to three degree if
subjects use electric fans. This can be interpreted as: the number of discomfort
votes would decrease if electric fans were used. In this case, for temperatures
from 28°C to 33°C, the proportion of satisfied subjects might rise over 90%.
Interestingly, the results of a simultaneous survey (Foruzanmehr, 2010)
showed that 35% of the respondents used electric fans for cooling in addition
to other methods available to them.
5.4.8 Summary of the results of the thermal comfort survey

The results of the survey (in conjunction with a simple regression analysis)
showed that the neutral temperature was 28°C, and the upper acceptable
Table 5.13 Temperature ranges and occurrence of discomfort votes
Temperature Difference from Thermal Discomfort Proportion

range (Tn=28°C) the neutral sensation votes of discomfort
temperature votes votes
25 ≤ Tin < 28 –3 to 0 37 0 0%

28 ≤ Tin < 30 0 to +2 44 3 6.8%
30 ≤ Tin < 32 +2 to +4 17 6 35.3%
32 ≤ Tin < 34 +4 to +6 33 10 30.3%
34 ≤ Tin < 36 +6 to +8 8 4 50%
36 ≤ Tin < 37.5 +8 to +9.5 4 4 100%
limit was 33°C (at which over 85% of the people surveyed were satisfied).
At the time of the survey, the majority of the subjects preferred the tempera-
ture to stay the same or to be slightly cooler. The warmer the sensation votes
indicated, the lower the subjects preferred the temperature to be. These find-
ings are similar to the pattern of results from many previous surveys, such
as Nicol (1972), Woolard (1980), Sharma and Ali (1986), Malick (1996),
Malama (1997), Nicol et al. (1994) and Heidari (2000; 2006). This study
corresponded with the findings of other previous field studies in terms of
relationships between indoor-air and neutral temperatures. The neutral tem-
perature (Tn) was dependent on the indoor temperature (Tin) based on the
following equation:
Tn = 0.62 Tin + 10.6°C (25 ≤ Tin ≤ 37.5)
5.5 Temperature variation survey

As explained in section 5.3, in order to investigate the variations in the
temperature in vernacular houses in Yazd, seven representative typical tradi-
tional central-courtyard houses were selected, and temperature recordings
were carried out in various spaces within them during a typical hot period.
Table 5.14 presents a summary of the temperature recordings in one of these
case-study houses (Lariha House). Lariha House is a one-storey central-
courtyard earth house, built some 135 years ago (Figure 5.7). Figures 5.8
and 5.9 illustrate the location of the data loggers on a plan and section of
the house.
The findings from the temperature variation and thermal comfort surveys
revealed that in all of the selected case-study houses none of the passively
cooled ground-floor rooms (even those equipped with a wind-catcher) could
supply comfortable indoor temperatures (i.e. between 25°C and 30°C) to
inhabitants throughout an entire typical hot summer day. The basement was
the only space in which the temperature fell within (or possibly below) the
comfort zone. This makes it clear why basements and underground living
rooms were traditionally used as alternative living spaces by inhabitants to
Table 5.14 Temperature ranges in Lariha House
Space Temperature
Mean Maximum Minimum Swing
Outdoor 35.5 43 28 15
Summer room 34.9 39 30 9
Courtyard 33.5 43.5 26.5 17
Winter room 35.1 40.5 32 8.5
Basement 23.5 23.5 23 0.5
Figure 5.7 A view of Lariha House
Figure 5.8 Plan of Lariha House and the location of the data loggers
Figure 5.9 Section of Lariha House and the location of the data loggers
stay comfortable. The average temperatures in the basements were substan-

tially and continuously below the mean outdoor temperature, suggesting
that the basement could be a permanent source of cooling and a place for
seeking shelter from hot summer days. In almost all cases, the temperature
fluctuation in the basement was the smallest compared to the other spaces
in the house. This could be due to the fact that basements by definition are
below ground level and coupled with the earth. The small swings of tempera-
ture in basements might also be the result of the basement’s depth, small
window sizes and location in the house, and the low level of ventilation
in them.
In almost all of the ground-floor spaces in which measurements were
taken, the mean indoor temperatures were below the mean outdoor tempera-
ture. This shows that the surveyed buildings reduced the temperature in
the ground-floor rooms by means of vernacular passive cooling systems,
though not enough to bring it down within the comfort zone. Summer rooms
(north-facing rooms) showed slightly lower mean temperatures compared
to winter rooms. The winter rooms were exposed to direct sun for a large
portion of summer days and tended to have higher temperatures. This justi-
fies why there has, traditionally and climatically, been a distinction between
summer and winter rooms, as indicated by Von Hardenberg (1982), Fethi
and Roaf (1986), Roaf (1988), Taghi (1990), Kheirabadi (1991), Memarian
(1998), Schoenauer (2000), Bonine (2000), Memarian and Brown (2006)
and Nicol (2008).
Generally, the fluctuation of temperatures inside the rooms was substan-
tially below the outdoor temperature swing, suggesting that the massive
structure of the houses modulates and stabilises the indoor temperature.
Wherever there was a lack or shortage of ventilation in a space (because
of closed doors, windows, etc.), the temperature proved to be more stable.
The peak temperatures in ground-floor rooms were lower than the outdoor
peak temperature. The reduction in the peak indoor temperature leads to a
reduction in the peak cooling load, which could eventually result in a decrease
in the peak electricity demand; this is very advantageous in hot regions
because it could help prevent cutbacks or reductions in electric power
use. However, the impact of the reduction in peak indoor temperatures in
summer on peak electricity demand is a subject that needs further rigorous
investigation.
The courtyards of the surveyed houses showed dissimilar temperature
performances in this study. The swing in temperature in the courtyard was
found to be either less or more than that of the outdoor temperature in
different cases. The ratio of the area of the courtyard to the height of the
surrounding rooms, the orientation of the courtyard, the amount of vegeta-
tion and even the existence of openings to the basement seem to be influen-
tial in the range of temperatures that a courtyard provides. This can be an
area of further research. The temperature variation survey also showed that
the fluctuation of temperature in the loggia was less than that of the outdoor
temperature, but more than that of the indoor temperature. The only period
of time when the temperatures in the courtyard and the loggia were found
to be within or close to the comfort zone was between evening and the early
morning hours. This explains why the courtyard and loggia were tradition-
ally used as living, sitting or resting areas in the evening and early in the
morning during hot periods.
The recorded temperatures on rooftops fell within the comfort zone from
about midnight (or late evening) until early the following morning, explaining
why, in the past, rooftops were used for sleeping at night in hot summers.
5.6 Conclusions
The outcomes of the thermal comfort survey established a neutral temperature
of 28°C and a comfort-temperature range between 25°C and 30°C for the
residents of vernacular central-courtyard dwellings in Yazd. The analysis of
the results of the temperature recordings showed that vernacular houses
could not provide this temperature throughout an entire typical hot summer
day, except in their basements. However, these buildings could reduce space-
cooling requirements by means of vernacular passive cooling measures to the
point at which there was less (minimum or sometimes no longer any) need for
a conventional cooling system. This confirms that these buildings are, to a
great extent, climate-responsive and could help reduce peak electrical demand,
offset mechanical cooling with free cooling, and maintain adequate comfort
conditions. In line with the empirical study by Roaf (1988), the results of
this study showed that there was a variety of temperatures in the surveyed
houses, and different spaces in these houses performed differently in terms
of the temperature they provided. The diversity of spaces and the variety of
temperatures in the vernacular house offer the inhabitants the possibility
of selection and adaptation. The inhabitants can select different environ-
ments and adapt to the temperature (and in the space) they like most. This
leads, as Humphreys and Nicol (1998; 2008) noted, to easier achievement of
thermal comfort. It also confirms the assumptions made by many academics
in the field (such as Von Hardenberg, 1982; Taghi, 1990; Kheirabadi, 1991;
Memarian, 1998; Bonine, 2000; Schoenauer, 2000; Noghsan-Mohammadi,
2003; Foruzanmehr, 2006; Memarian and Brown, 2006) that vernacular
houses in the hot and dry climates of Iran help in providing thermal comfort.
However, since the climate of Yazd is extremely hot in summer, comfort in the
house, without the aid of mechanical cooling, is only possible to achieve by
moving around the house to take advantage of the most suitable of the diverse
climates at the appropriate time of the day. This involves the use of the roof
at night, the ground floor in the morning and evening and, more importantly,
the basement during the hottest time of the day, between noon and around
5:00–7:00pm, which agrees with the claim made by Roaf (1988, p.204) that
taking advantage of the micro-climates within the house during a summer
day has been an essential adaptation by traditional populations of hot desert
regions. However, the inconveniences attached to these movements in the
context of present-day lifestyles have led, to a great extent, either to the use
of electro-mechanical cooling or to the abandonment of these houses. These
inconveniences are further investigated and discussed in the following chapter.
Furthermore, the results suggest that a passively cooled vernacular house
in Yazd can provide a comfortable environment, but it can do so only if the
various strategies that make up the system are employed together and if
the residents use different parts of it at different times of the day. This
therefore means that if one strategy does not work or is abandoned, the
system as a whole will struggle to perform. The same conclusion was drawn
by Fethi and Roaf (1986, p.49), who state that if any of the factors change
too dramatically, the success of the entire concept is thrown into question.
More importantly, perhaps, it also means that the efficacy of the system as
a whole depends on the ability and willingness of the inhabitants to adapt their
lifestyle to it, for instance by engaging in a process of so-called ‘intra-mural
migration’ (Rapoport, 1969; Meir and Roaf, 2006) or ‘internal nomadism’
(Fardeheb, 1987) and by spending significant amounts of the daytime in the
basement. If such an ability or willingness is not present, thermal comfort
cannot be achieved. In order to understand the extent to which passively
cooled vernacular houses in Yazd can today provide thermal comfort, it is thus
essential to complement the information on the environmental performance
of the various systems with an understanding of the inhabitants’ current
perceptions, attitudes and behaviour in relation to them.
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6 Perception and use of vernacular
passive cooling systems
The way in which the contemporary lifestyles of the inhabitants of Yazd

relate to the vernacular passive cooling systems was principally investigated
through a questionnaire survey and interviews, as well as through observation.
6.1 Data collection

In the summer of 2008, 360 questionnaires were administered to three sample
groups in the city of Yazd. The first sample was composed of the inhabitants
of a traditional neighbourhood (Fahadan) who were living in vernacular
houses and were thus the actual users of passive cooling systems. The second
and third samples consisted of inhabitants of a non-traditional neighbour-
hood (Safaiyeh) who were living in non-traditional courtyard houses and
blocks of flats respectively. These two samples thus constituted the potential
users of vernacular passive cooling systems. In order to explore the findings
in more detail, the questionnaires were followed up by in-depth semi-
structured interviews with a subsample of the questionnaire respondents
and local experts. Observations were carried out throughout the fieldwork
period. Activities, spatial patterns, architectural designs, and levels of use and
maintenance were documented in the form of photographs, plans, drawings
and written notes; for more information, refer to Foruzanmehr (2010). For
reasons of time, access and resources, the fieldwork period was restricted to
the summers of 2007 and 2008.
6.2 Cooling method selection: vernacular passive versus

electro-mechanical
The results of the questionnaire survey show that, in spite of their widespread
distribution in vernacular buildings, vernacular passive cooling systems
(VPCSs) are not commonly used as a current means of cooling in Yazd. The
most commonly used cooling method to deal with indoor heat, used by
about 90% of all respondents, was electro-mechanical evaporative (swamp)
coolers. In addition, the respondents preferred air-conditioning systems
to natural and passive systems. The widespread usage of such evaporative
142 Perception and use of VPCSs
coolers in both traditional and non-traditional neighbourhoods suggests that
these systems might be more effective, responsive and convenient than the
vernacular passive ones. In order to verify this suggestion, which has also
been put forward by Roaf (1988), Heidarinejad et al. (2008), Bahadori
et al. (2008) and Nahar et al. (2003), the perception of the contemporary
inhabitants of Yazd in relation to vernacular passive cooling systems is
explored in the following sections.
As explained in Chapter 3, central courtyards, loggias, distinct summer
and winter rooms, basements, thick walls and wind-catchers are the main
domestic vernacular passive cooling systems in the hot and arid regions of
central Iran. The results of the survey indicate that basements, massive walls
and central courtyards existed in more than 90% of the research respondents’
vernacular houses. The high percentage suggests that these three vernacular
passive cooling systems were indispensable elements of the vernacular houses
in Yazd. In addition, of the respondents living in vernacular houses, 69%
claimed they had distinct seasonal rooms; 51% mentioned they had loggias;
and some 40% said they had wind-catchers in their houses (Table 6.1). These
results diverge from the claim made by Memarian (2007, p.301) that loggias
are present in almost all traditional houses in Yazd. The reason behind this
difference might be that some of the loggias in houses in Yazd were turned
into central rooms by placing sash windows in front of them. This solution
additionally avoided dust, added to the beauty of the house and made the
space usable in winter.
Of the vernacular houses in this research, only 3% did not have basements,
because the ground was too hard to be dug and excavated. Interestingly, the
results showed that most traditional houses did not possess wind-catchers.
Large and elaborate wind-catchers were only for well-to-do families; they
were expensive to build and maintain, and hence ordinary households could
not afford to have them. Although 40% may still be considered a significant
number, this figure suggests that, in spite of their popular representation, the
wind-catchers may not have been an essential element of the vernacular
cooling system. Instead, they may have been auxiliary to the rest of the
system (Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011). Furthermore, they were found to
Table 6.1 Ranking of VPCSs according to the percentage of the respondents who

had them in their houses in sample one
VPCSs Percentage of the respondents who

claimed they had the system (%)
1 Basements 97
2 Thick walls 94
3 Central courtyards 91
4 Distinct seasonal rooms 69
5 Loggias 51
6 Wind-catchers 40
Perception and use of VPCSs 143
be the most familiar VPCS by the residents of non-traditional houses.
The next most familiar element was the ‘central courtyard’, with which the
majority of the respondents were acquainted. The least known VPCS was
found to be ‘distinct seasonal rooms’, with which, however, at least more than
half of the respondents were acquainted.
6.3 Popularity of VPCSs

In order to find out which was the most popular vernacular cooling system,
respondents in all three samples were asked if they were to choose only one
VPCS (or method), what their choice would be . Analysis of the responses
showed that amongst the six main proposed vernacular passive cooling
systems (i.e. wind-catchers, central courtyards, basements, loggias, distinct
seasonal rooms and thick walls) courtyards were the most favoured. Some
34.8% of respondents voted for courtyards. The results also showed that
participants preferred to live in courtyard houses, rather than in flats. After
courtyards, distinct seasonal rooms and wind-catchers were voted for by
19% and 17% of the respondents respectively; 8% of the respondents voted
for basements and loggias, whereas no one selected thick (mud-brick) walls.
Table 6.2 summarises and ranks the different vernacular cooling systems
according to the percentage of the respondents who claimed they would
choose the system.
In order to find out what factors have affected the popularity of VPCSs,
and to assess the usability of these systems in present-day dwellings, the
comments and opinions of their actual and prospective users were collected,
investigated and analysed. The questionnaire sought to discover respond-
ents’ likes and dislikes concerning VPCSs and also vernacular houses. The
focus was on the identification of positive and negative aspects of VPCSs, as
well as differences in the users’ perceptions among the three samples – sample
one: inhabitants of traditional central-courtyard houses, sample two: resi-
dents of new courtyard houses, and sample three: inhabitants of flats and
blocks of flats. The stated positive and negative comments on the systems
have been grouped and displayed in relevant tables. They are ranked in terms
Table 6.2 The popularity of vernacular cooling systems
Cooling system/method Percentage of the respondents who

claimed they would use the system (%)
1 Central courtyards 34.8

2 Distinct seasonal rooms 19
3 Wind-catchers 17
4 Basements 8
5 Loggias 8
6 Thick mud-brick walls 0
of the frequency of response. The findings are presented in the following
sections.
6.4 Central courtyard: for and against

