Pakistan’s power sector: in desperate need of a new vision

Our government, under IMF pressure, is currently mulling over a proposal to shift
the burden of power sector’s inefficiencies on to the electricity consumers. The new
proposal, under the title of “Debt Servicing Surcharge” will empower the National
Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) to pass on the cost burden of power
sector’s technical and administrative inefficiencies, including the “circular debt”
which is now touching Rs. 2 trillion mark, to electricity consumers.
It’s an ill-advised move for a host of reasons. First, the consumers are already
drowning under the heavy burden of their electricity bills and any further increase in
these will only add to their miseries. Second, the additional burden will necessarily
be borne by paying consumers and not by electricity stealers or bill defaulters. Third,
it will be akin to condoning the prevailing inefficiencies and mal-practices in the
system. Fourth, it may further encourage consumers to desert the grid, by opting for
PV systems on their rooftops, thus further suppressing the electricity demand which
the government desperately needs to stimulate to control the runaway electricity
costs. And, last but not the least, it will further reinforce the growing feeling that our
government is either incompetent in managing national issues or is cruelly
insensitive to the plight of common citizens.
One sincerely hopes that better sense will prevail and the government, instead of
such thoughtless and sure-to-backfire decisions, will focus on addressing the real
issues in the power sector head-on, that is, gross institutional mismanagement,
pervasive technical inefficiencies and leakages in the system, excessive pilferage of
electricity, and non-payment of bills by some powerful private and public sector
consumers.
The government will need to provide an enabling legal framework to encourage the
deployment of distributed energy generation and demand management schemes in
the local electricity system
Even though the government’s 4-point power sector agenda agreed with the IMF
(tariff increases, loss reduction, bill recovery, and replacement of DISCOs’ Boards and
CEOs on merit) is a necessary set of reforms, it may not be sufficient to save the
currently sinking power sector and could actually worsen its interminable woes. The
primary reason for this skepticism is that the government is hoping to cure the power
sector ills using an approach that has been rendered obsolete already in the wake of

27-6-2020
some disruptive trends in the energy market. The government, therefore,
desperately needs a new vision to pull this sector out of its present quagmire and set
it on a path to recovery.
Fortunately, the world’s energy market has taken a favorable turn recently, opening
up a historic window of opportunity to gradually phase out our dependence on large-
scale and capital-intensive generation facilities including IPPs and reorganize our
electricity supply industry (ESI) on a more decentralized and distributed grid. Small
power plants have emerged that beat the cost and performance features of large
plants. Renewables, even without government support, are proving competitive.
Deployment of intelligent and smart devices and meters are unlocking new
opportunities for demand management. Affordable and modular battery storage
technologies are enabling consumers to reduce, and even eliminate, their
dependence on grid supply by coupling these with their rooftop PV installations.
Electric vehicles (EVs) are also opening up new vistas due to their dual role as loads
well as sources of supply.
The new vision for the power sector must build around four strategic threads: (i) it
should be fully alive, responsive, and aligned to the market forces that are reshaping
the energy sectors around the world; (ii) it should provide a business-friendly legal
framework to reorganize the ESI along open, transparent, fair, and competitive lines;
(iii) it must replace the traditional business model with a more innovative, liberal,
flexible, and decentralized model in which all market players can participate fairly
and beneficially; and (iv) it should shift decision-making in this sector closer to the
end-users.
First, in the changed business landscape, a continued reliance on a centrally-planned
and tightly-controlled top-down approach to power sector management,
notwithstanding introduction of competition in some segments, is tantamount to
inviting bankruptcy for not just this sector but for the national economy as well. The
government will need to let go of this “command and control” mindset and instead
take a more liberal and laidback approach to encourage small and independent
power producers and consumers assume more active and participatory role in this
sector’s various activities.
Most analysts now agree that the future of ESI will be ruled by small, distributed, and
independent supply- and consumer-centric schemes that can be best managed
through liberalizing and devolving the market and by empowering consumers and
non-utility producers by building closer partnerships with them. The government
and NEPRA’s role in the new setup will be essentially restricted to just setting the

27-6-2020
principles and rules of participation in the power market; not micro-managing it but
“pushing it here and pulling it there” to keep it on track.
Second, the government will need to provide an enabling legal framework to
encourage the deployment of distributed energy generation and demand
management schemes in the local electricity system. The new policy framework
should also encourage deployment of storage technologies in the system as these
will enhance the value of renewable energy technologies while relaxing their
intermittency and variability constraints. Similarly, besides being a source of new
electric demand, battery packs in electric vehicles (EVs) can also support the power
grid in more economical ways than the traditional solutions, and as such should form
a key component of any future energy policy.
Third, the traditional business model in which power flows in one direction (from
power plants to end-users) and revenues flow in the opposite direction (from end-
users to utility) with electricity prices fixed by the regulator will not be effective in
dealing with the new market challenges. In the new environment, power will flow in
either direction as some of the consumers may now meet part or all of their
electricity demand by generation at their own premises, and not infrequently,
providing their excess power and capability to contribute to grid security and
reliability. Like the power, revenues will also flow in either direction.
The electricity business in the country, therefore, will need reworking along more
open and flexible lines to treat these new options not as competitors or threats but
instead as partners and complements to the utility’s own efforts to serve society.
The utility managers will need to not just encourage, but actually seek out, potential
contributions from customers and investors.
Under this new vision, the fourth step will be to shift the decision-making from the
center to as close as possible to end-users of electricity, that is, at the DISCO level.
This will be imperative as DISCOs are in the best position to grasp the evolving
patterns and dynamics of consumer demand, the potential of serving it through
supply- or demand-side solutions, and the viability of different strategies in this
respect.
The Ministry of Energy and NEPRA will need to empower DISCOs to devise and
introduce innovative and flexible pricing and compensation schemes to induce
consumers and investors to install such distributed technologies in the system. These
schemes should also enable proper accounting, allocation, and recovery of the
various costs from the participating consumers and other investors while allowing
them a fair remuneration for the benefits their facilities provide to the grid.

27-6-2020
Selection of DISCO Boards and CEOs on merit may be a necessary first step, but may
not be sufficient. Their executives, in particular, will need to be hired based on the
vision and business plans they present to the selection boards and how convincing
and realistic the boards find them. It will also be necessary that these teams are
offered time-bound and performance-based contracts with their compensations
also clearly tied with their actual performance on these positions.
By: Dr Shahid Rahim
Source: Daily Times

The writer is a concerned citizen of this country. He can be reached via email at:
msrahim @hotmail.com

27-6-2020
 Playing politics in COVID-19
Pakistan is reeling under the attack of the global pandemic COVID-19 but the nation,
instead of being united to combat the scourge of the deadly disease, is playing
politics. The Sindh Government, which had initially won plaudits for its bold handling
of the outbreak of the novel Coronavirus, is now facing flak for its tall claims and
attempts at the denigration of the federal government.
Ironically, Sindh public doctors have exposed the plight of their provincial
government in Karachi. Where every so called anti-State, element was praising PPP
for taking substantial measures against the pandemic, doctors in Karachi have
exposed the hidden corruption in Sindh Health Ministry. Hospitals in Sindh no longer
have the capacity to handle effected patients and due to lack of PPEs, many doctors
are getting effected from COVID. Meanwhile Sindh Government is doing shallow
propaganda on social media, pointing out that everything is happening because of
Federal Government.
It is high time that the Federal Government intervenes in this issue regarding Sindh
and ensures that demands of doctors are fulfilled. There have been harrowing tales
of the rations meant to be disbursed to the needy and poor, were gobbled up by
greedy officials of the provincial government. Corruption, sleaze and perfidy are
deplorable elements but when they pervade the society during the times of
pandemics or natural calamities, they must be condemned in the harshest possible
manner.
The need of the hour is sinking the differences and teaming up to ensure that
Pakistan emerges from this trial and tribulation with minimum casualties.
Rather than unleashing outrage on the takeover of the hospitals, perhaps the Sindh
Government could serve its people better by providing its citizens premium
healthcare
The bone of contention appears to be The Federal Ministry of National Health
Services, Regulation and Control which has taken over the administrative control of
the National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases, Jinnah Postgraduate Medical
Centre and National Institute of Child Health, evoking strong reaction from the ruling
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP).
According to a notification issued by the ministry, in pursuance of Supreme Court of
Pakistan’s orders and with the approval of federal cabinet, three major Karachi
hospitals are restored to the federal government and placed under the
administrative control of the ministry of National Health services, Islamabad.

