Education Report2002

Education Report
2002
Compiled and Published by Foreign Affairs Committee,

All Burma Federation of Student Unions
May 2003
2002 Education Report
2002 EDUCATION REPORT
Compiled by
Foreign Affairs Committee
CONTENTS
1. Introduction
2. Free education in Primary Level
2.1. Main cause of students' dropout rate in Primary Level Education
2.2. Government Obligation
2.3. Evaluation on the works of International Organizations and governments in Primary
level Education
2.4. Child Solider and Child Labor
2.5. Summary
3. Rights of Education
3.1. Right of Education under present socio economic systems
3.2. Gender Inequality in the System
3.3. Systematic suppression of students in fear of student unrests
3.4. Rights of Minority people in Education
3.5. Student Political Prisoners
3.6. Alternative Education
3.7. Summary
4. Curriculum
4.1. Influence of government political goals and policies
4.2. Participation of Teachers and Education Professionals in the Curriculum Drafting
Process
4.3. Summary
5. Student Perception on Education and Ethical Concerns

5.1. Perceptions of Students on Present Education System
5.2. Relying on private tuitions
5.3. Corruption in the System
5.4. Summary
Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 1

6. Teaching and Learning System

6.1. Lacks of Student Participation in Classroom Lectures
6.2. Creating Thinking for Students
6.3. Quality of Teachers
6.4. Insufficient Learning Materials and Resources
6.5. Continuous Assessment and Progress System (CAPS)
6.6. Summary
7. Student Rights
7.1. Freedom of Expression
7.2. Freedom of Association
7.3. Other Student Rights
7.4. Summary
8. Widening Gap between Civilian and Military Education
9. Academic Freedom
9.1. Censorship of Academic Publication
9.2. Political Interference in Academia
9.3. Freedom of Speech
9.4. Institutional Academic Freedom
9.5. Summary
10. Information Technology

10.1. Introduction
10.2. General Criterion
10.3. E-education
10.4. Opportunities to use IT
10.5. IT Related Vocational Training
10.6. Internet Access
10.7. Summary
11. Conclusion
Appendix
Bibliography

1. Introduction
Education is vital for personal, social, and economic development. Poor education
largely and badly impacts on the national development. Thus, the governments that really
concern of national interest, sustainable development, and people rights attempt to implement
a well-planned national education system, which could benefit each and every citizen to
develop.
In Burmese tradition, education has been valued and well encouraged by the society.
The monastic education could have been established effectively. 1920 student strike under
British colonial rules was clear-cut evidence of a struggle for national education system, which
can be of benefit to all nationalities. Moreover, the movement successfully drew the awareness
of people to national independent, as national education system could not be developed
without national independent and a good education system could not be developed without
civil liberty. From colonial period to present military rule, students have been struggling for
good education, right of education, and academic freedom to improve national education
system.
Present education situation is still in turmoil, as present ruling government does not
want to make real changes to develop education sector. Though the regime claims that it
promotes education of Burma, it has yet to successfully implement a good education system
and free education for all. Without student rights, academic freedom, and rights of education,
it could not be well developed.
According to government figures, over 3 million school-aged children failed to acquire

primary education. Children dropped out from schools for various reasons, but the key reason is
families' financial status. Even though legal context under existing laws is prescribed for free
primary education, there is neither clear legal protection mechanism or monitoring body nor
any attempt or action of public awareness to help implementing the provision of Child Law
effectively and successfully.
Currently, the regime has laid down a four-year national education promotion program
and a 30-year long-term education plan. However, the government assistance of student
facilities such as hostels, scholarship funds, and modernized learning materials are not
materialized yet. The government authorities have ordered to do self-reliance program in

education, particularly in rural areas. According to these programs, local people and parents
have to share the cost for school buildings, teachers, teaching materials, and other related
expenses. It is assumable that the government has less responsibility for free compulsory
primary education in these regions. Since people are suffering of social burdens and high
commodities price, they could not well support such programs.
Other education rights such as student rights, rights of education and academic
freedom are entirely no practice under successive military regimes. Because of abuses on these
rights, education standard reaches the lowest point and is not sustained. Though the regime
opened all universities and institutes in July 2000, it has never focused on quality of education.
They showed so-called achievement in education sector to international community; the
numbers of graduate students, school buildings, and new institutes are increased they claimed.
But, these numbers are just quantities and hollow, not the substance of quality education. The
regime has abused academic freedom and institutional freedom, and government interference
to education is widely common.
We, Foreign Affairs Committee of All Burma Federation of Student Unions, have
published the “Year 2000 Education Report” in 2001. In that report, we presented current
education situation categorizing in levels. But, this report, “Education Report 2002” has been
compiled based on the issues rather than based on the levels.
This report is intended to the governments, the UN agencies, Human Rights groups,
international academic arena, and whoever interested in Burma’s affair.
It is dedicated to the people of Burma and its students who hold a deep interest of
Burma's present, disordered education circumstance. Although we cannot claim the report is
perfectly professional, as it is prepared from the students’ point of view, we believe that
understanding of the true situation of education in Burma will be heightened.
In this report, as we should keep some sources of the information, we change the
location and name of the persons in some cases.
2. Free Education in Primary Level
2.1. Main cause of student's dropout rate in Primary Level Education
“Every person - child, youth and adult - shall be able to benefit from educational
opportunities designed to meet their basic learning needs.”
Art 1.1 of World Declaration on Education for All, 1990