In order to find out whether or not the respondents of the questionnaire
liked central courtyards, an optional yes-or-no question (i.e. ‘Do you like
central courtyards?’) was used. Table 6.3 shows the frequency and percentage
of ‘yes’, ‘no’ and blank answers to this question, where F is the frequency of
the answers and % is their percentage. It shows that, in total, 75.8% of the
respondents liked central courtyards, 12.1% did not like them, and 12.1%
did not answer this question.
The figures in Table 6.3 reveal that, in the first sample, 91.4% of the
respondents liked central courtyards, whereas only 62.5% and 70% of
the respondents in sample three and two respectively liked these spaces.
These figures display a greater level of inclination toward central courtyards
among those living in traditional houses than among inhabitants of non-
traditional houses and flats.
6.4.1 Statements on positive aspects

Following on from the optional yes-or-no question, the respondents were
asked to come up with their personal views and to note down the two main
positives about central courtyards; these are displayed in Table 6.4.
As can be seen, among the total 282 positive comments made across the
three samples (and also in each individual sample), the most frequently
stated positive point about central courtyards was the perception of their
being ‘serene, aesthetically beautiful and having natural features’, comprising
39.4% of the positive comments. It can be suggested that this attribute is the
main positive feature of central courtyards, as perceived by the population
under scrutiny.
Table 6.3 Responses to the question: ‘Do you like central courtyards?’
Whole sample Traditional Non-traditional
Sample 1 Sample 2 Sample 3

Central-courtyard New courtyard Flats
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Yes 150 75.8 64 91.4 56 70 30 62.5

No 24 12.1 2 2.9 11 13.8 11 22.9
Blank 24 12.1 4 5.7 13 16.3 7 14.6
Total 198 100 70 100 80 100 48 100
Table 6.4 Main positive points about central courtyards

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Serene and 111 39.4 52 44.8 42 40.4 17 27.4

aesthetically
beautiful, having
natural features
Benefited from 51 18.1 22 19 18 17.3 11 17.7
fresh and cool air
Suitable as a 31 11 14 12.1 7 6.7 10 16.1
get-together or
alternative living
space
Providing a sense 31 11 10 8.6 15 14.4 6 9.7
of privacy and
safety
Naturally lit 27 9.6 10 8.6 12 11.5 5 8.1
Usable as a 17 6 6 5.2 4 3.8 7 11.3
playground for
children
Accessible from 6 2.1 2 1.7 2 1.9 2 3.2
living rooms
Other 8 2.8 0 0 4 3.8 4 6.5
Total 282 100 116 100 104 100 62 100
The second highest number of comments (18%) in the whole sample, and
also in each sample, referred to the ‘cool and fresh air provided in the central
courtyard’. Other positive points mentioned in the whole sample are as
follows:
• good as a get-together or alternative living space;

• giving a sense of privacy and safety;
• naturally lit.
Other positive comments about central courtyards were their ‘usability as

a playground for children’ and ‘accessibility from living rooms’. All of the
identified positive comments about the central courtyards are described and
explained in the following section.
6.4.2 Description of the statements on positive aspects of courtyards
The following are the main positive points stated about central courtyards
by the survey respondents and interviewees:
• Serene and aesthetically beautiful, having natural features

Courtyards are pleasant spaces in the house and attractive to view. The
greenery inside the house adds to the beauty of the house (in stark con-
trast to the dry desert outside). Courtyards are beautiful because of the
existence of decoration-like gardens and pools of water. They are pleas-
antly spacious. Flowers and trees provide a good view to surrounding
rooms. They are cheerful, restorative, uplifting, calming and relaxing,
with mental and spiritual effects. All rooms in a traditional central-
courtyard house easily enjoy the view of the courtyard because it is
located at a lower level. Courtyards are nice places for resting, because
of the trees and flowers planted in them. As a focal point of a house,
the courtyard make the building interesting, by giving inhabitants an
easy direct access to nature, as well as a living space in summer. Gardens
bring nature into the house and can be decorated to the taste of the
inhabitants.
• Benefited from fresh and cool air
Pools of water and greenery in a central courtyard help refresh and
moisturise the air, making the space more tolerable in hot summers.
Fresh cool breezes from the courtyard cool the house and provide better
air quality and ventilation. The courtyard acts as a modifier to and
buffer zone against the hot air from the desert.
• Suitable as a get-together or alternative living space
The central courtyard is an open space suitable for resting, sleeping
and recreation in warm seasons. It can give a sense of change and variety
to inhabitants when it is used alongside other indoor living spaces.
Courtyards are spacious enough for different activities such as recreation
and sports, and for families to get together in them. They have been
created just by the arrangement of the rooms, without constructing any
extra walls.
• Sense of privacy and safety
Central courtyards are private open-to-sky spaces inside a house which
cannot be overlooked or overseen by passers-by. Protected and flanked
by the building, they do not afford public access and view. In inward-
looking central-courtyard houses, the available views of the courtyard
from all the interior spaces of the house increase the feeling of safety
and security for inhabitants.
• Naturally lit
The central courtyard gets a sufficient amount of natural light and acts
as a source of natural light for surrounding rooms. Rooms with large
windows and doors onto the central courtyard are well lit by the sun.
Good levels of natural light help in reducing electricity usage and,
therefore, save energy.
• Other less frequently stated positive statements
Central courtyards are safer playgrounds for children than areas outside
the house. They are easily accessible and observable from all rooms
in the house. They are spacious and suitable for walking in. They are
open to the sky, so that at night stars can be seen.
6.4.3 Statements on negative aspects

Comments about the negative aspects of central courtyards are summarised,
ranked and listed in Table 6.5.
Table 6.5 Main negative comments about central courtyards

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Dusty and difficult 61 39.1 28 46.7 17 28.3 16 44.4

to maintain/keep
clean
Land intensive and 28 17.9 2 3.3 21 35 5 13.9
non-economical
Improper 17 10.9 12 20 4 6.7 1 2.8
transitional space/
layout
Energy inefficient 12 7.7 2 3.3 7 11.7 3 8.3
Lack of safety and 9 5.8 2 3.3 1 1.7 6 16.7
privacy
Limited usability 6 3.8 4 6.7 1 1.7 1 2.8
Enclosed and 6 3.8 2 3.3 4 6.7 0 0
depressing
Inapplicable to new 5 3.2 0 0 3 5 2 5.6
legislation/lifestyle
Technical – 4 2.6 4 6.7 0 0 0 0
structural problems
Vermin 3 1.9 2 3.3 0 0 1 2.8
Other 5 3.2 2 3.3 2 3.3 1 2.8
Total 156 100 60 100 60 100 36 100
The figures in the table reveal that within the three samples the main
criticisms of central courtyards were directed towards the following issues:
• dusty and difficult to maintain/clean up (39.1% of the comments);

• land intensive and non-economical (17.9% of the comments);
• improper transitional space/layout (10.9% of the comments).
In addition, concerns appeared to centre upon ‘energy inefficiency’, ‘lack of

safety and privacy’, ‘limited usability’ and the ‘enclosed and depressing’
nature of central courtyards. Other less frequently stated negative comments
about central courtyards were their ‘inapplicability to new legislation and
lifestyles’ and ‘technical structural issues’, and ‘the existence of vermin’ in
traditional central courtyards.
6.4.4 Description of the statements on negative aspects

The grouping of major negative points stated by the respondents across
three samples and the interviewees is as follows:
• Dusty and difficult to maintain/keep clean

A central courtyard is open to the sky and simply gets dusty. There is no
control on dust, rain and snow entering the courtyard, particularly in a
desert city like Yazd. It is difficult for inhabitants to clean up and clear
the dust away. It needs to be cleaned regularly at short intervals. People
with modern lifestyles, especially, find it difficult to tidy up the large
dusty courtyards. Housewives who also work outside the home would
not have time to keep the courtyard clean. It is also difficult to maintain
the garden. The maintenance costs are very high and not affordable for
most families. Watering the garden and plants is expensive.
• Land intensive and non-economical
Central courtyards are very large and occupy a lot of space and land. The
price of land is high. New plot areas are small. When land is designated
to courtyards, the size of the lateral living spaces has to be reduced.
Diminishing the area of the interior spaces of the house to have land-
intensive courtyards is not an optimised use of land. The incorporation
of a large courtyard is not economical and sometimes not feasible for
small units.
• Improper transitional space/layout
In traditional houses, the living spaces are scattered around the central
courtyard, which works as a transitional space connecting living spaces
– lavatories and bathrooms. Residents of traditional houses would have
to pass through the courtyard in order to go to another room. They
have to go up and down the steps because of the different levels at which
the courtyard and rooms are located. This movement is particularly
difficult during cold winter and hot summer days. In addition, it would
be hard to move furniture through the courtyard to other rooms, and
also to take maintenance tools into the central courtyard from outside.
• Energy inefficient
The rooms and living spaces around a central courtyard are directly
connected to and exposed to the outdoor weather; this is not an energy-
efficient design, since doors open directly onto the courtyard and too-
cold or too-hot air in winter and summer (respectively) would enter the
rooms. More energy would be required to warm up or cool down
the rooms to provide comfort, which would therefore be more expensive.
• Lack of safety and privacy
If more than one family lived in a traditional house, the courtyard
would not be efficiently usable due to issues of overlooking, privacy and
religious problems; the privacy of the occupants of the rooms around
the courtyard would also be endangered by direct views of the rooms
from the courtyard. In addition, in general, there are also lower levels of
security in traditional central-courtyard buildings compared to flats.
• Limited usability
A traditional central courtyard is not usable in all seasons (i.e. when it
is too hot or too cold). It can become slippery for passing through in
winter when it snows or freezes.
• Enclosed and depressing
Central courtyards are fully closed and surrounded by rooms or lofty
walls on four sides. There is no view to the outside, and this gives a
depressing feeling.
• Other less frequent negative statements
Central courtyards in traditional houses are large and costly to light at
night. They have a garden and a pool of water which could potentially
be sources of damp to the foundations of the house. Vermin exist in
them. Central courtyards are not practical in new conventional north–
south building orientations.
6.5 Loggia: for and against

In order to find out whether or not the respondents to the questionnaire
survey liked to have loggias in their dwellings, an optional yes-or-no question
(i.e. ‘Do you like loggias?’) was asked. Table 6.6 demonstrates the frequency
(F) and the percentage (%) of positive, negative and blank answers to the
question.
The table shows that, of the total of 208 responses, 67% of the respondents
liked and 22% did not like loggias, and 11% did not answer this question.
The figures in the table show a contrast between samples one and three, so
that while the majority of respondents in traditional dwellings are in favour
of loggias, these traditional spaces are less favoured by residents of flats. This
may relate to the reduced use of loggias in Iranian non-traditional residential
buildings.
Table 6.6 Responses to the question: ‘Do you like loggias?’

Central-courtyard New courtyard Flats
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Yes 139 67 62 89 54 67 23 40
No 46 22 6 8 19 24 21 36
Blank 23 11 2 3 7 9 14 24
Total 208 100 70 100 80 100 58 100

In order to explore the main positive and negative points about loggias,
respondents were asked to note down two main things they liked (i.e.
positive points) and two they disliked (i.e. negative points) about loggias.
Table 6.7 summarises, groups and ranks the main positive comments about
the loggias stated by the research respondents (according to the frequency
of mention), where F is the frequency of the comments and % is their
percentage.
As can be seen, amongst the comments made across three samples, the
most frequently stated positive remark about loggias is ‘pleasantly spacious/
commodious (delbaz) with a good view onto the courtyard’ (32.7% of
votes). The loggia, according to the respondents to the questionnaires and
interviewees, is a pleasantly spacious, nice and restorative place from where
the courtyard and its beautiful features (i.e. the garden and pool of water)
are in sight; it gives a sense of closeness and proximity to nature, and it is
easily accessible from the courtyard, providing a good view to the clear sky.
The second most frequently stated positive remark about loggias is their
suitability for both resting and getting together (25.3% of votes). The loggia,
as stated by the research respondents, is a semi-open space suitable for
sitting, relaxing, resting, sleeping and even receiving guests in summer; it
works as a living room during summer nights and is a place for a family to
get together; it is big enough to hold events and parties involving large
numbers of people.
The third most frequently stated positive remark about loggias is the
availability of fresh and cool air in them (21.7% of votes). The loggia, as
perceived by the respondents to the questionnaires and interviewees, is
comfortably usable in summer from sunset to the following day’s noon; it
is simply and naturally cooled by the air provided by a wind-catcher or by
sprinkling water on the flooring bricks (which reduces the need for cooling
devices and contributes to energy saving).
Table 6.7 Positive comments about loggias

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Pleasantly spacious/ 71 32.7 28 29.8 27 36 16 33.3

commodious (delbaz)
with a good view
onto the courtyard
Multi-functional 55 25.3 26 27.7 15 20 14 29.2
space for resting and
getting together
Having fresh and 47 21.7 26 27.7 10 13.3 11 22.9
cool air
Contributing to 15 6.9 8 8.5 4 5.3 3 6.3
energy saving
Well lit/shaded 9 4.1 0 0 6 8 3 6.3
Open space 5 2.3 0 0 4 5.3 1 2.1
Usable in different 4 1.8 0 0 4 5.3 0 0
seasons
Easily connected to 7 3.2 4 4.3 3 4 0 0
courtyard/other rooms
Other 4 1.8 2 2.1 2 2.7 0 0
Total 217 100 94 100 75 100 48 100
The order of the first three positive points in each sample is the same as in
the whole sample, as mentioned above. Contributing to energy saving
(6.9%), well lit/shaded (4.1%), open space (2.3%) were the next most
frequently mentioned positive points. According to the research respondents,
the loggia is naturally well lit during the day but sheltered from direct
sunshine; it is an open space but at the same time covered and suitable for
sitting in; it is accessible from the courtyard and from rooms of the house; it
can be used as a place for drying and airing the washing.
As can be seen, a variety of positive aspects has been attributed to loggias.
These can be grouped under more general headings such as aesthetic, eco-
nomic, social and psychological factors, as well as features such as spacious-
ness, functionality, practicality and thermal comfort. The multiplicity of
positive attributes can justify why the loggia is liked by the majority of the
research respondents. It also implies that the local people have maintained
certain positive connections to such traditional architectural features, and
therefore they may revert to adopting them in their living environments.
Table 6.8 illustrates the main negative comments about loggias. It shows
that, among a total of 112 negative comments made across three samples,
the most frequently stated negative point was ‘dustiness’ and ‘difficulty of
maintenance’ (27.7% of the comments). According to the respondents to
the questionnaires, the loggia is exposed to (and not protected from) dust
and has to be regularly (daily) cleaned. Dusting is time-consuming and
difficult. Vermin cannot be prevented from entering the loggia, and flying
bugs are unpleasant for occupants.
The ‘limited usability’ and ‘land intensiveness and low space-efficiency’
were respectively the second and third most frequently stated negative
points. The loggia, as stated by the respondents to the questionnaires, is
not comfortable and usable all year round (such as in very cold or hot
periods); in summer, for instance, it is only usable during particular hours
of the day. According to the research respondents, the loggia lacks control
over light and temperature and sometimes gets over-illuminated; it is less
used compared to rooms and other indoor spaces; it takes up space which is
Table 6.8 Negative comments about loggias

