Peter Ward

Self-Help Housing in Mexico City: Social and Economic Determinants of Success
Author(s): Peter M. Ward

Source: The Town Planning Review, Vol. 49, No. 1 (Jan., 1978), pp. 38-50
Published by: Liverpool University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40103575
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SELF-HELP HOUSING
IN MEXICO CITY
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF SUCCESS
by
PETER M. WARD
For more than a decade research workers throughout Latin America have arg
squatting and self-help housing construction represent a viable response to the ina
governments to meet their low-income housing needs.1 2 In particular, the work o
Turner has demonstrated that squatting may provide low-income residents wit
flexibility of decision making and enhanced economic security.3 Squatters ar
improve their dwellings gradually in accordance with their income level. Where th
underemployed or suffer from regular lay-offs they do not run the risk of losing their
they would if they were committed to rental or mortgage payments. In addit
holding provides them with a utility which they may use to earn an income throu
letting or as a surety for loans. Squatter settlements are upgraded gradually over a p
fifteen to twenty years as a result of the improvement of individual dwelling
installation of services.
As a result of this research many international agencies today espouse housing
programmes that are designed to stimulate self-help activity in house construction and
improvement. International conferences such as the Habitat meeting in Vancouver have
further promoted the dissemination and acceptability of the concept, particularly to
capitalist economies. It is significant that the Mexican government, in the space of a few
months, has moved from formal housing programmes to an acceptance of self-help
alternatives and has created the administrative machinery to sponsor them.4 Limited
economic resources and a consistent failure of the formal sector to meet low-income housing
demand, has encouraged the development of associated schemes such as site and services.
However, there is growing disquiet about the widespread adoption of self-help technology.
Ideologically it is criticised because it justifies poverty and the maintenance of low wages; it is
overly romantic and confuses a 'freedom to build' with the fact that the poor have no choice
but to live in un-serviced or partially serviced communities.5 The emphasis placed upon the
value of housing to the user fails to view it as a commodity for other actors in land and
housing development.6 Moreover, the degree to which the process operates successfully
varies markedly between different nations.7 Likewise, not all squatters consolidate their
homes; within any one settlement an observer is struck by the wide heterogeneity of house
improvement that exists. Yet there is little empirical investigation of the dynamics of
consolidation at the level of individual households. Who are the successful squatter
consolidators and. conversely, what factors inhibit successful consolidation by others?
This paper seeks to describe some of the factors that promote internal heterogeneity of
levels of house consolidation in squatter settlements in Mexico City and relates findings to
the implications for formulation of housing policies. Social and economic attributes of
squatter households in three 'improving' settlements are analysed and evaluated in the light
of different levels of residential improvement achieved. Successful and less successful
squatters are compared to shed light upon the principal variables that intervene to arrest the
upgrading process.
PETER M. WARD 39
Self-Help Housing
By 1977 the population of the
making it the largest urban cen
built-up area is made up of dist
of house construction (Fig.
subdivisions in which low-inco
of settlements were establishe
denominator is that house cons
his home gradually in his spa
services and, occasionally, to
Three squatter settlements wer
they emphasised the differ
settlement originated through
and alienated lands a little bey
were flimsy provisional stru
particularly after the governm
holdings. This provided the sec
improvements; moreover, the
street paving - often in co-ope
Today, the community give
mercury-illuminated streets, w
commercial and civic services
five years has meant that Secto
and now occupies a position i
cheap rental accommodation n
in Sector Popular has meant th
occupiers represent only 39 pe
The second settlement select
(Fig. 1) which were alienated
invasion quickened during the
lots were laid-out on a grid-iro
existed before 1968 - electricity
surrounding districts - and th
and 1974. At the end of this p
electricity was provided to eac
intervals in the street. The
appreciated by comparing aeri
show the incomplete extent
'incipient' level of most homes
six years after expropriation
house construction has gone on
degree of house consolidation
dwellings with all services inst
these two extremes (Table 1).
The third settlement, Santo D
in the space of a few days in S
the leaders and to stake their
covered cardboard) or any mat
first three years squatters hav
and collective taxis; electricity
water tankers which fill large
40 SELF-HELP HOUSING IN MEXICO CITY
Fig. 1 Distribution of Colonias