Universal access to primary education for all school-age children is an important

component of the education reform programs. Primary Education or Basic Education should be
compulsory and accessible freely to all in order to meet the main aims of all the declarations
and charters of education. The present ruling Burmese government has always claimed, during
their term, that there has been a lot of progress in education in Burma particularly in the
primary and basic levels. The regime claimed that in 2002 the government used K31,997.44
million for the education sector, up from 28,170.42 million in the previous year. The student
population in 2002 was almost 8 million. According to the government statistics, in the basic
education sector, over 7 million boys and girls attended classes at 39,081 basic education
schools and 3,379 affiliated and branch schools. However, according to the government figures,
over 3 million school-age children failed to acquire the basic primary education. A report by a
joint team from the regime's Education Ministry, UNDP and UNESCO, stated:
“Myanmar's education system appears to be equitable, with near-universal admission

into primary schooling. In reality, it appears to be highly selective. This is reflected in
low school retention rates, particularly for primary students. Only about 1 out of 3
students who enter primary schooling complete the full primary cycle, and only a
slightly higher proportion of those entering secondary education successfully complete
high school.”
According to a UNICEF report, out of every 100 students who begin primary school an
average of only 34 complete the five-year cycle - the highest retention rate is about 42 percent
in Chin State and the lowest retention rate is about 26 percent in Kayah State. According to the
World Bank, the government only spends 28 cents a year per child in public schools.1 By the
late 1990s, the regime's expenditure on civilian education equaled only 1.2 % of the country's
Gross National Product - compared to 3.8% for developing countries - and had declined 70% in
real terms since 1990. Meanwhile, school attendance has also dropped nationwide, primarily
because of rising school fees. Schools in some parts of the country have closed down due to
lack of State funding.
Children drop out for several complex reasons, although the prime reason is based on
families’ financial status. For example, most of the cases of school dropout in the primary
levels are strongly linking with economic factors. The high cost of tuition and school-related
fees are a major factor. School fees include enrollment, textbooks, exercise books, school
1
Earthrights International, “ Valued Less than a Milk Tin: Discrimination Against Ethnic Minorities in
Burma by the Ruling Military Regime”, 2001, pp. 21

cleaning, examination papers, sports fees, in school tutoring fees and USDA2 membership. A
child failing their examinations is another reason for school drop-out.
Female students are disproportionately affected by high drop-out rates. According to a

shadow report for the 22nd session of CEDAW* prepared by women's groups from Burma, female
children are the most at risk for dropping out of school when a family faces hardship. 3
According to the United Nations, 60 % of school-age children attend the schools. But
this statistic might not cover the whole country, particularly in the ethnic minority areas where
the schooling rate is very low. Only one-third of primary students complete the five-year cycle
and only 3 % of primary student reach Matriculation, the highest stage of basic education.
Moreover, only 2 % pass the basic high school. Therefore, 98 % of schooling children have never
finished the basic high school.
Burma is a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Article 1
paragraph 1 of the CRC states, “The State Party shall make primary education compulsory and
available free to all”, and paragraph 2 of the same article notes, “The State Party shall
encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and
vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate
measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in the
case of need”.
However, the fact is that the parents of Burmese children have to pay the cost of
primary education for their children. They pay 3000 Kyats at the time of enrollment and then
must pay at least 500 Kyats per month for in-school tutoring fees. Moreover, they need to pay
for other additional costs such as for student festivals, multi-media class-rooms, text books,
paper, pens, a yearly contribution to the Parent Teacher Association fund and contributions for
school improvement.
In an interview with a parent in Chin State, North-east of Burma, the parent said,
“although there are schools in the area, many can't afford to send their children to school
because it’s expensive. In our village, 80 percent of school-age children can't attend the
school. We have to pay for the books, various taxes, and school tuition fees. Most teachers
don't want to teach in the border areas, so the villagers themselves have to pay 20,000 Kyats
per month for a teacher and the enrollment fees then have to rise up. Therefore, most parents
can't afford the cost and instead send their children to farming and work places.” The parent
also added, “In the academic year 2000, every student was forced to buy their pencils from the
Educational authority, though the words “free distribution” was printed on these pencils.
Therefore, I want to say it is not the free education, but the system in free education”. In
2
Union Solidarity and Development Association
3
Interview with Dr. Thein Lwin, Academic Coordinator, Teacher Training for Burmese Teachers