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Dusty and difficult 31 27.7 14 43.8 10 21.7 7 20.6

to keep clean
Having limited 30 26.8 10 31.3 12 26.1 8 23.5
usability
Land intensive and 25 22.3 6 18.8 10 21.7 9 26.5
low space-efficient
Lacking control over 9 8 0 0 7 15.2 2 5.9
climatic conditions
and privacy
Inapplicable to 7 6.3 0 0 5 10.9 2 5.9
modern dwellings
Having bugs, insects 6 5.4 2 6.3 1 2.2 3 8.8
and vermin
Dangerous for 3 2.7 0 0 1 2.2 2 5.9
toddlers and children
Other 1 0.9 0 0 0 0 1 2.9
Total 112 100 32 100 46 100 34 100
not necessary for new lifestyles; therefore, it is a waste of land and not
economical. In addition, as the surveyed population claimed, the loggia is
only appropriate for large houses with big or extended families. Moreover,
traditional loggias are always located higher than the courtyard level,
without any railing in between, and this is a potential hazard for toddlers
and children. If the house were occupied by several families, loggias would
not be usable because of the lack of complete visual privacy (required by
culture and religion) in them.
As is shown in Table 6.8, the other less frequently mentioned negative points
about loggias were their ‘lack of control over climatic conditions’ (8%),
‘inapplicability to modern dwellings’ (6.3%), ‘existence of bugs, insects and
vermin’ (6%) and ‘being dangerous for toddlers and children’ (3%).
The comments grouped in Table 6.8 can be put under more general
headings, including ‘inconvenient’, ‘impractical’ and ‘uneconomic’. The
inconvenience factor seems to be the main obstacle for using loggias, but all
the identified issues combined have affected the perception and use of loggias
these days. The findings are completely in line with Rezvan (2010), who
believes that the main reasons for the declining use of semi-open spaces in
Iranian architecture are social, economic and technological. It seems that
the drawbacks and obstacles – attributed to loggias – have collectively created
a gap between traditional loggias and present-day life requirements. This
gap has made loggias under-utilised and unworkable in people’s daily lives.
The only way to reverse the trend seems to involve the elimination of the
identified obstacles and problems, either through a change in the nature
of these spaces or by making a change in people’s lifestyles. While the latter
is unlikely but possible, the former is more practicable in the light of
technological advances.
6.5.3 Summary of findings on traditional loggias

The loggia is a very popular and likeable space within the house, and a
common spatial element on the south side of vernacular dwellings in Yazd.
The research has identified the users’ perceptions of loggias and highlighted
a multiplicity of positive and negative factors attributed to these spaces.
Positive aspects vary from aesthetic, economic, psychological and well-being
to thermal-comfort factors. The existence of these aspects shows that loggias
were created to serve various requirements and justifies why these spaces are
liked by Yazdi people. However, most of the likeable advantages of loggias
originate from their adjoining courtyards. The existence of a loggia deeply
depends on the presence of the private central courtyard. The demise of such
a courtyard (with its greenery, water features and high privacy levels) in
present-day architecture means that the loggia has lost most of its relevance
and is probably destined to vanish. A range of negative aspects and draw-
backs has also been attributed to loggias. The study shows that these spaces
are perceived to be inconvenient, uneconomic and often impractical. These
negative aspects, together with the fact that loggias are not well adapted to
contemporary architecture and lifestyles, have outweighed the advantages
of loggias and put a stop to their use in new housing developments. Every
one of the negative factors (identified in this research) has been influential,
and the degree and nature of their influence can be subjects for further
research. In order to re-establish the utility of loggias, all their attributes
should be holistically taken into consideration and adjusted accordingly. If
the drawbacks are overcome, improved loggias can be incorporated into the
design of new homes, to make them more pleasant and less reliant on electro-
mechanical cooling. In particular, with regard to the problem of inappli-
cability to modern dwellings, the solution might lie in flexible spaces that can
alternate between semi-open (i.e. a loggia) and closed (i.e. a room) according
to external conditions. With movable and adjustable walls, a room can fully
or partially convert into a loggia. Thereby, residents will have a wider choice;
they can either enjoy the advantages of having a loggia, when the weather is
favourable, or turn it back into a room when it is too hot or cold. Required
privacy levels can be achieved by using mobile folding screens or similar
movable partitions, while the greenery can be provided by growing plants in
small containers. They only need to be movable.
6.6 Seasonal rooms: for and against

Using an optional yes-or-no question, the questionnaire respondents were
asked whether or not they liked distinct seasonal rooms (separate summer
and winter rooms). Table 6.9 presents the number and percentage of ‘yes’,
‘no’ and blank answers to this question, where F is the frequency of answers
and % is the percentage.
As can be seen from the table, in the whole sample, 55% of the respondents
did like and 29.3% did not like to have ‘distinct seasonal rooms’ in their
Table 6.9 Responses to the question: ‘Do you like to have distinct seasonal
rooms?’

Central- New courtyard Flats
courtyard houses
houses
F % F % F % F %
Yes 109 55 48 68.6 41 51.3 20 41.7

No 58 29.3 10 14.3 25 31.3 23 47.9
Blank 31 15.7 12 17.1 14 17.5 5 10.4
Total 198 100 70 100 80 100 48 100
houses, and 15.7% did not answer the question. The figures in Table 6.9
show that, in sample one, having distinct seasonal rooms is favoured by
the majority of the respondents, whereas in sample three the number of
people who did not like to have distinct seasonal rooms exceeds the number
of those who did. This is probably because the provision of separate summer
and winter quarters is highly unlikely in flats and so these residents might not
have the opportunity to experience the pleasure (or displeasure) of having
‘distinct seasonal rooms’.
6.6.1 Moving around the house to deal with indoor heat and cold
The findings show that about half of the respondents in sample one dealt
with the indoor heat (or cold temperatures) in their houses by moving to
cooler (or warmer) spaces in the house respectively. In addition, the results
indicate that respondents in traditional dwellings move around their houses
to achieve comfort much more than those living in non-traditional buildings.
The research shows that the tradition of the seasonal use of rooms in the
vernacular house as a way of adapting to cold weather (in search of a better
thermal condition) still exists in some of the vernacular houses in the surveyed
traditional neighbourhood (Foruzanmehr, 2016), confirming the statements
previously claimed by many scholars.
6.6.2 The main positive points about having distinct

seasonal rooms
Following from the optional yes-or-no question, a semi-open question
enquired about the two main positive and negative points that the respond-
ents wished to express about the idea of having distinct seasonal rooms. The
positive responses to this question are summarised and ranked according to
frequency of mention in Table 6.10.
In total, 182 positive comments were made in the whole sample. The two
most frequently raised issues were ‘contributing to energy saving’ (34% of
comments) and ‘climatically appropriate design’ (33.5% of the comments).
This shows that the majority of the respondents were aware that having
‘distinct seasonal rooms’ would be a good climatic design strategy to save
energy. Considering the fact that energy saving here is the natural consequence
of an appropriate climatic design, the two categories can also be combined
together (67.6% of comments).
The next most frequently stated remark (with 20.3% of the comments)
was the sense of change and renewal provided by moving between separate
seasonal rooms. More use of and a closer relationship to nature was another
less frequently stated positive remark (8.8% of the comments).
Table 6.10 Positive comments on distinct seasonal rooms

courtyard houses
houses
F % F % F % F %
Contributing to 62 34.1 24 30 22 34.4 16 42.1

energy saving
Climatically 61 33.5 26 32.5 28 43.8 7 18.4
appropriate design
Giving a sense of 37 20.3 20 25 10 15.6 7 18.4
change and renewal
Using and adapting 16 8.8 6 7.5 4 6.3 6 15.8
to nature
Other 6 3.3 4 5 0 0 2 5.3
Total 182 100 80 100 64 100 38 100

The groupings of the main positive points stated by the respondents in all
three samples and by the interviewees are as follows:
• Contributing to energy saving

The use of distinct summer and winter rooms reduces cooling and heating
loads in a building by decreasing the use of heating and cooling equipment.
This results in a significant reduction in energy (gas, fuel and electricity)
consumption, which consequently lowers the energy cost.
• Climatically appropriate design
The use of distinct summer and winter rooms is a form of adaptation to
climate and seasonal change. It takes advantage of the shade in summer
and the sun in winter. Having low ceilings and receiving direct sun, winter
rooms can be more easily warmed up. Summer rooms, by contrast, are
shaded and have higher ceilings. They provide inhabitants with moderate
and pleasant temperatures during hot summer periods.
• Giving a sense of change and renewal
Moving seasonally from summer rooms to winter rooms and back
gives a pleasant sense of change and renewal. Variety in and the trans-
formation of the living space (even by different arrangements of furni-
ture) can be inspiring. The existence of a large number of rooms and
multiple living spaces gives a good feeling (of having more choice) to
residents.
• Using and adapting to nature
Moving seasonally is a method for better employment of natural
energies and for being with nature. It is an optimised use of nature and
a form of adaptation to climate.
6.6.4 The main negative points about having distinct

seasonal rooms
Table 6.11 reveals the main negative statements about having distinct
seasonal rooms, as made by the respondents in all three samples and by the
interviewees.
In total, 134 negative points were mentioned. The two highest-frequency
negative points were directed towards the following issues:
• difficult seasonal moving (29.1% of the comments);

• low space efficiency (27.6% of the comments).
Following on from the first two main negative points, there was addi-
tionally the ‘high cost’ (with 17.2% of the comments) and ‘limited usability’
(with 14.2% of the comments). Furthermore, concerns also appeared to
centre upon the ‘difficulty of access’ to both summer and winter rooms (with
4.5% of the comments) and their ‘unsuitability for present-day requirements’
(with 3.7% of the comments).
Table 6.11 Negative comments on distinct seasonal rooms

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Difficult seasonal 39 29.1 20 52.6 12 21.8 7 17.1

moving
Low space efficiency 37 27.6 6 15.8 15 27.3 16 39
High cost 23 17.2 6 15.8 11 20 6 14.6
Limited usability 19 14.2 4 10.5 11 20 4 9.8
Difficult access 6 4.5 0 0 5 9.1 1 2.4
Unsuitable for 5 3.7 0 0 0 0 5 12.2
present-day
requirements
Other 5 3.7 2 5.3 1 1.8 2 4.9
Total 134 100 38 100 55 100 41 100
The following is a grouping of the major negative comments on having
‘distinct seasonal rooms’ made by the survey respondents and interviewees:
• Difficult seasonal moving

Seasonal moving, as a requirement in traditional central-courtyard
houses, is difficult, time-consuming and damaging. Moving the furniture
twice a year is damaging to it. Some of the articles are too heavy or too
fragile to be carried. The seasonal migration to other rooms is tiring
and tiresome; the furniture needs to be rearranged in the new room, and
furnishing extra space is usually required.
• Low space efficiency
Having distinct seasonal rooms requires a large land area. The extra
room in the wrong season is not usable but takes up a lot of space
and land. It is not feasible to have separate seasonal rooms in modern
small buildings/building plots (where land parcels are too small and the
shortage of land is problematic).
• High cost
It is not economical to have distinct seasonal rooms because more
spaces have to be allocated; therefore, the initial cost of the buildings
will be higher. Expensive land and material are wasted when a room is
not usable for part of the year. It also imposes extra maintenance, equip-
ment and furniture costs. Inhabitants need to move the building services
and furniture or have them on both sides. It is also costly to maintain
the comfort of all rooms. It is not affordable for everyone.
Occupancy of the seasonal room is limited to the proper season.
Seasonal rooms are not usable all year round: summer rooms are not
usable in winter and vice versa.
• Difficult access
Seasonal rooms are located on different sides of a courtyard. Rooms are
remote from the kitchen, bathroom and each other. It is necessary to
pass through the courtyard to access other spaces in the house. There is
also a change in level of about one metre between the courtyard and
rooms. Moving from the rooms to the kitchen and bathroom, and also
between rooms, is difficult. This is more problematic in winter, when
the courtyard is very cold and the floor is icy and slippery.
• Unsuitability for modern requirements
The existence of separate summer and winter rooms does not match
present-day requirements and modern lifestyles. New houses and flats
do not provide such spaces.
6.6.6 Summary of findings on distinct seasonal rooms

The choice of a room as a living space was traditionally determined by its
thermal profile at any particular time of the day or year. The findings indicate
that the tradition of the seasonal use of rooms still exists in some vernacular
houses in Yazd. However, the study shows that seasonal migration within
the traditional house is perceived to be inconvenient and uneconomic. The
use of ‘distinct seasonal rooms’ has, therefore, been abandoned in non-
traditional houses, and also because these buildings are now equipped with
(and increasingly reliant on) mechanical cooling and ventilation systems
(Foruzanmehr, 2016). Consequently, the residents do not need to move their
living spaces in search of comfortable internal conditions.
A variety of positive and negative factors has been identified and attri-
buted to the existence and use of distinct seasonal rooms in the house.
Positive factors include a better adaptation to the climate, energy saving and
giving a sense of change and renewal. The drawbacks comprise the difficulty
of seasonal migration, low space efficiency, high cost, limited usability and
difficulty of access. By removing the identified drawbacks, the traditional
concept of ‘having different rooms for different climatic conditions’, and the
way in which people have traditionally viewed such rooms in relation to
the climate, can create a valuable alternative for future habitation planning
in these areas. Perhaps the time has now arrived to rethink the balance
between space efficiency and energy efficiency in architectural designs. At
a time of energy crisis, the increase in the size of the dwelling to allow for
extra rooms (or spaces), and the design of flexible spaces with movable
rooms and components, can seriously be considered as a means to achieve
the required comfort level in a harsh climate. In so doing, the space and its
flexibility can compensate for the energy required to provide comfortable
indoor environments (Foruzanmehr, 2016).
6.7 Basements: for and against

The review of the literature showed that the basement was one of the main
cooling systems and components of traditional houses in the hot and arid
regions of central Iran. This was largely confirmed by the results of the study,
which indicated that basements existed in more than 97% of the research
respondents in vernacular houses. Of the vernacular houses in this research,
only 3% did not have basements, purely because the ground was too hard to
be dug and excavated. In addition, the thermal comfort and temperature
variation investigations showed that basements were the only spaces which
could provide substantially cooler indoor temperatures in summer, account-
ing for the fact that dwellers traditionally used these spaces as afternoon
living quarters. These results suggest that the basement is an indispensable
element of the vernacular architecture in Yazd. However, the findings para-
doxically show that, among the residents of vernacular dwellings, 88% used
electro-mechanical evaporative coolers to deal with indoor heat, while only
8% claimed they used basements to cool themselves. The reasons behind the
under-utilisation of the basement as a cooling system are examined through
research on the perceptions of the inhabitants.
Table 6.12 Responses to the question: ‘Do you like to have a cellar or basement in
your dwelling?’

courtyard houses
houses
F % F % F % F %
Yes 139 70.2 62 88.6 54 67.5 23 47.9

No 46 23.2 6 8.6 19 23.8 21 43.8
Blank 13 6.6 2 2.9 7 8.8 4 8.3
Total 198 100 70 100 80 100 48 100
By using an optional yes-or-no question (i.e. ‘Do you like to have a cellar
or basement in your dwelling?’), respondents were asked if they liked or
disliked having a basement in their dwellings. Table 6.12 shows the frequency
(F) and percentage of the positive, negative and blank answers to this
question.
The table shows that, in total, around 70% of the respondents liked to
have basements in their dwellings, 23% did not like them and 6.6% did not
answer the question. The figures in Table 6.12 reveal that in the first sample
about 88.6% of the respondents liked to have basements in their dwellings,
whereas this proportion was significantly smaller in the other two non-
traditional samples. Only 67.5% and 47.9% of the respondents in samples
two and three respectively liked to have basements in their dwellings.

In order to find the main reasons to explain why basements are liked or dis-
liked, respondents were asked to write down two main advantages and
disadvantages of having basements. Table 6.13 summarises the main advan-
tages of basements stated by each sample, where F is the frequency of the
comments and % is the percentage.
Amongst the 259 spontaneous comments made across the three samples,
the most frequently stated positive remarks about basements were:
• providing a pleasantly cool space (37.5% of the comments);

• usable as a storage area (34.4% of the comments);
• usable as a resting and sleeping area (9.3% of the comments).
The modified temperature in the basement, with consequent potential energy

saving, and the sense of calmness existing in some basements were the next
most frequently stated positive points mentioned.
Table 6.13 Positive comments about basements
Whole Traditional Non-traditional

sample
Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Providing a 97 37.5 44 38.6 45 46.4 8 16.7

pleasantly cool space
Usable as a storage 89 34.4 46 40.4 28 28.9 15 31.3
area
Usable as a resting 24 9.3 6 5.3 9 9.3 9 18.8
and sleeping area
Energy saving 19 7.3 10 8.8 2 2.1 7 14.6
Temperature modifier 12 4.6 0 0 6 6.2 6 12.5
Calm and quiet 4 1.5 0 0 2 2.1 2 4.2
Other 14 5.4 8 7 5 5.2 1 2.1
Total 259 100 114 100 97 100 48 100
The majority of the respondents referred to cooling as an advantage (of

having a basement); nevertheless, only 7.3% of them appreciated the energy
saving achievable through the use of naturally cooled basements in summer.
The low price of energy in Iran might have had a bearing on the overlooking of
energy saving as one of the foremost priorities of the subjects in this case study.

