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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010. 39:293–308 Key Words


First published online as a Review in Advance on representation, curation, authority, interpretation
June 21, 2010

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at Abstract


anthro.annualreviews.org
From their beginnings, archaeology museums have reflected a complex
This article’s doi: and dynamic balance between the demands of developing, documenting,
10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.105115
and preserving objects on the one hand and sharing knowledge, access,
Copyright  c 2010 by Annual Reviews. and control on the other. This balance has informed and inflected the
All rights reserved
ways that museums present the past, including both practical aspects
0084-6570/10/1021-0293$20.00 of pedagogy and exhibition design as well as more critical and con-
tested issues of authority, authenticity, and reflexivity in interpretation.
Meeting the complex requirements of curation, deliberate collections
growth, management, and conservation, as well as the need to respond
to continuing challenges to the museum’s right and title to hold various
forms of cultural property, archaeological museums play an active role
in both preserving and shaping the public’s view of the past and reflect
the prospects and perils of being at once a temple to the muses and a
forum for sometimes contentious public discourse.

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AN39CH18-Barker ARI 12 August 2010 21:42

INTRODUCTION interpretation, curation and conservation of


the past’s tangible remains, and challenges to
Museums were once the primary venue for
the rights of museums to claim good title to
archaeological research, and although the
various categories of cultural objects.
academy supplanted the museum in this role
over the course of the twentieth century (Willey
& Sabloff 1980), museums are still recognized
THE CHANGING ROLE
as “the main institutional connection between
OF MUSEUMS
archaeology as a profession and discipline, and
wider society” (Shanks & Tilley 1992, p. 68). Most of the earliest archaeological museums
By any measure, they remain powerful forces were founded either as a byproduct of antiquar-
for the communication of archaeological infor- ian research or to promote social betterment
mation. A 2001 survey in Great Britain found through access to works of art and science [see
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that visiting museums and galleries was a more Pearce (1995) for a general history of collect-
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

popular activity than watching soccer games or ing in the European tradition and see Swain
any other live sporting event (MORI, p. 7), and (2007) for an abbreviated history of archaeolog-
a 2000 statistically representative survey of 1016 ical museum collecting]. Museums themselves
American adults found that 88% had visited have evolved from private entities through pub-
museums interpreting archaeological materials lic charities into nonstock corporations or units
(Ramos & Duganne 2000, p. 21). of government (Hall 1992). This shift had the
Scholars differ over what constitutes a mu- effect of moving many museums from a narrow
seum (Ginsburgh & Mairesse 1997, Hudson focus on the interests and passions of the in-
1998), however, and in many respects an dividuals who built the collection (e.g., Larson
appropriate definition depends on the context 2009, McMullen 2009) to a broadly defined em-
of the discussion and why a definition is sought phasis on public betterment, and more recently
(Alexander & Alexander 2008, Weil 1990). For a better-defined emphasis on meeting the needs
our purposes, I focus on informal educational of specific audiences, largely owing to shifts in
institutions [equivalent to Paris & Hapgood’s governance that placed key stakeholders in gov-
(2002, p. 39) informal learning environments], ernance positions. Hudson (1998) argues that it
which hold archaeological collections and can be asserted
interpret them through regular exhibitions
for one or more audiences; I set aside entities . . .with confidence that the most fundamen-
which interpret the past without the benefit tal change that has affected museums. . .is the
of actual objects (such as science centers), and now universal conviction that they exist in or-
repositories which hold objects without an der to serve the public. The old-style museum
explicit charge to interpret them for the public. felt itself to be under no such obligation. It
Many issues identified here cross these ad- existed, it had a building, it had collections
mittedly arbitrary boundaries, but the need of and a staff to look after them. It was reason-
museums to balance constantly the conflicting ably adequately financed, and its visitors, usu-
demands of access and interpretation on the ally not numerous, came in to look, to wonder
one hand and preservation and stewardship and to admire what was set before them. They
on the other creates a dynamic tension less were in no sense partners in the enterprise.
evident in these other kinds of entities, where The museum’s prime responsibility was to its
priority is given to one or the other side of collections, not its visitors. (p. 43)
the equation. This balance also organizes the
discussion that follows, considering in turn The public service and educational roles of
the changing role of museums, complexities of museums were articulated by late-nineteenth
interpreting the past for multiple audiences, and early-twentieth-century museum leaders
the epistemological dimensions of museum including John Cotton Dana (1920), William