some popular schools of Rangoon, the enrollment fees is hundreds of thousand of Kyats and
only the elite business family and general's circles can afford to attend such kind of school.
Case 1
Mi Ni dropped out of school at age 7 years. She is an eldest child and has 7
brothers and sisters. Her parents have been working at the Construction Sites in
downtown Rangoon. They have earned only a few thousands Kyats and so their
family struggles to survive. When Mi Ni’s younger brother became a school-age,
she dropped out of school to take care of her younger brothers and sisters, and
passed the chance for schooling to her younger brother. After her brother had
studied for one year, Mi Ni regained the chance to continue her study, but her
brother had to drop out. She was forced to stop studying when aged 13, again
due to the family financial status. Mi Ni joined a garment factory.
(Source: Interview)
In reality, primary education in Burma fails to provide a free basic education for many
of its children. In most cases, the problem is financial survival for the children themselves. The
consequence of economic downgrades in Burma has meant that the drop-out rate is steadily
increasing as children’s families cannot afford to pay school fees and instead children are
forced to leave school in order to work. Therefore, poverty and very low family financial
incomes have the largest impact on the life of a child and is the main cause behind the
increasing student drop-out rate.
In addition to dropping out of school for financial reasons, thousands of children are
forced to drop out, or interrupt, their education for reasons such as forced labor requirements,
the burning of villages by the military operation in ethnic areas, the extra-judicial killing or
arbitrary arrest of parents and the general disruption of village life by military authorities who
view all civilian activities as subordinate to military and state interests.
Case 2
On May 26, 2001, SPDC troops burned down two village school buildings in
Nyaung-lay-bin Districts. SPDC troops from LIB 11 burned down the primary
school building in Mae Ka Ti village and troops from LIB 111 burned down the
village school in Mae K'ti, Shwe Tin Kyin Township. As a result of increased
SPDC activities in Nyaung-lay-bin District since the middle of 2000, villagers
have had to flee their homes and move from place to place. Temporary

shelters have been set up to use as schools in the jungle. These schools have no
walls or chairs and the children use bamboo as blackboards.
(Source: KORD, Nyaung-lay-bin District Field Report, June 15, 2001)
The Article 28 paragraph 5 of the CRC states, “The State Party shall take measures to
encourage regular attendance at schools and the reduction of drop-out rates”. Therefore, the
State government has a primary obligation to take measures to reduce the drop-out rates.
2. 2. Government Obligation
As the legal context in free and compulsory primary education system, the State Law
and Order Restoration Council enacted the Child Law (Law No.9/93) on 14 July 1993. Section
20 (a) of the Child Law states that every child shall: (a) have opportunities of acquiring
education; (b) have the right to acquire free basic education (primary level) at schools opened
by the State. Section 20(b) of the Child law states that the Ministry of Education shall: (a) have
an objective of implementing the system of free and compulsory primary education; (b) lay
down and carry out measures as may be necessary for regular attendance at schools and the
reduction of untimely drop-out rates; (c) make arrangements for li teracy of children who are
unable for various reasons to attend schools opened by the State.
Even though the legal context was already prescribed for free primary education, there
is no clear legal protection mechanism or monitoring body, nor any attempts or actions for
public awareness to help implement the provision of this Child Law effectively and
successfully. There are still many examples of violation in the right of free basic education at
schools operated by the State. For the reduction of untimely drop-out rates, the government
hasn’t stated and carried out the necessary measures. The government officials including the
Chairman of National Education Committee and the Education Minister have often spoken about
the reduction plan of drop out rates and compulsory basic education. But they haven’t
approach towards the main causes. They seem unable to solve the problem of poverty, and
there are still large military operations in minority areas. The refugee community and
internally displaced families are widely spread along the border and the government can't make
literacy arrangements for these children who are unable to join the State schools.
The military government has laid down and is implementing a four-year national
education promotion program and a 30-year long-term education plan. In both the short term
and long term plans, development of a free compulsory basic education system is included.
After the Declaration of the World Conference on “Education for all” held in Jomtien, Thailand
in March 1990, the Education Department aimed at giving basic education to all Burmese
citizens by the year 2000 and reducing by half the adult illiteracy rate. In the year 2000, the

