Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ANNUAL
REVIEWS Further
of Childhood
by Universidad Nacional de la Plata on 07/22/11. For personal use only.
159
INTRODUCTION: A THEMATIC 2001b, Wileman 2005). Another approach fo-
APPROACH TO THE cused on the categories of evidence typically
ARCHAEOLOGY OF CHILDHOOD encountered by archaeologists, such as burials,
iconography, artifacts, and space (Baxter 2005).
The archaeology of childhood is an emerging
The approach taken toward the literature in
field of interest within archaeology. Theoretical
this review is somewhat different from previous
developments and methodological innovations
works. Although certainly chronological, this
are integral features of this continually evolv-
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
160 Baxter
have presented evidence that children are sig- individual humans mature, but the mean-
nificant social and economic actors in their own ing, definitions, and ideals imposed on these
right and that the organization of families, com- changes are arbitrary and vary cross-culturally
munities, and societies often prioritizes the care (Kamp 2001b). It is the specific, cultural con-
and training of children (Ardren 2006; Baxter structions of childhood in contemporary, west-
2005, 2006a; Kamp 2001b; Sofaer Derevenski ern cultures that have been identified as being
1997, 2000a). particularly detrimental to the archaeology of
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Asking why children have been omitted with childhood, and the implications of these con-
such regularity from archaeological interpre- structions on archaeologists’ attitudes toward
by Universidad Nacional de la Plata on 07/22/11. For personal use only.
tations seems to be very reasonable, given the children and childhood have been recognized
compelling reasons to study children. An exam- as twofold.
ination of archaeological literature prior to the First, contemporary constructions of chil-
emergent disciplinary interest in children led dren and childhood are cast in relation to
scholars to identify two main barriers that kept, the concepts of adult and maturity (Sofaer
and continue to keep, children marginalized in Derevenski 1997), and they stem from a rel-
archaeological thinking and research. atively recent and historically traceable phe-
nomenon that grew around bourgeois notions
of family, home, individuality, and privacy
Questioning the Universal, Biological, (Stephens 1995, pp. 4–5). Children are associ-
and Natural in Western Constructions ated with dependence and innocence, and child-
of Childhood hood is most often identified as a time for learn-
Archaeologists have always sought analogs from ing and training in preparation for adulthood.
the historical and ethnographic records because Children should be cared for, controlled, and
they presupposed that cultures in the past were, kept secure and happy during this liminal stage
in many ways, fundamentally different from between birth and adulthood (Kamp 2001b).
the cultural traditions lived and experienced These ideas about the nature and care of
by archaeologists themselves. Archaeological children are paired with the assumption that
thought regarding children and childhood has political, economic, and social control are held
not followed this trend traditionally, and some exclusively by adults (Sofaer Derevenski 1997).
researchers have tended to make assumptions Second, contemporary, western definitions
about children and childhood on the basis of of childhood emphasize individuals’ biological
the idea that childhood is a natural and uni- and physical development through the human
versal experience. This tendency has stemmed life cycle (Kamp 2001b). Ontological categories
from ideas held about childhood in the con- defined by western medicine and psychology
temporary, western cultures from which most represent a biological reality that includes read-
archaeologists derive and from the fact that ev- ily identifiable stages of personhood, such as
eryone has experienced childhood at some point infant, toddler, child, adolescent, young adult,
(Baxter 2005; Kamp 2001b; Sofaer Derevenski adult, and elderly. This rhetoric of science and
1994b, 1997, 2000b). biology has led to the naturalization of western
In direct contradiction, scholars across dis- understandings of childhood and the extension
ciplines have acknowledged that childhood is of other aspects of childhood into the universal
a sociocultural construct that is shaped and realm.