27-6-2020
Reacting to the development, PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari condemned the
taking over of three major hospitals of Sindh by the federal government and termed
it as an attack on provincial autonomy.
In a statement, the PPP chairman said: “The people of Sindh have invested billions
of rupees on revolutionary improvements in Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Center
(JPMC), National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases (NICVD) and National Institute
of Child Health after these hospitals were handed over to the province under the
18th Constitutional Amendment.”
Rather than unleashing outrage on the takeover of the hospitals, perhaps the Sindh
Government could serve its people better by providing its citizens premium
healthcare. There are gory tales of even medical practitioners being turned away
from hospitals after being afflicted by the pandemic and succumbing to the virus
attack.
If the PPP’s woes regarding healthcare were not enough, a US journalist Cynthia
Ritchie’s exposé of some of its senior leadership in sexual harassment charges has
sent the veteran politicians reeling. The social media was already abuzz regarding
the ongoing allegations made by Cynthia on PPP and its mafia nexus. The former and
all powerful Minister of Interior was accused of making advances of a sexual nature
on the young journalist. In a TV show on a private TV Channel, using graphic details
to describe the carnal advances made on Cynthia stirred the emotions of the
chivalrous male society of Pakistan. The same US journalist also leveled accusations
of groping and physically mishandling her by a Former Prime Minister and Federal
Minister of the PPP regime, causing embarrassment and red faces to the old guard
politicians. Surprisingly, in an era of me-too exposés, the so called activists, feminists
and human rights representatives have completely sidelined these allegations.
Contrarily, many famous me-too organizers and leftists were slut shaming and
harassing Cynthia. Powerful public figures like US President Donald Trump have been
publicly named and chastised. Simultaneously, show biz moguls like Harvey
Weinstein have been sentenced to 23 years in prison for criminal sexual act in the
first degree and three years for rape in the third degree to be served consecutively
for assaulting the two women in New York. This was a major victory for #me-too
activists but in Pakistan, the pseudo social media activists appear to be mercenaries,
ready to work for the highest bidder and used by high level international intelligence
agencies as proxies to instigate chaos in the region. One cannot expect an iota of
condemnation from these chaos generators, when alleged suspects are their own
sponsors.

27-6-2020
In this grim milieu, where Cynthia Ritchie’s video alleging that Rahman Malik raped
her in 2011 when the PPP was in power and claiming that she was “physically
manhandled by former Health Minister Makhdoom Shahabuddin and Prime Minister
Yousuf Raza Gilani while he was staying at the President’s House” became viral, yet
no champion of justice for women stood up to defend her.
By: S M Hali
Source: Daily Times

The writer is a retired Group Captain of PAF. He is a columnist, analyst and TV talk
show host, who has authored six books on current affairs, including three on China

27-6-2020
 Really — we have an elected civil rule
We have apparently a democratic set up in the country with elected institutions that
include the executive, opposition, National Assembly, Senate, four Legislatively
Assemblies and representative administrations in the provinces. All this fits well in
the loose definition of an elected political dispensation but fails to withstand the
strict evaluation of democratic governance. The chaotic noises in the Assemblies and
distrust in the public mandate reflects political waywardness and dishonesty. Our
democracy is still passing through the formative years and needs to be looked at
from this prism.
Democracy needs the awning of political parties with elected organizational
hierarchies, comprehensible manifestos, well thought-out plans for redressing
people’s problems. Parties do their homework through shadow cabinets and remain
fully prepared to play their role as the executive or the opposition. The political
parties in our dear land resemble cult crowds assembled round a dynasty. The
leadership is hereditary rather than elected and remains life-long and is then
transferred to the next kith. The Assemblies remain filled with the sons and
daughters of old political dynasties and the privileged elite. The laws passed by these
assemblies only serve their social, political and economic interests rendering the
powerful more powerful and leaving the underprivileged to sink deeper in the
economic inequality and social misery.
The people had high hopes attached to PTI with its rubric program of change.
Regretfully, it is failing to live up to the expectations of its supporters. There are very
few exceptions to this despairing situation. We are lucky to have some rare leaders
who continue to represent the political era in which help came without strings;
commitment to merit and fair play counted as an inviolable norm of life; integrity
and honesty reigned supreme; politics was a means to public service; political office
and public funds were a sacred trust. Barring them, almost all other political leaders
have long ago drifted from this politics of ideals and are, in the present scenario,
indistinguishable from each other in their hunger for power and acquisition of
wealth.
The global strategic and economic importance of Balochistan needs no elaboration.
The warm waters of the coastline of Balochistan have been coveted by the Imperial
Tsars to the Soviet Union leaders and the US strategic planners
In this era of political selfishness, the voice of Akhtar Jan Mengal, leader of the
Balochistan National Party (BNP), from amongst the present political crowd
transcends ethnic, political and ideological affiliations and rekindles rays of hope in

27-6-2020
the powerless people across the provincial boundaries. His statements on the floor
of the National Assembly highlighting the grievances of the small provinces against
the federal authority have cut across the geographical divide and applauded by the
people of Sindh and Balochistan. This shows how badly the masses of these
provinces have felt the dearth of effective political representation in the federation.
Akhtar Jan has inherited his political uprightness and courage from his illustrious
father, Sardar Attaullah Mengal who passed his entire life with an uncompromising
commitment to his political ideals. Akhtar Jan took a principled political decision to
cast his four votes in the National Assembly in favour of Imran Khan who represented
the largest parliamentary group in the National Assembly with a right to form the
federal government. He did not join the coalition cabinet saying that the people of
Balochistan have mandated him to address their problems – and not to enjoy the
perks and privileges of power.
With his four votes, Akhtar Jan stands out taller than the leaders of the larger
parliamentary groups who, to the full public glare, have been shamelessly gearing
up all their strength to save a few necks from the accountability noose forgetting the
dancing dark shadows of hunger and death, social injustice and economic inequity
in their constituencies. He has stood apart as the lone whistle blower to have the
gaze of the federal authority focused on the miseries of the small provinces of
Balochistan and Sindh. Whether or not he succeeds to have some of the burning
problems of his province redressed is immaterial. He has at least withstood the
irresistible temptation of power. This, in my evaluation, is more rewarding.
The global strategic and economic importance of Balochistan needs no elaboration.
The warm waters of the coastline of Balochistan have been coveted by the Imperial
Tsars to the Soviet Union leaders and the US strategic planners. The province is in
the eye of storm in the context of the strategic significance of the CPEC and the key
role Gwadar Seaport is going to play in the OBR Initiative. The insurgency which
erupted in the wake of the violent death of Nawab Akbar Bugti has remained aglow
over a decade and half. We see no end to this violence in the foreseeable future
unless the Federal Government decides to take along the pro-Pakistan and popular
politicians from Balochistan for a political solution. Wars and insurgencies have been
finally settled by political negotiations. We can draw lessons from the political
settlement of past insurgencies within the South Asian region or in its vicinity. If the
US can talk to the Afghan Taliban, why we cannot sit across the table with our own
brethren! We should not let this opportunity slip away. Akhtar Jan will prove an asset
in this move.