government aimed at giving basic education to all school-going age children and hoped that 80
% of these children would complete primary level education. Moreover, in 2002, the Basic
Education Department of Education Ministry created the “Talented Students Training
Programme” in which outstanding students were chosen for more opportunities. However
those students who were chosen for the program were only from schools located in the region
of universities.
It is a fact that during 15 years of military rule since 1988, almost all government
programs in the Education sector have failed to achieve its aims and goals. For example, the
1992 education report, which was jointly compiled by the Ministry of Education and various UN
agencies, intended that all Burmese school-age children should enroll the primary education
and that 80 % of children would complete the primary level in 2000, with the support of UN
development aids. However, the State budget allocated to the education sector has decreased
over these years and the result is a failure. While the regime has expended over 40% of the
national budget on their military forces, only around 7 % of Cabinet budget has been allocated
for the Ministry of Education. Compare with the GNP, only 0.5 % is for Education. At the same
time, the neighboring countries used 2.7 % of GNP for their Education sector.
The military personnel who work for the Education sector and Educational authorities
have ordered a self-reliance program in education in the rural regions. According to these
programs, the parents and villagers must share the cost for the school buildings, teachers,
teaching materials and other related expenses. These programs simply enable the regime to
assume less responsibility for the free compulsory basic education in rural areas. In the 2002-
2003 academic year, according to the daily government newspaper, multi-media classrooms
were already set up in the 970 basic high schools. In fact, the headmaster and teachers at
these schools were forced to organize or collect funds from the parents and business people for
the multi-media classrooms. Some businessmen are motivated to donate towards a school fund
and multi-media room so that they can get the opportunity to be a sole agent of the school’s
materials such as pencils and books. But funds from parents are more difficult to collect
because of their income and family financial status.
In light of their regular education policy failures and challenges, the Education Minister
and other authorities, whenever there is a meeting or visit to schools, always blame the
teachers as unqualified to raise the necessary multi-media funds from the parents and local
people. In a speech of U Than Aung, Minister of Education in the closing ceremony of a
Meeting on 30 years long-term education plan-basic education in May 2001, he said that the
headmaster must adopt themselves as good organizers to implement the government programs.
In fact, he really means that good organizers should obey what the government orders and
organizes the funds from the parents and local people in order to implement the government's

programs. But the government financial assistances to the programs and schools are nothing
and only the enforcement of order applies towards the teachers and educational staffs.
Case - 3
Daw Tin Aye, the headmaster of BEHS(*) of Hlaing Township, got the order from
the Township Education Officer to set up and open the multi-media classroom
in a year. The school fund and Parent Teachers Association's fund were very
limited. Local people and parents of her school were very poor and could not
afford to share the fund. Her problem was solved by the advice of another head
master. She bought a computer from the school fund and arranged for other
computers to be borrowed from a company for a month. Then the authorities
and local education officer were invited to the opening celebration of their
school’ multi-media room.
Source: Interview
The administration and management of basic education is undertaken by the three

Departments of Basic Education: Basic Education Council; Basic Education Curriculum, Syllabus
and Textbook Committee; and Teacher Education Supervisory Committee. In all departments
and respective sections, only ex-military officers are appointed in the main positions and the
role of professionals are totally rejected. Under the titles of educational reforms, and long-
term and short-term programs, these ex military officers implement only surface changes. Even
if they realized the genuine situation, they refuse to handle or speak about the main causes of
these problems such as poverty, lack of government accountability and responsibility,
expensive education, military operations in the minority areas, child labor, politically unstable
situation and so forth.
The military government claims that the education sector has been progressed during
their 15-year rule. They claim that 6252 basic schools have opened during these years, which is
a 20 % increase. During these 15 years, they claim, 46,337 teachers and 2,023,780 students
were developed. But they forget to mention that the population has grown to an estimated 56
million from 48 million in 1988. About 7 % of the allotted budget is used to promote education,
while a substantially higher amount of the national budget is spent on military affairs. During
the last 15 years, the military force has grown from over 200,000 in 1988 to an estimated
500,000 soldiers. Therefore, the government prefers its military affairs to its children’s
education in Burma. Beginning from the lowest level of primary school through to the
institutions of higher learning, only those with enough money are able to receive their

education. As the government has all but stopped funding education in Burma, the burden falls
on the children and their families.
2.3. Evaluation on the works of International Organization and governments in Primary

