Professional Documents
Culture Documents
on Chinese Religions
and Popular Beliefs
Guang Xing6
Abstract
Chinese religions or Chinese traditional religions include Confucianism,
Daoism, Buddhism and popular beliefs derived from and related to these
three. Liu Mi, a Chinese elite of the late Song and early Yuan dynasty, said
in his essay Sanjiao Pingxin Lun “Buddhism is for the cultivation of mind,
Daoism is for the training of the physical body and Confucianism is for the
governance of the world.” This reflects the roles and functions of the three
religions in China in the last two thousand years with Confucianism at the
center supported by Buddhism and Daoism. Although there were conflicts and
persecutions in Chinese history but harmony and integration were the
mainstream as both Buddhism and Chinese thought uphold the open and
tolerate attitude of mind. Thus, Ma Xisa, a specialist in Chinese popular
religions said that Buddhism heavily influenced Chinese popular religions in
their formations and developments.
Guang Xing is a professor of Centre of Buddhist Studies, The Univ. of Hong Kong.
(guangxin@hku.hk)
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culturer February 2012, vol. 18, pp. 135‒57.
ⓒ 2012 International Association for Buddhist Thought & Culture
The day of submission: 2011.12.14 / Completion of review: 2012.1.4 / Final decision for acceptance: 2012.1.6
136 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
I. Introduction
So Liu Mi (劉謐), a Chinese elite of the late Song and early Yuan
dynasty, quoted in his essay Sanjiao Pingxin Lun (三敎平心論, A Discussion
on the Three Religions) the words of the Emperor Xiaozhong of Southern
Song dynasty who said in his essay Yuandao Bian (A Refutation of the
Origin of the Way) “Buddhism is for the cultivation of mind, Daoism is for
the training of the physical body and Confucianism is for the governance of
the world.”1 This reflects the roles and functions of the three religions in
China in the last two thousand years with Confucianism at the center
supported by Buddhism and Daoism. Although there were conflicts and
persecutions in Chinese history but harmony and integration were the
mainstream as both Buddhism, the foreign religion and Chinese thought uphold
the open and tolerate attitude of mind. Buddhism even encourages Chinese
1 故孝宗皇帝製原道辯曰 (T. 24, no. 2117, 781); 以佛治心,以道治身,以儒治世. (T. 24, no. 2117, 28b
–29).
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture 137
people to continue their ancestor worship and the respect of local gods.2 Thus,
Ma Xisa, a specialist in Chinese popular religions said that Buddhism heavily
influenced Chinese popular religions in their formations and developments (Ma
2004, 36).
2 Both the Patakammasutta and Adiyasutta say, “Again, housefather, with the wealth acquired by
energetic striving, lawfully gotten, the noble disciple is a maker of the fivefold offering, namely: to
relatives, to guests, to departed ones, to the king and to the gods. This is the third opportunity seized by
him, turned to merit and fittingly made use of” (Woodward 1927, Anguttaranikāya Ⅱ 67; Gradual Saying
Ⅱ 76).
138 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
their scriptures by borrowing ideas and thought from the Buddhist scriptures
(Qing 1990, 160, 166–68). For instance, the Longbao Jing (靈寶經) has
borrowed much from the Buddhist Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra (大般涅槃經) which
was translated into Chinese by Dharmakṣema in Northern Liang dynasty (北
涼) (414–21).
According to Qing Xitai, influenced by Mahāyāna prajñāpāramitā
literature and Tiantai school, a Daoists school named Zhongxuan (重玄) which
means emphasis on metaphysics appeared in early Tang dynasty and became
an important school of thought in Daoism (Qing 1990, 171). The
representative person is Chen Xuanying (陳玄英).