27-6-2020
The mainstream political parties should take a pause from their political
machinations to undermine the PTI regime with the help of BNP. The BNP has more
pressing issues at its hands than bringing down one regime and helping two
irreconcilable political parties acquire power. They better think of making their
contribution to the resolution of this security entangle in Balochistan and help
redress the problems Balochistan faces. It is the collective responsibility of the
executive, opposition and legislators to build the moment to address this festering
problem. The security of the country should reign supreme in our concerns. It has
become all the more imperative in the backdrop of the CPEC and the potential
economic connectivity with Central Asian states.
Mr. Prime Minister, will you come forward to seize this opportunity or, as usual, let
it slip away? The nation is eagerly watching how their elected civilian government
asserts its authority to resolve this security entangle.
By: M Alam Brohi
Source: Daily Times

The author was a member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and he has authored
two books.

27-6-2020
 Need to introduce efficiency in government transactions

Long queues, never-ending waiting time, bureaucratic red tape and officials waiting
for their palms to be greased – these are some of the attributes that can be
associated every time we want to renew our license, get new electricity/gas
connections and other administrative transactions involving the government.
Inefficiencies and delays dominate government transactions. If we are to improve
our economy, starting from this front will give us a head-start.
Our economy had experienced its heyday, occasional, only to fall again. This rise and
fall will continue to occur while dream of a stable growth always elusive until or
unless the structural issues are fixed instead of curing the symptoms. While there
are many issues that need structural adjustment, a good point to begin these
reforms is improving the processes and procedures that define the relationship
between a government and a common man. Billions of rupees are wasted due to
bottlenecks and administrative hindrances (deliberate and unintentional).
Government transactions are slow and incur costs for citizens and companies. If you
want to renew your passport, or Identity card and/or consumer other government
services the paperwork alone can be cumbersome. Then there is the issue of in-
person presence for the transaction to be completed. If you are lucky, it involves
more than two trips for the task to be completed- otherwise it may take months!
The list of requirements and lack of clear information also aggravate the issue.
Most government offices do not operate for extended hours and are closed on
Monday and the people who work have to take off from office to tend to these
transactions. Also, as most of the interactions are in-person, this translates into
higher cost for the government as well.
The only way to put our economy on a stable growth path is to start addressing our
structural lacuna.
The government needs to work on “Citizen experience” – a process wherein they
gather data about all the point of contacts between citizens and government and
make a knowledge-based report highlighting various flaws and problems. Overly
complex regulatory requirements punctuate government transaction as well. There
is a need to simply and standardize. Also, there isn’t any inter-institutional
coordination subsequently engendering other related complications. Finally,
corruption and power abuse, are rife. Even a peon can make or break one’s case.
Lara Goldmark, Founder of Just Results, has experience simplifying, harmonizing, and
digitizing government-to-business transactions. She says that “It’s not all about

27-6-2020
corruption and bribes. Most often, the challenge is precisely because government
agencies are trying to be responsible and respect the particular conditions that their
license, authorization, payment, or other transaction requires. Since 2009 in
Morocco and in 24 countries around the world, we have worked with an incredibly
simple definition that is user-centric. A transaction always involves a form to be filled
out, a signature, a fee, and associated documents. That’s it. No reason to complicate
it more! Back office handlers can apply technical and legal restrictions, but the end-
user needs to see a simple screen with always the same format.”
Digital Transactions are the way forward. According to research, such transactions
are, on average, 74 percent faster and evidently help reduce the chances of power
abuse or corruption -as the process of standardization gives everyone equal access
to the provision and/or service. These are also cheaper, as per different estimates
costing less than 1.5 to 5 percent of in-person transactions.
The implementation of such a system itself is best organized in phases. The first
phase has to do with organizing the information and agreeing on a process by which
government agencies will collaborate to harmonize, simplify, and digitize
administrative procedures. This can be done on paper or in digital form. Advanced
platforms are not needed to make transactions simple for businesses and citizens; a
separation of front office and back office functions means that users can encounter
a familiar set of forms to fill out, instructions on signature, attachments and
payment, and receive an authenticated paper or e-approval from the government.
Once agreement is reached on how the transaction should be experienced by the
user, choice of technology becomes relevant; for each technological tool the
government will want to consider carefully whether to make or buy. Services to
citizens and businesses do not require heavy systems and infrastructure; this is,
rather, a myth that many technology companies would have government agencies
believe.
To be fair, the government has started to give attention to digitization. E-
Government Directorate has put forward a “E-Government Strategy Five Year Plan”
focused on providing better, efficient services to the general public. In December
2019, “Digital Pakistan Initiative was launched by PM Imran Khan focused on
improving access and connectivity for all Pakistanis and promoting digital literacy.
Another initiative “Punjab Public Management Reform Program” aims to solve one
of the most pressing issues: tax collection. It also promises to increase tax base and
enhance transparency. ICT City App in Islamabad launched in March 2020 can
provide services like vehicle registration, bill payments, and e-police.

27-6-2020
While this is an encouraging trend there are many questions that still remain
unanswered. We can continue to treat the symptoms forever but that will not yield
any substantial, sustainable results. The only way to put our economy on a stable
growth path is to start addressing our structural lacuna. We need to adopt and adapt
to the contemporary trends and technologies otherwise we risk being stuck in this
vicious cycle of ephemeral growth and chronic, sporadic downturns – for good.
How can we integrate these changes in the society that give us practical results?
We’ll discuss it in the next article.
By: Osama Rizvi
Source: Daily Times
The writer is an Economic and Geopolitical Analyst; Global Oil Market Analyst.

27-6-2020
 A world of equality
We are living in one of the most difficult times of history when all of humanity is
exposed to an invisible killer that modifies its killing instincts and tactics to inflict
pain.
This sadistic tiny creature aka the novel coronavirus does not care about who you
are – a business tycoon, a toiling labourer, a sophisticated thinker, a politician, a
ruthless autocrat or a well-trained soldier. This death equalizer mocks at our
helplessness and tells us that our most aspiring political question of an equal, just
and happy life can be realized in the graveyard only. The rich and poor are destined
to be equal, and ironically this posthumous equality is the only hope and the reason
of content for us in these days of pandemic.
Amidst poverty, oppression and wretchedness, keeping body and soul together is
the most important priority for the poor. Living in poverty is the most daunting
challenge of life, and happiness becomes only an imagination to be attained in the
life hereafter.
If we wait for death to play an equalizer role, we will end up waiting for our turn to
face death to see equality. This is what seems to be the strategy of successive
political regimes in Pakistan and the current government has mastered this art.
People are left to die under the sky while Covid-19 takes its toll on the citizens of this
country beyond class and creed. We were told that our state protects the rich only
but you can imagine the incompetence when it even fails to protect the rich. From
the prime minister to his inflated cabinet of advisers, the government seems to be
ambivalent about the deadly strikes of the coronavirus. There is some strange
optimism that this pandemic will be gone soon without the government having to
do much to prevent infections and deaths.
The bravery of the prime minister to end the lockdown when it was needed the most
and his symbolism of not wearing a mask would compel even a simpleton to ask:
what does our prime minister want? When death makes us equal, why can’t we
attain this in our lifetime? Are we still waiting for this tiny creature to do the trick to
make us equal and happy?
Our pandemic experience shows that happiness does not lie in amassing wealth by
a few but instead in creating a society that invests in collective wellbeing and safety
of humanity. Those with the unmet dreams of making the most of their surplus
wealth are no different from those who died only dreaming of a wealthy life. Covid-
induced deaths have sharpened the political question of building an inclusive and
egalitarian society as a collective defence against the horrors of painful death. Had