The following is the grouping of major positive points about basements/
cellars stated by the survey respondents and interviewees:
• Providing a pleasantly cool space

In the hot season, basements are the coolest spaces within homes. They
keep cool without the use of mechanical devices or can easily be cooled
by using a simple fan. They are as cool as fridges for storing foodstuffs,
fruits, pulses and grains. They are pleasant, tranquil and cool in summer.
The natural cooling that basements provide is more comfortable than
and preferable to the effects produced by evaporative coolers.
• Usable as a storage area
Basements are useful and out-of-sight places for keeping and storing
unused or spare items and furniture. They can be used for storing fruits
(such as watermelons, cucumbers, melons and potatoes), grain, pulses
and cereals and for stocking market-stall goods in houses. Foodstuffs
can be kept in them for a long time without the use of mechanical
cooling devices. Additional items that are not in daily use can be put
there. Tools that residents do not want to be seen can be stored there.
• Usable as a resting and sleeping area
Basements are pleasant places for resting in summer. They are calm and
quiet, and hence relaxing. They are extra unoccupied spaces and can
even shelter the people from air raids. Basements are pleasant places to
take a break and rest in during summer afternoons.
• Modified temperature, potential energy saving and calmness
Basements are warm in winter and cool in summer. They are always
shaded and stay humid even on very dry days. Basements help lower
energy costs by reducing the amount of electricity used for cooling. They
are replacements for mechanical cooling systems. The temperature in
basements is temperate and constant. They are also acoustically insulated.

Table 6.14 summarises the mentioned disadvantages of basements and
ranks them according to frequency of mention.
Table 6.14 Negative points about basements

courtyard houses
houses
F % F % F % F %
Dampness and poor 40 24.4 18 27.3 14 24.1 8 20

ventilation
Presence of vermin 25 15.2 12 18.2 6 10.3 7 17.5
Poor access 22 13.4 8 12.1 11 19 3 7.5
High construction 22 13.4 8 12.1 7 12.1 7 17.5
and maintenance cost
Unsuitability for 13 7.9 2 3 4 6.9 7 17.5
non-traditional
dwellings
Darkness 11 6.7 4 6.1 3 5.2 4 10
Limited usability 9 5.5 2 3 7 12.1 0 0
Structural weakness 8 4.9 8 12.1 0 0 0 0
Danger for children 5 3 2 3 3 5.2 0 0
Dust and dirt 2 1.2 0 0 0 0 2 5
Other 7 4.3 2 3 3 5.2 2 5
Total 164 100 66 100 58 100 40 100
It shows that the main criticisms of basements concerned dampness and
poor ventilation. The high levels of relative humidity measured in the
basements of the case-study traditional houses during the fieldwork support
these claims. The second issue that was frequently pointed out was the
existence of vermin in basements. Concerns also appeared to centre more
upon the poor access to and high cost of basements. Furthermore, respondents
pointed to the unsuitability of basements for non-traditional dwellings such
as blocks of flats. Other negative points were: insufficient natural light,
limited usability and the problem of structural weaknesses. The presence of
dust and dirt in basements and the potential dangers for children were among
the other points referred to.
A comparison between Tables 6.13 and 6.14 shows a greater number
of positive aspects (259 comments) than negative ones (164 comments).
This could justify, to some extent, why 70% of the respondents liked to
have basements in their dwellings (versus the 23% who did not). Nonetheless,
the diversity of the negative points outstrips that of the positive ones and
may account for the fact that basements are not used as living spaces
any more. Structural weakness, which was the third major issue amongst
the respondents in traditional buildings, was never mentioned by anyone in
other samples.

The following is the grouping of major disadvantages experienced and
stated by the respondents in all three samples and the interviewees:
• Dampness and poor ventilation

Basements are stuffy and not ventilated. Relative humidity and levels of
dampness are high due to poor ventilation. Basements do not benefit
from natural ventilation unless they are connected to wind-catchers.
They are dirty and odorous. Air is not circulated and direct sunshine is
not received. Basements are vulnerable to damp because they are located
below the ground level. Damp can seep in from the garden and is a
threat to health. Penetration of damp and the presence of salt weaken
the foundations, increasing the danger of collapse. Basements are suita-
ble places for fungi and germs to grow. Wetness, damp (patches of damp)
and salty patches (salty residue) on the walls are unpleasant. Rainwater
can make its way into the basement through the window, because the
window is situated at the same level as the courtyard.
• The existence of vermin
Because of the darkness and damp, vermin (mice, snakes, lizards,
scorpions and tarantulas) would like to live in basements and hide in
nooks and crannies, sometimes intruding into the living spaces. Lots of
bugs and termites live in basements, especially during the summer.
• Poor access
Basements are not easily accessible. They are far away from the other
spaces in the dwelling. There are usually a large number of steps down
to the basement, and the steps are not of standard configuration. This
makes it more difficult for older people to access them.
• High construction and maintenance cost
Basements will not be economical if they are used as mere storage
rooms. They occupy space, but the value in the market of underground
storage spaces is much less than that of living spaces. In addition, the
excavation, earth moving and construction are very costly.
• Unsuitability for non-traditional dwellings
Basements have become obsolete because they do not match present-day
lifestyles. Due to the introduction of new air-conditioning systems,
basements are no longer used and occupied as living spaces. In new
houses, basements are designated as storage rooms or parking areas.
They are not built in apartment blocks. The sewage systems and sewers
are difficult to install. Sardabs (cellars) are obsolete because the qanats
(subterranean water streams) are either dried out or connected to sewage
systems that create streams of contaminated water.
• Darkness in the basements
Basements are dark and sometimes terrifying and scary. The level of
natural light is insufficient and low.
A limited range of activities can take place in the basement. The whole
space of the basement is not usable. Basements have a limited seasonal
usage period and are not inhabitable all year round. They are usually
used for keeping out-of-use items but not as living units.
• Structural weakness
The structure of the basement is usually old and can be decayed. Damp
can cause subsidence or the sudden collapse of the basement. Foundations
and basement walls are not strong enough. They lack enough solidity and
firmness because of the materials used in making them.
• Potential danger for children, and the presence of dust and dirt
Basements are not safe for children because they may slip and fall into
basement holes. They are usually dirty and messy. The openings are not
always closable, so that dust gets into them.
6.7.5 Summary of findings on basements

The investigation of the inhabitants’ perception of basements in traditional
houses in Yazd shows that it is the dominant, and one of the most common,
spatial elements in vernacular dwellings, as well as being a rather likeable
space within the house. There is a multiplicity of positive and negative factors
attributed to basements. Positive factors vary from thermal comfort and
being practical and economical to psychological factors. The multiplicity of
positives shows that basements were traditionally built and used to serve
various requirements, of which the provision of thermal comfort is considered
the most important one.
Nevertheless, the results show that basements were no longer a preferred
choice as a living area for residents in summer, even during very hot spells.
As already noted, in none of the case-study houses was the basement used
for living or resting. The results also show that very few people (only 8% of
survey respondents) selected basements when asked to identify their favoured
methods of cooling off. Instead, basements were mainly regarded as useful
storage spaces, and observations showed that they were indeed commonly
used for that purpose. The reasons why basements are no longer favoured
as desirable living spaces are diverse.
A range of negative aspects and drawbacks were attributed to basements.
Dampness and poor ventilation were major factors, closely followed by the
presence of vermin, poor accessibility, and high construction and maintenance
costs. Combined, these drawbacks appear to have outweighed the advantage
of the provision of comfortable temperatures during hot periods and put a
stop to the use of basements as a vernacular cooling system or an alternative
living space.
The multiplicity and diversity of the drawbacks imply that traditional
underground living spaces are neither adapted nor suited to contemporary
lifestyles. As a consequence, the function of the basement has changed from
being one of the most prominent passive cooling systems in the house to
that of a cool storage space only. The results of the study suggest that
although some vernacular built environments represent successful solutions
to the problem of the past, they do not necessarily do so for the problems of
the present or future. Broadly speaking, if they fail to adjust to the pace
of present-day life and new technologies, their success and sustainability are
thrown into question.
6.8 Wind-catchers: for and against

By using an optional yes-or-no question (i.e. ‘Do you like wind-catchers?’),
research respondents were asked whether or not they liked wind-catchers.
Table 6.15 shows the frequency (F) and percentage of the positive, negative
and blank answers to this question.
It shows that, in total, 88% of the respondents liked wind-catchers,
9% did not like them and 3% did not answer this question. The figures in
Table 6.15 reveal that in the first sample, among the residents of traditional
central-courtyard houses, about 86% of the respondents liked wind-catchers.
This proportion was also high in the other two non-traditional samples.
Respectively, 94% and 83% of the respondents in samples two and three
liked wind-catchers. In order to find out why wind-catchers were largely
favoured by the respondents, a semi-open question was posed to seek the
perceptions of the research respondents in relation to the wind-catchers.
The respondents were asked to express their personal views and note down
the two main positive and negative points about wind-catchers.
Table 6.15 Responses to the question: ‘Do you like wind-catchers?’

courtyard houses
houses
F % F % F % F %
Yes 175 88 60 86 75 94 40 83
No 18 9 8 11 2 2 8 17
Blank 5 3 2 3 3 4 0 0
Total 198 100 70 100 80 100 48 100

Table 6.16 shows the most frequently stated positive comments about
wind-catchers made by respondents in the three samples. The comments are
grouped and ranked according to the number of mentions.
Table 6.16 Positive comments on wind-catchers

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Providing cooling 111 33.2 40 33.9 48 34.8 23 29.5

and ventilation
Providing 74 22.2 12 10.2 37 26.8 25 32.1
energy/money
saving
Natural (cooling) 64 19.2 28 23.7 22 15.9 14 18
Beautiful 56 16.8 26 22 22 15.9 8 10.3
Cultural and 14 4.2 8 6.8 2 1.4 4 5.1
traditionally
valuable
Environmentally 3 0.9 0 0 3 2.2 0 0
friendly
Durable 2 0.6 0 0 0 0 2 2.6
Other 10 3 4 3.4 4 2.9 2 2.6
Total 334 100 118 100 138 100 78 100
Some 334 positive comments were made, of which the most frequently
stated were:
• cooling and ventilating (33.2% of the comments);

• energy and money saving (22.2% of the comments);
• benefits from ‘natural’ cooling (19.2% of the comments);
• beautiful (16.8% of the comments).
Following on from the aforementioned statements, other positive comments

about wind-catchers related to durability, environmental friendliness and
the approved cultural and traditional values embedded in wind-catchers.
As shown by the responses, the cooling and ventilation effects of a wind-
catcher attracted most attention (with 33.9% of the comments) among
respondents who lived in traditional courtyard houses (sample one). Natural
cooling and the aesthetic beauty that a wind-catcher provides for a house,
neighbourhood and the city were critically important issues stated in this
sample. The issue of saving energy and lower energy bills resulting from
employing a wind-catcher were less appreciated in this sample in comparison
with the other samples, attracting only 10% of the responses.
As was the case in sample one, among the respondents who lived in new
courtyard houses (sample two) the highest number of votes (about 35% of
the total statements) went to the cooling and ventilating effects of wind-
catchers. After this, the second most frequently stated plus was the role of a
wind-catcher in conserving energy and money (26.8%). Attracting an equal
number of comments (22 comments or 16% of the total statements), the
natural cooling function and the beauty of wind-catchers were extolled by a
large number of respondents.
Among apartment dwellers, the conservation of energy and money resulting
from using a wind-catcher was favoured above other issues by the majority
of the respondents. The cooling function of a wind-catcher, its natural effect
and its beauty were rated as highly significant factors in its approval rating.
Only around 5% of respondents appreciated the traditional and cultural
values of wind-catchers. Comparison of the comments on the positive aspects
of wind-catchers in all three samples demonstrates that saving energy and
money is more appreciated by the respondents in non-traditional houses
(especially flats) than those in traditional courtyard houses.

The following is the grouping of major positive points stated by the
respondents in all three samples and the interviewees:
• Cooling and ventilating

Wind-catchers provide free ventilation. They make the air inside the house
fresh by bringing in and circulating cool and fresh air. They supply air to
basements and loggias and cool them. They constantly ventilate and cool
the building without the use of electric fans or evaporative coolers.
• Energy/money saving
Wind-catchers are energy-free cooling systems with no operation costs
(without using any water, electricity, gas or energy input other than
locally available winds). They have a low lifetime cost and result in lower
energy consumption in summer.
• Natural (cooling)
Wind-catchers provide natural cooling, ventilation and fresh air/breeze
which is pleasant and harmless. This natural method of cooling does
not have the bad effects associated with evaporative coolers, such as
discomfort and the draining of energy.
• Beautiful
Wind-catchers give a building a beautiful appearance. They are attractive
decorative elements on top of buildings which give special aesthetic
grace to them. Wind-catchers possess a beautiful appearance because of
their proportions, materials, stucco-work and the shape of their openings.
They are magnificent architectural manifestations and symbols in hot
and dry climates.
• Cultural and traditional value
Wind-catchers add cultural and historic value to the city and its
buildings. They are symbols of desert cities and signs of old traditional
cultures. They have a traditional beauty. They are urban landmarks
which help to preserve the character of traditional cities.
• Environmentally friendly
Wind-catchers work in harmony with the environment and are well
matched to nature. They do not produce any pollution, and there is no
noise associated with their operation.
• Durability
Wind-catchers are durable and long-lasting structures; they work in
harmony with the wind’s energy.
6.8.3 Statements on negative points

Table 6.17 summarises the disadvantages that the respondents in all three
samples enumerated about wind-catchers. These disadvantages are ranked and
listed according to their frequency of mention, where F is the frequency and %
is the percentage of responses.
Among the 264 negative responses across the three samples, the main
criticisms of wind-catchers were directed towards the following issues:
• unfiltered against dust, birds and insects (33% of the comments);

• costly (11.7% of the comments).
Table 6.17 Negative comments about wind-catchers

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Unfiltered against 87 33 40 42.6 18 28.1 29 27.4

dust, birds and
insects
Costly 31 11.7 10 10.6 7 10.9 14 13.2
Low space 25 9.5 6 6.4 9 14.1 10 9.4
efficiency
Ineffective 22 8.3 10 10.6 6 9.4 6 5.7
Having limited 15 5.7 0 0 2 3.1 13 12.3
area under effect
Non-functional in 14 5.3 4 4.3 6 9.4 4 3.8
cold seasons
Hard to repair and 12 4.5 10 10.6 0 0 2 1.9
construct
Structurally fragile 11 4.2 2 2.1 1 1.6 8 7.5
Lack of control 8 3 0 0 3 4.7 5 4.7
Noisy 5 1.9 4 4.3 1 1.6 0 0
Old fashioned, 4 1.5 0 0 1 1.6 3 2.8
unattractive image
Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Total 264 100 94 100 64 100 106 100
In addition, concerns seemed to centre upon the following subjects:
• inapplicable to new buildings (11.4% of the comments);

• low space-efficiency (9.5% of the comments);
• ineffective (8.3% of the comments).
Furthermore, other less frequently stated negative comments about wind-

catchers were their ‘high repair and construction cost’, ‘limited usability’,
‘limited area under effect’, ‘weak structure’, ‘associated noise’ and ‘old
fashioned and unattractive image’.
The results show that nobody in sample one mentioned that wind-catchers
were old-fashioned and unattractive. The concern about the structural
weakness of wind-catchers appeared more among the people who lived in
flats than in the two other groups. Among traditional courtyard house
Table 6.18 Cross-tabulation of those who had a wind-catcher in their house with
those who used it for cooling in sample one
Having a wind-catcher
Yes No
Using a wind-catcher Yes 16 16 0

No 54 12 42
Total 28 42
dwellers, a much higher proportion of responses than in the other groups

addressed the difficulty of the repair and construction of a wind-catcher.
Only 23% of the inhabitants of traditional buildings (sample one) said
that they used wind-catchers to control heat. This encompasses only 8% of
the respondents to the entire survey. In sample one, 40% of the respondents
had wind-catchers, and of them about 43% did not use them to lower the
temperature in their houses. However, even for that group of respondents
who claimed that they had and used wind-catchers in summer, the wind-
catcher was not the only available cooling system, and evaporative coolers
or electric fans were also used. Table 6.18 shows the cross-tabulation between
those who had a wind-catcher in their house and those who said that they
used a wind-catcher in sample one.
The results of the questionnaire survey were backed up by information
gathered through observation and interviews. It was observed, for example,
that in none of the visited vernacular houses was the wind-catcher used for
cooling. Some of the visited wind-catchers were completely blocked. This
observation was confirmed by the interviewees, most of whom said that
it was no longer convenient to use wind-catchers in order to deal with
overheating on hot summer days. The widespread usage of evaporative
coolers across all three samples implies that these systems are more effective
and probably more convenient than traditional passive cooling methods
such as wind-catchers. The cooling effect, therefore, does not seem to be the
reason why some wind-catchers have survived and continued.