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Henry Flower (1898), Franz Boas (1974 one could argue that recognition of this role
[1905]), G. Brown Goode (1891), Alexander is part of a logical historical progression in how
Ruthven (1931), and Harlan Smith (1912), the tangible objects of the past have been under-
among others. Earlier generations had im- stood and used in constructing epistemological
plicitly assumed this educational role; indeed frameworks (e.g., Anderson 2004).
Thomsen is remembered not only for the For much of the eighteenth and nineteenth
three-age system but for his tireless educa- centuries, museums were concerned with orga-
tional efforts. In an age when access to the nizing and arranging objects to document the
British Museum was limited to 60 persons time periods and cultures that produced them
a day, each screened by the porter to make (e.g., Holmes 1902). Objects were treated as in-
sure they were the right sort (Hudson 1987), dex fossils, whose form and character allowed
Thomsen met and led tours of the Danish archaeologists or antiquarians to draw valid in-
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National Museum by groups of every kind to ferences regarding the dating of sites and the
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

promote both general knowledge of the past identification of cultural complexes associated
and through that knowledge social betterment with the site or site component. The advent
of the masses. Lord Elgin took a similar view of chronometric techniques in the twentieth
in exporting the contested marbles from the century allowed and promoted a focus on cul-
East pediment of the Parthenon to London, tural process rather than culture history and
suggesting the marbles might have “some altered the ways in which material culture im-
benefit on the progress of taste” (St. Clair plicated, inscribed, and informed processual
1998). Although more recent generations of studies. More recently, postprocessual studies
scholars have carefully deconstructed these have recruited both museum objects and the in-
views to examine the ideological stances and stitutions that house them in critical reexamina-
stereotypes informing them (e.g., Hamilakis tions of how material objects were appreciated
1999, Hitchens et al. 1998), it is worth recalling and appropriated by agents in societies past and
that the conscious motivations of these early present—critiques that react against processual
antiquarians were largely educational. More excesses while to some degree premised on the
recently, this educational role of museums has epistemological emphases they established.
been affirmed by major professional organi-
zations; in Excellence and Equity, the American
Association of Museums (AAM) (1992) stated EXPLANATION AND
that museums must place education—in the PRESENTATION
broadest sense of the word—at the center Although the educational mandate of archae-
of their public service role and make their ological museums is clear, whether they have
educational role central to their activities. been particularly effective achieving that man-
This educational role is crucial to both the date through exhibitions remains debatable
development of modern archaeological muse- (e.g., see articles in McManus 1996). One
ums and the wide range of critical approaches sobering statistic emerged from surveys of pub-
to them because it requires that museums move lic attitudes toward archaeology; although 88%
from passive repositories to active arbiters and of respondents said they had visited a mu-
interpreters of the past. Throughout the nine- seum exhibiting archaeological materials, only
teenth century (and I suggest well into the twen- 9% reported learning anything about archaeol-
tieth) most museum archaeologists believed ogy from museums (Ramos & Duganne 2000,
“in the explanatory power and epistemologi- p. 12). Television remains the most popular
cal transparency of objects, specimens, things” vehicle for learning about the past (Ramos &
(Conn 2004, p. 117). The more subtle role of Duganne 2000), and relatively few media—
museums in creating or altering perceptions even formal instructional textbooks—teach
about the past is now well established, although about the past consistently. A 1990 study, for

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example, found “textbooks from all parts of the may shift fluidly between strategies depending
world that ignore contemporary understand- on context, structure of information, and
ings of the prehistoric past” (MacKenzie & proficiency. Different kinds of experiences and
Stone 1990, p. 3). pedagogical practices are needed to effectively
Available data suggest that people interpret engage students employing different learning
the past in light of their own experiences and strategies. Museum-based programs tend to
cultural constructs; we see the past not as it have shorter encounter times with visitors or
was but as we are. This mindset is more than students than do other kinds of venues, they
a naı̈ve extension of one’s own views, but an tend to be more dependent on self-guided
active strategy pursued even when presented activities, and they require greater knowledge
with seemingly authoritative information that of visitor preconceptions well in advance of
contradicts these constructs (Wineburg 2001). exhibition creation or programmatic activities.
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Although it has long been recognized by mu- Thus, successful programs often depend on
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

seum professionals that people want to play an detailed visitor studies to understand the
active role in interpreting the past and making needs and background of diverse audiences
it meaningful, in all the complex meanings of (p. 142). She notes that many of the techniques
the term (Davis 2000, Falk & Dierking 2000, she has found successful “require significant
Jameson 1997, Rosenzweig & Thelen 1998, investments of both time and money,” which
Rowan & Baram 2004, Stone & Molyneaux she recognizes “may seem extravagant or even
1994), recent studies suggest this desire may impossible, given the kinds of constraints that
be crucial to learning success (e.g., Roschelle many schools and nonprofit organizations have
1995). Dierking (2002) argues that three over- to contend with” (p. 160).
lapping leaning contexts contribute to the way Pedagogical approaches in museums gener-
children (at least) interact with and apprehend ally focus on either objects or ideas, what Weil
objects. The personal context includes moti- (1990, 1995) called emphasis on the “isness” of
vation and expectation, interest, prior knowl- objects or their “aboutness” (see also Witcomb
edge and experience, and dimensions of choice 1997). Greenblatt (1991) united these appar-
and control. The sociocultural context includes ently disparate paradigms as focusing on dif-
within-group sociocultural mediation, specifi- ferent dimensions of objects, which he called
cally social aspects of learning within the imme- “wonder” and “resonance” [wonder being the
diate group, and mediation facilitated by others, ability of an object to stop the viewer in his or
including parents, teachers, docents, or others. her tracks (read masterwork) and resonance be-
Finally, the physical context includes advance ing the ability of objects to evoke a larger world
preparation, setting and immediate environ- or set of cultural forces], arguing that success-
ment, design elements of the experience, and ful exhibitions required elements of both and
subsequent reinforcing events and experience that “the poetics and politics of representation
(see also Falk & Dierking 2000). Despite best are most completely fulfilled in the experience
efforts, however, none of these three primary of wonderful resonance and resonant wonder”
contexts are entirely within a museum’s control. (p. 54). Exhibitions, then, can succeed by of-
Davis (2005) offers a constructivist approach fering elements that provide wonder and other
to student learning in archaeology, identifying elements (or moments) that contextualize and
six distinct types of learning strategies. The embed the object through resonance.
types are distinguished by whether the learner A broad range of museum literature exam-
sees knowledge as constructed or acquired, the ines the morphology or logistics of exhibitions,
degree of proficiency achieved in this knowl- including such elements as traffic flow, sight
edge, and whether they tend to articulate and lines, dwell time (or the amount of time a vis-
process this knowledge as narratives or analyt- itor spends in front of a particular element),
ical processes (pp. 99–103). Individual learners and diligence (whether visitors fully examine