27-6-2020
we invested in inclusive human development, we could have avoided death
becoming the sole equalizer and a destroyer of unmet dreams of a happy life.
The secret of a happy life is about living in harmony with society and nature to enjoy
the endowments of our collective achievements and progress. With all our claims of
technological advancement all we have is sophisticated warships, missiles and
arsenal to kill each other. When the pandemic does the trick of killing for us,
shouldn’t we now focus on building a better world for humanity? We have not
produced anything substantial to protect life and give us happiness. Having said that,
let the world do its bit to build an inclusive, just and equal global society. Where are
we standing today as a developing country and where should we be heading to build
a better post-Covid world?
My generation grew up in transitional times when the society of Pakistan was
undergoing rapid transformation from a dictatorial regime of 1980s to civilian rule in
1990s. Part of our political consciousness was shaped by a Hobson’s choice between
corrupt civilian rule and dictatorship. The experience of this transformation is not a
lone story of our generation in Pakistan only, but it has shaped the worldview and
intellectual outlook of many young people who grew up in developing countries
during the last four decades.
This journey of transformation has been fraught with context-specific challenges
intrinsic to newly emerging political identities and socio-cultural relationships with
the wider society. In the age of digital media, the youth is more connected globally
through social media platforms which may help foster a global identity of being
citizens.
However, within the national governments of both developed and developing
countries the youth continue to face a choice dilemma on the question of political
identity, social integration and critical engagement with the larger civil society. In
countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran and Syria – with increasing religious
polarization – social space for politically-assertive youth is shrinking fast. Many
young people feel claustrophobic in the absence of alternate civil society spaces. In
the developed world too, discourse analysis of social media networks suggests that
most of the discussions revolve around the crisis of identity and lack of voice and
assertive perspectives about civil rights’ movements and engagement in the
mainstream debates on civil society, politics, economy and democracy etc.
Two recent events have jolted the world, adding to public skepticism of national and
global systems of governance and the role of civil society in representing the citizens’
voice and allaying the woes of the poor and marginalized segments of society. First

27-6-2020
is the inadequate action by the national governments, global entities and civil society
to tackle the health and economic crisis caused by Covid-19. Second is the incoherent
response and lack of political will in democratic institutions to engage with rising civil
unrest in the days of a global pandemic.
This global crisis has also given birth to scepticism about the efficacy of governance
and the strategic agility of civil society organizations to respond to the crisis.
Punctuated by the overall global crisis the debate about public sector, private sector
and civil society has shifted towards integrated action from sectoral focus.
This is the time to build a world of equality when some of us are alive to experience
it, following Keynes' advice, ‘in the long run we are dead’. Let us aim to be equal
before we die.
By: Amir Hussain
Source: The News
The writer is a social development and policy adviser, and a freelance columnist
based in Islamabad.

27-6-2020
 Dealing with VAW
Cases of violence against women constantly require intervention: pushback against
the police’s harassment of complainants and refusal to register their cases,
immediate legal assistance and logistical arrangements to cater to court visits,
shelter and safety needs.
Private citizens often end up as first responders, bearing the burden because the
state’s response is lacking. What is required across the country is a functional
mechanism to address violence against women and children.
When women attempt to leave a domestically violent situation, there are several
concerns. Primary among them is: where will they go? While shelters do exist across
cities, not everybody is aware of them, knows how to get there or can. Many
questions loom. Can a woman walk into a shelter at any hour? Does she require a
court order? Can she enter and leave the shelter at will, especially if enrolled in a
university or has a job? Will she have access to a phone? If she has children, can they
stay with her, including male children? How long can she stay at the shelter for?
Clarity is critical to arrive at the ultimate decision to leave. And attention is needed
regarding measures such as increasing the capacity of the existing shelters, adding
family quarters, setting up half-way homes and providing low-cost and safe
accommodation for women who have some means and do not want to reside in a
shelter.
Helplines that cater to complaints of violence need to be widely advertised and
accessible 24/7. They need to function as response numbers, not just information
centres. Those operating the helplines need to be equipped to deal with queries
instantly instead of passing the line on to others.
In many instances, people call when there is an emergency and immediate
information and action is required. Asking callers to hold – when they get through –
transferring them or telling them someone will call them back is unhelpful as they
may not get access to a phone again. Helplines also need to facilitate complainants
through the next stages by contacting relevant authorities rather than just providing
information. Developing situations require constant follow-up until action is
initiated, the affected person is recovered and transferred to a safe location or
facilitated through legal assistance.
Often the issue of jurisdiction arises. If a case falls beyond the jurisdiction of a certain
police station, department or commission, there should be a network in place so that
without delay, the case can be referred to the relevant station and body. Since
written applications are required to initiate the recovery process, a template should

27-6-2020
be made available which can be used by complainants or those making requests on
their behalf, also accounting for situations when such complainants may not be
family members.
In the event a victim makes the call herself but cannot provide anything in writing to
initiate recovery, remedies around this must be devised.
Often, they do not have access to phones or other modes of communication. It is
therefore essential to treat every complaint with seriousness, and act using available
information where possible, rather than waiting or burdening them with arduous
bureaucratic processes. There is always the danger of grievous harm and even death
if delays occur. The victim can also be moved from the known location during this
time or lose any way of being able to reach out again.
Many complaints are received after working hours, therefore from helplines to
personnel in relevant ministries, departments and commissions – all need to be
available around the clock, on a rotational basis to deal with complaints. Same
applies for on-duty magistrates who are often not available during late hours. Once
a victim is recovered by the police, she is taken to the thana and made to submit a
statement. The police must then produce her before a magistrate.
Some victims need immediate medical attention while others suffer from emotional
and psychological distress. They require access to a medico-legal officer and a
counselor. Making them wait at thanas or in court for prolonged periods is
detrimental to their well-being and compromises their ability to face the hurdles
ahead. They should spend the least amount of time in a thana or court and, instead,
either be moved to a shelter or place of choice by resolving all legal formalities
swiftly. Where they go should be their choice. Adult women cannot – and should not
– be treated as minors, handed over to families who are often part of the problem
or made to go to shelters against their will.
Whether it is the relevant ministry, department or commission, there need to be
personnel on ground who can assist complainants and victims, and oversee the many
stages between recovery and shelter – whether state or private accommodation.
Transport from the place of recovery to the thana, hospital, court and final
accommodation with adequate security, needs to be facilitated by them.
When recovered by the police, it is necessary for someone to accompany women to
the thana. A legal officer should be present to oversee all applications and
statements, before they are signed, whether at the thana or before a magistrate, so
no one pressurizes them into saying, writing or signing anything against their wishes
– which is often the attempt by the police.

27-6-2020
Discretion needs to be exercised when handling their information. Often leaks which
emanate at the thana level, inform the accused party of the complainant’s
whereabouts and in many cases this has led to them showing up outside the thana,
in court or following complainants to locations that are meant to be at a safe distance
and unknown to them.
Private citizens constantly facilitate complainants and push relevant officials to
simply do their job. But it is the state that needs to step up, put effective mechanisms
in place, facilitate complainants and act in accordance with the law.
By: Farieha Aziz
Source: The News
The writer is a Karachi-based journalist and a member of the Women’s Action Forum
- Karachi chapter.