The following is the grouping of the main disadvantages as stated by the
respondents in all three samples and the interviewees:
• Unfiltered against dust, birds and insects

Wind-catchers are not filtered against air pollution and dust, flying
bugs and birds, and so enable them to easily enter the building. If there
was a dust storm, a large amount of dust and sand would settle on and
cover the floors. Regular dusting and cleaning are therefore required.
Heavy rain and snow can also enter the rooms through wind-catchers.
In addition, if birds and especially pigeons make their nests inside wind-
catchers, their droppings and the twigs falling from their nests will
make the room below unpleasant and dirty.
• Costly
The initial construction cost of a wind-catcher is very high, especially
when it is integrated with a pool of water or with a basement and a well.
Wind-catchers need regular repair and maintenance; repairs usually take
time and are very costly.
• Inapplicable to new buildings
Some people consider that wind-catchers are interesting only for tourists
and foreigners and are functionally obsolete at the present time. Wind-
catchers are not adaptable to modern life and do not match the new
architectural styles of small houses and apartments. It is not easy to build
them at the present time. The use of wind-catchers is restricted to one-
or two-storey buildings. Constructing wind-catchers is not practical in
the new elevated structures such as high-rise multi-storey buildings,
apartments and blocks of flats.
• Low space efficiency
Wind-catchers occupy a lot of expensive space in the house and hence
are not economical. They can only be used in large buildings.
• Ineffective
Wind-catchers are not effective enough compared to modern cooling
and ventilating systems. When there is no wind or the wind is not strong
enough, they cannot provide enough air circulation and do not work
effectively. In summer, when it is very hot outside, not only do they not
cool, but they also bring in hot and dry air. They lack a well-engineered
design. Openings and vents are not optimally designed, so the maximum
suitable wind cannot be caught. They may no longer be useful due to
global warming. Climate change and new expectations have not left any
place for wind-catchers.
• Having limited area under effect
Wind-catchers by design cannot cool all the rooms in the house. They
are situated in one particular place in the house and cannot be relocated
after they are built. They are not able to serve the whole building,
and their effectiveness is limited to the room under the wind-catcher and
around it.
• Non-functional in cold seasons
Wind-catchers do not work in winter. They are draughty and bring in
cold winds, thus wasting the indoor heat. Spaces below wind-catchers
are almost out of use in winter.
• Having a weak structure, difficult to repair and construct
Wind-catchers are old structures. They are heavy and not always well
built. They can be easily damaged and deteriorate over time. They have
low resistance against rain and need regular repair. They are not
engineer-designed and are vulnerable to earthquakes. They are difficult
to construct and repair. There is a limited number of skilled builders
and designers who can construct them.
• Lacking control, noisy and unattractive
Outdoor noises can enter through wind-catchers. The performance of a
wind-catcher depends on the wind and its speeds; the wind does not
always blow, and when it blows, the speeds vary. Therefore, the perfor-
mance of a wind-catcher and the speed of the air it supplies are uncon-
trolled. There is also a lack of control over temperature and the cooling
intensity of a wind-catcher, unlike chillers and electric coolers. Some
people claim that wind-catchers are not beautiful; they are old-fashioned
and symbols of low socio-economic status.
6.8.5 Summary of the findings on wind-catchers

The study has identified a multiplicity of positive and negative factors
attributed to wind-catchers in Yazd. Positive aspects varied from aesthetic,
economic and well-being to thermal-comfort factors. The majority of positive
responses referred to the provision of natural cooling, natural ventilation and
energy saving, although the multiplicity of positive factors suggests that wind-
catchers have been constructed to serve various requirements, not solely to
provide ventilation and thermal comfort.
The evidence from this study suggests that wind-catchers have already
been replaced, to a great extent, by mechanical evaporative coolers – and
as a cooling system are widely regarded as obsolete – largely because they
cannot compete with the more effective and relatively cheap-to-run mechani-
cal cooling systems. A range of negative attributes of wind-catchers were
identified. The study shows that these architectural elements were perceived
to be inconvenient to use, uneconomic, ineffective and unhealthy. These
negative factors have outweighed the advantages of wind-catchers and have
effectively prevented their use as a cooling system at present. Each negative
factor has been influential, and the degree and nature of the influence can be
subjects for further research.
As a means of cooling, wind-catchers are now considered mostly irrelevant
to present-day lifestyles and are outperformed by mechanical cooling
systems; however, they are still favoured by local people. The liking for
wind-catchers might, therefore, be due to the existence of several factors
more decisive than their physical (cooling) performance. It may be the result
of a combination of various non-physical aspects such as their aesthetic,
historic and identity values. The research findings suggest it would be useful
to investigate how the design of wind-catchers can be adapted to overcome
the identified disadvantages, and it may pay dividends to build on a deeper
understanding of their multiple functions in buildings conditioned to
optimise the indoor thermal environment, to the point where mechanical
conditioning is needed only for back-up cooling during extremely hot
weather.
6.9 Traditional houses: for and against
Further to the investigation of the pros and cons of vernacular passive
cooling systems (from the point of view of the inhabitants, along with other
locals who lived in non-traditional houses and local experts), the question-
naire survey and interviews explored various other aspects of vernacular
houses in Yazd. Research participants were asked to list the two aspects they
most liked (i.e. positive points) and the two they most disliked (i.e. negative
points) about central-courtyard earth houses.
6.9.1 Statements on positive points

Table 6.19 summarises the main positive comments stated by each sample,
where F is the frequency of the comments and % is the percentage. Items on
the list are ranked according to frequency of mention.
As can be seen, among the 350 comments made across the three samples,
the most frequently stated positive remark about traditional houses in Yazd
was that they were well matched to the climate. This shows that the research
respondents knew that vernacular central-courtyard houses in Yazd were
designed to counter the harsh climate and were able to modify it to a large
extent. This is in line with the results of the temperature variation survey,
which showed that vernacular houses could reduce space cooling requirements
by means of VPCSs.
The second most frequently stated positive comment about vernacular
houses was that they were beautiful and pleasantly spacious. The research
respondents expressed that vernacular central-courtyard houses in Yazd are
aesthetically beautiful and relaxing. It was put several times, by interviewees
and questionnaire respondents, that the existence of a central courtyard with
water features and greenery inside the house was cheerful and relaxing for
the inhabitants.
The third most frequently stated positive comment on vernacular houses
was the high level of privacy and safety in these buildings. None of the inhabit-
ants of vernacular houses in this research was dissatisfied with the level
of privacy from outsiders in their houses. This might be due to the fact that
vernacular houses are inward-looking with no commanding view from
outside; they have separate public and private spaces and are away from the
direct view of the neighbours.
Traditional houses were also perceived by some of the respondents to
possess cultural, architectural and traditional values; to be spacious; and
to be in accordance with nature. The survey results showed that, in contrast to
the residents of traditional dwellings, those who lived in non-traditional houses,
especially apartment dwellers, did not find the cultural and historic value of
their house satisfactory. It was expressed by some of the research respondents
that traditional houses were loyal to national, cultural and religious values,
showing the history and culture of the people and acting like identification
cards for the city.
Table 6.19 Positive comments about traditional central-courtyard houses

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Well matched to the 114 32.6 54 42.2 40 29.4 20 23.3

climate
Beautiful and pleasantly 84 24 38 29.7 27 19.9 19 22.1
spacious (commodious)
High level of privacy 36 10.3 14 10.9 15 11 7 8.1
and safety
Possessing cultural, 22 6.3 4 3.1 9 6.6 9 10.5
traditional and
spiritual values
Spacious 21 6 4 3.1 9 6.6 8 9.3
In accordance with 14 4 0 0 6 4.4 8 9.3
nature
Lower energy use/bills 14 4 0 0 12 8.8 2 2.3
High levels of natural 10 2.9 4 3.1 2 1.5 4 4.7
light
Fresh air and good 10 2.9 4 3.1 4 2.9 2 2.3
ventilation
Separate rooms for 7 2 2 1.6 4 2.9 1 1.2
different functions
Low level of noise from 5 1.4 0 0 3 2.2 2 2.3
outside
Durability and 4 1.1 2 1.6 1 0.7 1 1.2
robustness
Other 9 2.6 2 1.6 4 2.9 3 3.5
Total 350 100 128 100 136 100 86 100
The results also show that the questionnaire respondents perceived tradi-
tional houses to offer more acceptable wintertime and summertime indoor
temperatures in comparison to non-traditional ones. This may indicate that
the residents of traditional buildings are more able to adapt (or have adapted)
to hot temperatures than their counterparts in non-traditional buildings. It
also suggests that traditional houses offer more opportunities to inhabitants
to cope with higher temperatures during the hot seasons. This suggestion is
confirmed by the results of the temperature variation survey (discussed in the
previous chapters), which show that a diversity of indoor temperatures is
available within the vernacular central-courtyard houses in Yazd.
In relation to the design of the vernacular house in Yazd, the level of natural
daylight was perceived by inhabitants to be better in traditional houses com-
pared to non-traditional ones. The survey outcomes reveal that the air quality
inside the traditional house was also considered to be better than the air
quality in the non-traditional house. This may be due to the effect of vegeta-
tion and the pool of water in the central courtyard of vernacular houses.
Also, respondents in traditional homes were more satisfied with the shutting
out of outside noise than were the residents of non-traditional houses. The
lower level of noise and better air quality provided by vernacular houses
could be regarded as motivations for using natural ventilation as an impor-
tant cooling strategy in these dwellings. In line with this assumption, the
results show that opening and closing windows for cooling happened more
frequently among the traditional dwellers than it did among the residents of
non-traditional houses.
Furthermore, the results showed that the relatively plain and modest
external appearance of traditional buildings has not detracted from their
approval ratings, as compared to their non-traditional counterparts. In the
whole sample, 60% of the respondents thought that traditional buildings
were not out of date. Also, the residents of traditional dwellings appreciate
the cultural and historic values of their homes, while having some concerns
about their structural soundness.
The survey also showed that the traditional house dwellers had a lower
opinion of traditional houses than the people who did not live in them. The
reason behind this might be that the non-inhabitants of traditional houses
do not regularly encounter the difficulties of the inhabitants. It might also be
due to the insufficient cooling provided through VPCSs in traditional houses
(as opposed to conventional cooling methods).

Table 6.20 enumerates the main negative points about traditional earth
houses as uttered by the respondents in all three samples.
The main negative point about traditional houses, according to the
respondents’ opinions, was their low structural stability and the use of non-
standardised materials. In this regard, the results of the questionnaire
survey indicate lower levels of concern about the structural stability and
soundness of a house among residents of traditional homes, as compared to
non-traditional ones. In the words of some questionnaire respondents,
traditional houses have reached the end of their natural lifespan; they have
been excessively used and are worn out and in a state of disrepair; they offer
only a low resistance to earthquakes; they are vulnerable to damp, heavy rain
and snow; and they do not conform to national building standards such as
Byelaw Number 2800 in the Iranian building code. These concerns may be
considered the main reasons why some traditional buildings have been (and
are) abandoned.
Table 6.20 Negative comments about traditional central-courtyard houses

Central- New Flats
courtyard courtyard
houses houses
F % F % F % F %
Low structural 77 25.3 24 21.8 36 30 17 23

stability and non-
standardised materials
Low space-efficient, 44 14.5 12 10.9 21 17.5 11 14.9
costly and land
intensive
Unsuitable internal 42 13.8 12 10.9 22 18.3 8 10.8
access
Difficult to clean up, 40 13.2 18 16.4 11 9.2 11 14.9
maintain and repair
Difficult to alter and 35 11.5 10 9.1 15 12.5 10 13.5
upgrade with new
technologies, not
applicable to modern
requirements
Problems of 23 7.6 16 14.5 4 3.3 3 4.1
neighbourhood
Difficult to cool and 18 5.9 6 5.5 8 6.7 4 5.4
heat
Safety and privacy 8 2.6 2 1.8 1 0.8 5 6.8
Aesthetically 7 2.3 6 5.5 0 0 1 1.4
unbeautiful
Existence of vermin 5 1.6 2 1.8 2 1.7 1 1.4
Others 5 1.6 2 1.8 0 0 3 4.1
Total 304 100 110 100 120 100 74 100
The second most commonly stated negative comment about traditional

buildings was their low space efficiency and their expensive and land-intensive
layout. As remarked by the interviewees and questionnaire respondents,
traditional buildings are oversized, taking up much land; they are full of non-
habitable and storage spaces; they have a large number of small rooms
(separate summer and winter rooms) which are unused in the wrong season,
and their thick walls take up a lot of land. These problems, considering the
land price in Yazd has hugely increased over time, could be another reason
why traditional buildings have lost (and are losing) their inhabitants.
Furthermore, the next most frequently mentioned negative points about
vernacular houses in Yazd were the unsuitability of the internal access,
difficulties in cleaning, maintaining and repairing, and the complexities of
alteration and retrofit in them. As explained by a number of inhabitants, all
rooms are scattered and dispersed in the house; there is the necessity of
passing through the courtyard to access other spaces in the house; there is a
level change of about one metre between the courtyard and the rooms; there
are too many steps in the house, which makes it especially difficult for older
people to move around; bathrooms, kitchens and lavatories are distant from
the living spaces. In addition, it was also mentioned that vernacular buildings
were oversized and difficult to keep clean, and that naturally ventilated
spaces such as loggias and rooms with wind-catchers accumulated a large
amount of dust inside the building. These issues and problems can be viewed
as causing inconvenience, to some extent, for the inhabitants of traditional
neighbourhoods and so could be another potential motive for abandoning
traditional houses and opting for non-traditional ones.
The majority of vernacular houses in Yazd are located in traditional
neighbourhoods. Any dissatisfaction with a neighbourhood could have a
negative impact on the overall satisfaction with the vernacular house in that
location. Therefore, the survey population was also asked about the level
of satisfaction with different aspects of their neighbourhood. The survey
outcomes demonstrate that inhabitants of traditional buildings were not
happy about the access to their homes. The difficulty of vehicle access in
traditional neighbourhoods in Yazd was also observed by the researcher on
various occasions during the fieldwork. In addition, the evidence from the
study shows that a higher level of dissatisfaction with local facilities existed
in the traditional neighbourhood, which indicates that the access to, or
availability of, facilities in traditional neighbourhoods was less favourable
than in non-traditional ones. This is in agreement with the comments made
by almost all of the interviewees throughout their interviews and supports
the notion that traditional house dwellers moved out of their houses and
neighbourhoods in search of a better quality of life (Schoenauer, 2000,
p.177; Habibi et al., 2007).
Referring to concerns about child safety, the findings indicate that
traditional neighbourhoods were not perceived by their residents as less safe
places in comparison to non-traditional ones. In contrast, one of the
interviewees who was working for an estate agency in a traditional neighbour-
hood in Yazd argued that traditional neighbourhoods were not perceived to
be safe enough for families for both physical and social reasons. He noted
that in a traditional neighbourhood in Yazd streets turned and twisted and
hence were not well sighted, and at night this situation was worse because
they were not well lit. Furthermore, he pointed out that some of the new
residents of traditional neighbourhoods were from the lower social classes
and might even be involved in some sort of crime, which would not create
a good sense of security for residents. He argued that people did not want
to live in traditional houses mostly because of the problems with the
neighborhood.
As can be seen, there are some issues at the neighborhood level (such as
difficult vehicle access and insufficient local facilities and safety levels) that
seem to have exerted considerable influence on the way vernacular houses
are perceived, occupied and used.
Analysis of the questionnaire-survey results show that VPCSs are not com-
monly used in present-day Yazd. The most common cooling method was
found to be the use of evaporative coolers. However, cooling in traditional
houses was not confined to electro-mechanical evaporative coolers, and passive
ways of cooling were still in use by the inhabitants. For example, opening and
closing windows was a more common habit among the inhabitants of tradi-
tional houses. The survey outcomes revealed that in traditional houses in
Yazd the custom of sprinkling or hosing the courtyard with water (in order to
optimise the thermal conditions) still continues. Moreover, traditional-house
dwellers moved around their houses much more than those in non-traditional
houses to achieve thermal comfort during the hot seasons. This confirms the
findings from the temperature variation survey that traditional buildings
provided a variety of thermal environments, and the occupants could find the
most comfortable condition by moving from one space to another.
6.10 Summary of findings on vernacular dwellings in Yazd