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exhibit elements and signage or select a subset turalists (Bal 1992), poststructuralists (Bennett
of available options); treatments of both indi- 1995), postmodernists (Crimp 1995), and post-
vidual installations and more general best prac- colonial theorists (Clifford 1997, Rigg 1994; see
tices can be found in journals including Visitor also Sherman 1994 for a more general treat-
Studies Today or Visitor Behavior, Art Education, ment of critiques of museum-as-institution)
Journal of Museum Education, Curator, Museum and a range of postprocessualist critiques from
Management and Curatorship, and Exhibitionist: within archaeology itself (Shanks & Tilley
A Journal of Reflexive Practice; see also gen- 1992). Many of the broader anthropological
eral works on exhibit development and design critiques regarding formalism, primitivism, au-
such as Dean (1994) and Lord & Lord (2002). thenticity, and historicism in museum settings
Pearce (1990) suggests three additional dimen- ( Jones 1993) can also be generalized to apply
sions in archaeological exhibits. “Depth” is the to archaeological museum exhibitions (see also
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relative number of distinct spaces that must be Crew & Sims 1991). Bourdieu (1984) has ar-
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crossed to move from one exhibit element to gued that museums serve primarily to maintain
another. “Rings” measure the number of al- existing class distinctions; although his argu-
ternative paths a visitor may use to traverse ments were originally specific to art museums,
an exhibition without backtracking, and “en- they have been expanded by other scholars and
tropy” measures the relative linearity or sim- applied to archaeological, heritage, and cultural
plicity of the layout. More than measures of museums more generally (Bennett et al. 1991,
visitor behavior, however, Pearce (1990) argues Merriman 1989). Museum exhibitions can reify
that these dimensions directly structure how and perpetuate stereotypical understandings;
information is perceived by the visitor. Shal- Wood (1997) shows that stereotypical presen-
low depth and low ring factors “present knowl- tations of gender roles persist in many archaeo-
edge as if it were a map of a well-known terrain logical museums. By contrast, Wood & Cotton
where the relationship of each part to the other, (1999) carefully consider how gender was pre-
and all to the whole, is thoroughly understood” sented in People Before London. The appearance
(p. 150). By contrast, she argues, exhibits with of past peoples as conjectural is also emphasized
a high entropy value, considerable depth, and at the Keiller Museum in Wiltshire, England,
high ring factor “show knowledge as a proposi- where a single figure is depicted with two very
tion which may stimulate further, or different, different sets of clothing, hairstyles, and tattoos
answering propositions” (p. 150). on either side of his body. Although aptly il-
Cotton & Wood (1996) provide a detailed lustrating the ambiguity of presentations of the
discussion of the thinking that went into the past, Swain (2007) notes that the figure “comes
design of a specific archaeological exhibition, across as a rather badly dressed 1980s shop
People Before London, a prehistory installation dummy” (p. 214). Interpreting people of the
at the Museum of London. In an intriguing past also raises complex issues regarding rep-
twist, curators and designers went beyond take- resentation and the role of living communities
home messages regarding specific cultural units in controlling, framing, and interpreting their
or time periods and posed direct, reflexive ques- own pasts (e.g., Ames 1991, 1992; Colwell-
tions to the visitor, including “Can you believe Chanthaphonh & Ferguson 2006; Hendry
what we say?”, to problematize the issue of au- 2005; Isaac 2005; Karp et al. 1992; Kuklick
thority in archaeological exhibitions. 1991; Lawlor 2006; Levy 2006; Simpson 2007;
Sleeper-Smith 2009; see also Peers 2007).
For Bourdieu (Bourdieu & Johnson 1993)
AUTHORITY AND museums play a key role in consecrating objects,
INTERPRETATION embodying and perpetuating theories of how
Museums and their use of objects have faced objects should be appropriately apprehended,
critiques from feminists (Porter 1996), struc- understood, and contextualized. Whitehead