formed around the ontological development The idea of a universal childhood can be
of human beings (Baxter 2000, 2005; Joyce seen in archaeological reconstructions of the
2000; Kamp 2001b; Rothschild 2002; Sofaer past in textbooks and museum exhibits (Kamp
Derevenski 1994b, 1997, 2000b; Stephens & Whittaker 2002). This idea of a biologically
1995). Specific biological changes occur as based, universal childhood also has made it very
A second barrier to including children in ar- Kamp 2001b, 2006; Rothschild 2002; Sofaer
chaeological interpretations has stemmed from Derevenski 1994b, 1997, 2000b). Scholars have
children’s perceived invisibility in the archaeo- asserted that the absence of children in archae-
logical record. Children are frequently under- ological interpretations has stemmed, at least
represented in mortuary contexts (Chamberlain in part, from the association between children
2000), are often considered to have relation- and women. Like women, children are catego-
ships with material culture that are unconven- rized at the weaker end of the male/female and
tional and unpredictable, and are often thought adult/child dimensions and are therefore femi-
to be the sole users of very few artifacts and nized (other than male) and exist in a category
spaces (Baxter 2000, Kamp 2001b). Thus chil- of the disempowered (Baker 1997, Rothschild
dren have not been investigated with the same 2002).
rigor as adults in mortuary contexts and have This shared history of disempowerment,
been absent in settlement studies and studies of marginalization, and invisibility has directed
space, work, and household (Sofaer Derevenski scholars to study the history of gender research
1994b). in archaeology as way of approaching the ar-
Baxter (2005) has identified ways that early chaeological study of childhood (Kamp 2001b,
archaeological literature treated children as p. 3). The historical movement from marginal-
subjects of inquiry. The first early role of chil- ization to widespread acceptance of gender as
dren in archaeological literature was to explain a topic of archaeological inquiry is often de-
the presence of otherwise “uninterpretable” ar- scribed as the desired trajectory for children
tifact categories at archaeological sites such as and childhood as well. Parallel arguments about
miniature objects or other objects thought to be the cultural construction of gender and child-
toys. The second role was to use ethnographic hood, and the necessity to alter underlying as-
information about children to create cautionary sumptions about who was present in the past
tales where children’s behaviors acted as spoilers and therefore responsible for the archaeologi-
to more traditional and conventional archae- cal record, are often invoked to underscore this
ological interpretations. Children’s behaviors move toward becoming part of the archaeo-
were characterized as randomizing or distort- logical mainstream (Ardren 2006; Baker 1997;
ing because they often altered the deposits of Baxter 2005, 2006b; Kamp 2001b, 2002b;
materials created by adults. Children were also Sofaer Derevenksi 1994b, 1997, 2000b; Wilkie
reported as using objects in atypical, unconven- 2000).
tional, or unexpected ways that deviated from The relationship between gender and ar-
the normative uses of those objects by adults. chaeology has developed on more sophisti-
The fact that children used different material cated theoretical levels through associations
culture than adults did, or used the same ob- with more general trends and emphases on
jects in different ways than adults did, deemed identity and agency as important ways of under-
them an unknowable category of people in the standing the archaeological record (King 2006).
past (Baxter 2000, pp. 4–6; 2005; 2006b). Archaeological investigations of identity often
162 Baxter
consider how individuals come to embody a how changes in status are marked by biolog-
series of overlapping and intersecting identities ical or cultural milestones are important parts
that can include age, sex, gender, class, race, and of this dominant discourse. Although these ide-
other categories (Meskell 2001). Shifting em- als may be contested and not always actualized
phases in research prioritize how cultural iden- in practice, it is this ideal cultural construction
tities such as childhood are actively embodied that becomes depicted in symbolic and ritual
and practiced rather than passively constructed contexts.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
the overlapping constructions of age and gender seeking the dominant discourse. Idealized
specifically have been central in attempts to ex- categories often involve how stages in the
pand understandings of what childhood meant life cycle were marked through language,
in different times and places. ceremony, ritual, objects, and performance and
how specified sets of roles, behaviors, expec-
tations, and limitations became associated with
EXPANDING DEFINITIONS particular individuals. James & Prout (1990, p.
OF CHILDHOOD 220) suggested that transitions are particularly
As all these critiques suggest, age categories are important for the study of childhood because
culturally defined and cannot be assumed or changes are often symbolically marked. Rituals
transplanted from one time period to another. marking transitions in status and identity often
Rothschild (2002) explicitly warned archaeol- include particular bodily modifications and
ogists not to export ideas about modern lives changes in clothing and hairstyles and can be
into the past and not to impose ethnographical associated with particular places and objects
and historical expectations on past lives. Indeed, that leave archaeological traces.