27-6-2020
 The myth of the ‘commoners’
A recently published article in these pages on June 20, by a civil servant Khurshid
Ahmed Khan Marwat, reminded me of my own experience with the bureaucracy.
In 1992, as a young officer I remember meeting a then new probationary officer. He
wanted to know about potential good postings in our department. In no time it
became obvious he was looking for money-making opportunities and a boss that
wouldn’t care so much about discipline.
I was amazed at his fearlessness at expressing his real intention behind joining the
state bureaucracy. My batch of 127 officers was generally silent about their intent,
which was not always to make money, but certainly no one was there to serve the
hapless people.
We had a large batch of qualified doctors, some who had left jobs with reasonable
salaries to receive Rs2800 as starting salary, and that too while raising a family. Even
at the CSA, it was almost possible to tell those that were there to make a fortune,
though people were less blatant about it. There were those who had joined because
they were angry – the humiliation of being qualified doctors and engineers yet made
to wait at the doors of bureaucrats to get simple things done had driven them to
attain the same power that could be used to help or disgrace and crush the
powerless.
For many others, the civil service brought immediate social mobility which was
expressed through better valuation in the marriage market. It is not odd to see
powerful political, business, land owning and now even military families either get
their children into the civil service or have them marry into it.
Personally, I joined on the advice of my mother, who was worried about my survival
in a brutal landowning environment. I qualified the same year as she died and
realized the worth of her plan for me. I had become part of a family that would
render protection, irrespective of my career path. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s civil service
reforms turned the extended state bureaucracy into an extended family. Of course,
you are taken care of and to the extent that you contribute to the game of power
you are groomed to play. The one month of ‘military attachment’ added to the nine-
month training is to build familiarization with the other bureaucracy.
However, Bhutto’s main aim behind his good civil service reforms that sadly didn’t
get implemented was to break down the power of the CSP cadre, the predecessor of
the district management group (DMG). And it was not only that he didn’t achieve
the objective, the primary flaw of the civil service remains a design that revolves
around the power of the DMG versus the police, both with ample capacity to

27-6-2020
blatantly demonstrate power. Several civil service reforms have failed to bring any
substantive change.
Pakistan’s bureaucracy is fairly well-qualified and has, since the 1960s, benefitted
from foreign education trips to the US, UK and Europe. However, degrees have not
brought intellectual prowess or greater professionalism. The ‘commoners,’ as civil
servants are called on the basis of their common training programme at the CSA, are
guided by socio-political and socioeconomic instincts. Though financial services like
Income Tax and Customs & Excise are highly technical, these along with the Military
Land & Cantonment (MLC) group have acquired significance due to their perceived
ability at rent-seeking.
Not surprisingly, during the mid or late 1990s some officers from the foreign service,
who went on deputation to the income tax department, did not wish to return. A
service group that does not help with the thana, kacheri and patwarkhana or can’t
even help secure a foreign visa is of little value, especially for candidates from the
rural/small town middle class that have increasingly joined the services.
There is not even the fascination of being able to add to the foreign policy of the
country, which is not a task that the foreign officer performs. And then, who even
bothers about services like information, audit & accounts, railways, postal &
commerce and trade?
The civil bureaucracies of the Subcontinent are a British colonial design that have
evolved subject to the changing domestic compulsions and political context of their
respective states. Though the relative power of the civil service in different states
varies, it remains significant due to the dependence of the power centers on this
human machinery needed to run the state.
But reading Philip Woodruff’s two-volume ‘The Men Who Ruled India’, one realizes
the intellectual prowess, sense of adventurism and Christian missionary zeal that
went into creating the ‘founders’ of modern India. The next generation of ‘guardians’
worked hard to produce the laws and norms required to govern the ‘natives’
cohesively. They were brutal and accommodative, read, imagined and explored
because the empire depended upon them.
While the British laws mostly persist and the attitude towards the ‘natives’ remains
the same, the intellectual quality of the civil servant has changed. I remember at the
CSA anyone caught reading newspapers every day or a book was seen as a sure sign
of the person retaking the exams to get into service with more power. While books
are read during training at the CSA or other higher training institutions, there is rarely
the intellectual engagement required to sharpen the mind.

27-6-2020
Sadly, Pakistan’s bureaucracy has not developed thinkers. Though one cannot forget
men like Mukhtar Masood and Sheikh Manzoor Elahi, it’s rare to come across
meaningful books on administration, politics or even foreign policy written by former
bureaucrats.
Again, the problem is not with individual bureaucrats but a socio-political system
that doesn’t appreciate deep thinking. After the departure of Gen (r) Atiqur Rehman,
who was probably the best chairman of the FPSC, many that followed brought the
quality down. Not known for high intellectual capacity, Admiral (r) Mohammad Sharif
appointed by Gen Ziaul Haq needs special mention in the category of bringing the
quality down. Interviews were conducted like Neelam Ghar – asking candidates to
recite the Dua-e-qunoot or questions from basic general science.
Stepping out of the CSA most of the passion and idealism, if some young officers still
have it, is sapped out within no time, especially when young officers confront the
reality of surviving in a system that in itself is a byproduct of decades of political
instability. At the end of the day, a lot depends on how you work the system rather
than what you add for public good.
By: Ayesha Siddiqa
Source: The News
The writer is currently a research associate at SOAS, London.

27-6-2020
 Land of the unfree
When I was a child, I learned to believe that Americans valued freedom and equality
more than any other place on the planet. I learned that, in our criminal justice
system, we were innocent until proven guilty. It’s hard to still believe that now.
Call me a cynic, but as Independence Day approaches, I can’t help but think about
how unfree America truly is, particularly for people of color. Police are choking us to
death on camera like George Floyd, and shooting us to death in our sleep like
Breonna Taylor. And when we’re not being killed by police, we’re locked in cages
guarded by correctional officers. One out of five incarcerated people in the world is
locked up here in the land of the free. That’s more than 2.3 million people – greater
than the population of 16 US states. And the $190 billion we spend each year on
mass incarceration is higher than the GDP of 22 states.
This obsession with criminalization is driven by structural racism. Around 60 percent
of America’s incarcerated people are Black or Latinx, despite those two groups
making up just 30 percent of the country’s population. Black and Latinx folks
consistently receive longer, harsher penalties for the same crimes white folks
commit.
So much for equality. But “innocent until proven guilty” doesn’t hold up so well,
either. Roughly two-thirds of the 740,000 people in local jails right now are locked
up in pretrial detention. That means they haven’t been convicted of the crime they
were arrested for. And again, a disproportionate number of them are Black and
Latinx. Being held pretrial wasn’t always so common. But over the last 15 years, 99
percent of the total growth in jails has come in the detention of people who haven’t
been tried, but can’t afford bail.
Karen Dolan, director of the Criminalization of Race and Poverty Project at the
Institute for Policy Studies and author of the report The Poor Get Prison, wrote, “If
you are poor in America, you are criminalized at every turn.”
Even when Black and Latinx folks are busy not committing crimes – just walking the
streets of our cities – we still manage to be on the receiving end of a disproportionate
share of police brutality and killings.
Getting tossed in the slammer, having police stop and frisk you, or being shot and
killed because you’re poor or officers are racist doesn’t sound like we’re living in the
“land of the free.”
But the good news is we’re in the middle of a cognitive shift. By: Robert P Alvarez
Source: The News
Excerpted from: 'Land of the Unfree'.