Proletarias in Mexico City (1974)
and the location of the three
squatter settlements mentioned in
the text
were expropriated in 1971, it was not until 1974 that an agreement was reached where
residents were given the opportunity to purchase their lots at a price commensurate w
their incomes. Despite the history of tenurial insecurity many squatters by 1974 had alr
substituted their shacks for one or more roomed brick built dwellings (Table 1).
These three settlements, defined as 'consolidated', 'consolidating', and 'incipie
respectively, were chosen after a wide range of settlements had been visited. The degr
which they may be considered representative of other colonias proletarias is not
determined. Certain characteristics of the three settlements were held constant: their locati
in a southern sector of the city and, in the case of the two most recently formed, distance
the city centre and topography of the terrain. However, settlements in the north loc
around the major industrial complex may show different attributes of employ
structure, incomes and so on. Proximity to the motorway in the case of Isidro Fabela m
an especially attractive location for lower-middle income groups who have, on occ
bought out original squatters. In addition, the fact that socio-economic conditi
government attitudes and so on have altered considerably over the past twenty five y
PETER M. WARD 41
table 1 : Consolidation levels achie
Settlement
Santo Domingo
Los Reyes Isidro Fabela Sector Popular
'Stage' 'Incipient' 'Consolidating' 'Consolidated'
Density - people
per hectare 211 415 753
Age in 1974 3 years 14 years 26 years
Households renting - 8.4% 46.6%
Electricity Clandestine Metered Metered
Water supply Lorries Hydrants Metered supply
Drainage None Fosa septica Private connection
Street paving None Partial Total
Consolidation Index*
(Owners)
A Consolidated' <~onsolKlatecl ~ 2% & 16% (7>
6/ Consolidated' <~onsolKlatecl _ 21% (18) 55% (24)
5 'Upperansolidating' - 26% (22) 23% (10)
4 'Middle-consolidating' 10% (6) 27% (23) 7% (3)
3 'Lower consolidating' 23% (14) 19% (16) -
2)'Incident'
{) {) 'Incident' incipient
incipient 24% (15) _ "%
_ (27) 6% (5) ~
total 101% (62) 101% (86) 101% (44)
Note: *See Notes and References, 9. Figures in parentheses are ab
means that it is not possible to view these three le

development trajectory. Rather the purpose in their sel
of the processes that are common to their development
Analysis
GENERAL METHODOLOGY
Data were collected over a thirteen month period from May 1973 to June 1974. During t
last three months a questionnaire survey was applied to 279 households which were samp
randomly from a previously compiled household listing. Data refer to the life history of
head of the household, a wide variety of socio-economic attribute information and socia
interaction patterns. An inventory of the dwelling environment was also made and this
been classified to provide sub-scores for the physical structure of the house and the servi
that it enjoyed, the material possessions owned and the function of each of the rooms.9 T
three sub-scores were weighted, and together provide a composite score of overall residen
improvement or consolidation. This score was allocated to one of seven classes, th
thresholds of which had been determined after an earlier pilot survey. The distribution
'consolidation indices' achieved in the three settlements is portrayed ir\ Table 1 and
consolidation score is used as the dependent variable in the following analysis. Hig
consolidation scores are, to a certain extent, the result of improvements carried out at
neighbourhood level - such as the extension of a water service to each lot in Sector Popu
However, in large part they reflect the different levels of home consolidation and investm
that have been achieved by families within individual settlements. The questions now po
are: what are the factors that intervene to produce such a marked heterogeneity so tha
Isidro Fabela 23 per cent have already consolidated successfully, while 25 per cent remai
the 'incipient' or lower-consolidating levels? Who

consolidators?
In an attempt to resolve these fundamental questions a step-wise regression analysis was
constructed with the level of overall consolidation - an interval scale which combines the
three sub-scores of structure and services, material belongings and room function - as the
dependent variable. Independent variables also incorporated interval data, as follows:
years - Number of years residence in the current dwelling.