(2) The Buddhist theory of karma and rebirth influenced Daoism most
together with the description of heavens and hells. Daoists borrowed many
other concepts and terminologies from Buddhism and incorporated into their
teachings. According to Qing Xitai, Daoism assimilated the Buddhist theory of
karma and rebirth and mixed it with Daoist theory of Chengfu which means
future generations will suffer the consequences of their fore fathers’ bad deeds,
to describe man’s fortune in the world (Qing 1990, 160–61). They also
assimilated the Buddhist ideas of saṃsāra, the round of birth and death as
there are no such theories in Chinese philosophy. Qing Xitai gives the
following example from the Daoist scriptures,
The evil men will be born in the three evil states after they die,
but Daoists will be born in heavens or in the human world....Thus
these men with heavy evil deeds will be born in Cilian hell which is
full of fire and water for thirty billion kalpas without an end. Even
if they are born as men they have only the human physical form,
but no human emotion....They will again be born as animals of six
kinds eating grass and drinking water just for humans to consume
their flesh....Thus is the cycle of rebirth. (Qing 1990, 160)3
We notice in this short passage that some of the Buddhist terms are
also taken over without change such as Jie (劫), which is a transliteration
from the Sanskrit word kalpa meaning an aeon found in Buddhist texts.
The Daoist Lingbao school even invented the central deity named
Yuanshi Tianzun (元始天尊) by merging the creator Shangqing (上清) with
Buddha who is known in Buddhism as shizun (世尊) “World-Honored One”
(Kohn 2001, 95). The Daoists reformed their cosmology modeled after the
Buddhist cosmology. Just as the Buddhists, the Daoists also have “a total of
thirty-two heavens, placed in concentric circles around it. Like Buddhist
heavens they were divided into three levels―the worlds of desire (six heavens),
form (eighteen), and formlessness (four)―plus four Brahma-heavens for true
believers” (Kohn 2001, 97). Just as the Buddhists, Daoists also describe their
cosmology as evolving and devolving with Yuanshi Tianzun (元始天尊) as the
creator. Each of the world-cycles was then called jie. Livia Kohn says, “The
creation...was also understood to depend on sacred sounds....Instead of thinking
of these sounds as native Chinese spells, the Lingbao Daoist now linked them
with the foreign sounds of Sanskrit and identified them as “Brahma-sounds”
(fanyin 梵音).
We also find the description of heaven in the Daoist scripture Yunji
Qiqian (雲笈七簽) and the description of hell in the Daoist Lingbao Jing (靈
寶經). The Daoist Lingbao Jing (靈寶經) describes twelve hells and the Daoist
Sanshi liubu jing Yuqing jing (三十六部經玉清經) describes twenty hells, the
names of these hells suggest that they are taken from Buddhist sources. The
Daoist assimilation of Buddhist thought is more subtle and conscious in Song
dynasty (960–1279).
(3) Buddhism also influenced Daoism in establishing their monasticism.
According to Qing Xitai, Daoist Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–77) reformed Tianshi
Daoism by assimilating Buddhist ideas and other Daoists established Daoist
precepts modelling on Buddhist monasticism (Qing 1990, 166). The well
known Daoist Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536) even openly said that he had
been prophesied by the Buddha to be born as a bodhisattva and made vows
to observe the five precepts himself in front of the Buddhist Asoka Stupa
(Qing 1990, 166). Thus, Daoists openly established their monasticism by
modeling on Buddhist monasticism. So Kohn says, “On the whole, medieval
Daoist monasteries were quite similar to their Buddhist counterparts, but
140 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
official celibacy among Daoists was only required in the early Song, when
monks and nuns had to be properly registered” (Kohn 2001, 154).
(4) Buddhism also influenced Daoist ritual. In mid Tang dynasty, Tantric
Buddhism was introduced into China by three great masters Śubhākarasiṃha
(善無畏, 637–735), Vajrabodhi (金剛智, 671–741) and Amoghavajra (不空,
705–74). They translated a huge number of small tantric Buddhist texts and
also introduced complicated tantric rituals together with mandalas and hand
gestures. According to a Daoist specialist, Livia Kohn, Daoists absorbed the
Buddhist tantric ritual and developed their own ones into sophisticated and
standard rites (Kohn 2001, 140). Many of the Buddhist rituals were taken over
as they were without modification so they appeared almost entirely as same as
the Buddhist. They also created a number of new guardian gods and
protectors based on the Buddhist ideas of bodhisattvas.