In the previous sections, a variety of positive comments attributed to tradi-
tional earth houses in Yazd were identified, ranging from ‘decent climatic
performance’ and ‘high aesthetic and cultural importance’ to ‘spaciousness’
and ‘high levels of safety and privacy’. The multiplicity of positive factors
highlights the economic, social, cultural, environmental and physical signifi-
cance of traditional buildings, and this necessitates their protection and
calls for understanding the methods by which they are conserved, rehabili-
tated, regenerated and kept for future generations. The findings suggest that
although vernacular dwellings may have become associated with the past,
they retain certain valuable aspects which are still relevant to the current
challenges for building sustainable environments. This is probably one of the
main reasons why these buildings are still cited in academic literature as
models of sustainable practice.
However, a diversity of negative factors has also been assigned to vernacu-
lar earth houses, including ‘low structural stability’, ‘low space efficiency’,
‘difficult internal access’ and ‘inconvenient clean-up and maintenance’.
All these indicate that there is currently a lack of a close match between
design and user requirements in the traditional house. The existence of nega-
tive factors may account for the failure of some of these buildings to be per-
ceived of as models of sustainable and suitable living for their residents, and
explain the state of decline in vernacular housing and why they are being
replaced by modern counterparts or used for new purposes.
In the larger scheme of things, the results of this study suggest that
although the vernacular built environment represents a successful solution
to the problem of the past, it does not necessarily do so for the problems of
the present or future. Broadly speaking, if it fails to stand up to the pace
of present-day life, its success and sustainability are thrown into question.
6.11 Discussions
In this chapter, the respondents’ predispositions towards each of the VPCSs
were extensively discussed and explained. Now, to get a better picture, all
the main VPCSs, along with their previously identified positive aspects, are
tabulated in Table 6.21. In addition, Table 6.22 groups these comments
under more general headings. For example, in Table 6.21, in the wind-catcher
column, the most frequently stated comment is ‘cooling and ventilating’,
which has been put under the more general theme of ‘thermal comfort’ in
Table 6.22; and the third comment about the central courtyard in Table 6.21
(i.e. ‘a get-together or alternative living space’) has come under the ‘social’
rubric in Table 6.22.
As can be seen from Table 6.22, the attributed positive aspects include
aesthetic, economic, social, psychological, well-being, commodious,
functional, practical and thermal comfort. As is highlighted in the table, the
Table 6.21 Summary of the positive comments on VPCSs
Central Distinct Loggia Basement Wind-

Ranking
courtyard seasonal rooms catcher
1 Serene, Contributing Pleasantly Providing a Cooling

aesthetically to energy spacious with a pleasantly cool and
beautiful, saving good view space ventilating
having natural (34.1%) onto the (37.5%) (33.2%)
features courtyard
(39.4%) (32.7%)
2 Fresh and Climatically Multi- Usable as a Energy
cool air appropriate functional storage area and
(18.1%) design space for (34.4%) money
(33.5%) resting and saving
getting (22.2%)
together
(25.3%)
3 A get-together Giving a sense Having fresh Usable as a Natural
or alternative of change and and cool air resting and (cooling)
living space renewal (21.7%) sleeping area (19.2%)
(11%) (20.3%) (9.3%)
4 Providing a Using and Contributing Energy saving Beautiful
sense of privacy adapting to to energy (7.3%) (16.8%)
and safety nature saving
(11%) (8.8%) (6.9%)
Table 6.22 Summary of the positive comments on VPCSs – general themes
Central Distinct Loggia Basement Wind-catcher

Ranking
courtyard seasonal
rooms
1 Aesthetic Economic Commodious Thermal Thermal comfort

comfort
2 Thermal Thermal Social Functional Economic and
comfort comfort (Environmentally
friendly)
3 Social Psychological Thermal Well-being Well-being and
and comfort (In harmony
(Well-being) with nature and
thermal comfort)
4 Psychological In harmony Economic Economic Aesthetic
and with nature
(Well-being)
contribution to the provision of thermal comfort is one of the main positive

aspects attributed to the surveyed vernacular passive cooling systems;
especially in the case of the basement and wind-catcher, the thermal-comfort
effect is the most recognised one. This result suggests that respondents are
generally aware of the ability of vernacular passive cooling systems to
provide a more comfortable indoor environment. However, some of the
other positive aspects assigned to the passive cooling systems appear even
more important than the provision of thermal comfort. The aesthetic value
of the central courtyard, for instance, and the social value of the loggia
outweigh their ability to provide thermal comfort. Although not necessarily
considered more important than the provision of thermal comfort, other
positive qualities include economic advantages (reduced energy bills),
functional benefits (storage space) and psychological and other health-
related advantages (providing fresh air or a sense of privacy and safety).
These results suggest that vernacular passive cooling systems were used not
only to provide thermal comfort for the occupants, but also to simultaneously
meet other requirements and serve different needs (such as social, economic
and aesthetic ones). In general, therefore, it seems that even though the
passive cooling systems were not always successful in providing ‘thermal
comfort’, they could, in principle, make up for this deficiency by performing
other important functions.
The most frequently stated negative comments about VPCSs have
collectively been put together in Table 6.23. Table 6.24 has grouped the
comments under more general headings. (For example, the ‘difficult seasonal
moving’ attributed to ‘distinct seasonal rooms’ in Table 6.23 has been classi-
fied under the broader heading of ‘inconvenient’ in Table 6.24). It shows that
Table 6.23 Summary of the negative comments on VPCSs

Ranking
Courtyard seasonal
rooms
1 Dusty and Difficult Dusty and Dampness Unfiltered

difficult to seasonal difficult to and poor against dust,
keep clean moving keep clean ventilation birds and
(39.1%) (29.1%) (27.7%) (22.4%) insects
(33%)
2 Land Low space Limited Presence of Costly
intensive efficiency usability vermin (11.7%)
and not (27.6%) (26.8%) (15.2%)
economical
(17.9%)
3 Improper High cost Land Poor access Inapplicable
transitional (17.2%) intensive and (13.4%) to new
space low space (non-
(10.9%) efficiency traditional)
(22.3%) buildings
(11.4%)
4 Energy Limited Lacking High Low space
inefficient usability control over construction efficiency
(7.7%) (14.2%) climatic and (9.5%)
conditions maintenance
and privacy cost
(8%) (13.4%)
Table 6.24 Summary of the negative comments on VPCSs – general themes

Ranking
courtyard seasonal
rooms
1 Inconvenient Inconvenient Inconvenient Unhealthy Inconvenient

and and
(Uncomfortable) (Unhealthy)
2 Uneconomic Uneconomic Impractical Health Uneconomic
and
(Impractical)
3 Inconvenience Uneconomic Uneconomic Inconvenience Functional
and and and and
(Impractical) (Impractical) (Impractical) (Obsolescence)
4 Uneconomic Impractical Well-being Uneconomic Uneconomic
and and and
thermal impractical (Impractical)
comfort
various negative aspects are attributed to the identified VPCSs, including
‘inconvenient’, ‘unhealthy’, ‘uneconomic’ and ‘impractical’. As highlighted
in Table 6.24, ‘inconvenience’ is one of the key issues for all the vernacular
passive cooling systems surveyed. The association of courtyards, loggias
and wind-catchers with dust and dirt, and the difficulties involved in cleaning
them, are some of the major inconveniences. Others include the difficulties
of moving from winter rooms to summer rooms and the poor access to
basements. The prominence of these associations suggests that ‘incon-
venience’ may be regarded as the main obstacle for using vernacular passive
cooling strategies today (cf. Shove, 2003). However, it is not the only existing
obstacle. A variety of other negative connotations influence the way passive
cooling systems are perceived and appear to have halted their contemporary
application. For example, in the case of basements, problems of health and
comfort (i.e. dampness, poor ventilation and the presence of vermin) were
identified as major concerns, in addition to problems of economic ineffi-
ciency (i.e. high costs of construction and maintenance). In the case of
courtyards, seasonal rooms and wind-catchers, a similar perceived economic
inefficiency (in the sense of their high space requirement and high cost of
maintenance, or both) is an important factor in addition to their perceived
inconvenience.
6.12 Conclusion: environmental and cultural considerations

Taken together, these results clearly indicate that the reasons for the continu-
ation or abandonment of specific vernacular cooling strategies are multiple
and cannot be reduced to single variables only. The decision to actively
maintain a vernacular feature like a wind-catcher or courtyard will not be
taken on the basis of its energy efficiency or perceived association with the
past but will always be the result of a compromise, involving a variety of
environmental and cultural factors and considerations. Sweeping statements
about the sustainability of vernacular architecture based purely on perfor-
mance indicators, therefore, need to be approached with care, as should
arguments about the inevitable influence of capitalism and modernism on
the continuity of vernacular traditions (Foruzanmehr and Vellinga, 2011).
Nevertheless, the results do suggest that cultural considerations can some-
times be more influential than the actual environmental performance of spe-
cific traditions. Interestingly, in spite of the fact that the thermal comfort and
temperature variation surveys revealed the shortcomings of the majority of
vernacular passive cooling systems in terms of their thermal performance on
typical hot summer days, this environmental deficiency was not mentioned
by respondents as a major disadvantage. The reasons for abandoning those
systems must, therefore, primarily be related to other, cultural factors.
The way in which cultural considerations often tend to outweigh the
environmental performance of the passive cooling strategies can be
illustrated by respondents’ attitudes towards the basement. As indicated
before, the outcomes of the thermal comfort and temperature variation
surveys showed that the basement was the only space in vernacular houses
in Yazd with temperatures within the comfort zone throughout a typical
hot summer day. The data from the questionnaire survey and interviews
confirmed its efficacy in this respect by indicating that inhabitants were
aware of the fact that the basement is comfortably cool in summer and
performs well in reducing the indoor temperature to a level that falls within
the comfort zone. The fact that basements were present in all vernacular
houses (unless the ground was too hard to be excavated) may be another
indicator of its functionality.
Nevertheless, the results of the questionnaire survey showed that basements
are no longer a preferred choice as a living area for residents in summer, even
during very hot spells. As already noted (in Chapter 5), in none of the case-
study houses was the basement used for living purposes. The results also
showed that very few people (only 8% of survey respondents) selected
basements when asked to identify passive cooling strategies. Instead, they
are mainly regarded as useful storage places, and observations showed
that they are indeed commonly used for that purpose today. The reasons
basements are no longer considered desirable as spaces in which to live are
diverse. As indicated in Table 6.23, respondents identified various drawbacks.
Dampness and poor ventilation were major factors, closely followed by the
presence of vermin, poor accessibility, and high construction and maintenance
costs. Considerations of health, comfort, cleanliness, convenience and
economy thus all played a part. Combined, these drawbacks appear to have
outweighed the advantage of the provision of comfortable temperatures
during hot periods and halted their use as a vernacular cooling system or an
alternative living space.
The results regarding the use of basements appear to confirm the suggestion
by Shove (2003) that comfort, convenience and cleanliness are the major
motivations for the use of air-conditioners and electro-mechanical cooling
systems. As noted above, the findings also seem to confirm the suggestion
made by Foruzanmehr and Vellinga (2011) that cultural considerations
are sometimes more influential than environmental performance ones.
However, an important observation to make is that the comments about the
negative aspects of basements are made at a time when the vast majority of
the respondents (91%) claim that they already use evaporative mechanical
coolers to cool their living spaces. They can, therefore, provide thermal
comfort for themselves in other spaces in the house and no longer have to
rely on the basement as the only option to escape from overheating, as they
traditionally had to do. The need to use the basement thus no longer exists,
because of the availability of electro-mechanical evaporative coolers that,
in terms of their ability to cool environments, are better than basements. As
a consequence, the function of the latter has changed from being one of the
most prominent passive cooling systems in the house to that of a useful, cool
storage space only.
It seems that the obsolescence of vernacular passive cooling strategies, as a
result of the availability of easily accessible electro-mechanical evaporative
coolers, is not confined to basements. For example, since the introduction of
mechanical solutions, the need for natural ventilation has been met through
integrated cooling and ventilation systems. This feature of mechanical systems
has made wind-catchers redundant, since mechanical cooling systems are per-
ceived to be not just cheaper to install and easier to maintain, but also more
efficient because they can reach wider floor areas. As a result, wind-catchers
are now only maintained or constructed for aesthetic and symbolic reasons.
As discussed before, the research findings demonstrated that considerable
differences in temperature could be experienced by moving (horizontally
or vertically) through the vernacular house in Yazd. If one recorded the
temperature variation in one space of a house (for example the summer
room with a wind-catcher), then the thermal condition would appear unac-
ceptable at various times of the day. However, if it is judged against the
regular changes in living areas around the house over a 24-hour period, it
can be seen that VPCSs can ameliorate the internal summer climate of the
occupied spaces in vernacular Yazdi houses. This suggests that the movement
of the inhabitants around a house has been an essential adaptation by the
traditional population of hot desert regions, enabling them to live in a seem-
ingly hostile environment with some degree of comfort. Nevertheless, in
courtyard houses, large distances must be covered by householders to achieve
thermal comfort, and also to complete simple chores such as opening the
front door or serving food from the kitchen to the basement or reception
rooms, or collecting something from the roof. This travelling is not perceived
as a convenient activity and is problematic when it is very hot in summer
or very cold in winter. Such inconvenience may be one of the main motiva-
tions that have driven the inhabitants away from VPCSs towards the use of
mechanical cooling systems. Furthermore, it should be considered that, in
addition to the positive aspects of electro-mechanical cooling devices, the
negative aspects associated with VPCSs (especially inconvenience) can
further motivate people to adopt the former.
6.13 Summary of the conclusions