27-6-2020
 Has Covid-19 made health budgets respectable?
Pakistan’s public expenditure on health has not only been notoriously below the
internationally recommended percentage of GDP, but also declining. From 0.1% in
1951-52, it took 36 years to achieve the peak of 1.25% in 1987-88. Then it was
downhill, touching the foothill of 0.2% in 2010-11. Thanks to the 7th National
Finance Commission (NFC) and the 18th Amendment, there was a recovery in the
present decade to 1.2% by 2017-18. Besides a new set of challenges, the corona
pandemic has brought to the centre stage the gross inadequacies of the health
system known but ignored for a long time. Budgets present an opportunity to gauge
the degree of seriousness of official response. Doubtless, some countries with well-
resourced health systems have fared no better than those with poorly funded health
services. However, others with effective public health delivery systems, such as
Germany, Singapore and Vietnam, have acquitted themselves well in dealing with
the pandemic.
Under the Constitution of Pakistan, health is a provincial subject. Regardless, the
federal government continued to be a significant player in traditional subsectors of
health. The pandemic has brought home the point that its role is crucial in areas that
cut across boundaries, the ongoing pandemic being the starkest example. In 2019-
20, the federal government budgeted Rs11 billion for the current expenditure on
health, but ended up exceeding it by about a billion, presumably because of the
additional requirements imposed by the coronavirus in the last quarter. The budget
for 2020-21 has been more than doubled to Rs25.5 billion for the same reason. In
the outgoing year, the development budget of Rs12.7 billion was utilised only to the
extent of Rs8.1 billion. Next year, there is a substantial increase at Rs14.5 billion.
Punjab’s budget for 2019-20 allocated Rs145.1 billion for the current spending, but
the corona-related spending led to a revised amount of Rs154 billion. The allocation
in the next year is Rs157.1 billion. On the development side, the revised estimate of
Rs27.6 billion is far less than the budgeted amount of Rs37.3 billion for 2019-20. At
Rs30.3 billion, the development budget for 2020-21 is significantly less than the
previous year’s budget estimate. According to revised estimates, Sindh spent
Rs125.7 billion on the current side against the budget allocation of Rs116.8 in 2019-
20. The allocation for 2020-21 is Rs135.9 billion. In the development budget, the
allocation was Rs15.2 billion but the revised estimate was lower at Rs11.5 billion.
The allocation for 2020-21 is Rs30.5 billion, an increase of more than 100%. In Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (K-P), the current expenditure budget for 2020-21 has been increased
by as much as 28.3% and development budget by a massive 130% over the revised
27-6-2020
estimates of the previous year. Finally, Balochistan has earmarked Rs31.4 billion and
Rs10.4 billion for 2020-21, respectively, for the current and development budget, an
increase of 30.8% and 55.7% over the revised estimates of 2019-20.
In 2019-20, the total revised federal expenditure was Rs20 billion. It was Rs181.6
billion in Punjab, Rs137.2 billion in Sindh, Rs51.7 billion in K-P and Rs30.7 billion in
Balochistan. The national total comes to Rs421.2, or 1% of GDP. The corresponding
allocations for the next year are Rs40 billion, Rs187.4 billion, Rs166.4 billion, Rs72.8
billion and Rs41.8 billion, with the national total of Rs508.4 billion comprising 1.1 per
cent of GDP, the same as in 2018-19.
As far as the health expenditure is concerned, the pandemic never happened.
By: Dr Pervez Tahir
Source: The Express Tribune
The writer is a senior political economist based in Islamabad

27-6-2020
 Another letter from Rome
A couple of months ago I wrote about the lockdown in Rome. There were no cars,
motorcycles or bicycles on the street; piazzas of the city, usually thronged with
tourists, were empty; theatres, bars and restaurants, normally throbbing with life
late into the night, were shut; most high street shops had their shutters down; and
there were long queues outside supermarkets, pharmacies and tobacconists. It was
a bizarre environment.
Initially there was a strong sense of “we shall overcome” — a new social cohesion in
the face of adversity. People helped their neighbours with shopping and cooking;
and families ate leisurely meals together. The President and the Prime Minister
rallied the Italians by invoking the “national spirit of solidarity” which had held the
country together during the Second World War. There was singing every evening at
6PM from windows, balconies and terraces — images that went viral on social media.
Schoolchildren made rainbow coloured posters saying “Tutto Andra Bene”
(everything will be fine).
But people changed as the lockdown stretched out week after week; as the death
tolls continued to rise and the TV showed images of army trucks taking dead bodies
to crematoriums. There was also increasing confusion of what needed to be done
and whether the Italian government was taking the right actions. The confusion was
compounded by the uneven incidence of the illness. The highest death toll was in
the Lombardy region which is the economic powerhouse of the country and has
always been associated with modernity and efficiency. Its health system, based on a
mix of public and private facilities, was considered the best in the country and among
the most efficient in Europe. So, what was going wrong in Lombardy? And what
would happen if the disease spread to other regions, especially in the poorer south
of the country?
The lockdown had a serious impact. Like Pakistanis, Italians revel in gatherings of
friends and family; physical contact is common with a hug and a kiss on the cheeks
being de rigueur. The lockdown caused an immense sense of disorientation and was
reinforced by several iconic images such as the Pope celebrating the Easter service
in a deserted St Peter’s Square, and the President of the Republic laying a wreath on
the grave on the unknown-soldier on Liberation Day (April 25) without the traditional
guard of honour and military parade.

27-6-2020
As apprehension and fear took over from solidarity and optimism, the opposition
parties launched accusations against the government of incompetence, inefficiency
and outright chicanery. The political debate quickly degraded into petty infighting.
One of the much-discussed issues related to the availability, prices and use of
facemasks which were initially not easily available. The opposition blamed the
central government, the central government blamed the regions, and everyone
blamed the European Union, the Germans, the Chinese and globalisation.
Another issue was related to how long the lockdown (Phase I) was to continue, and
when and how the government would announce the restarting of economic activity
(Phase II). Italian right-wing parties even organised meetings and demonstrations
demanding Liberty and Freedom from the Dictatorship of Scientists.
But Italy seemed to be making progress in curbing the spread of the virus
notwithstanding the political turbulence and infighting; the refusal of sections of the
population to respect guidelines and protocols; and the absence of facemasks, hand-
sanitisers and personal protection equipment. The rate of new infections dropped,
fewer people were dying, the numbers of patients needing intensive care fell, and
hospitals were finally managing to cope with the needs.
The country seemed to turn the corner and officially launched Phase II on May 4 with
the reopening of selected activities. Four and a half million Italians went back to
work. Parks, which were off-bounds, were opened, as were bars and restaurants,
albeit only for take-away services. Selected retail outlets were also allowed to open
including hairdressers and barbers (understandable) and shops selling children’s
clothes (I guess children continued to grow during the lockdown and needed new
clothes). People were also allowed greater freedom of movement for work, leisure
and family visits, but only within the region where they lived or worked in.
These first tentative steps went well. Most people respected the protocols of
wearing masks and not gathering in crowds. Shops, restaurants and coffee bars
limited the numbers of customers they would serve at one time. But as usual there
were exceptions. Even in Milan, which had been in the eye of the storm, many young
people threw caution to the winds and gathered in the city centre and entertainment
district. The country waited with baited breath for the next 10 days to see if infection
rates spiked after this first relaxation of lockdown.
Luckily the infection and death rate continued dropping. Maybe it was the fact that
most people behaved well, maybe it was the good weather and the high intensity of