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(2009), following Vergo’s (1994) notion that Although Gell’s approach presents a series
museums create their own contexts, argues fur- of interpretive problems for both scholars and
ther that museums create an environment that those who view displays of objects understood
encourages certain kinds of theorizing (an ar- from this perspective, it represents a bold de-
gument analogous in many respects to the parture from existing treatments of objects and
reception aesthetics views of Wolfgang Iser their practical contextualization. However, this
(1980) and Hans Robert Jauss (1982) in literary approach also entails the proposition that an
theory). exhibition is likewise a work of art designed to
This view of objects, whether individually have an effect, is itself an artifact of the kind and
or as exhibitions, as signs that can be read re- with the properties of the works it presents, and
flects a textual view of representation which had should be understood in terms of the social re-
permeated history by the late-eighteenth and lationships it mediates—an approach that fits
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nineteenth centuries (Conn 2004), and is com- comfortably within visitor-centric constructs
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monplace in studies of museum interpretation commonly encountered in museum studies as


(e.g., van Kraayenoord & Paris 2002). Pearce a discipline (Black 2005).
(1990, 1992) employs a Saussurean construct to The centrality of issues of authority and
understand how visitors understand and “read” authenticity have been apparent since the
archaeological exhibitions. Perhaps the most fa- very beginning of museums. The Library and
miliar examples of this approach are the post- Musaeum of Alexandria (better remembered
processual critiques of archaeology by Hodder today for its destruction than for its ency-
(1986) and of museums by Shanks & Tilley clopedic stature) received important works
(1992). Vogel (1991) has suggested that “the to be copied, then quietly returned the copy
fact that museums recontextualize and interpret rather than the original to the lender to ensure
objects is a given, and requires no apologies.” the authority and authenticity of its holdings
Instead, museums should “allow the public to (Bagnall 2002, p. 356; Heller-Roazen 2002,
know that [museums are] not a broad frame p. 133). Institutions such as the Musaeum (then
through which the art and culture of the world and now) play an important role in nation
can be inspected, but a tightly focused lens that building and definition of a group’s social iden-
shows the visitor a particular point of view.” tity (Crinson 2001, Kaplan 1994, Kohl 1998,
She concludes “it could hardly be otherwise” Launius 2007, Linenthal & Engelhardt 1996),
(p. 201). but only recently have these practices become
One of the most intriguing theoretical works the subject of direct ethnographic inquiry
affecting interpretation of archaeological arti- (Handler & Gable 1997, Davis 2005). One
facts is that of the late Alfred Gell (1998). Gell’s such study examines the Musaeum itself: Butler
approach is equally radical but is based on an ut- (2007) uses ethnographic approaches to study
ter rejection of meaning as an appropriate way the new Bibliotheca Alexandrina, a joint Egyp-
of understanding things and on the bankruptcy tian/UNESCO project completed in 2002.
of precisely the textual approaches on which
Shanks and Tilley depend as useful avenues
for anthropological understanding of objects. “I CURATION AND
entirely reject,” Gell writes “the idea that any- CONSERVATION
thing, except language itself, has ‘meaning’ in Collections lie at the heart of the museum,
the intended sense” (Gell 1998, p. 6). Instead the sine qua non of the museum as an institu-
Gell sees objects as ways of doing something, tion. As Swain has argued (2007, p. 91), of all
as social entities imbued with the ability to act the elements that constitute a museum (staff,
as ‘secondary agents,’ and examines “the prac- buildings, donors, galleries, collections, etc.),
tical mediatory role of art objects in the social any one could be removed without changing
process.” the fundamental character of the institution,

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except the collections. They define the profile doing so define its nature. Archaeological mu-
and prospects of the institution in ways more seums do the same, establishing the ground on
profound and lasting than do mission state- which (and from which) different conceptions
ments or current circumstances. The impor- of the past are contested. Archaeologists do not
tance of appreciating why humans collect and actually study the past, but instead study those
use tangible things to make sense of the past remains of the past that persist into the present
is recognized both through a range of individ- to make inferences about that past; time is
ual scholarly studies (e.g., Pearce 1992, 1995, perhaps the most salient analytical dimension
Wertsch 2002; see also articles in Knell 1999, in archaeology but one which must always be
Krech & Hall 1999, Pearce 1994) and entire inferred. Archaeological museums played a
journals (e.g., Journal of the History of Collections crucial role both in the development of culture
or Collections: A Journal for Museums and Archives history as an approach and in the construction
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Professionals, among others). of alternative temporocultural frameworks for