size - Size of the household.
education - Number of years spent by the head of the household in full time education.
income (head of household) - Monthly income of the head of household from his principal
source of work.
other earners - Income derived from other wage earners.
income (household) - Total monthly income for the household.
years in city - Years of residence in Mexico City.
adolescent - Number of household members over the age of puberty, other than the head
and his/her spouse.10
worktype - Type of employment. 1 1
lotshare - Household shares lot with other household(s).
The regression programme generates a correlation matrix and then automatically selects
the independent variable with the highest coefficient of determination for the dependent
variable. This independent variable explains most effectively the variance of the
consolidation score (dependent variable). Once entered a series of partial coefficients are
generated that best explain the remaining variation: so that the next variable included has the
highest partial coefficient as measured by the T' statistic. This 'step-by-step' process
continues until all of the variables have been incorporated or until a tolerance level set by the
user is reached - a point where it is no longer possible to include significant explanatory
variables.12
The normal degree of turnover of squatters or the proportion who are encouraged to sell
their lots to realise its rapidly inflated market value is crucial; it would be spurious to argue a
case for consolidation if 'successful squatters' bore little relation to the original
population.13 In both Santo Domingo Los Reyes and Isidro Fabela data were gathered for
out-migrants who were either previous occupants or immediate neighbours who had moved
away. Slightly more than a quarter of households in Isidro Fabela knew of neighbours who
had left the area and 16 per cent had taken over from antecedent occupants. In Santo
Domingo only four out of a total 66 reported that their lots had been occupied previously,
but 18 per cent (12) knew of neighbours that had already left. In general out-migrants were
perceived as being of equal or poorer socio-economic status than those who remained. There
appears to be a notable turnover of population in the years after an invasion, though at the
'incipient' and 'consolidating' levels the majority of households are 'genuine' squatters.
HOUSE CONSOLIDATION IN THE THREE SETTLEMENTS
Data for owners aged less than 66 years were combined for all three squatter settlem
cases) and subjected to the step-wise regression analysis. Not surprisingly, given t
settlements were selected a priori according to age, the period of residence in
accounted for 33 per cent of the total variation and was the first variable selected
More significant perhaps is the second variable entered - total household income -
together with the period of residence explain 5 1 per cent of the variation of the co
scores across the three settlements. Thereafter, the number of years of full-time
and the type of employment of the head of household appear as the next most sig
explanatory variables. The remainder fail to add to the explanation to any significan
Figs. 2 (above) and 3 (below) Sector Popular: a squatter settlement twenty-five years after initiation,
legalised in 1952. Roads are paved, services are installed in each lot and many buildings have a second storey
already built or under construction
Fig. 4 (top) Aerial photograph of Isidro Fabela
in 1967. An incipient street pattern may be
observed ; lots are roughly demarcated and
dwellings provisional. The distribution of actual
dwellings in the same area can be seen in
Fig. 5 (bottom)
Fig. 6 (top) Aerial photograph of Isidro
Fabela (same area as shown in Figs. 4 and
5) in 1974. The grid-iron organisation of
blocks and allocation of lots has extended
to all available areas. Many dwellings are
now constructed of permanent materials,
several streets are paved and the motorway is
in use Fig. 7 (bottom) shows the distribution
of actual dwellings in the same area as Fig. 6
Fig. 8 Isidro Fabela, a 'consolidating' settlement which is partially serviced. Note the wide range of
consolidation achieved by households
PETER M. WARD 43
table 2: Multiple regression

improvement in the three
Percent of Variance
Correlation Variance ratio
Settlement Step Variable*** Coefficient Explained (F)
All three 1 years 0.58 33 88.3*
combined 2 income (Head) 0.57 51 91.3*
TotaPN' 3 education 0.35 58 80.6*
= 178 4 worktype 0.33 60 65.1*
5 YEARS IN CITY 0.41 61 54.7*
**
Santo Domingo 1 income

Los Reyes (Household) 0.46 21 15.6*
Total 'N' 2 lotshare -0.35 22 13.8*
= 60 3 worktype 0.41 40 12.4*
4 income (Head) 0.07 42 9.9*
**
IsidroFabela 1 income (Head) 0.47 22 21.4*

Total 'N' 2 education 0.46 30 16.0*
= 78 3 income
(Household) 0.42 35 13.4*
4 years -0.40 40 12.2*
5 worktype 0.18 44 11.2*
6 lotshare -0.30 47 10.6*
♦*
Sector Popular 1 income

Total'N' (Household) 0.72 52 41.2*
= 40 2 lotshare -0.1 56 23.5*
3 size 0.43 59 17.5*
4 OTHER EARNERS 0.28 61 13.7*
5 income (Head) 0.50 64 12.0*
**
Note * Significant at the 1% level.