27-6-2020
ultraviolet light that apparently kills the virus, or maybe it was the fact that many of
the most vulnerable had already succumbed to the illness. Whatever the reason, the
government was able to continue its easing of restrictions and as of June 3 most
shops and activities were opened and travel restrictions within the country were
lifted.
Life is slowly returning to a post-Covid normal. There are people on the streets but
much less than before. Coffee bars, restaurants and gyms let in only a few customers
at a time. Most people have a facemask even though many have it pulled down
under their chin, and cinemas, theatres and concert-halls remain shut. People are
beginning to talk about their summer holidays but it’s going to lean pickings without
the usual flood of visitors from north Europe and Asia.
The government is now slowly turning its attention to Phase III, the economic
recovery programme. According to the Bank of Italy, there is likely to be a fall of 9-
13% in GDP. Many firms are expected to go bankrupt and poverty is set to rise. There
are intensive discussions with the EU on a recovery package, on measures to reduce
bureaucratic red-tape and inefficiency that is the hallmark of Italian officialdom, and
the ever-present risk of mafia infiltration into state aid programmes. Hanging over
all plans is the possibility of a resurgence in autumn, just as schools will open after a
seven-month break.
Italy is out of the most difficult phase of the crisis, but it still has a long way to go to
achieve social and economic normality.
By: Daud
Source: The Express Tribune
The writer is a retired UN staffer based in Rome. He has degrees in economics from
LSE and Oxford, where he was a Rhodes Scholar.

27-6-2020
 Chameleon chamber
Perhaps, a chameleon would not change its colors as much as does democracy in
Pakistan, a system of governance which is inspired by some fixed and some flexible
ideals. The former cannot be changed by events and time while the latter gives
democracy the beauty to survive even in times entirely totalitarian. The hard luck in
our case is that in terms of fixed ideologies, our democracy pot is empty while in the
regime of shifts and switchovers, it is richly affluent. The peak time these switches
come around when the democrats tend to hail the so-called voices of the people just
to elicit their personal and group favours is the time of the passage of annual
financial budget. This is a small phase when we can witness our leaders striving
beyond elastic limits to fight for us.
The disconnect between the opposition and treasury benchers is not merely by the
number of people they come winning in the polls alone. It is distinctively the mark
of divided versions of serving the people. Opposition is thus a watchdog in this
system of governance. The treasury on the other hand manages the ways and means
of deflecting the wrong public opinion being framed by the opposition. This brings
opposition even closer at heart with people making them the mouthpieces of the
people when people feel being wronged by the Government.
This elevates their position far beyond the potential government stance as
government is always in troubled waters having to do with sharp realities of
governance in country like ours. The opposition is in a way the protector of the rights
of the people. But this is where we are severely deceived. Our opposition, like our
treasury benchers, keeps their personal limited interests in view rather than
imagining the whole picture. Once one is caught up with fears of his own self, the
whole big world seems so little to satiate him. This withers away the ability to think
for the common people in an effective manner. The self becomes the centre of all
ideologies and takes precedence over the body and soul of so-called democracy.
Before every budget passage, there are communications in the hinterland between
the two sides. They practically deal and exchange like what used to happen in the
barter system. The budget which is an accumulation of state revenue and people’s
pockets is bitterly and hotly contested by the two sides. In case, the one side does
not agree with the other, or the deal does not see the light of the day, the opposition
is seen hitting the streets calling on the people and yelling at the government.
Before some time, if such situation used to surface, these statesmen used to clothe
it in the mantillas of democracy, rights of the people and feelings of apathy for the
people and would base their entire struggle on these fundamentals. But cultures are
27-6-2020
not static and tend to change, and so has happened in this case too. Now, they even
openly confess that the treasury has refused to cut them the share they demanded.
Mind you, this is public money which is an accumulation of the people’s sweat and
blood but it mostly is flushed out in terms of political takeaways.
The money times are the strange times in the so-called democracy we cherish. Why
are, on this specific time, people’s rights, interests, well-being and their sense of
dignity so extremely remembered by our democrats of opposition benches? Why do,
in these times, our democracy become so emboldened and agile? One could argue
because this is the time when government plans for the welfare of the people and
allocates resources accordingly. But the question is: why is such momentum lost
once the opposition comes out walking clandestinely of the treasury chambers?
There rests in the treasury chamber all the glitter that glows our chameleon
democracy.
By: Muhammad Jahangir Kakar
Source: The Express Tribune
The writer is a civil servant based in Quetta.

27-6-2020
 King’s speech
WHAT Prime Minister Imran Khan said in the speech may be less important than
what the speech said about Prime Minister Imran Khan.
There he stood on the floor of the National Assembly on Thursday — a quasi-stranger
in the house that he himself heads because of the infrequency of his visits — and
delivered a long-awaited and long-winded address that took literally no one’s breath
away. Strange. Here was a man who had stormed the gates of power riding on lofty
and powerful rhetoric that weaved together a narrative potent enough to drown all
others. Among his arsenal of weapons, communication was the most lethal.
And yet on Thursday his weapon failed him. Why? The failure lies less in terms of his
choice of words or the tone of delivery and more in the lack of clarity about what
needed to be communicated.
Here’s what he said: there is no confusion in our Covid-19 policy and we have plenty
of data; I warned the world that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a fascist;
Americans humiliated us during the war on terror and ‘martyred’ Osama bin Laden;
I want accountability and merit to prevail and don’t have anything personal against
the opposition; we inherited a weak economy; we must emulate Madina kee riyasat
that defeated the Byzantine and Persian empires; we will make shelter homes for
poor people across Pakistan; corruption in previous regimes led to outflow of money;
and we are introducing a common system of education from next year.
Phew! That’s a lot to pack in one speech.
Among his arsenal of weapons, communication was the most lethal. And yet on
Thursday his weapon failed him. Why?
Here’s the (possible) context of the speech: Science and Technology Minister Fawad
Chaudhry’s admissions in an interview that the government is failing to perform;
relentless criticism that the prime minister’s Covid-19 policy has been an
unmitigated disaster; growing perception as the PTI government nears the two-year
mark that it has little to show for its governance; the chorus of voices getting louder
that the government singularly failed to come up to expectations; a whiff of political
vulnerability with allies like Sardar Akhtar Mengal walking out of the coalition and
PTI parliamentarians going public with criticism of their own government; and of
course the persistent whispers and rumours of an in-house change.
With the pressure piling up, someone may have suggested that Prime Minister Imran
Khan should address parliament, reverse the perceptional slide and project the
image of a leader in command of everything. This sensible advice should, however,

27-6-2020
have been followed up by a session to ‘prep’ the prime minister on what to say, and
more importantly, what not to say.
This requires more elaboration. Ever since he occupied the office of the prime
minister, Imran Khan appears to be struggling with some aspects of his job. This in
itself is not a surprise because anyone taking up this job would get overwhelmed by
the scale of responsibility. This is where institutional support usually comes into play.
The office of the prime minister (or president) in a mature democracy is staffed with
political and bureaucratic aides whose job it is to ensure that their boss remains
clued up on all aspects of his job. It is the responsibility of this staff to hammer out
talking points, craft messaging themes and set a broad direction of the agenda so
that the prime minister stays disciplined in what he says, how he says and when he
says it. For this to happen, a few things need to happen first.
The composition of the staff should be such that it has the expertise — political and
communication — to be able to coach the prime minister. For his part, the prime
minister should be ready and willing to be coached. In Pakistan, we have usually
faced problems on both counts. Imran Khan’s case is not a unique one though it is
relatively more acute.
It is acute because: he does not have such staff at the PM Office that can conduct
this level of strategic political and communications management; and second he
himself is not believed to be too open for coaching. The prime minister has senior
colleagues like Planning Minister Asad Umar and Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood
Qureshi, but they have their ministries to run. What he is missing is someone senior
and experienced and politically savvy and loyal to head his personal staff and be
dedicated only to managing Imran Khan. Had such a person been leading the prime
minister’s staff, and had this person staffed his staff with specialists whose sole
mandate was to make the prime minister prepped in every sense, then the prime
minister in his Thursday speech:
Would not have harped on about how bad the economy was in 2018; would not have
talked of phantom ‘success’ on foreign policy; would not have called Bin Laden a
‘shaheed’; would not have referred to accountability and merit given the politicised
nature of both; would not have spent time on micro-projects like shelter homes; and
would not have gone into historical lecture mode.
Instead:
He would have focused on one central theme: the specific reforms he will undertake
and complete during his term; he would have detailed exact plans directed at exact
outcomes that will have identifiable impact on the lives of people; he would have