Level
The United Nation Development Program (UNDP) and United Nation Science and Culture
Organization (UNESCO) are the major groups assisting Primary Education in Burma. The Basic
Education Department, in cooperation with the UNDP and UNESCO, implemented
“Strengthening and Upgrading of Teacher Training Colleges and Teacher Training Schools”. The
Education Sector Study (ESS) Project has also been implemented since mid-1990 through a joint
effort of the Ministry of Education, UNDP and UNESCO. The project's main objective is to bring
about improvements in the equality, efficiency and equity of the education system in Burma,
with a view to promote human resource development, and to strengthen its contribution
towards the social and economic development.
Other projects that UNICEF have also helped coordinate and implement have been the
“Continuous Assessment and Progression System (CAPS) Project” (since 1991), and the “All
Children in School (ACIS) Project” (beginning in 1994). The CAPS Project has been
implemented in 11,967 primary schools in 277 townships between the years 1998-1999,
providing access to school-age children. The ACIS Project has been implemented in 9,265
primary schools in 70 townships.
In accordance with the UNDP's “Human Development Initiative-HDI Project”, the
Improved Access to Primary Education in Rural Area Project was also implemented in 9
townships during the years 1994-96. In 1997, the UNDP continued to implement the “Human
Development Initiative Extension (HDI-E)” and expanded into another 4 townships, making it a
total of 11 townships located in three zones: Delta, Irrawaddy Division; Dry, Middle Burma; and
Shan, Shan State Area. In these townships, “Improving Access of Children, Women and Men of
Poorest Communities to Primary Education for All Projects” are also being implemented.
Because teachers in remote areas of Burma are often untrained and teach as they themselves
were taught, the UNESCO is training these teachers and introducing them to active learning
methods in a UNDP-funded project in eleven of the poorest rural townships.
In March 2000, the military government opened the Myanmar Literacy Resource Centre
(MLRC) to promote activate literacy activities in Burma and develop innovative literacy
materials for non-formal education, secondary and tertiary education systems. The above
mentioned education projects are implemented in collaboration with the UN agencies to
achieve the national “Free Education for All” goals.

Table 1. Numbers of Primary Schools receiving HDI infrastructure assistance

Source: UNESCO report by UNESCO Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education, 2002
Project Repair Extension Replace/New Total
HDI-1 1,218 35 35 1,288
HDI-E 142 78 158 378
HDI-3 135 35 89 259
Total 1,495 148 282 1,925
HDI Projects included the construction of Community Learning Center (CLC) and
assistance to the school buildings. But, as shown in the above table, the field area of the
projects has been very selective, limited and fundamentally unjust.
Japan’s government is one of the major sources of International assistance to
Education in Burma. In primary level education in Burma, the Grass Roots Grant Assistance
Scheme, specific Scholarship Programs, and grants from various Japanese foundations and
individual donations have supported school building, scholarships, child health, child nutrition,
and other related child programs.
Even though there are stated principles regarding the selection of schools for project
assistance, community participation and the monitoring of projects, the implementation of
these principles is very questionable. There is an unfair distribution of the assistance and
project resources because only a selective number of villages and townships benefit. The donor
organizations, foundations or individuals must deal and compromise with the government
authorities for these assistances. Therefore, the selective processes is partly implemented,
limited and influenced by the government, not by the local community or civil organizations. In
most case, whenever there is a project of international groups, the government forms a so-
called “local community” consisting of ex government officers, local authorities,
representatives of government-initiated non-government organizations, and the international
groups that have worked with them. As there is no genuine civil and independent institution in
Burma, these processes are unaccountable and questionable. For example, under a Japanese
Government project, the primary level students were annually selected an exposure trip to the
Japan. These children were mostly from the elite schools that are accessible only to Burma’s
wealthy and privileged class.
The general public in Burma does not have any knowledge about the UN agencies and
their projects. The general public has no easy access to information about the ongoing projects
of UN agencies and other donor organizations, because only the army sponsored “community
based groups” receive recognition and cooperation from these UN agencies and groups.

Moreover, it is unclear how the donor agencies monitor the implementation process and the
outcome of the projects. In most cases, particularly with international government assistance,
the local education officers and local authorities exploit the fund or materials intended for
schools. The assistance agencies and groups should realize that these development programs
are without transparency, accountability and responsibility, and that they do not achieve their
stated goals but only engender corruption, inequality, an elite circle and a closed society. In
most minority areas, particularly in the war zone, school-age children are seriously affected.
The increasing poverty and poor social conditions which impact upon the education in Burma,
should be seriously considered by the international aid agencies. All international agencies
should focus on the solutions to these economic and social factors when aiming to address
Burma’s education problems.
Real and sustainable progress in the Education sector cannot and will not be achieved
without substantive progress in the process of political transition presently under way in the
country, although some education reforms and other concerns may precede political reform. In
the short run, aid may alleviate the basic needs of the population, especially the most
vulnerable. But in the long term, the plans or goals towards sustainable progress should be
added.
2.4. Child Soldier and Child Labor
The issues of child soldiers and child labor are serious concerns and are challenges
towa rds achieving “Free Education for All”, especially in the primary level education. These
issues are closely intertwined with poverty and have a significant impact upon the education of
children. Contrary to the Government's intention, the expensive primary education system has
actually worsened the education situation and forced many children into the army and
workplaces. In a study, the majority of child workers and child soldiers are children from
families with difficult economic situations, who have little opportunity for schooling or
education. It is very common for them to quit their schooling in order to work for their family's
survival. Many have never been to primary school. Since 1993, as the construction of tower
buildings, roads and projects in urban areas have increased, and many families from rural areas
have shifted to find work on these projects. Many other families have traveled to neighboring
countries in search for better jobs. Children who accompany their families usually travel from
one place to another in search for work with their parents. Consequently, the children lack
education and vocational training, as well as access to any kind of survival information or
decent health care, and they eventually become victims of poverty and the social gap. Many
children are trafficked into certain types of workforce at a very young age.