** Remaining variables do not account for any significant further explanation.
*** See text for a description of each variable.
Therefore, the observed differences between consolidation levels, combining th

three squatter settlements, reflect length of residence, the earning power of t
and the level of education and employment of the household head. The extent to
same factors prevail to explain differences within individual settlements is now
HOUSE CONSOLIDATION IN SANTO DOMINGO LOS REYES
As noted earlier, the recency of the invasion in Santo Domingo has meant that le
consolidation are low. Nevertheless, in spite of tenurial insecurity, which was chroni
1974, many households had begun to improve their residential environments (Table 1
makes it possible to submit the same set of variables into a regression analysis. Howe
this instance, length of residence is unlikely to be important given the fact that most f
arrived at approximately the same time. In addition, in Santo Domingo there is a low le
income differentiation between residents so that the wage level of the head of the hou
may not be strongly correlated with the degree of investment in the home. The major
per cent) in 1974, earned around the minimum wage or a little more (less than 1600 p
Instead, total household income emerges as the single most important item likely to
differential consolidation. This suggests that housing conditions may be improved wh
an investment surplus can be created and that income level is

additional part-time job or where other members of the
An apparent barrier to improvement occurs when the lot is
as indicated by the negative correlation coefficient. While m
there is a minority who are forced to share. The insecuri
become the owner in the event of legalisation prohibits i
structures. Given that the income of the head of the househ
the determination of the level of consolidation, yet the typ
third most important variable suggests that it is not a matt
Probably the type of employment signifies job security a
economic mobility differences which are significant for im
fabric.
HOUSE CONSOLIDATION IN ISIDRO FABELA
Active consolidation is most overt in Isidro Fabela. The neighbourhood has b

existence for more than 14 years, six of which have been legally sanctioned. The r
levels of consolidation is accentuated; most householders are owner-occupiers,
heterogeneity of their socio-economic characteristics makes it particularly fru
analysis using multiple regression techniques. In Isidro Fabela the range of incomes
than in Santo Domingo Los Reyes and income of the head of household emerges as
most important factor to govern the level of consolidation attained. The secon
entered is the number of years the household head spent in full-time education. It is
to isolate the importance that this plays in the consolidation process as it is almost c
surrogate for several other variables. It impinges upon the basic skills attained
affect the securing of employment - particularly where 'credentials' acquire impor
Total household income is the third variable to enter the equation, and its relegat
importance suggests that wage earners do not automatically 'pool' incomes. In s
where an individual, related or unrelated, is living with the household, or where me
the family are wage earners, there is little incentive to 'pool' incomes to co
consolidated dwelling commensurate with the household's earning potential un
stake of ownership or future inheritance is assured. Tooling' is only significa
'incipient' level where there is an opportunity to make real residential improv
relatively low investment costs - for example, laying a concrete floor.
The fourth variable to enter - years of residence in the house (Table 2) - has a ne
correlation coefficient so that the level of consolidation increases with decreasing
residence. This finding at first sight contradicts the concept that upgrading is a pro
occurs gradually with the passage of time. In Isidro Fabela this has arisen th
post-expropriation in-migration of people who are significantly different socio-econ
from the original squatters. A higher proportion of newcomers are city-born, you
better educated. Broadly speaking post-expropriation arrivals comprise two groups
who are present day owners, most of whom moved into the settlement between 19
1972 and are disproportionately distributed in the 'consolidated' and 'upper-consolid
residential classes (Table 3); and a minor group of largely post- 1973 arrivals, mostl
or sharers, who, because of their non-owner status, have had little incentive to impr
residential environment. This finding draws attention to a phenomenon not p
recognised - at least explicitly - that squatter settlements begin to attract be
populations once occupance is assured. This influx together with the out-migr
proportion of poorer inhabitants, may have an important impact upon the dev
trajectory of individual settlements. Apart from these in- and out-flows there is a s
body of original invaders, who, for one reason or another, have not upgraded thei
anything like the extent that would be expected after more than ten years of residen
which have been legal (Table 3). In total, combining those squatters who have move
PETER M. WARD 45
table 3: Consolidation indices o