Rothschild noted that if childhood is a cultural One category of evidence that has been
construct, then perhaps at certain times and used successfully to identify emic constructions
places in the past no such marked stage of per- of childhood identity are images of individu-
sonhood existed (2002, pp. 3–4). Similarly, the als found in literary, artistic, and iconographic
term child or category of childhood subsumes sources (e.g., Beaumont 2000, Joyce 2000, King
a large amount of diversity in terms of devel- 2006). King (2006) noted that archaeologists
opmental stages, roles, dependence, and inde- tend to prioritize visually expressive cultural
pendence that may be elaborated selectively in traditions in their investigations of individual
different cultural contexts (Sofaer Derevenski identities. These artistic and iconographic rep-
1997). Given the possibility for infinite varia- resentations of children are not the products of
tion in how childhood was constructed, Kamp children’s activities but rather represent adult
(2001b) argued that we should assume that def- idealizations of individuals at different phases
initions of childhood were different in the past, and stages of life (Baxter 2005). As such, these
making imperative the need to define children images are thought to be imbued with partic-
in specific contexts. ular meanings for the adults who created and
viewed such images, including invoking a sense
of memory (Lillehammer 2000) and nostalgia
Seeking the Dominant Discourse: ( Joyce 2006) for their own childhoods.
Representation, Ritual, and Childhood A particularly useful example of how im-
Recently, Kamp (2006) noted that cultural con- ages of individuals have been used to investi-
structions of childhood are part of a domi- gate categories of identity in the past comes
nant discourse recognized by all members of from the Aztec Florentine Codex and Codex
a social group. How an individual is supposed Mendoza ( Joyce 2000). Joyce used the textual
to progress through his or her life cycle and and visual narratives found in these texts to
three distinct categories of identity marked by McCafferty 2006, Meskell 1994, Mizoguchi
rites and symbols, which reflected differences 2000, Perry 2006, Sofaer Derevenski 2000b,
by Universidad Nacional de la Plata on 07/22/11. For personal use only.
in gender, achievement, and status. The first of Storey & McAnany 2006).
these identities was infants, who were consid- Defining categories of identity using mor-
ered to be unformed individuals at birth and, tuary populations requires a decoupling of
through habitual action, costumes, and orna- biological distinctions of immaturity from cul-
ments, were shaped into one of three genders tural meanings that are placed on individuals’
in their early teens ( Joyce 2000). bodies (Sofaer Derevenski 2000b; Perry 2006).
Prehistoric rock art and ethnographic It also requires seeking overlapping categories
sources have also been used in the Ameri- of identity, including age and gender, to un-
can Southwest to identify particular life stages derstand social constructions of individuals in
that were ritually and materially marked (Hays- the past ( Janik 2000, Meskell 1994, Mizoguchi
Gilpin 2002). The particular whorled style of 2000). Perry (2006) provided a comprehen-
hair associated with Pueblo puberty rituals for sive overview of bioarchaeological analyses of
girls was known as “wearing a butterfly” and subadult skeletons, or individuals identified as
was part of an extended ritual marking a bio- being under the age of 18. Rather than equating
logical milestone. Examining rock art from the subadult skeletons with children, she noted that
Pueblo regions resulted in the identification of biological transformations, such as weaning and
girls “wearing a butterfly” along with others puberty, are often marked by ritual and empha-
who were not, suggesting a particular status of sized in ideological and social constructions of
the wearer. Hays-Gilpin (2002) argued that this identity categories. These events also leave dis-
combination of ethnographic and iconographic cernable traces on subadult skeletons. Using a
evidence points to a unique category of person- case study from the Byzantine Near East, Perry
hood that extended more than 1500 years into (2006) demonstrated how bioarchaeology may
prehistory. be used to define childhood in a particular time
More often, archaeologies of identity that and place by seeking ways that biological trans-
have focused on culturally constructed ideas formations were elaborated or downplayed in
of childhood have used mortuary data where mortuary treatment.