Thus, Daoism assimilated many elements from Buddhism such as ideas
to theories, rituals and monastic regulations, but it does not mean that Daoism
is inferior to Buddhism, it is just a mutual assimilation and borrowing as
Buddhism also borrowed many ideas and thought from the former. On the
contrary, Daoism became an institutionalized religion with all necessary
religious elements during the Northern and Southern dynasties.
are born in Pure Land according to the purity of their minds. Therefore,
cultivation of mind and Pure Land practice should be practiced together.
The Society spread so fast that it caused the attention of the Song
government and the founder was caught and banished for three years. Later,
he was released and even conferred a title by emperor Gaozong of Song.
Thus it spread again in the south.
In Yuan dynasty, the White Lotus Society was mixed with Chinese folk
beliefs and spread fast so it again caused the attention of the government.
According to the Yuan Shi (元史–武宗本紀, History of Yuan), in 1308, the
Society was banned, their monasteries were destroyed and the practitioners
were forced to return to lay life.
However, later, a Buddhist monk from Lushan named Pudu (普度) wrote
the Lushan Lianzong Baojian (廬山蓮宗寶鑒) to explain the doctrine of the
Society and some upper class people of the White Lotus Society supported it,
so it was allowed to practice again.
But the Society spread fast amongst the ordinary people and its teaching
also changed so it instigated and stirred up the feeling of people against the
Yuan rule which finally led to the fall of the dynasty.
The White Cloud Society was originally a branch of the Huayan school,
but towards the end of Song dynasty, Kong Qingjue (孔清覺, 1043–1121), a
monk from the White Cloud monastery advocated vegetarian meal to attract
lay people. Kong Qingjue considered that the doctrine of the Huayanjing or
Avatamsaka was the sudden teaching and the final stage in the ten stages of
Bodhisattva practices hence it is the Buddhayana or Buddha vehicle. He also
advocated the syncretism of three religions and considered that the
Confucianism advocated loyalty and filial piety, Buddhism advocated
compassion and Daoism advocated simple and quiet life without attachment.
So the three religions are the same in teaching but each has its own
characteristics.
The Society spread fast and attracted many people but since both men
and women practiced together so it was treated by both the traditional
Buddhism and the government as a heretic. Hence in 1116, Kong Qingjue was
142 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
banished to far south but later was released. By the end of Southern Song, in
1202, it was reported that the White Cloud Society practiced in night with
men and women together either in the name of building bridges or chanting
sutras so people suggested abolishing it. In Yuan dynasty, the White Cloud
Society spread in Hongzhou area. The abbot of Puning monastery in
Hongzhou, Daoan organized to print another edition of the Tripitaka named
Puning Edition (普寧藏) in which the works of the White Cloud Society were
added. However, it was banned from practice in Yuan in 1320.
The third one is the Wuwei (無為, Non-Action) Sect founded by Luo
Qing (羅清, 1442–1527) who was a major figure in Buddhist-inspired
sectarianism. According to Daniel L. Overmyer, originally a soldier by
profession, Luo Qing set out on a quest for salvation, studied with various
masters, and drew inspiration from a large number of texts, the majority of
which were Buddhist in nature (Overmyer and Adler 2005, 1607). His
teachings show a strong influence of Chan Buddhism, with an emphasis on
the individual’s recovery of his or her innate buddha-nature, or
Tathagatagarbha. But Lou Qing explained the profound teachings of the three
religions in simple and clear language so that even the illiterate ordinary
people could understand him. Thus he gained many people’s support and soon
became an influential popular religion.