expropriation - owners only
Pre-1968 Post- 1968

Index of Consolidation Arrivals Arrivals
6 & 7- 'Consolidated' 19% (12) 35% (7)

5- 'Upper-consolidating' 23% (15) 35% (7)
4- 'Middle-consolidating' 34% (22) 5% (1)
3,2, 1 - 'Lower-consolidating'
and 'Incipient' 25% (16) 25% (5)
total 101% (65) 100% (20)
the settlement (16 per cent) with squatters who have fai
consolidated' level (25 per cent: see Table 3), it is notew
of the original invaders have had only limited success a
extremes are the majority who are original invaders and
made substantial improvements to their properties, a fa
the two minor, but important processes mentioned abo
produce a negative relationship between level of consoli
dwelling.
The fifth and sixth variables entered are type of employment of the head of household and
lot sharing (Table 2). The former reflects both the larger incomes earned by higher status
jobs, as well as attitudinal and aspirational differences not examined in this study. As in
Santo Domingo, lot sharing is associated with lower levels of consolidation. However, in
Isidro Fabela it does not reflect conflict of ownership, but rather the frequent redistribution
or 'loss' of monetary surplus that is spread amongst kin (familias compuestas)15 who live on
the same lot or simply the difficulty of organising space when several families share a lot of
200 square metres. Alternatively, lot sharing between families, or formal sub-letting, is often
an adjustment that poorer households adopt when faced with rising costs in the post-
expropriation phase. The additional income, or the opportunity to share costs of land
purchase, services, local cuotas, and so on, enables them to maintain their stake in the
settlement, albeit at the sacrifice of their autonomy.
CONSOLIDATION IN SECTOR POPULAR
If heterogeneity in the level of consolidation is the hallmark of squatter settlements, then

becomes more accentuated as they age and are integrated into the physical fabric of the ci
Today, a sample of households in Sector Popular shows that rental accommodation is mor
important than owner occupancy (Table 1). The changing tenurial status of the settlemen
has evolved as the overall demand for rental accommodation increased and the supply in
city centre diminished.16 As the area became geographically integrated into the city ris
land values meant that sub-letting provided a more profitable return than owner occupanc
For this reason, many squatters (or speculators who have bought-out the original occupi
have sub-divided lots to create small rental tenements, a common phenomenon in Se
Popular. Moreover, post-expropriation residential mobility may have had an import
effect upon the overall level of improvement achieved. Because of this, in the follow
analysis it is necessary to control for tenure (owner occupiers) as well as year of arrival so
to provide an effective comparison with the two preceding case studies. Unfortunately,
results in a marked reduction in the sample size.
Once again factors which relate to income, particularly household income, emerge as t
most important determinants in the level of consolidation and account for 52 per cent of
observed variation.17 As in Santo Domingo Los Reyes and Isidro Fabela, lot sharin
inhibits investment (Table 2) and the fact that it is