27-6-2020
mapped out clear plans to fight Covid-19 for the next three to six months and
supplemented these plans with a post-Covid strategic health policy that would have
tangible outcomes within this term; and he would have unveiled a plan that had less
complaints about the opposition and more targets for improving people’s lives.
But above all, he would have identified a key personal transformation by saying he
was ready to shed the baggage of the past and was ready to pivot to the future with
an inclusive, progressive, action-oriented and statesman-like leadership that
Pakistan today not only needs, but deserves. That’s the speech that Imran Khan
needed to make.
Change starts with self.
By: Fahd Husain
Source: Dawn
The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Islamabad.

27-6-2020
 Don’t tear down statues
WINSTON Churchill was a terrible man. He authorised use of chemical weapons
against Afghans and Kurds, called China “a barbaric nation”, spoke of the “great
hordes of Islam” and wrote of Indians as “a beastly people with a beastly religion”.
When informed of mass deaths in the 1943 Bengal famine, he simply asked: “So is
Gandhi dead yet?” Those nostalgic for the Raj love him, as do white supremacists.
Zionists adore him for what he told the Palestine Royal Commission in 1937:
“I do not agree that the dog in a manger has the final right to the manger even
though he may have lain there for a very long time. I do not admit for instance, that
a great wrong has been done to the Red Indians of America or the black people of
Australia. I do not admit that a wrong has been done to these people by the fact that
a stronger race, a higher-grade race, a more worldly wise race to put it that way, has
come in and taken their place.”
Unsurprisingly, Churchill’s statue is iconic for leftists and progressives around the
world. Galvanised by the killing of George Floyd, they want not just this statue gone
but all historical monuments associated with oppression, slavery, and bigotry to be
eliminated from public view. Thoroughly decent people are roaring: pull them down!
But stop! This is terribly dangerous. Step back and reflect upon the consequences.
I’ve dwelt on Churchill here because he is a metaphor for countless racist,
supremacist leaders who led wars of conquest and plundered treasures. From
Alexander the Great to Chandragupta Maurya, and Mohammed bin Qasim to
Napoleon Bonaparte, ambitious conquerors subjugated weaker peoples on various
pretexts. So shouldn’t we eliminate hurtful memories?
Left-liberals in the West should ponder the effects of effacing historical symbols as
Pakistan-India have.
Let’s begin by bulldozing the pyramids of ancient Egypt. They are symbols of extreme
oppression and the word ‘pharaoh’ is synonymous with cruelty. Thousands of slaves
toiling in the scorching desert sun built tombs for the pharaoh king. When he died
his retainers were obliged to collectively commit suicide and be buried in the same
pyramid, ready to serve when he awakes in the after-life. Morally, the pyramids
ought to be levelled.
And what to make of Babri mosque? For Hindu zealots it was the symbol of cultural
oppression by Muslim invaders. In 1992 with bare hands and pick-axes a maddened
crowd tore apart a five-centuries-old structure built by Emperor Babar, allegedly on
the very site where Lord Ram was born. India has never recovered from that.

27-6-2020
More Muslim heritage lies in the cross hairs. ‘Babar ki auladain’ (sons of Babur) is the
pejorative name given to about two dozen or so Indian cities. In time Ahmadabad,
Karimnagar, Jamalpur, Faridpur, Hajipur, Moradabad, and Secunderabad might
disappear from the map of India and emerge reincarnated with Hindu names.
Where will the madness stop? Should the Taj Mahal also be torn down because it
marks the extraordinary success of invaders? Of course, the Taj is a horrific example
of the abuse of man by man much as the magnificent cathedrals of Europe are.
Resources to build monuments were forcibly extracted from toiling peasants. The
Taj is just the whim of a ruthless monarch mourning his favourite wife.
But look at the Taj in the moonlight and you see something even more enchanting
than an architectural jewel. One can almost feel the soft emanations from the side-
by-side graves of two star-crossed lovers. Life is surely complex, filled with nuances.
My vote: preserve and protect the Taj.
Pakistan’s cultural vandalism exceeds India’s. Hindu heritage sites in Pakistan have
all but vanished, and Buddhist statues and artifacts wilfully plundered and
destroyed. Hardly a tear was shed in Pakistan when the Taliban blew up the 2,000-
year old Buddhas in Afghanistan’s Bamiyan province.
Deemed as corrupting Hindu influences, the celebration of cultural events such as
Baisakhi and Basant, as well as kite flying, have been gradually forbidden or
abandoned in recent decades. Even ‘Hindu trees’ like banyan, neem, and pipal have
been punished — far fewer can be seen today in comparison to earlier times. I
cannot forget the smouldering remains of a 200-year-old graceful banyan in the posh
E-7 area of Islamabad, destroyed by students from a nearby madressah as a Hindu
symbol.
I urge my iconoclastic liberal/left friends in the West to learn from Pakistan-India. In
seeking purification by removing distasteful symbols of the past they risk cultural
and aesthetic desertification. Pictures of pre-Partition Karachi and Lahore tell us how
visually rich and architecturally beautiful they once were — and how cultural
purification reduced them to boring blandness.
Eliminating symbols does nothing of substance. There was mass euphoria when
crowds of Iraqis, helped by US marines with a 50-ton armoured vehicle, toppled a
massive Saddam Hussein statue located exactly where the ousted tyrant had
destroyed an older monument. But this was no new dawn for the people of Iraq. On
the contrary, a decade of bitter Shia-Sunni sectarian warfare ensued.
Those who seek to efface history’s markers are merely self-righteous. Those seeking
a pure, authentic past untainted by sin are chasing a phantom — it doesn’t exist. In

27-6-2020
my last Dawn op-ed (‘Dangerous delusions’) I wrote of the psychedelic substance
being dished out to Pakistan’s masses every evening in the form of Ertugrul Ghazi
and of the dangerous hallucinations it is inducing.
Spaceship Earth hurtles towards an uncertain future with a crew that’s terribly sick,
more mentally and psychologically than physically. The doctors on board must
record the history of various quarrelling groups professionally and clinically, all
without emotion or embellishment. The naïve notion of heroes and villains must be
dumped; history has actors only.
Let Churchill stay. That fat, cigar-smoking, racist Englishman cannot hurt anyone now
that worms have eaten away his flesh. Instead, let’s get serious. The starting point
must be the realisation that widow burning, slavery, and genocide are as much part
of the human condition as are great acts of generosity and compassion. Every
civilisation is the legacy of wars, conquests, and brutality. Even the cleverest surgery
cannot cut out these bitter legacies without killing the patient.
By: Pervez Hoodbhoy
Source: Dawn
The writer teaches physics in Lahore and Islamabad.

27-6-2020