intersections of the biological and cultural can Two recent studies in Mesoamerica used
be explored through skeletal remains (Sofaer skeletal and mortuary analyses to identify cate-
Derevenski 2000b). Mortuary studies that gories of identity in subadult populations. At the
employed the concept of children have a long Mexican site of Cholula, categories of identity
history in archaeology and relied on an un- found in Aztec Codices ( Joyce 2000) were in-
problematized equation between a subadult vestigated using skeletal and mortuary evidence
skeleton and a child (Rothschild 2002). These (McCafferty & McCafferty 2006). Although re-
types of studies used the placement and searchers identified a cohesive burial tradition
treatment of subadult skeletons to answer through analyzing the evidence, they found a
broad questions of social organization, such series of significant differences among buri-
as status, or to shed light on adult identities als of infants, young children, older children,
(Sofaer Derevenski 2000b, Perry 2006). and adults. Infants had few or no burial goods,
164 Baxter
suggesting they were perceived as incomplete including child care, tending animals, gather-
persons much as they were in the codices. Young ing, food preparation, housework, agricultural
children had unique markers of identity, such as activities, and wage labor.
musical instruments and toys, included in their The largest body of literature investigat-
burials. Older children and young teens were ing children’s social and economic roles comes
interred with the same materials as adults, sug- from the study of hunter-gatherer populations
gesting that certain statuses of age and gender (Lamb & Hewlett 2005). Ethnoarchaeological
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
were recognized in those individuals. sources have indicated that child labor does
Seeking differences among burials of chil- not vary in relationship to subsistence strat-
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dren as well as comparing child and adult buri- egy; rather children’s labor is valued using social
als, archaeologists undertook a similar analysis as well as economic variables (Bugarin 2006,
at the Maya site of K’axob. Differences in how Kamp 2002b, Lamb & Hewlett 2005). This
children were buried at different stages of life assertion was explored using a systematic eval-
were interpreted as both communal ideals of ap- uation of the ethnographic and ethnoarchae-
propriate commemoration and representations ological record of African foragers, pastoral-
of how adults valued individual children (Storey ists, and agriculturalists (Bugarin 2006). This
& McAnany 2006). Four patterns of age dif- study documented a wide variety of economic
ferentiation were revealed: neonates, toddlers, roles for children and identified implements,
older children, and near adults. Mortuary treat- ceremonial goods, spatial behaviors, and spe-
ment for each category of individual showed cial purpose areas that were related to children.
increasing elaboration with age, although at no Some of these goods related to child rearing
time were the treatments as elaborate as those and training, whereas others were objects and
for adults. This pattern has been interpreted to areas that were child-specific; all pointed to the
indicate how children were valued as they ma- potential visibility of children’s economic roles
tured and as adult perceptions of, and invest- in the African past (Bugarin 2006).
ments in, children changed. Similarly, ethnoarchaeological investiga-
tions of children of the Meriam, Eastern Tor-
res, have shown that children’s foraging behav-
Seeking New Analogs: iors included a series of age-based practices that
Social and Economic Roles were archaeologically visible in the composi-
for Children Across Cultures tion of shell middens (Bird & Bliege Bird 2000).
Approaching the archaeological record to ex- Comparisons of shellfish foraging strategies be-
plore constructed identities of children is re- tween children and adults found that children
lated to research designed to expand the variety engaged in unique foraging strategies that max-
of ways children may be involved in economic imized their efficiency in the present, rather
and ritual activities. These types of studies are than attempting practices that were prepara-
designed to redress the tendency to universal- tory for adult foraging. Children’s choices in
ize western childhood experiences and to offer prey reflected their physiological development
new analogs to expand ways of thinking about around areas of manual dexterity, limb size, and
childhood in the past. strength. The result was a unique profile of prey
Understanding that archaeologists tend to types that made their contributions to midden
divide tasks along gender lines, Kamp (2002b, deposits unique. Interpreting the archaeologi-
p. 71) noted that children are generally not cal record without considering the possibility
seen as providing significant labor in archaeo- of children foraging would not only mask their
logical interpretations. Ethnographic sources, contributions in the past, but also would result
in contrast, point to the strategic, important in erroneous interpretations of the archaeolog-
uses of children’s work in a variety of contexts, ical record.