equation indicates that it is an important barrier to t
housing.
So far household size has not emerged as an important determinant of the level of
consolidation achieved, although in both Isidro Fabela and Sector Popular there is a strong
correlation between the number of rooms and adolescent or post-adolescent members of the
household - usually as a result of the need to provide separate sleeping space for males and
females. In Sector Popular however, it enters the equation at the third step, so that there may
be a time lag between the pressure of space being generated and substantial home
improvements being made. Moreover, the older age structure of owner households in Sector
Popular means that more dependents have left home or are working, so that residential
improvements may go beyond a simple extension of sleeping space.
In summary the results of regression analysis indicate that the principal determinants of
successful consolidation relate to the investment surplus that may be created by the
household head, or jointly by several wage earners. Squatting, by itself, does not provide a
vehicle for socio-economic mobility for low income households as some authors have
suggested,18 but rather relative success is linked directly to wage levels, rates of inflation and
the buoyancy of the national and local economies. In an entirely stagnant economy low-
income groups might be able to survive through opting for squatter settlement residence, but
would not be able to achieve anything but very modest improvements through self-help. The
tendency for an owner to share his lot inhibits the level of improvement that might otherwise
be attained; yet it should be recognised that sharing is frequently an option deliberately
chosen to allow a very poor squatter to continue in residence when faced with rising costs.
These insights provide a stepping-off point for further analysis of the socio-economic
differences that differentiate successful from non-successful squatter 'consolidators'.
'Consolidators' and 'Non-consolidators'
It is clear that not all squatters are successful in the consolidation of their homes. Even in
Sector Popular - identified as 'consolidated' for the purpose of this study - nearly one-third
(13) of owners who had lived in the settlement for more than fifteen years did not fall into
either of the 'consolidated' categories. Viewed from the street, lots are screened by their
brick-built frontages which differ in design, colour, and degree of lavishness and usually
gives the impression that successful consolidation has taken place. Yet viewed from above,
they may conceal unconsolidated or semi-consolidated dwellings (Figs. 11-13). In other
instances a consolidated frontage obscures a rental tenement in which several rooms give on
to a central patio or corridor. Each room provides a dwelling for a single household and
often the degree of consolidation is limited to bare brick walls, concrete floor and a
provisional roof of corrugated iron.
In Isidro Fabela attention is drawn to the three groups of 'squatters': first, original
invaders (pre-1965), who have successfully improved their dwelling environment to a level
that would be expected after a minimum lapse of nine years (30 points on the consolidation
score);19 secondly, those who arrived in the same period, yet have failed to consolidate to
anything like the same extent, so that houses remain semi-provisional with little visible
improvement and the only gains that have been registered are those that affect the
community as a whole - metered electricity, water spiggots and so on; thirdly, post- 1965
arrivals, which includes a small dynamic group of rapid consolidators as well as very recent
arrivals, for the most part renters or households sharing with kin.
When the two broad groups - hereafter referred to as 'consolidators' and 'non-
consolidators' - are compared, several marked differences emerge. Household and intra-lot
organisation are found to differ markedly between the two groups and residential structures
Fig. 10 In Santo Domingo Los Reyes services
are non-existent; electricity is stolen from
adjacent neighbourhoods, water is distributed
free by tanker lorries
Fig. 11 Although house frontages give the

appearance of full consolidation in Sector
Popular, they occasionally obscure rental
tenements
Figs. 12 (above) and 13 (below) Here consolidated frontages in Sector Popular conceal a mixture of
brick-built and provisional dwellings
PETER M. WARD 47
which involve lot sharing - nu

among non-consolidators.
While migrants are equally re
likely to come from rural back
exposure to education facilities
and urban areas.21 As a result,
the non-consolidators reported
per cent managed to complete s
consolidators had completed
schooling. However, the fact t
complete primary school is suf
environment is not a result of
important in governing the ty
for access to the productive se
'credentials' becomes more p
skilled and marginal employm
more often hold 'white' or s
security (two-thirds) compared
they enjoyed full employment
mean of 1719 pesos a month co
consolidators earn more than t
are in that position.
These findings have several im
the fact that the degree to whi
upon the wider socio-econom
housing provides an opportun
aspects of poverty. While it m
economic position it does no
mobility. Not all squatter hous
whom potential improvement
nature of poverty that oper
employment, reasonable wage
inhibit the potential success of
investment surplus. Squatting,
ride the wider socio-economic
during periods of rapid inflat
may the effective improvemen
back. Given that the price of
above increases in the minimum
proletarias will be much slowe
gradually.24
Moreover, site and service sch
residents to create an investm
frequent constraint that they
considerable. This seriously er
construction or improvement.
Conclusions
This study has provided a preliminary insight into the factors that determine successful
consolidation on the part of squatters in three districts of Mexico City.
A feature that has clearly, emerged is that once certain tenurial assurances are met,
residential improvement at the household level is a product of the investment surplus that is
D
created. This bears a close relationship to the level of