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Pearce (1997) has identified six distinct kinds classifying archaeological remains in time and
of objects comprising archaeological collec- space prior to the advent of chronometric dat-
tions in museums: (a) chance finds, usually re- ing techniques (Lyman et al. 1997). Although
ceived as single pieces or small groups and the importance of museums and museum-
generally lacking meaningful documentation; affiliated archaeologists (including, among
(b) private collections amassed by individu- others, Thomsen, Worsaae, Holmes, Wissler,
als, with or without accompanying documen- Flinders Petrie, Uhle, Lothrop, Kidder,
tation; (c) material from museum-based excava- Woolley, Phillips, McKern, Ford, and Willey)
tion projects, usually accompanied by complete is generally understood in this regard, the pro-
documentation; (d ) material from excavations found importance and immediacy of collections
by other bodies or institutions, with the level of are not fully appreciated. Thomsen is widely
accompanying documentation varying by age credited with the three-age system, but it had
and quality of excavation; (e) materials accepted been previously proposed for Scandinavian
from fieldwork or cultural resources manage- archaeology by Vedel-Simonsen and seconded
ment (CRM) projects, often through curation by both Magnus Bruzelius (prior to Thomsen’s
agreements, which should in general be accom- reorganization of the National Museum collec-
panied by levels of documentation specified in tions) and Sven Nilsson. Heizer (1962) traces
the curation agreement; and ( f ) material from a long continental ancestry, including mention
metal detectorists, a category more commonly in the works of Mercati, Eccard, Borlase,
separable in British museums than elsewhere. Rothe, Pennant, Hodgson, Büsching, and
It remains unclear, however, whether all col- Goguet, among others. It was less the proposal
lections objects are equal. Thomas (cited in of the three-age system (which after all could
Swain 2007) has argued for the concept of the be pressed earlier to the times of Hesiod and
“total collection,” in which every object in the Lucretius) than its application to physical mu-
collection is equally valued; Swain (2007, p. 95) seum collections by Thomsen in 1836 and G.C.
by contrast argues for an implicit hierarchy in Friedrich Lisch in 1837, with its utility con-
practice in which some exhibitable or complete firmed through excavations by J.J.A. Worsaae
objects often have greater perceived value than in Denmark published in the 1840s, that makes
do others. The truth likely lies somewhere in Thomsen’s contribution a watershed. Later
between, with the relative value or utility of an in the nineteenth century the same logic—but
object depending on the specific purposes or a different set of organizing principles—were
needs on which it is called to address. used by Otis Mason to organize the archaeo-
Whitehead (2009) has argued that museums logical material in the Smithsonian. Instead of
are constitutive rather than reflective of their a threefold system based on the stuff of which
fields; museums do not simply show art but by bladed weapons were made, Mason used Lewis

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Henry Morgan’s evolutionary sequence from of archaeological objects (Clavir 2002, Kreps
savagery through barbarism to civilization to 2003). Literature written by and for indigenous
provide both a context for understanding mate- groups and tribal museums has also begun to
rial variability and a rationale for the direction- address museological conservation, object han-
ality of change (Sullivan & Childs 2003, pp. 5–6; dling protocols, and collections management
later Mason was instrumental in defining New issues (see articles in Ogden 2004).
World culture areas in a continuing attempt to A broad and growing literature examines
better map changes in material form onto both appropriate collections management and cu-
time and later space). McKern’s development ratorial procedures (Buck et al. 2007, Cassar
of the midwestern taxonomic method was 1995, Fahy 1995, Knell 1994, Simmons 2006),
similarly a museum-based iterative process of and specific treatments aimed at archaeolo-
organizing data—largely physical collections— gists or that examine specific kinds of archaeo-
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into units that could be meaningfully discussed logical remains have appeared (Cassman et al.
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and compared by archaeologists; it differed 2007, Pearce 1990, Sullivan & Childs 2003,
from the systems of Thomsen and Otis (among Swain 2007). Although these contributions pro-
others) in being explicitly nonevolutionary vide guidance regarding conceptual issues and
in character. Precisely because McKern was best practices, for the most part they presume
interested in understanding temporal and that adequate resources in time, space, staff,
historical relationships, he explicitly excluded and funding are available—an enviable posi-
them from the classificatory framework. tion rarely found in practice. Curation of ar-
Whereas archaeological curators wrestle chaeological collections has been described as
with the problem of how best to document in a state of crisis since 1982 (Bawaya 2007,
and depict time, archaeological conservation Marquardt et al. 1982, Thompson 1999,
attempts to forestall its effects. Cheating time Trimble & Marino 2003; see also Owen 1999
is only partially effective at best, but enormous for a critique of the role of museums in field-
strides have been made in both the theory and work), with few immediate prospects for relief
the practice of conservation, both in field (Sease in sight. This crisis, coupled with high rates of
1994) and in laboratory (Cronyn & Robinson site destruction, has led some to ask whether it
1990, May & Jones 2006). As part of a larger is ethical to excavate new sites if extant museum
tendency to foreground museological pro- collections are sufficient to address a given re-
cesses, numerous exhibitions and publications search question (Barker 2003).
have discussed and described how archaeolog-
ical materials are conserved. For the most part,
these works have addressed technical issues of TITLE AND CULTURAL
preserving objects from deleterious chemical PROPERTY ISSUES
changes and inhibiting inherent vice (Podany Another central challenge facing archaeo-
& Maish 1993), but a growing number of works logical museums in the twenty-first century
have discussed the balance between the preser- involves the question of title to cultural objects
vation of objects on the one hand and natural (Messenger 1989). Traditionally, the process
processes of decay or weathering on the other, of accessioning objects intrinsically involved
which may have been integral to their function an assertion of title, an approach deeply rooted
within the communities which produced them in Lockean notions of private property and
(Bernstein 1992, Hull-Walski & Flynn 2001). ownership (Malaro 1998). Changing legal and
This growing conservation literature details ethical frameworks have problematized these
both consultation and compromise between assumptions, however. The Native American
traditional academic forms of conservation and Graves Protection and Repatriation Act
community-based standards of care and treat- (NAGPRA) (McKeown et al. 1998,
ment, which emphasize the social dimension McLaughlin 2004, Trope & Echo-Hawk