166 Baxter
Shifting assumptions must also be paired standings of crafting and motor skill develop-
with new theoretical and methodological ap- ment (Crown 1999, Finlay 1997, Kamp 2001b).
proaches in the archaeological record. Chil- Other scholars have argued that the standard-
dren have been identified archaeologically us- ization in finished products is indicative of
ing a variety of categories of archaeological data proficiency and have associated a high degree
including burials and burial objects; toys and of variability with novice and child crafters
play things; the spatial organization of objects (Bagwell 2002). Other variables that have been
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
and activity areas; representations of children identified as potential indicators include the
in art, artifacts, and monuments; artifacts pro- types of raw materials available to crafters of
by Universidad Nacional de la Plata on 07/22/11. For personal use only.
duced by children; and skeletal remains (Baxter different skill levels and the apparent diver-
2005, Kamp 2001b, Lillehammer 1989). gences from local norms resulting from the
Children, therefore, are not archaeologically inadvertent skipping of certain technological
invisible, but it is necessary to identify their steps in production (Kamp 2001b, Finlay 1997,
activities as opposed to other agents in the ar- Grimm 2000).
chaeological record (Sofaer Derevenski 1997). Crown (1999, 2001, 2002) has advocated us-
ing psychological studies of child development
to identify children as apprentice crafters in
Children as Producers of Material prehistory, and she has tested this approach by
Goods: Learning Culture, Shaping studying painted designs on ceramics from a
Traditions, Pushing Boundaries variety of cultural traditions in the American
One of the most prolific areas of archaeolog- Southwest, including Hohokam, Mimbres, and
ical research on children has been the inves- Salado. She noted that the ability to conceive,
tigation of child participation in craft produc- plan, and execute painted designs on ceramics
tion activities, including stone tool production, is an indicator for levels of psychological devel-
ceramic manufacture, and weaving (Bagwell opment (Crown 1999) and that certain types of
2002; Crown 1999, 2001, 2002; Finlay 1997; errors can be directly related to stages of cogni-
Greenfield 2000; Grimm 2000; Kamp 2001b, tive development rather than to a lack of experi-
2002b; Kamp et al. 1999). Craft production is ence or expertise. This distinction allowed for
a natural place to look for children archaeolog- the identification of novice crafters who were
ically because crafting requires the acquisition old enough to have fully developed cognitive
of technical skills and cultural knowledge and skills versus those at earlier stages in the life
must be learned. Because proficiency in learn- cycle when cognitive skills were still develop-
ing a craft can take several years, it is often as- ing. Focusing on ceramics that she identified
sumed that individuals started learning crafts at as inexpertly made, Crown was able to analyze
a young age; ethnographic evidence has doc- painted designs for material signatures of par-
umented children as young as 2–5 years old ticular features of development, such as sym-
learning crafts (Kamp 2001b, p. 13). This does metry, and suggested that two age groups of
not mean that all apprentice craftspeople were children, those between the ages of 9 and 12
children, but it does suggest that many novice and another between the ages of 4 and 6, were
crafters were likely starting their learning at responsible for creating some of the painted
younger ages. designs.