combined. Moreover, the type of employment is sign
security and 'fringe benefits' which ensure that the su
times of unemployment or sickness. Sharing lots
consolidation either because it redistributes the surplu
itself an adjustment made to combat rising costs and
quite clearly that the degree to which squatters m
bound up with the conditions of the wider econo
educational facilities, productive well paid employmen
themselves do not provide a means for upward socio-ec
certain circumstances provide an environment in w
Improvement, and the rate of improvement, are a pro
wage economy. In this sense squatter settlements are a
well as responsive to the opportunities that a societv mav offer at different points in time.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1 Low-income for the purpose of this paper is defined as those people earning less than 1 24
month, the minimum wage in 1974. According to the Buro de Investigation de Mercados SA
45 per cent of the economically active population of Mexico City earned 1000 pesos or below
per cent earning less than 1500 pesos. In 1974, 12.5 pesos equalled approximately US $1.
2 Abrams, Charles, Squatter Settlements, the Problem and the Opportunity, (Ideas and
Exchange 63), Washington DC, Agency for International Development, Division of Inter
Affairs, Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1966; Frieden, Bernard, The Sear
Housing Policy in Mexico City', Town Planning Review, Vol. 36, No. 2, (July 1965), pp. 75-
Deneke, Alberto, The Colonias Proletarias of Mexico City: Low Income Settlements at t
Fringe', Cambridge, Mass., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, unpuplished Master
1966; Leeds, Antony and Elizabeth, 'Brazil and the Myth of Urban Rurality: Urban Experien
and Values in "Squatments" of Rio de Janeiro and Lima' in Field, A. J. (Ed.), City and Count
Third World, Cambridge, Mass., Schenkman, 1970; Mangin, William and Turner, John,
Movement', Progressive Architecture, Vol. 5, (May 1968), pp 154-162; Mangin, William
American Squatter Settlements: A Problem and a Solution', Latin American Research Revie
(Summer 1967), pp. 65-98; Turner, John, 'Dwelling Resources in South America', Arch
Design, Vol. 33, (1963), pp. 360-393; Turner, John, 'Barriers and Channels for Housing Dev
in Modernizing Countries', Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 33, No. 3, (
pp. 167-181.
3 Turner, J. F. C, 'Uncontrolled Urban Settlements: Problems and Policies' in Breese, Ger
City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on Urbanism and Urbanization, Englewood C
Prentice-Hall, 1969, p. 510; Turner, J. F. C, Housing by People, London, Marion Bovars
4 Both INDECO (Instituto de Desarrollo de la Comunidad) and SAHOP (Secretar
Asentamientos Humanos y Obras Publicas) have established departments of s
(autoconstruccion) .
5 Freedom to Build is the title of a book edited by J. F. C. Turner and R. Fichter, New York
Macmillan, 1972; see Harms, H., 'Limitations of Self-Help', Architectural Design, Vol. 46, (
230-231.
6 Burgess, Rod, 'Informal Sector Housing? A Critique of the Turner School', paper presented at
the Institute of British Geographers Developing Areas Study Group, one-day conference on The
Urban Informal Sector in the Third World' at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
London, 19 March 1977.
7 Leeds, Antony, The Significant Variables Determining the Character of Squatter Settlements',
America Latina, Vol. 12, No. 3, (1969), pp. 44-86; Gilbert, Alan and Ward, Peter, 'Housing in Latin
American Cities' in Herbert, David and Johnston, Ron (Eds.), Geography and the Urban Environment,
London, John Wiley, in press; Clarke, Colin and Ward, Peter, 'Stasis in Make-shift Housing:
PETER M. WARD 49
Perspectives from Mexico and th