All governments must have a national policy to ensure the effective abolition of child
labor. The Convention says that in most countries the minimum age for employment
should be 15 years, or 14 years in less developed countries.
ILO Convention No.138
Burma became a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child (CRC) on
15 August 1991 after signing the Convention on 16 July 1991. The State Law and Restoration
Council, the former name of the military government, promulgated the Child law as State law
on 14 July 1993 to implement the rights of child recognized in the Convention. The government
formed the National Committee on the Rights of the Child. The implementing agencies of the
plans of actions are the Department of Health, the Department of Education and the
Department of Social Welfare. Chapter V, section 8 of the Child Law states that “The state
recognizes that every child has the right to survival, development, protection and care and to
achieve active participation within the community”. Sections 65 and 66 state that the
penalties of imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months, or with a fine which
may extend to K 1,000 for anyone who contravenes the Law.
However, the judicial system in Burma is totally influenced by the administrative
bodies, government officials and military commanders/generals. Accordingly, any legal suit
against government bodies or military personnel is impossible and anyone who submits a legal
suit against the Government will find their security threatened and outside the protection of
any court. There are a lot of examples of human rights activists and defenders being tortured,
arrested and harassed in Burma under the pretext of national security law. In reality, the Child
Laws are not applied in practice.
A UNICEF report described how children, as young as 10 and 12, were working in Burma
on road construction. In the rural areas, particular in the ethnic border areas, the local
authorities and military commanders often used the local population as forced labor by a
rotation system requiring one member per household. Households can and do send children for
such work. At times in the crop cycle, men may stay to do work in the fields rather than attend
forced labor duties. At that time, it is increasingly common to see children doing force labor in
place of adults, or helping women who have gone to work instead of men.
As the economic situation has deteriorated in Burma, child labor has become
increasingly visible. Few children work in the formal sector, but children can often be seen
working alongside their parents in the informal sector. According to 1992 UNICEF data, it
estimated that as many as 4 million of a total 11.8 million school-age children may have been
working in Burma. This rate included both the urban and rural areas.

In urban areas, children are commonly found to be working in food processing, selling,
refuse collecting, light manufacturing, and as waiters. Other common jobs include working as
domestic labor, or collecting rubbish from street corners and railway lines and then recycling
and selling it in markets. According to a report, the main reason children work is due to their
family's financial needs. Poverty is cited as the main reason why children are not in school: 57
% of the households could not afford primary education. Children were contributing on average
20 to 30 % towards their household's total income, and in some cases as much as 50 %.
Child labor is obviously common in rural areas. School-going age children are found
working in cultivation, animal farms, and fetching water. Since government education is much
less common in these areas, particularly in the ethnic minority areas, children labor is a
widespread practice. Education is simply too expensive for many people in Burma. In a UNICEF
study, 57.6 % of households could not afford the cost of education.
In recent years, the problem of child soldiers has grown largely around the world. The
problem is especially common in government forces and opposition armed groups that are
involved in internal conflicts. Such internal wars and domestic conflicts significantly impact on
the life of children. Many children are forced to serve in military operations and relating
matters and some are volunteers. A child's psychological and mental immaturity makes them
targets for recruitment by armed groups, and child make obedient soldiers. Their minds are
easily manipulated and their bodies are easily bruised. As part of a military group, children
often serve as human mine detectors, participate in suicide missions, carry supplies, act as
spies, messengers, or lookouts, and often, are thrown into direct combat. The International
Labor Organization (ILO) convention on the worst forms of child labor, adopted in 1999,
recognizes the forced recruitment of children under the age of 18 for use in armed conflict as
one of the worst forms of child labor.
Children can be found in both the Burmese government forces and opposition ethnic
armed groups, actively participating in Burma's internal wars. Burma's army has doubled in size
since 1988, when the Army took control of power and crashed down on the popular democracy
uprising. With an estimated 400,000 soldiers, Burma's army has become one of the largest
armed forces in Southeast Asia, according to the Jane's report. According to the accounts of
former soldiers interviewed by Human Rights Watch, 20 percent or more of its active duty
soldiers may be children under the age of 18.
Recruiters for Burma's army frequently apprehend boys at train and bus stations,
markets and other public places, threatening them with jail if they refuse to join the army. In
many reports from the border areas, whenever military operations are taking place in a region,
soldiers surround a local school and take the children into the army. The boys are given no
opportunity to contact their families and are sent to camps where they undergo weapons
training, are routinely beaten, and brutally punished if they try to escape. It is impossible to