300 Barker
AN39CH18-Barker ARI 12 August 2010 21:42

2000) challenged both the right of museums The threat of litigation and continued nega-
to hold certain categories of objects and tive publicity led the Metropolitan’s leadership
whether goodness of title could be asserted for to decide a negotiated settlement was prefer-
objects acquired from groups where individual able to establishing an unpalatable precedent
ownership—and hence the ability of an individ- (Waxman 2008). Other museums have resisted
ual to convey good title—could not be assumed. calls for the return of putatively stolen objects.
The development of the so-called McClain Egypt claims that a funerary mask of Ka Nefer
doctrine, which allows foreign countries from Nefer was stolen from one of its store rooms
whom objects have been looted to seek dam- and purchased by the St. Louis Art Museum,
ages in U.S. courts under the National Stolen but despite the apparent presence of the item
Property Act under certain circumstances, in a 1953 Egyptian inventory the Museum has,
has also problematized the degree to which to date, declined calls for the mask’s return.
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museums can assert good title to objects for Applicable ethical guidelines under which
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

which full provenance cannot be established. museums acquire antiquities have undergone
The McClain doctrine holds that antiquities significant changes in recent years. Through
whose ownership is clearly vested in foreign the 1990s, the primary requirements were that
governments may be stolen property if they objects not be illegally acquired or have been
were excavated illegally and removed without imported illegally into the country in which the
appropriate permissions; for the doctrine to museum is located. Particularly for U.S.-based
apply, the antiquities must have been recov- museums, this ethical standard set a relatively
ered within the borders of the nation-state low bar because export restrictions and foreign
bringing action, the antiquities laws vesting patrimony laws were generally not observed in
ownership in the state must be sufficiently clear determining the legality of import of objects. In
to give notice to U.S. citizens that removal of 2004, the Association of Art Museum Directors
antiquities is illegal, and finally the antiquities (an organization representing the 200 largest
must have been excavated or removed after art museums in the United States, Canada,
the effective date of the statutes vesting own- and Mexico) introduced guidelines that rec-
ership in the state (Gerstenblith 2004, Yasaitis ommended museums not acquire objects that
2005). could not be shown to have left their source
Although the McClain doctrine, NAGPRA, countries at least 10 years before acquisition by
and related legal precepts provide legal founda- the museum (AAMD 2004). These guidelines
tions for various kinds of claims, many instances were widely criticized by a number of archae-
of restitution to foreign governments are based ological groups, including the Archaeological
less on litigation than on leverage. The well- Institute of America, the Council for Museum
publicized case of the Euphronios krater is Anthropology, the Society for American
one example. The Metropolitan Museum pur- Archaeology, and the Archaeology Division of
chased the vessel in 1972 for what was then a the American Anthropological Association as
record sum, giving it pride of place in its gal- providing a blueprint for the allowable sale of
leries as expressing a crucial moment in the de- looted antiquities rather than restricting their
velopment of representational art. The Italian trade. These organizations instead called on
government had long sought its return, claim- museums to require that antiquities be shown
ing the vase had been looted from the Greppe to have left their country of probable origin
Sant’Angelo near Cerveteri, Italy, within a year prior to the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the
or so of its purchase. In 2006, the Metropoli- Illegal Sale and Trafficking in Cultural Objects
tan agreed to return the Euphronios krater and or be accompanied by documentation showing
several other contested objects to Italy in re- that they had been legally imported into the
turn for a series of long-term loans of com- United States and legally exported from their
parable objects (Watson & Todeschini 2006). country of origin. In 2008, the American

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AN39CH18-Barker ARI 12 August 2010 21:42