• The study shows that VPCSs are integral, multi-functional components of
traditional houses. They function environmentally as well as economically,
culturally and socially.
• The occupants of traditional houses have a dynamic relationship with
their environment and would take action to secure their own comfort,
if they were able to do so.
• VPCSs were successful in providing thermal comfort for the occupants of
vernacular houses in the past. The perception that traditional dwellings
(in Yazd) perform poorly in terms of thermal comfort often stems from a
lack of knowledge on how they work and are used.
• VPCSs were originally used as integrated systems to create habitable
conditions in extreme hot and arid climates. Comfort in the vernacular
house, without the aid of electro-mechanical cooling, was possible to
achieve in summer by taking advantage of the diverse climate which
existed in different parts of the house (such as the use of the roof at
night, ground floor in the morning and evening, and basement during
the hottest time of the day between noon and late afternoon). The
basement was the only space in the house in which the temperature fell
within the comfort zone throughout a typical summer day.
• A range and combination of factors (including socio-economic issues
and the inconvenience of maintaining the systems) was recognised to
have impeded the successful use of VPCSs and caused them to be aban-
doned and discarded. The research has shown that the local community
is aware of the thermal comfort benefits of VPCSs, but socio-economic
and inconvenience issues have dissuaded the community from employ-
ing the practical application of VPCSs. If these factors were somehow
resolved, the VPCSs could regain their former status as a useful means
of achieving thermal comfort levels within traditional houses. In order
for VPCSs to be reconsidered, upgraded, improved and put to use, all
social, cultural, economic and physical factors related to them should
be holistically taken into consideration. It may be that just as these tra-
ditional patterns were abandoned in the twentieth century, they may be
reintroduced in the twenty-first century.
• Over the generations, the perception of comfort levels and the threshold
of convenience may have changed considerably.
• People tend to move towards more convenient options to reduce or
simplify their workload and add to their ease and comfort. Electro-
mechanical cooling appliances are easier to control in terms of intensity
and switching on and off; they cool more than VPCSs do; they do not
bring dust and insects into the house; and they are perceived to be more
convenient. In addition, at the present time, the price of electricity and
gas is relatively cheap, and saving energy is not a priority for the
majority of people. The rise in energy prices could be a driver for shifting
the focus from energy-intensive cooling/heating systems to low (or no)
energy passive-cooling (and heating) techniques, and even possibly to
VPCSs, as they proved to be successful in the past.
• Thermal comfort was the reason that VPCSs were utilised in the past
and may be one of the reasons why they are not used any more. In the
past, the inhabitants had to use them in order to achieve comfort; at
present, they have been superseded in that role by the advent of electro-
mechanical cooling devices.
• Since their introduction, air-conditioning and electro-mechanical cooling
systems have caused radical and fundamental cultural, social and environ-
mental changes to human life. They are resource-intensive cooling tech-
nologies which drive up energy demand and associated emissions of CO2.
The trend in the use of electro-mechanical cooling systems for buildings
has been (and still is) undermining the use of traditional building forms
and elements of regionally appropriate passive buildings.
• VPCSs can keep mechanical interventions to a minimum, even when they
cannot provide thermal comfort by themselves. With the help of VPCSs,
mechanical equipment would cool only when passive cooling is insuffi-
cient. VPCSs optimise the indoor thermal environment to the point where
mechanical conditioning is needed only as a backup for the climatic
extremes, thus providing comfort while using less imported energy.
• As VPCSs have been made redundant, today’s community is solely
dependent on mechanical cooling and ventilation systems to create the
desired thermal comfort levels. This dependency puts the community in a
potentially vulnerable situation, as without the provision of electricity the
community is not able to create thermal comfort through natural means.
This vulnerability is the consequence of the loss of knowledge on methods
of natural adaptation to the local climate, and the loss of vernacular
passive cooling features within modern architecture. Elimination of
VPCSs has the potential to dangerously limit man’s options for survival
in such extreme conditions.
The next chapter draws together briefly the main conclusions of the study
and summarises the contribution of the research to our knowledge. It
outlines the limitations of this study and identifies the further research that
is needed on the subject, as well as the implications of the findings.
References
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7 Conclusions
7.1 Conclusions and contribution to knowledge

The research has been a detailed empirical study of vernacular passive
cooling systems (VPCSs) in the houses of hot and dry climates in Iran, their
effectiveness in providing a comfortable temperature, and the perceptions of
the residents of these houses. It has helped to understand the performance
of VPCSs, based on both perceptions and actual measurements. Through
an original methodological approach, the empirical findings of this study
provide a new understanding of vernacular architecture in Iran, and VPCSs
in particular.
The research has shown that in the Iranian vernacular house there are
various VPCSs, including central courtyards, distinct seasonal rooms, loggias,
basements, massive structures and wind-catchers. These VPCSs work together
to provide comfortable conditions inside the vernacular house. They are
integral parts of one unified system and complement one another by providing
a diversity of temperatures, giving the occupants the opportunity to achieve
the optimum climatic environment. However, the success of a passive system
comprising several VPCSs in the vernacular house is subject to the active
participation of the inhabitants. If the inhabitants are willing and able to
adapt their lifestyle and behaviour to the system, they will be able to attain
indoor temperatures within their comfort zone. The research results, therefore,
provide support for the adaptive comfort theory.
The study has enhanced the past studies of thermal comfort. It has shown
that the neutral (comfort) temperature in vernacular houses in hot periods
in Yazd is 28˚C. Here, the only VPCS that provides a comfortable temperature
is the basement; none of the ground-floor rooms in buildings with only
vernacular passive cooling systems has a comfortable temperature throughout
an entire typical summer day. This means that the inhabitants are left with
the basement as the only place in the house that is consistently cool.
This failure in supplying thermally comfortable levels is one of the key
factors that have paved the way for electro-mechanical cooling systems.
Therefore, the provision of thermal comfort, which was one of the most
essential and vital factors for the survival of VPCSs in the past, has become
Conclusions 189
a factor in their demise at present. Nevertheless, VPCSs together do manage
to reduce the indoor temperature of houses and minimise the need for a
conventional cooling system, but only to a certain extent and under specific
circumstances. This indicates that, despite rather widespread and persistent
assumptions to the contrary, vernacular traditions are not sustainable by
definition.
Today, the urge and compulsion to use VPCSs to achieve thermal comfort
no longer exist, mainly because of the availability of electro-mechanical
evaporative coolers. However, the obsolescence of vernacular passive cooling
systems is not merely the result of the introduction of accessible and affordable
electro-mechanical cooling. These systems are perceived to be unhealthy,
uneconomic, often impractical and inconvenient. Altogether, the disadvantages
have outweighed the advantages of VPCSs, put a stop to their use in the
present day, and given them a reputation for being impracticable and obsolete.
The diversity of the disadvantages implies that VPCSs are neither adapted
nor suited to contemporary lifestyles. In this, all the identified negative factors
(in this research) have been influential, and the degree and nature of their
influence can be subjects for further research.
The research identified a multiplicity of positive factors attributed to
VPCSs. These varied from aesthetic, economic, psychological and well-being
to thermal-comfort factors, indicating that VPCSs have been applied to
serve various requirements and not just to provide thermal comfort. The
serenity and beauty of a courtyard or the pleasant spaciousness of a loggia
could possibly be considered as a compromise and compensate for some
slight overheating.
In addition, the case of vernacular passive cooling systems in Iran serves
to restrain critics from making sweeping generalisations regarding the sus-
tainability of vernacular architecture. The sufficient or, conversely, insuffi-
cient environmental performance of a specific vernacular building feature
(e.g. basements providing a comfortable temperature throughout the day
or the inability of courtyards and wind-catchers to do the same) does not
imply conclusions about the sustainability of an entire vernacular tradition,
let alone that of ‘vernacular architecture’ as a category. As the case study
indicates, the choices people make in relation to the continuation or aban-
donment of specific traditions are influenced by a variety of factors: the
environmental performance of the spaces as well as a whole range of cultural
factors (cost, convenience, cleanliness, aesthetics, functionality and health).
The dynamic, complex and context-dependent way in which all these factors
interrelate makes it difficult to identify the degree to which specific factors
play a more deterministic role than others. Environmental and cultural
factors interrelate, and the users seek a balance, making a trade-off between
these factors. Thus, all factors need consideration for the continuity of a
specific vernacular tradition. For example, the inhabitants of the vernacular
house try to make a compromise and keep a balance between the positive
and negative factors of their living area. If, for any reason, the negative
190 Conclusions
factors outweigh the positive ones, the balance is removed, and change will
become inevitable to maintain the balance. This is applicable to many archi-
tectural traditions in the world and shows that the sustainability of vernacu-
lar architecture or, broadly speaking, any traditional context in the present-day
environment continues unless the balance between the design and user
requirements is removed. Social, cultural, financial changes and behavioural
adjustments to adapt to the new environment are the ways forward to get the
right balance and achieve sustainability.
There are lessons to be learned from the past to enable developments to
be more appropriate, acceptable and sustainable for the present and future.
In order to slow down the destruction of vernacular buildings and urban
areas, they would have to be properly researched in the context of present
lifestyles. Such research should account for the dynamic and complex way
in which environmental, technical, social, cultural and economic dimensions
are intricately related. Focused, comprehensive and critical studies require a
more holistic, integrated and localised approach that recognises the context-
specific nature of the traditions and sustainability challenges concerned. This
approach can extract meaningful lessons from specific vernacular traditions.
In the case of vernacular dwellings, in order for them to become sustainable
and useful, all their attributes, including socio-cultural, economic, aesthetic,
health, convenience and comfort, should be holistically taken into consider-
ation and adjusted accordingly. Importantly, user perceptions should be
systematically examined and evaluated and the results utilised. In that case,
the knowledge and awareness of vernacular design can positively contribute
to sustainable urban and architectural improvements in both developing and
developed countries by providing practical solutions that are socially
and culturally acceptable. Moreover, if the drawbacks of VPCSs are overcome,
their incorporation in new buildings can help reduce, to a large extent, the
reliance on electro-mechanical cooling, and hence decrease the consumption
of electricity and cut CO2 emissions.
7.2 Limitations of the research

In the present study a number of limitations need to borne in mind. In the
temperature variation survey, the number of buildings was limited to seven
case studies. This was because access to the buildings was restricted, and
time limits and resources did not allow a longer recording time during the
hot season. However, the temperature readings in the traditional houses
of Yazd were made in typical hot seasons during which optimal climatic
conditions for the use of the VPCSs occurred.
This study was specifically designed to evaluate the thermal performance
of VPCSs during hot periods. There was no attempt to cover the cold and
temperate seasons. The limited access to the case studies and the labour
and cost of an intensive study precluded the repeating or continuation of
readings in the houses in Yazd.
Conclusions 191
The study was specifically limited to the geographical area of Yazd in
central Iran. Although it is believed that the findings could probably be
applied to most other cities and countries in similar climatic regions of the
Middle East, it would be more desirable to conduct a survey covering other
cities and also non-traditional houses to make comparisons possible; then
the implications would be clearer for the entire region.
7.3 Scope for further research

The findings and discussions are based on the scope of this research and
have thrown up many questions in need of further investigation. They have
yielded several suggestions for further research on this topic:
1 Further work needs to be done to investigate the provision of comfort-

able indoor temperatures in vernacular dwellings in different climates,
including hot and dry climates in other regions of the world.
2 Longer continuous temperature-recording periods (at least a whole
year) are needed to accurately assess the performance of vernacular
passive buildings during the cold, moderate and hot seasons.
3 Further research needs to be conducted into the effects of implementing
VPCSs in existing modern building types, which may reduce the energy
consumption and CO2 emission of these buildings. Evaluation of the
extent to which VPCSs could be successfully incorporated into existing
modern buildings to improve their energy performance, carbon reduction
and the thermal comfort of the occupants is an area for further research.
4 Considerably more work will need to be done to determine the different
perceptions of thermal comfort in vernacular and modern dwellings.
5 More surveys need to be done to assess the effects of incorporating
selected VPCSs into modern building types for different global-warming
scenarios in terms of energy performance, cultural acceptance and thermal
comfort.
6 A further investigation could assess the extent to which VPCSs could
reduce the temperature in urban areas with hot climates.
7 A further study (for example using computer simulations) could assess
the extent to which VPCSs could provide comfortable temperatures
within dwellings in hotter climates (according to the climate-change
scenarios).
8 More information on the advantages and disadvantages of the new
cooling devices used in dwellings in hot climates would help us to establish
a greater degree of accuracy in finding out whether or not there is any
future in vernacular low-energy technologies.
9 More broadly, research is needed to find out which factors are influential
in the success or failure of the vernacular architecture in different social,
cultural, economic and environmental contexts.
Index
Page numbers in bold refer to photographs
accessibility, in vernacular houses 145, Bahadori, M.N. 1, 6, 51, 60, 73, 77,
147, 157, 158, 163, 164 176–7, 182 85, 88, 142
adaptive comfort theory 103–9 110, bait 19
113, 188 Bakhtiar, L. 57
air-conditioning 2, 36–7, 183, 185; balconies 66
effects of 46–8 Bangladesh: comfort temperature
air quality 175 131; thermal comfort study in
air temperature 100, 104, 105, 110; 105, 110
and thermal comfort 97–8, 110, 115 basements 30, 51, 73–7, 142, 143, 188;
air velocity, and thermal comfort coolness of 161; cost of 163;
99–100, 105 maintenance costs 164; negative
air vents 49, 50, 51, 52 aspects 78, 162–4, 182; obsolescence
Alexander, C. 81 of 164; perceptions of 159–60,
Ali, S. 104, 110 164–5, 182–3; positive aspects of 78,
Al-Mumin, A.A. 59 160–2, 180; structural weakness of
Al-Qaradawi, Y. 19 163, 164; temperature variations
Alsayyid, N. 14 134, 136, 137, 138; used for resting
ambient cooling sinks 45 30, 160, 162; used for storage 77, 78,
American Society of Heating, 160, 161–2, 183
Refrigerating and Air Conditioning beauty of vernacular buildings 167,
Engineers 96 168, 173, 180, 189
Amirkabirion, A. 6 Beazley, E. 6, 17, 53
andarooni 32 Bedford comfort scale 102, 104
Arabic, words for house and home Benzinger, T.H. 97
19–20 birooni 32
Ardalan, N. 57 Bonine, M. 50, 78
ASHRAE comfort scale 102, 105, 107, boomi 16
108, 109–10, 114–15, 125 Borong, L. 6, 49
Asimakopoulos, D.N. 45 Bourdier, J.P. 14, 19
Asquith, l. 5 Bourgeois, J.L. 14, 80, 88
Auliciems, R. 106, 111 Brager, G.S. 107, 110
A’zami, A. 73 Brown, F. 73
Azizian, R. 88 Brunskill, R.W. 15
building design, effect of air-
backwardness, perceived, of vernacular conditioning on 47
buildings 4, 17 building materials, changes in 35–6, 79
badgirs see wind-catchers building standards 175
Index 193
Carter, T. 13, 15 Cook, J. 44, 45
cellars (sardabs) 73–4, 77–8, 164 cool air 145, 146, 150, 167
CEN, Standard EN15251 109, 110 cooling sinks 45
central courtyard houses 3, 24–30 (25, cooling wells 60
29), 39, 50–1, 52–62, 142, 143; as coolness 167; of courtyards 144, 146
alternative living space 145, 146; courtyards (see also central courtyard
clothing values 124; comfort houses) 25, 35; levels of 57–8; shape
temperature range 137; courtyards of 24, 53–4; size of 60
54, 55, 57, 58, 59; family life in 31–2, Cromley, E.C. 13, 15
146; greenery in 55, 57, 58–60; cultural values of vernacular houses 14,
history of 53; indoor temperatures 15, 173, 175, 182–3
24; maintenance costs 148, 149;
metabolic rate 124; negative aspects dampness, of basements 163, 165, 182,
62, 147–9, 181–2; new occupational 183
patterns 37–8; portal entrances 26; daylight 146–7, 151, 175
positive aspects 144–7, 180, 181; de Dear, R.J. 106, 107, 110
privacy in 20, 61; rooftops 26, 29–31; degradation of traditional urban fabric
rooms in 25–6; sensation votes 4
128–9; temperature variations 134–7; ‘diurnal migration’ 30, 138
thermal performance of 59–60; divars (see also walls) 79
vestibules 26; water in 55–7, 60 domes 30, 50, 51, 52
child safety 62, 147, 153, 164, 177 domestic buildings 18–20
China: courtyard houses 53; VPCSs in door-windows 67, 67–8
49 Dovey, K. 18–19
cities 4, 33; degradation of traditional Dubai, wind-catchers in 83, 88
areas 4; increase in summer dustiness 147, 148, 152, 170
temperatures 2 dwellings (see also homes/houses) 18,
Clark, G. 45 19–20; vernacular 20, 38
climate change 20; and greenhouse
gases 2 Ehyaei, M.A. 1
climatic chamber studies 102–3 electric fans 133, 170
clo units 100 electricity 33, 47, 137; used for cooling
clothing, and thermal comfort 100–1, 1, 2, 36–7, 46
124 electro-mechanical cooling systems 138,
CO2 emissions 2 141–2, 185–6
Cole, R.J. 97 energy efficiency/inefficiency 73, 148,
Coles, A. 46–7, 88 149, 182; of courtyard houses 149
comfort rooms 72–3 energy saving 151, 155, 156, 161, 162,
comfort temperature 104, 105, 108, 185; wind-catchers 167, 168
109, 110; calculation of 130–2; and energy use 1,2; of air-conditioners 47
comfort votes 114–15, 105–7; and environmental conditions, adaptation
indoor/outdoor temperatures 105–7, to 18
132–3; range of 133; in vernacular eyvans (see also loggias) 50, 52, 62–3,
houses 188 64, 65
comfort votes 125–8, 128–9; and
preference votes 127 family organization, in courtyard
comfort zone 97, 101, 108, 110, 115, houses 31–2, 146
120, 133; comfort temperature and Fanger, P.O. 101–2, 130
13–14 Fardeheb, F. 49
control of environment 105, 108, 110, Fathy, H. 72
113, 178 Fethi, I. 30, 77, 138
convenience (see also inconvenience) field studies in thermal comfort 103–15,
190; of air-conditioning 183, 185; 120–38
threshold of 185 flats 36, 61
194 Index
Foruzanmehr, A. 7, 25, 30, 57, 60, 62, Iran (see also Yazd) 12, 21; change in
73, 183 building patterns 33–7; change in
fountains 56 street systems 32–3; neglect of VPCSs
‘four season houses’ 25, 50–1, 70 4; studies of vernacular architecture
5–6, 7
Germany, words for house and home Iraq: basement rooms 76; wind-catchers
19 in 83, 84
Ghobadian, V. 6, 50–1, 80 Ismail, A.A. 20
Givoni, B. 45, 97 Italy, words for house and home 19
Glassie, H.H. 15–16 Izikowitz, K.G. 18
global warming 2, 3
globe temperature 98, 105, 110 Jackson, P. 46–7, 88
greenery 146, 175; in central courtyards Japan, attitudes to natural ventilation
55, 57, 58–60 46, 48
greenhouse gas emissions 47 Jones, P.J. 6, 49
Griffiths, I.D. 107, 114, 131–2
Kalantari, H. 22
Habibi, K. 4 kha-ne 20
Harverson, M. 6 Kheirabadi, M. 5, 50
Hataminejad, H. 22 korsi 72
heat balance theory 101–3, 113
heat loss 99 La Roche, P. 109
heat retention 80 land utilisation 73, 147, 148, 152
Heidari, S. 51, 107, 111, 130, 131, Lawrence, R.J. 18, 33
142 Lebens, R. 45
high ceilings 49, 51, 70 Lechner, N. 49
homes/houses 18–19; words for in loggias 25, 49–50, 52, 62–6 (63),
different languages 19–20 142; as a multi-functional space
households: changes in 37; in courtyard 150, 151; negative aspects 152–3,
houses 31–2, 53, 146 154; popularity of 143; positive
humidity, relative 100, 115 aspects 66, 150–1, 153; thermal
Humphreys M.A. 98, 102, 103, 105, effect of 65; transformation of, in
107, 110, 113, 114, 121, 130, 131, new houses 65–6, 154; usability
137 of 65, 151–2
Ilam (Iran), thermal comfort study 111, McIntyre, D.A. 102