get the exact number of children in Burma's army as they always deny that they are using child
soldiers, despite numerous reports by international human rights organizations and testimonies
from children who have been forcibly made to join Burma's Army. It appears that the vast
majority of new recruits are forcibly conscripted, and there may be as many as 70,000 soldiers
under the age of 18.
Case 4
Kyaw Naing Aye, 9 years old, joined the army from a military training scheme
called the “Ye Nyunt Youth”. Previously, he had worked in a construction site
in Mandalay and as a waiter in a tea shop. His parents were former farmers
who now worked as construction workers. He had studied the primary level for
one year while he was in his village, 15 kilometers from Myingchan, a city in
upper Burma. Due to a family financial crisis, his whole family moved to
Mandalay for better jobs. He was unable to continue with his education
because of expensive enrollment fees and other expenses. Instead he worked
on a construction site alongside his parents. His Uncle, who was a Sergeant in
the Burmese army, suggested that his family send him to the army where he
promised he could get both an education and military training. So he joined the
Ye Nyunt School at Khamti Township, in Sagaing Division. He said they received
political training and instruction in loyalty to the government and the military,
rather than the regular education courses. He was then assigned to work in the
army as security for high-ranking officers. He often tried to run away from the
army because he was not happy. Eventually he manged to escape and return
his village, but after one month, he was arrested and sent to jail.
Source: Interview
The Convention on the Rights of the Child defines a child as any person below the age
of 18 “unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier.” Burma's 1993
Child Law defines “a child as a person who has not attained the age of 16 years and a youth as
a person who attained the age 16 years but has not attained the age of 18 years”. In regard to
military recruitment, the regulation for the persons subject to the Defense Services Act
establishes the minimum age for recruitment into Burma's armed forces at 18. International law
prohibits government forces or armed groups from recruiting children under the age of 15. Such
recruitment has been recognized as a war crime under the statute for the International
Criminal Court. In 2000, the United Nations General Assembly adopted an optional protocol to

the Convention on the Rights of the Child that rose the minimum age for participation in armed
conflict to 18, and prohibited all forced recruitment of children below age 18. However the
Burmese army still recruits children, despite claiming otherwise. The Army has claimed how
some children voluntarily join the army by lying about their age. Nevertheless, child soldiers
are still commonly found in both the Government army and other minority armed groups.
As parents often cannot feed their children and the children themselves cannot survive
under the present economic situation, many of them join the army. Along the border areas and
ethnic areas, many children are unstable in their life as they cannot attend school and their
families are suffering from the wars and conflicts. As a means of self defense and self
determination, many of these ethnic groups train children to be the new generation for their
revolutionary forces and its future leaders. As a part of this policy, the children have to serve
in their armed groups. In many cases, children are volunteering in the armed forces at their
own will in order to defend themselves and their society. In the case of the God Army led by 13
years old twin brothers, the children in that region were internally displaced persons after
Government forces attacked towards their ethnic area. They sought to survive and defend
themselves. Finally, as a last option, these children took up arms and formed an armed group
called the God Army to defend themselves and their group. Therefore, the case of child
soldiers in Burma is very controversial and, combined with the Government's education policy,
political situation and economic conditions, have a serious impact on children's' lives.
2.5. Summary
Free compulsory primary education is essential in order to enhance the life of children.
In the Child Law promulgated by the SPDC, section 20 states that every child shall have the
right to free basic primary education at state schools and the Ministry of Education shall
implement a system of free and compulsory primary education. According to section 20 (b) of
the Child Law, the Ministry of Education shall implement measures as may be necessary for
regular attendance at schools, for the reduction of untimely drop-out rates, and make
arrangements for children who are unable for various reasons to attend schools opened by the
state. However, the authorities have not taken such measures or arrangements to ensure all
children can attend primary schools. “Free education in primary level” is just a slogan of the
present ruling Government and one of many pretexts in the present era. In reality, primary
students and their families are suffering from numerous expenses and taxes. The Government
assistances towards education is significantly less than the military budget. Moreover, the
government scheme so-called “Self - reliance Program” really hurts the family of primary
students and fades out the “free primary education” system.