Association of Museums recommended new identifying who among competing claimants


guidelines for American museums in general, has the right of ownership, regardless of other
which required transparency in acquisitions moral or scientific claims. Scientific perspec-
guidelines, research on provenance of newly tives appeal to the public benefit of inquiry
acquired objects, and determination that ob- and the loss of knowledge by all if inquiries
jects had left their country of probable origin are prevented. The market theory perspective
prior to the 1970 UNESCO Convention date focuses on private property interests and the
(AAM 2008). The Association of Art Museum promotion of free trade in objects and em-
Directors (AAMD) revised its standards as well, phasizes mechanisms that permit goodness of
allowing more room for interpretation than the title to be restored to objects to facilitate their
American Association of Museums (AAM) but exchange.
similarly adopting the fixed 1970 date for prove- While Hutt’s (2004) identification of differ-
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nance of antiquities and establishing a Web- ent perspectives is a useful heuristic vehicle, the
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

based registry for listing of artifacts with poten- perspectives reflect a particular viewpoint or
tially problematic provenance (AAMD 2008). bias with which many theorists and legal schol-
The use of Web-based information reg- ars might take issue, notably the premise that
istries for objects of this kind is not new. In native claimants are prima facie rightful owners
2000, AAM and AAMD had developed and of cultural property under common law, that
launched the Nazi Era Provenance Internet patrimonial rights and property law perspec-
Portal in consultation with the Presidential Ad- tives are the same (common law would gen-
visory Commission on Holocaust Assets in the erally view property rights as a more complex
United States (PCHA) to provide information and separable bundle of rights allowing no such
to potential claimants of objects in U.S. muse- sweeping generalizations), and that nationalist
ums that changed hands in continental Europe perspectives hold that cultural property is in-
between 1933–1945, along with detailed pro- alienable, rather than the more limited claim
cedures for conducting provenance research on that national laws vesting ownership of antiqui-
such objects (Yeide et al. 2001). ties in the nation-state should be internationally
These represent only some of the challenges respected. She presents an intriguing diagram
to the right of museums to hold good title to (2004, p. 31) showing possible relationships be-
particular objects or kinds of cultural property. tween the various perspectives and notes that
Hutt (2004) has identified six perspectives on the scientific perspective might be able to es-
objects from the past, which inform and inflect tablish the validity of nationalist claims, but she
both legal cases and public debate regarding does not suggest that scientific analysis could
cultural property claims. Moralist perspectives similarly warrant the validity of patrimonial
generally use normative rather than legal claims by putative descendants.
language to argue for a particular position per- Increasing rates of site destruction and a
ceived as the right or honorable resolution to a series of high-profile restitution cases have in-
contested claim. Nationalist perspectives hold tensified debates over the role of the antiquities
that cultural property is inalienable, hence an trade, licit and illicit, in looting, site destruc-
entity accepting a nation’s patrimony can never tion, and loss of cultural heritage (Atwood
hold good title. Internationalist perspectives, 2004, Bogdanos & Patrick 2005, Carman 2005,
which she alternatively names “paternalist Renfrew 2006, Watson & Todeschini 2006,
theory,” argue just the opposite, that signif- Waxman 2008). For some, the role of looting
icant objects of cultural property transcend and the illicit (and sometimes legal) trade in
nationalist laws and are the common property antiquities is plain (Brodie et al. 2001), whereas
of humankind, and those who can control them others see such criticisms as a direct or indirect
should. Property law perspectives focus on attack on private collecting (Fitz Gibbon 2005).

302 Barker
AN39CH18-Barker ARI 12 August 2010 21:42

Just as individual scholars find themselves pedagogical patrimonial, etc.), which may be
caught between ethical prohibitions against assigned by different entities or individuals.
publication of unprovenanced material on the
one hand and the loss of information from such
materials on the other (e.g., Owen 2005), some PROSPECTS
museum staff feel caught between the ethical McLean (1999) has succinctly depicted the ter-
prohibition against accepting unprovenanced rain in which archaeological museums now op-
antiquities and the loss of these objects to the erate: “Our times seem to be framed by an
private market. These concerns have been most increasingly complex and layered dialectic of
widely voiced by advocates of so-called ency- privilege, expert knowledge, and prescriptive
clopedic art museums, such as the Metropolitan meaning-making on the one hand, and access,
Museum in New York, the British Museum popular culture, and the negotiation of meaning
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in London, and the Art Institute in Chicago on the other” (p. 103). To this might be added
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2010.39:293-308. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

(Cuno 2008, 2009). Apologists for encyclopedic a decentering of the privileged place museums
museums cast the antiquities debate as pitting have held as keepers of cultural property and
archaeologists against museums (e.g., Watt myriad economic and governance challenges.
2009), although much of the debate really cen- To some, this perspective suggests a bleak
ters on whether archaeological contexts have future.
significant value in art museum contexts, a de- But although the terrain may be difficult,
bate less between archaeologists and museums it should seem familiar. The tension between
than between disciplinary emphases on differ- the dual aspects of the museum—responsible
ent kinds of contexts within different kinds of for both holding collections and making them
museums. Art historians emphasize assigned available for its publics—has always lain at the
or assumed contexts based on extrinsic classi- heart of the museum enterprise. Museums are
fication of the object (e.g., Boardman 2009), at once sacred groves and public attractions
whereas archaeologists focus on observed ( Jeffers 2003), consecrated as temples to the
contexts that allow the validity of extrinsic Muses on the one hand and committed to ser-
classifications to be assessed (Barker 2004). vice as a public forum on the other. Like our
The former view privileges the authority of the understandings of the past and our needs as
museum or museum curator, whereas the latter a diverse and disparate society, museums will
decenters that privileged position by allowing continue to change. That is and will continue
significance to be determined through multiple to be their nature, suggesting a bright rather
kinds of contexts (archaeological, aesthetic, than bleak future for the keepers of the past.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Archaeology and museums each represent dynamic disciplines with wide-ranging and growing
fields of associated scholarship. Their intersection is broad and deep, and only its outlines are
sketched here. I humbly apologize to my colleagues whose many significant and stimulating
contributions have not been included here owing to limitations of space; it is remarkable how
rapidly the assigned space goes from impossible to fill to woefully inadequate. I am grateful to Lee
Lyman and Lana Coggeshall for their thoughtful comments on some of the issues presented here