Archaeological evidence for novice crafters Bagwell (2002) built on Crown’s work
has been defined in a variety of ways. Objects and studied variations in two-dimensional and
displaying evidence of inexpert workmanship three-dimensional abilities in children by age;
are often thought to be the work of novice she used variables of development to create a
crafters, and further refinements to this ap- “skill score” that may be used to provide the
proach have discerned deficiencies in manufac- minimum age of a potter who produced a par-
ture that are attributable to conceptual under- ticular vessel. She tested her skill score system
different skill levels among the community of Grimm (2000) used these variables to study
crafters at Pecos Pueblo and determined a sub- an apprentice flint knapper at the Upper Pale-
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set of miniature vessels that were most likely olithic site of Solvieux. In addition to analyzing
manufactured by children. the archaeological evidence for this apprentice
Another technique for identifying children operating in a community of master crafters,
among novice crafters has been to study finger- she employed the idea of “legitimate periph-
print measurements left in clay figurines, minia- eral participation” (Lave & Wenger 1991) to as-
ture vessels, and full-sized vessels in Sinagua sert that prehistoric apprenticeship was a social
ceramic assemblages (Kamp 2001b; Kamp et practice by which individuals were being social-
al. 1999). Fingerprints were examined in the ized into a community. She used this concept to
context of other variables of manufacture, such hypothesize the types of nonproduction-related
as the complexity of the manufacturing tech- activities that would have enabled an appren-
nique employed, the presence of symmetry, ves- tice to observe the workings of the crafters at
sel thickness, vessel finish, vessel size, and the Solvieux while making valuable contributions
presence or absence of cracks upon firing. The to the community.
association of children’s fingerprints with rela- Analyzing the social context of production
tively simply and poorly made vessels and fig- has been a growing theme that extends this lit-
urines suggested that children may have been erature about children and craft production be-
learning to become crafters in the context of yond methods for identifying children archae-
play and that making and using toys would have ologically. Crown (2002) used ethnographic
been culturally associated (Kamp 2001b). literature and archaeological samples to con-
Evidence for children as producers of lithic sider how children would have learned to be-
technology has also been explored, particularly come artisans and potters. She identified ethno-
in Europe. Finlay (1997) observed variation in graphic and archaeological cases relating to a
the lithic assemblage from the Mesolithic site variety of learning frameworks in the American
of Coulererarch in Scotland and found poorly Southwest, including observation and imita-
worked low-quality flint pebbles alongside evi- tion, verbal instruction, hands-on demonstra-
dence for fine blade production, reflecting the tion, and self-teaching as ways of communicat-
presence of knappers of various abilities. Other ing skill sets and cultural knowledge.
scholars have demonstrated that novice flint Greenfield (2000) explored how children
knappers may be identified through differences learned to weave textiles in the Maya com-
in how cores are prepared and manipulated; munity of Zincantan in Highland Chiapas and
their studies suggest that children would have demonstrated how learning frameworks among
different sized hands and levels of manual dex- weavers shifted with other cultural changes in
terity, which may or may not have enabled the community. She followed two families of
the direct imitation of adult knappers (Fin- weavers from the 1970s to the 1990s and identi-
lay 1997, Grimm 2000, Pigeot 1990). Other fied how patterns of teaching and learning were
variables associated with novice lithic produc- altered when the community transitioned from
tion include the peripheral location of debitage living as a self-sustaining agricultural commu-
from novice knappers in relationship to mas- nity to being a part of a larger cash econ-
ter crafters, the use of poor-quality materials omy. When the community was focused on
168 Baxter
agricultural production in the 1970s, weavers Children Moving and Doing:
taught children in highly supervised and Children’s Spaces, Places, and Things
scaffolded ways that emphasized observation
Another way that children have been material-
and the replication of traditional design pat-
ized in the archaeological record is through in-
terns. When agriculture was replaced by cash
vestigations of how children used social space,
economies, weaving was no longer taught di-
as seen through the patterned distributions of
rectly by adults, but rather was learned indepen-
artifacts at archaeological sites. Some of the
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
the children far outnumbered those that were Childhood is a viable and significant topic for
specifically attributable to the mother, a find- archaeological research, and scholars have un-
ing that is consistent with contemporary ideals dertaken a variety of projects to identify chil-
of child rearing that emphasize the appropriate dren and conceptualize childhood using an
accessorizing of children with child-rearing de- array of archaeological and ethnographic evi-
vices and play things. They also identified seg- dence. Within this cohesive movement focused
regated spaces of childhood activity, including on redressing the absence of children in ar-
gender-specific areas in bedrooms and mixed- chaeological research is an emerging division
gender child activity areas elsewhere in the around how children should be interpreted in
home. These distributional patterns in mate- the past (Ardren 2006, Baxter 2007). Some of
rials witnessed upon the abandonment of the the works presented in this review emphasize
household were consistent with expectations childhood as a stage of life that is preparatory
of children’s play and the appropriate domains for adulthood and prioritize the transmission of
for gender segregation and integration among cultural knowledge across generations. Other
children. works emphasize the distinct identities and spe-
More recently, Hutson (2006) undertook a cific characteristics of children, and they stress
relational study between children and the built qualities and experiences unique to childhood.