For Luo Qing, the concept of Śunyata (emptiness) collapsed all
distinctions, including those between men and women, and clergy and laity,
opening up release from Samsara for all living beings. His writings were
gathered in a collection called the Wubu liuce (五部六冊, Five Books in Six
Volumes), which still enjoys the status of sacred scripture among present-day
sects such as the Longhua Pai (龍華派, Dragon Flower Sect) of southeastern
China.
After the death of Luo Qing, his school split into four sects and one of
them developed into the popular religion of I-Guan Dao (一貫道) which is
still active in Taiwan. The practice of vegetarian diet and worship of Guanyin
have been influenced by Buddhism. The third sect developed from Wuwei is
the Sanyi Jiao (三一教, Three-in-One Teaching) founded by Lin Zhao’en (林
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture 143
A. Guanyin Belief
4 For a detailed discussion on Guanyin belief in China, please refer to my paper (Guang Xing 2011).
144 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
them” (T. 50, no. 2061, 848, 23b–8c). Thus, People identified him as the
Maitreya, the future Buddha. According to a Song dynasty Zhuan Chuo (莊綽)
who wrote Jileibian (雞肋編), people in his time already made statues of Qici
(契此) and worshiped him as Maitreya (Zhuang 1983, 52).
This tradition is accepted by the mainstream Chinese Buddhism and the
Laughing Buddha is usually found in the first Shrine Room when you enter a
Chinese monastery. In 1098, Chinese Song emperor Zhezong (哲宗) gave him
an official title Great Master Dingying (定應大師). Thus, Indian Maitreya has
been completely transformed into Chinese Laughing Buddha Mile in Song
dynasty.5
The Mile belief in Chinese society became much more popular after
Song dynasty and there came up many Baojuan, Treasure Scrolls, such as
Mile sanhui ji (彌勒三會記, Record of Maitreya’s three meetings), Longhua
huiji (龍華會記, Record of Longhua meeting), Mile sun (彌勒頌, Praises of
Maitreya), Milefoshuo dizang shiwang baojuan (彌勒佛說地藏十王寶卷,
Maitreya Buddha preached Treasure Scroll of Dizang and the Ten Kings),
Dasheng Mile huadu baojuan (大聖彌勒化度寶卷, Treasure Scroll of the Great
Saint Maitreya’s Conversion), Milefo chuxi baojuan (彌勒佛出西寶卷, Treasure
Scroll of Maitreya’s appearance in the west), Budai jing (布袋經, Scripture of
Budai), Mile gufojiao pian (彌勒古佛教篇, The Ancient Buddha Maitreya’s
teaching) etc.
Today Maitreya or Milefo is usually depicted in art according to this
Chinese monk with a big belly and laughing. This new image of Maitreya in
Chinese culture symbolizes the spirit of open-mindedness and tolerance. So
Milefo or Maitreya Buddha in China today represents humanistic, practical and
happy attitude of life with a spirit to promote peace and prosperity in society.
Some people even worship Mile as the god of wealth, Caishen (財神).
C. Amitofo–Amita Buddha
5 From Yuan dynasty Yuan Jue’s (元-袁桷) Yanyou Simin Zhi (延祐四明志), Cited from Ma and Han
(2004, 53).
146 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
火輪, wind and fire wheel). The wind and fire wheel is a powerful vehicle
which can carry Nazha swiftly to any place wherever he wants to go. He
holds a trident in his right hand and a large golden ring in left hand as his
arms. This magical ring is called qian kun quan (乾坤圈), which can change
its size freely as Nazha wishes. Nazha is an important cultural icon in Taiwan
now.
Daoshi (道世) describes eighteen hells together with Yama as the king who
has eighteen ministers to govern the eighteen hells in his book Fayuan Zhulin
(法苑珠林, Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma) compiled in 668.
Today Chinese people’s belief of eighteen hells is almost a combination of
Buddhist and Daoist traditions.