www.annualreviews.org • Exhibiting Archaeology 303


AN39CH18-Barker ARI 12 August 2010 21:42

and to my colleagues in the Council for Museum Anthropology for much fruitful and enjoyable
discussion.

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308 Barker
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Annual Review of
Anthropology

Contents Volume 39, 2010

Prefatory Chapter
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A Life of Research in Biological Anthropology


Geoffrey A. Harrison p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1

Archaeology
Preindustrial Markets and Marketing: Archaeological Perspectives
Gary M. Feinman and Christopher P. Garraty p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 167
Exhibiting Archaeology: Archaeology and Museums
Alex W. Barker p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
Defining Behavioral Modernity in the Context of Neandertal and
Anatomically Modern Human Populations
April Nowell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 437
The Southwest School of Landscape Archaeology
Severin Fowles p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 453
Archaeology of the Eurasian Steppes and Mongolia
Bryan Hanks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 469

Biological Anthropology
Miocene Hominids and the Origins of the African Apes and Humans
David R. Begun p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p67
Consanguineous Marriage and Human Evolution
A.H. Bittles and M.L. Black p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 193
Cooperative Breeding and its Significance to the Demographic Success
of Humans
Karen L. Kramer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 417

Linguistics and Communicative Practices


Enactments of Expertise
E. Summerson Carr p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p17

vii
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The Semiotics of Brand


Paul Manning p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
The Commodification of Language
Monica Heller p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101
Sensory Impairment
Elizabeth Keating and R. Neill Hadder p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 115
The Audacity of Affect: Gender, Race, and History in Linguistic
Accounts of Legitimacy and Belonging
Bonnie McElhinny p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 309
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Soundscapes: Toward a Sounded Anthropology


David W. Samuels, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and Thomas Porcello p p p p p p p p p p 329
Ethnographic Approaches to Digital Media
E. Gabriella Coleman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 487

International Anthropology and Regional Studies


Peopling of the Pacific: A Holistic Anthropological Perspective
Patrick V. Kirch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 131
Anthropologies of the United States
Jessica R. Cattelino p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 275

Sociocultural Anthropology
The Reorganization of the Sensory World
Thomas Porcello, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and David W. Samuels p p p p p p p p p p p p51
The Anthropology of Secularism
Fenella Cannell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p85
Anthropological Perspectives on Structural Adjustment and Public
Health
James Pfeiffer and Rachel Chapman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 149
Food and the Senses
David E. Sutton p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 209
The Anthropology of Credit and Debt
Gustav Peebles p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 225
Sense and the Senses: Anthropology and the Study of Autism
Olga Solomon p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Gender, Militarism, and Peace-Building: Projects of the Postconflict
Moment
Mary H. Moran p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 261

viii Contents
AR424-FM ARI 12 August 2010 19:29

Property and Persons: New Forms and Contests


in the Era of Neoliberalism
Eric Hirsch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 347
Education, Religion, and Anthropology in Africa
Amy Stambach p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 361
The Anthropology of Genetically Modified Crops
Glenn Davis Stone p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 381
Water Sustainability: Anthropological Approaches and Prospects
Ben Orlove and Steven C. Caton p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 401
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Theme I: Modalities of Capitalism


The Semiotics of Brand
Paul Manning p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
The Commodification of Language
Monica Heller p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101
Anthropological Perspectives on Structural Adjustment
and Public Health
James Pfeiffer and Rachel Chapman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 149
Preindustrial Markets and Marketing: Archaeological Perspectives
Gary M. Feinman and Christopher P. Garraty p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 167
The Anthropology of Credit and Debt
Gustav Peebles p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 225
Property and Persons: New Forms and Contests in
the Era of Neoliberalism
Eric Hirsch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 347
The Anthropology of Genetically Modified Crops
Glenn Davis Stone p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 381

Theme II: The Anthropology of the Senses


The Reorganization of the Sensory World
Thomas Porcello, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa and David W. Samuels p p p p p p p p p p p p51
Sensory Impairment
Elizabeth Keating and R. Neill Hadder p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 115
Food and the Senses
David E. Sutton p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 209
Sense and the Senses: Anthropology and the Study of Autism
Olga Solomon p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241

Contents ix
AR424-FM ARI 12 August 2010 19:29

Soundscapes: Toward a Sounded Anthropology


David W. Samuels, Louise Meintjes, Ana Maria Ochoa, and Thomas Porcello p p p p p p p p p p 329

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 507


Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volume 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 510

Errata
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