131 maintenance costs 148, 149, 164, 169,
immigrants, housing for 38 170, 171, 177, 182
inconvenience 62, 148–9, 177, 181–2, Malama, A. 105, 110
183–4, 185; of loggias 153–4; of Malick, F.H. 105, 110, 131
seasonal rooms 158, 159; of wind- Manzoor, S. 61–2, 77
catchers 170, 172 Markham, S.F. 46
India: courtyard houses 53; thermal Mazria, E. 44
comfort field studies in 104, 110 Memarian, G.H. 6, 51, 52, 53, 62, 63,
indoor temperatures 12, 136–7, 159; 73
and comfort votes 128, 129, 130–1, Mercer, E. 14–15
133; of courtyard houses 106, 124; metabolism, and thermal comfort
thermal comfort and 105, 107, 108, 100–1, 124
132–3, 134; thick walls and 80 micro-climate 46, 59, 138; of
insulation 49, 79 courtyards 55, 56; of newer houses
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate 36
Change (IPCC) 2 Modarres, A. 35
internal nomadism 30, 138 modern living, suitability of vernacular
intra-mural migration 138 houses for 165, 171, 172, 177
Index 195
modernisation, effects on traditional perceived comfort 102
cultures 16–17, 37 permanency of vernacular architecture
Mohajeri, N. 73 15
Monshizade, A. 73 Persian, words for house and home in
Montazeri, H. 88 20
Moradi, A.M. 6 physiological comfort model 101–3,
Morton, T. 35 113
moving around the house during the Pirnia, M. 6
day (see also seasonal rooms) 30–1, plants 49, 50, 51, 55
70, 137, 138, 178, 185 Portugal, words for house and home in
multi-storey buildings 36, 61 19
privacy 20, 32, 173; of central
Nahar, N.M. 142 courtyard houses 20, 26, 32, 53, 146;
natural ventilation 45, 49, 85, 108, flat roofs and 26; thick walls and 79,
175, 184 80
neighbourhoods, satisfaction/
dissatisfaction with 177–8 radiant heat exchange 98
Nepal, VPCSs 49 radiant temperature 98–9
neutral temperature see comfort Rapoport, A. 53, 80
temperature reflected heat 62
new buildings 2, 33, 35–6; suitability of regression analysis 113, 130–1
VPCSs for 171; transformation of research: need for 5–7; scope for 191
loggias in 65–6, 154; and wind- Rezvan, A. 153
catchers 171 Rijal, H.B. 49
Nicol, J.F. 48, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, Roaf, S. 2, 6, 24, 30, 62, 72, 77, 78,
104, 106, 107, 110, 111, 114, 131, 84–5, 87, 107, 137, 138, 142
137 roofs 26, 29–30, 50, 51, 52; flat 26;
night cooling 60 grass 37; and privacy 26; sleeping on
nisar 70 26, 49, 70, 137; used for socialising
Noble, A.G. 14 29
noise, level of 175 rooms (see also seasonal rooms) 66, 72;
Noori, M. 73, 88 in central courtyard houses 66–8;
thermal environments of 72–3
Oliver, P. 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 53, 87
Olygvay V. 97 Safarzadeh, H. 60
Oranratmanee, R. 19 safety of traditional houses 173, 177,
orientation 35, 49, 50, 51, 52 178
Oseland, N.A. 102, 105, 110 sakan 19–20
otagh 66 Santamouris, M. 45
outdoor temperatures 136–7; and sardabs (see also cellars) 73–4, 77–8,
comfort temperature 105, 107, 108, 164
132 Sawachi, T. 48
SCATs (Smart Controls and Thermal
Pakistan: thermal comfort study in Comfort) 108
106, 111, 131; wind-catchers Schoenauer, N. 49–50
in 83, 84 seasonal rooms (see also summer
Parkhurst, G. 46 rooms; winter rooms) 15, 50, 51;
Parnaby, R. 46 difficulties of moving 157, 158; high
passive cooling (see also vernacular cost of 158; negative aspects 157–8,
passive cooling systems) 44–6, 108; 182; orientation of 52; perceptions of
definition of 44–5; importance 154–5, 158–9; positive aspects 155–7
of 48 semi-open living spaces see loggias
passive heating 44, 45 sensation votes see comfort votes
Pelos, C. 14 shade 49, 50–1, 57, 60, 65, 70
196 Index
Sharma, M.R. 104, 110 80; of summer rooms 70; thermal
Shove, E. 47, 65, 183 effects of 51, 72, 79–80
Singapore, comfort temperature 131 traditional architecture 14, 38–9;
Smith, P.F. 2 undervaluing of 4, 17
Soflaei, F. 73 traditional houses: negative aspects
solar heating 45 175–8; positive aspects 173–5, 178
Solomon Islands, thermal comfort study traditional technologies 17, 18, 49
in 104, 110 traffic in cities 33
sonnati 16, 39 transpiration 57
space inefficiency of vernacular trees 57, 58, 146
buildings 152, 158, 159, 171, 176,
178 underground rooms (see also
Stivastan, S. 6, 49 basements) 50, 51, 73–8
street patterns 32–3, 50, 51, 52 United Kingdom, thermal comfort
structural stability of traditional study 105, 110
houses 163, 164, 169, 171–2, 173, Upton, D. 14–15
175, 178 urban fabrics 4, 52
summer rooms 69–70, 74–5, 136, 156 US Energy Information Administration
sun-shading 49 1
sunken gardens 58–9 US Environmental Protection Agency 2
sustainability of vernacular architecture
3, 18, 73, 178, 182, 189–90 Vaziritabar, S. 31
swamp coolers 36–7, 138, 141–2, 159, Vellinga, M. 5, 7, 183
170, 183 ventilation (see also natural ventilation)
76–7, 78, 85; poor 163, 165, 182;
Taghi, F.A. 4, 6, 78 wind-catchers and 167–8
talar 62–3, 64, 65 verandas 47, 49
Tanabe, S.I. 102 vermin 147; in basements 163, 182; in
Tavassoli, M. 6 courtyards 149; in loggias 152
temperature, changes in 184; and vernacular, definition of 13
thermal sensation 105–10, 123, 133, vernacular architecture 13–16, 20;
134–8 characteristics of 16; definition of
temperature, global, increasing 2, 3 13–14, 15; forms of 18–19;
temperature, operative 114 importance of 17–18; literature
temperature variation measurements review 5–7; pressures on 16–17
121–4 vernacular cooling technologies
temperature variation survey 121–3, 5, 6–7
134–8 vernacular houses 3, 19–20, 38; in
thermal comfort 8; definition of 96–7; harmony with environment 3, 18
physical measures of 97–101, 110, vernacular passive cooling systems
115 (VPCSs) 3, 48–89, 141–3, 184–6,
thermal comfort studies: field studies 188–9; maintenance costs 182;
103–15; physiological comfort model negative aspects 180–2, 189; neglect
101–3 of 3–4, 189; obsolescence of 184,
thermal comfort survey 120–1, 124–34 189; perception of 144–84;
thermal preference scale 125–6 popularity of 143–4; positive aspects
thermal preference votes 125–8 179–80; use of in Yazd 136, 138,
thermal satisfaction 96 142–86
thermal sensation votes see comfort vestibules 26
votes Vlach, J.M. 14–15
thermal sensations 97, 101, 104, Von Hardenberg, J.G. 74
105–6, 115
thick walls 49, 50, 52, 142, 143; and walls, earthen (see also thick walls) 49,
cultural identity 81; and privacy 79, 50, 51, 79–80; high 3
Index 197
water 3, 24, 49, 51, 146, 175; in Yaghoobi, M. 6, 73, 77
courtyards 55–6, 60; and wind- Yazd 21, 22, 34, 54, 55; buildings
catchers 87 in 22, 34, 35, 64, 69, 74–5,
Webb, C.G. 131 77, 79, 173–4; climate in
wind-catchers 49, 51, 52, 81–9 21–2, 23; Lariha House
(82, 83), 142, 165–6, 172, 180; 134–5, 135; Mahmoodi House
connected to basements 76–7; 123, 124; temperature variation
construction of 84–5; cultural survey 121–3, 134–8; thermal
values of 88, 168; environmentally comfort surveys 120–1,
friendly 168; functions of 85–7; 124–34; use of electro-
maintenance costs 169, 170, 171; mechanical coolers 141,
negative aspects 88–9, 168–72, 182; 159, 170, 172; use of VPCSs 136,
obsolescence of 172, 184; popularity 138, 141–3, 184–6; vernacular
of 143; positive aspects 166–8, 180; houses in 24–30
structural weaknesses of 169, 171–2; ‘year round houses’ 25, 70
variety of 83–4; water and 87
windows 47, 85, 175, 178; sash 68, 69, Zahiri, S. 73
142 Zambia, thermal comfort study 105,
winter rooms 71–2, 80, 136, 156 110
Woolard, D. 104, 110 Zein Al Abidin 78
Wyon, D.P. 130 zir-zamin see basements

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Thermal Comfort in

Hot Dry Climates

With increases in global temperatures, the risk of overheating is expected

Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr is an academic and architect who has worked in

For a full list of titles, please visit: https://www.routledge.com/architecture/series/

Rethinking Basic Design in Architectural Education

Shedding New Light on Art Museum Additions

The Break with the Past

Architectural Colossi and the Human Body

From Doxiadis’ Theory to Pikionis’ Work

Thermal Comfort in Hot Dry Climates

ISBN: 978-1-138-69499-6 (hbk)

2 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates: the city of Yazd13

4 Thermal comfort in buildings96

5 Summertime thermal comfort in vernacular earth dwellings

6 Perception and use of vernacular passive cooling systems141

1.1 Background and importance of the research

1.2 Gap in knowledge

1.3 Aim of the book

1.5 Overview of chapters

2.2 Discourse of vernacular architecture

deliberately permanent rather than temporary, which is traditional rather

‘Permanent’, ‘traditional’, ‘simple and ordinary’, ‘related to place’, ‘built

composed of local (not national) materials, hand made (not industrial),

2.3 Vernacular architecture – current situation

2.4 Importance of traditional and vernacular architecture

2.5 Common forms of vernacular architecture: home,

2.5.1 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates

Figure 2.1 Iran in the Middle East

Figure 2.2 Map of Iran and the location of Yazd

Cooling degree days

Heating degree days

January 5.5 12.3 –0.4 0 0 372.3 54 11

Figure 2.4 Central-courtyard houses in Yazd

Figure 2.5 A view of a typical central-courtyard house

Figure 2.8 Plan of a typical house in Nain, Iran

Figure 2.9 Rooftop of vernacular houses in Yazd

taller buildings) and higher levels of air pollution in modern cities

Similarly, a typical day during the hot season in an Iranian traditional

Time Space Men Women Meal

6am Roof Waking/rising Waking/rising Breakfast

2.8 Social life in traditional houses in central Iran

2.9 Change in traditional architectural and urban patterns

2.9.1 Change in street systems

2.9.2 Change of building patterns – orientation, materials

2.9.3 Changes in households

2.9.4 Traditional courtyard houses and new occupation patterns

2.9.5 Vernacular dwelling in the present day

• In the context of this research, a vernacular building refers to a building

3.2 Passive cooling – history and concept

3.3 Air-conditioning and its effects

3.4 Importance of passive cooling systems

3.5 Vernacular passive cooling systems

Water fountains, basins, and salsabils (fountains in which water tumbled

In Iran, many academics have written about vernacular architectural passive

In pre-industrial times, the traditional Iranian house represented a most

Kheirabadi (1991) highlights the existence of compact urban form,

To adjust to the hostile climate, traditional Iranian urban planners learned

According to Ghobadian et al. (2008), central courtyards, distinct summer

Traditionally, inwardly-oriented houses – with central courtyards –

Similarly, Monshizade (2008), Zahiri (2008), Soflaei (2006), Memarian and

• central courtyards with greenery, vegetation and water features;

Among the above vernacular passive cooling systems (VPCSs), ‘compact

2 Vernacular dwellings in hot and dry climates: the city of Yazd13

4 Thermal comfort in buildings96

6 Perception and use of vernacular passive cooling systems141

Figure 2.1 Iran in the Middle East

Figure 2.4 Central-courtyard houses in Yazd

Figure 2.5 A view of a typical central-courtyard house

Figure 2.8 Plan of a typical house in Nain, Iran

Figure 2.9 Rooftop of vernacular houses in Yazd

Figure 3.8 An eyvan in Yazd

Figure 3.9 Door-windows in a house, Yazd

Figure 3.12 A sash window in Yazd

Figure 3.13 Plan and room perspective for a vernacular house in Yazd

Figure 4.1 Air speed required to offset operative temperature; the horizontal