According to the Chinese belief, the King of Eastern Mountain (東嶽大
帝) is the chieftain to govern the hells. But in the Buddhist texts, Yama (閻
羅) is described as the king of hells. The belief of Yama as the king of hell
is found in the ancient Indian text Yajurveda (梨俱吠陀) as Yamaraja and
Buddhism absorbed it into its own system of belief. The belief of Yama as
the king of hells was already widely spread in the Southern and Northern
dynasties as the Biography of Han Qinhu in the Sui History (隋書-韓擒虎傳)
informs us that Han Qinhu (韓擒虎) even made vows that he would become
Yama the king of hell.
We find from a full description of the ten kings in hells in the two
versions of the apocryphal Scripture on the Ten Kings (十王經) which were
written by a Buddhist monk named Zangchuan 藏川 the Dizang Pusa faxin
yingyuan shiwang jing (地藏菩薩發心因緣十王經, Scripture of the Ten Kings
about the Causes of Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva’s Making of Vows) and
Yanlouwang shouji linsizhong niexiu sheng qizai gongde wangsheng jingdu jing
(閻羅王受記令四眾逆修生七齋功德往生淨土經) found in Dunhuang.
According to Stephen Teiser, the apocryphal Scripture on the Ten Kings
came into being in late Tang or in the tenth century. After the Tang dynasty,
the ten kings of hells became popular and they became the subjects of the
King of Eastern Mountain. Daoism assimilated the Buddhist idea of Yama and
hells and popularized it during the Tang dynasty. According to the popular
belief that there are ten courts in hells and there is one king to each court.
The names of the Kings of the ten courts in hells are a mixture of names
from historical Chinese people and also Buddhist scriptures. They are (1)
Qingguang (一殿秦廣王), (2) Chujiang (二殿初江王), (3) Songdi (三殿宋帝
王), (4) Wuguan (四殿五官王), (5) Yanluo (五殿閻羅王), (6) Biancheng (六殿
變成王), (7) Taishan (七殿太山王), (8) Pingzheng (八殿平正王), (9) Dushi
150 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
The fourth is the belief of the mother of child ghost (鬼子母). This is
also from Buddhist tradition and according to which a female Hariti (ghost)
who has five hundred children used to eat other people’s children. Upon
hearing this Sakyamuni came and hid the youngest child so Hariti could not
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture 151
find it. Then she asked Sakyamuni to help and Sakyamuni taught her to
compare herself with other women who also have children. So she realized
her wrong deeds and became a protector woman who always protects children.
So she is worshipped in China as the mother who delivers children for
childless people (送子娘娘). She is depicted as a middle aged woman with
many children around her and one child in her arms.
Jigong (濟公) is the honorable name for the Buddhist monk Jidian (濟
顛) whose lay name is Li Xiuyuan (李修緣) live in the Song dynasty.
Because of his good deeds of helping people so they named him the Living
Buddha Jigong (濟公活佛) after he died. He is a descendant of a military
marshal, Lee Wenhe (李文和), around Tiantai (天台) area. When he was
eighteen, he became a monk at Lingyin monastery (靈隱寺) in Hangzhou (杭
州) under master was Huiyuan (慧遠). It is said that Jigong was a monk who
did not follow the disciplines of Buddhist monastery. He drank wine and ate
meat, his talking was naughty and behavior was crazy. Other monks did not
like him and always wanted to expel him from the temple. However, his kind
master always kept him stay well until his master was dead. Then Jigong was
expelled from the Lingyin monastery and moved to another temple, the Jingci
monastery (淨慈寺) and stayed there till his death in 1209.
According to legend, he had some magical power, so he always helped
people curing their illnesses or predicting their accidents etc. As a result,
People loved him and thought that he was the incarnation of the Buddhist
arhat who tamed a dragon. Thus the belief of Jigong became popular and
there came up many folk literature about his life and legend. By the
beginning of Ming dynasty, many storytellers propagated Jigong’s
thaumaturgical stories. All the material enriched Jigong’s story. Today, Jigong’s
story is rewritten as TV shows and they are very popular in Taiwan,
Mainland China and Tibetan area.