environment at the site of Chunchucmil as a This tension points to future directions in the
way to make children visible where no tra- archaeology of childhood and is worth explor-
ditional forms of evidence were present. He ing here in a preliminary fashion.
challenged archaeologists to move away from
understanding children on the basis of an as-
sumed essence or set of characteristics and to Children Becoming: Socialization,
take a phenomenological approach that consid- Cultural Transmission, and
ers children in the context of the world in which Preparation for Adulthood
they lived and the relationships they had with Hirschfeld’s (2002) assertion that anthropology
others. Looking to the built environment that is based on the premise that culture is learned
could be observed archaeologically, he sought and not inherited is fundamental to how many
evidence for how children would have encoun- archaeologists approach the study of childhood.
tered these spaces in the past and how these Childhood is often described in the archaeo-
relational encounters would have mutually af- logical literature as a time when skills and be-
fected the children and the spaces themselves. lief systems are learned, when personality is
His research led to an interpretation of concen- formed, and when attitudes and values are in-
trations of shells fragments, which could not be culcated (Kamp 2001b). Although strict ideas of
explained by other types of site formation pro- socialization that emphasize a unilateral trans-
cesses as the actions of children interacting with mission of information from adults to chil-
abandoned spaces within buildings. This phe- dren have been rejected (Baxter 2005, Sofaer
nomenological approach to children and space Derevenski 1997), ideas about how cultural in-
facilitated an interpretation of the archaeologi- formation is imparted across generations have
170 Baxter
been central to many theoretical conversations The study of childhood has been marginal-
about childhood in archaeology (Ardren 2006; ized in cultural anthropology as well as archae-
Baxter 2005; Kamp 2001b; Sofaer Derevenski ology (Hirschfeld 2002, Schwartzman 2006),
1997, 2000b). and one of the ways to make research more ac-
Research on “children becoming” includes ceptable to a broad audience has been to as-
studies that explicitly wish to understand the sert that children were useful ways to study
implications of child-rearing practices on social topics considered truly important within the
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
organization as a whole (Keith 2006), whereas discipline. The results were studies that pre-
others are interested in how adult identities sented “oversocialized” children who were busy
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emerge through transitional identities in child- preparing for their roles as adults, at which time
hood ( Joyce 2000, McCafferty & McCafferty they would be engaged in all the social, eco-
2006). Many studies that emphasize social- nomic, political, and ritual practices considered
ization are interested in how cultural knowl- to be valid topics for research.
edge is transmitted and negotiated through the Archaeologists who are focusing on children
creation and use of artifacts and social space as children have not stated their focus to be
(Bagwell 2002; Baxter 2000, 2005, 2006c; in direct opposition to studies that emphasize
Crown 1999, 2001, 2000; Finlay 1997; Green- socialization and cultural transmission. Rather,
field 2000; Grimm 2000; Kamp 2001b; Park their work is informed by general theoretical
2006; Wilkie 2000). interests in identity that tacitly embrace the
Interests in socialization, the transmission of basic anthropological assumption that cultural
cultural knowledge, and how identities are re- knowledge is differentially distributed among
lated over the course of the human life cycle all members of a particular group (Baxter 2007).