Symposium on Urbanisation, Pa
8 Ward, Peter, The Squatter Se
City', Land Economics, Vol. 52,
9 The questionnaire consists of
dwelling attributes and patterns o
over 16 years of age (where rele
a. Structure and services includes
degree of 'decoration' - plastered,
scored for presence or absence, w
the lower end of the scale would
windows, entirely lacking services
concrete roof, floor of 'parquet'
b. Material possessions were inclu
than continue in structural con
household items (electric iron, ra
c. Room function classifies room
given to rooms with a clear singl
several functions. Calibration wa
The thresholds of 'consolidation
against the distribution of scores
values falling off into the categor
that is shacks, without services
dwellings (6,7) are those with sev
goods. In between, consolidating
according to the interplay of inv
10 This was arbitrarily defined a
11 Employment was classified
between 'white-' and 'blue-collar'
Cardona, 'Rural-Urban Migrati
1929-1968', International Migra
comprised the following: 'Prof
'Skilled'; 'Semi-Skilled'; 'Unskille
12 The advantage of this techniqu
related. Therefore, once one of
variance that the other provides
possible to isolate the most impo
1 3 Various authors have referr
well-defined real estate market o
in an Urbanizing World, Cambri
Popular which began by invasion i
by 1956. See Cornejo Cabrera,
Autonama de Mexico, Instituto d
14 Balan, Jorge, 'Migrant-Nat
Structural Analysis', Latin Ame
15 See Lomnitz, Larissa, Como
compues t as are households which
In this study they were defined as
was maintained between lots. In I
cent of households living in 'com
16 Ward, P. M., 'Intra-City Migr
(1976), pp. 369-382.
17 This is especially marked in
household headed by a single pare
the household, is maintained by
18 Turner, J. F. C, 'Uncontroll
1 9 1 965 is considered to be a suit
The 30 point threshold cuts ac
consolidating').
20 Sixty eight per cent were born
30 per cent of their 'consolidato
21 Cline, Howard, Mexico: Rev
Press, 1962. Cline noted that less than ten per cent of all
grade (completed primary). Although conditions have im
1971 only 22 per cent of all schools in rural areas provided
in contrast with 91 per cent of schools in urban areas (
Estados Unidos Mexicanos 1970-197 L Mexico, 1973, p.
22 Mufioz, H., de Oliviera, O. and Stern, C, 'Migration
Castells, Manuel (Ed.), Imperialismo y Urbanization en A
Gili SA, 1973.
23 Balan, Jorge, op. cit.
24 Camara Nacional de Industria de la Construction (
Mexico DF, 1954-1974, Mexico DF, CCIC, April 1975.
indexed prices of cement, sand, wood, bricks and steel r
227 in 1 974. However, costs rose only slightly until 1 972 (
1 974 (227). Over the period 1 972-1 974 the price of steel in
68 per cent and 59 per cent respectively. In contrast,
increased by only 37 per cent in the same period: Mem
Comision Nacional de los Salarios Minimos, June 1975
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to John Turner for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper and th
Geography, University College London, for a grant towards the cost of the illustra

Peter Ward

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Self-Help Housing in Mexico City: Social and Economic Determinants of Success

Author(s): Peter M. Ward

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF SUCCESS

Fig. 1 Distribution of Colonias

table 1 : Consolidation levels achie

'Stage' 'Incipient' 'Consolidating' 'Consolidated'

Note: *See Notes and References, 9. Figures in parentheses are ab

means that it is not possible to view these three le

the 'incipient' or lower-consolidating levels? Who

years - Number of years residence in the current dwelling.

table 2: Multiple regression

Santo Domingo 1 income

IsidroFabela 1 income (Head) 0.47 22 21.4*

Sector Popular 1 income

Note * Significant at the 1% level.

Therefore, the observed differences between consolidation levels, combining th

HOUSE CONSOLIDATION IN SANTO DOMINGO LOS REYES

an investment surplus can be created and that income level is

HOUSE CONSOLIDATION IN ISIDRO FABELA

Active consolidation is most overt in Isidro Fabela. The neighbourhood has b

table 3: Consolidation indices o

Pre-1968 Post- 1968

6 & 7- 'Consolidated' 19% (12) 35% (7)

total 101% (65) 100% (20)

If heterogeneity in the level of consolidation is the hallmark of squatter settlements, then

inhibits investment (Table 2) and the fact that it is

'Consolidators' and 'Non-consolidators'

Fig. 11 Although house frontages give the

which involve lot sharing - nu

created. This bears a close relationship to the level of

NOTES AND REFERENCES

Perspectives from Mexico and th

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