Jigong is an important figure in the popular religion as many sects
regard him as a deity. For example, when people call upon their gods 降神
152 Guang Xing: Buddhist Influence on Chinese Religions and Popular Beliefs
or hold on the flying phoenix ritual (扶鸞), Jigong is one of the major deities
who possesses on the medium. In I-guan Dao, the disciples call Jigong ‘Lao
shi’ (老師), the master or the teacher, and they believe that I-guan Dao’s
founder, Zhang Tianran (張天然, 1889–1947), was the incarnation of Jigong.
Another famous sect, Ci Hui Tang (慈惠堂), is the one who familiar with
Jigong’s mediumship. In popular religion, although Jigong is not the highest
god, he is the benevolent messenger who helps people.
Southern dynasties and Buddhists celebrated various birthdays for Buddhas and
bodhisattvas. According to the Buddhist tradition, Sakyamuni attained
enlightenment on the eighth day of the twelfth month by practicing meditation
under a bodhi tree after he ate congee offered by a young lady. This took
place after he realized the futility of practicing ascetic life for six long years.
From the Song dynasty onwards, Chinese monasteries offer congee to people
every year on this day and thus it became a tradition for people to enjoy
congee for good luck and happiness. Thus, the Laba festival is celebrated with
both Chinese and Buddhist characteristics.
I. Funeral Practice
The long lasting practice of Chinese people for the dead is to bury with
a thick coffin because they generally believe that it is a filial act to their
parents or grandparents as told in the Chinese Classic of Xiaojing. But after
Buddhism integrated into Chinese culture, the Buddhist practice of cremation
has also been gradually accepted by Chinese people although Buddhism does
not require its followers to cremate after death either as a way to heaven or
good rebirth or as a crucial ritual act in treating the dead. Indeed Buddhist
liberation has nothing to do with how the corpse is handled because the
Buddhist attitude to the physical body is that it has only an instrumental
value. However, as Buddhists practiced cremation in India and they also
brought the tradition to China and it became widely spread in Song dynasty.
According to Patricia Buckley Ebrey,
Of course, cremation had not become the major way to dispose the
dead for the Chinese people, but only an alternative way. Some performed it
because of economic reasons as there was a shortage of land for the poor city
dwellers to bury their parents or grandparents, but others followed the custom
because they liked it. According to Ebrey’s study, Buddhism provided the
institutions necessary for the spread of cremation as all the recorded
crematoria were run by Buddhist temples, and some Buddhist temples provided
storage for the burnt remnants, and others had pools of water where they
could be scattered. However, the practice of cremation declined from Ming
dynasty because of the Confucian criticism and government intervention.
The Confucians from Song dynasty argued that cremation was a foreign
custom introduced along Buddhism and it was cruel, a desecration of the
corpse, barbaric, and unfilial. The well known Neo-Confucian philosopher
Cheng Yi (1033–1107) argued that cremation was a severe way to handle a
corpse. “Today if a fool or drunkard accidentally hits a person’s ancestor’s
coffin, he will take great offense and want revenge. Yet he may personally
drag his parent and toss him into the flames, finding nothing odd in it” (二程
集 Chapter 3: 85) (Ebrey 1990, 421). While the other Song Neo-Confucian
Zhu Xi (1130–1200) just straight away rejected cremation as an unacceptable
practice. It was perhaps motivated by the Confucians that the Song
government issued codes to prohibit cremation but it was quite difficult to
enforce it in society. But during Ming and Qing dynasties, the government
code became severe and social control became more persuasive so cremation
declined rapidly. However, the practice of cremation still continued but it was
confined to special circumstances such as Buddhist monastic and dead lepers
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture 155
V. Conclusion
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