particularly make sense in archaeology. Stud- These studies emphasize the ways that child-
ies of cultural change and continuity over time hood and its subcategories are unique identities
are integral components of all archaeological that are embodied and performed by individu-
research, and the study of children offers ways als and imbued with meanings, privileges, and
to learn about the negotiated transmission of obligations through the dominant discourse
cultural information across generations. (Ardren 2006, Hutson 2006, King 2006,
Sillar 1994). This approach to children is part
of a more general idea that the archaeology
Studying Children for Children’s Sake of childhood will ultimately become the ar-
The trend that emphasizes childhood as chaeology of age, where age-based categories
preparatory for adulthood has recently been throughout the human life cycle become im-
critiqued by cultural anthropologist Helen portant ways of understanding identity in the
Schwartzman (2006), who suggested that ar- past (Kamp 2001b).
chaeology currently has a “focus challenge” These dual approaches to interpreting
where claims about the importance of children childhood in the past are not in opposition, but
need to become aligned with research that is ac- are in fact complementary and represent an
tually studying children. She suggested it is im- area in which childhood studies in archaeology
portant that archaeologists address children as are shaping theoretical understandings of
“topics not tools” and understand childhood as identity in general (Ardren 2006, Baxter 2007).
a particular time during which unique powers, Developing these emerging themes in scholar-
associations, and knowledge may be found ex- ship on children and childhood is essential. One
clusively in the realm of children. Her critique common assertion is that the archaeology of
comes from an appreciation of the disciplinary childhood should not be a specialized interest
history of studying childhood in cultural an- within the discipline, but rather all archaeol-
thropology, and her admonishments encourage ogists should be studying children in the past
archaeologists to learn from previous work. because they were present at all archaeological
ternative definitions and constructions of child- and integration so that all archaeology becomes
hood that are culturally situated, and demon- the archaeology of childhood.
by Universidad Nacional de la Plata on 07/22/11. For personal use only.
SUMMARY POINTS
1. Archaeologists have traditionally disregarded children as subjects of archaeological in-
quiry because they have perceived children as unimportant and invisible.
2. The archaeology of childhood is linked to broader theoretical trends in archaeology,
including growing emphases on gender, agency, and identity.
3. Alternative cultural constructions of childhood are necessary to address questions of
childhood in the past and are addressed through theoretical, ethnographic, historical,
and archaeological sources.
4. The lived experiences of children may be investigated through a variety of evidence
types, but these investigations require that archaeologists rethink assumptions about the
archaeological record and develop new methodological approaches.
5. Current literature on the archaeology of childhood suggests that there are two emerging
directions for childhood studies in archaeology. One approach emphasizes the study of
childhood as a topic in its own right, whereas the other emphasizes childhood as a time
that is preparatory for adulthood.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any biases that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this
review.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Prefatory Chapter
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Ralph L. Holloway p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
Evolution in Archaeology
Stephen Shennan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p75
The Archaeology of Childhood
Jane Eva Baxter p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
The Archaeological Evidence for Social Evolution
Joyce Marcus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251
Sexuality Studies in Archaeology
Barbara L. Voss p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317
Biological Anthropology
The Effects of Kin on Primate Life Histories
Karen B. Strier p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21
Evolutionary Models of Women’s Reproductive Functioning
Virginia J. Vitzthum p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p53
Detecting the Genetic Signature of Natural Selection in Human
Populations: Models, Methods, and Data
Angela M. Hancock and Anna Di Rienzo p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 197
vii
AR355-FM ARI 14 August 2008 14:6
Sociocultural Anthropology
Evolutionary Perspectives on Religion
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2008.37:159-175. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
viii Contents
AR355-FM ARI 14 August 2008 14:6
Theme 2: Reproduction
The Effects of Kin on Primate Life Histories
Karen B. Strier p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21
Reproduction and Inheritance: Goody Revisited
Chris Hann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
The Archaeology of Childhood
Jane Eva Baxter p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
Assisted Reproductive Technologies and Culture Change
Marcia C. Inhorn and Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 177
Demographic Transitions and Modernity
Jennifer Johnson-Hanks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 301
Sexuality Studies in Archaeology
Barbara L. Voss p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317
Reproduction and Preservation of Linguistic Knowledge: Linguistics’
Response to Language Endangerment
Nikolaus P. Himmelmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 337
Alternative Kinship, Marriage, and Reproduction
Nancy E. Levine p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 375
Contents ix