Poverty and continuing expensive education costs are the primary reasons behind the
failure of the “free primary education” scheme. These reasons have resulted in students
dropping out from schools, and instead turning to child labor or child soldiering. To solve these
problems, the Government should target the deep root issues, and not just skim the surface.
The Government should try to eliminate poverty, and reduce the military budget and re-direct
those funds into Education and Health. The elimination of poverty scheme will only result from
basic economic and political reforms.
3. Right of Education
3.1 Right of Education under the present socio economic systems
“Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the
elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory.
Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher
education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.”
Article 26, Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Under the existing socio economic systems, education has become a property of the
elite community, as the middle class population is fading out. In the rural areas, high school
education and university education are very difficult to access for the ordinary population, due
to family's financial situations and the expensive cost for higher education. Moreover, technical
and vocational trainings in Burma are very limited and restricted for a few people.
Other social factors impact on the right of education as well. For example, only a small
elite community such as the families of army generals and their cronies can easily access the
high profile schools and universities in Burma. They also have the opportunities to attend
foreign universities and higher professional trainings abroad, often reaping the student
scholarships that exist with those foreign universities or foundations that deal with the
Government. These examples of nepotism and corruption impact the education sector. The
ordinary people lack information about the scholarship programs, exchange programs and
foreign education. There is a lack of public transparency in the criteria and decisions made by
the authorities in respect of these foreign scholarship programs.
The existing university entrance system also negatively impacts upon the right of
education at the higher level. When they are in Standard Eight at basic high school, students
are required to select from one of 7 subject categories. This choice is then the path of study
which they most follow through to University. The seven subject categories are:

(1) Maths, Economic, Physics, Chemistry, Burmese and English;

(2) Maths, Geography, History, Economic, Burmese and English;
(3) Maths, Geography, History, Additional Burmese, Burmese and English;
(4) Maths, History, Economic, Additional Burmese, Burmese and English;
(5) Maths, History, Physics, Chemistry, Burmese and English;
(6) Maths, Additional Burmese, Physics, Chemistry, Burmese and English;
(7) Maths, Physics, Chemistry, Biology, Burmese and English.
According to the student's choice of subject category, their specific university options
are limited. For example, only those students who choose Category (7) can then apply to
Medical Universities. These Category (7) students also have a greater opportunity to choose
their subjects while they enter the university. Therefore, many students in high school prefer
the Category (7) option. However if a student who chooses the Category (7) subjects
subsequently wants to take an Economic subject while at University, he or she is prevented
from doing this. Similarly, if a student who chose a subject category other than Category (7),
later wishes to attend a Medical Institute he or she is again prevented. Therefore this system
requires 13 year-old, standard eight children to make a decision that directly impacts on their
life-long educational and professional options. This is an unrealistic burden for a child and a
significant limitation on a student's right to study what they wish, at the time that they are old
and qualified enough to attend university. Accordingly, this is an example of a violation on the
right to education.
Case 5
Ko Zaw, a final year Chemistry major student was interviewed by a Foreign
Radio Broadcasting - Burmese service. He said, “I fled Burma because the
university was often closed. Another point is I don't want to lie to myself. I
don't want the certificate of what I don't understand. I don't know much about
Chemistry even though I was a Chemistry student, as we all students were
studying some chapters to pass the exam, not the whole essence of the
subject. I am too ashamed that my study cannot support not only for my life
but for the others.”
And he added how he failed to choose his own education way and he had to
study Chemistry major.
“Since I was starting education in basic levels, I did have my own desire to
choose the subject what I have confidence. At last, I had to study the specific
subjects what I don't want to learn. I cannot choose what I want to be. Only my

marks and system define what I should learn. We don't have a choice on our
own professional subjects”
Of course, there are many diploma courses, undergraduate courses and postgraduate
courses run by the Human Resource Department of Universities. Everybody can apply to these
courses regardless of their marks or choices of subject category from basic high school.
However, these courses are six to eight times more expensive than normal university courses.
For example, the Human Resource Department of Yangon University opened 13 undergraduate
degree courses in August 2001. But these courses were very expensive for ordinary civilians. It
is a system for the handful of the population who can afford to join these expensive courses.
For under-privileged people, there are many restrictions and limitations to education in
Burma. For example, one condition of university entrance is that a student should be in good
health and with a good personality. Furthermore, there are few specific vocational trainings
and courses for under-privileged people. Even at primary level education there are no
guaranteed assistance entitlements for under-privileged children, who otherwise cannot attend
the basic primary school.
3.2 Gender inequality in the System

Table 2:
Universities / Male Female Male student Female Total
Institutes Acceptance Acceptance Acceptance student in Acceptance
in Percentage in Percentage in Total in one year
(Yearly) (Yearly) Total (Yearly)
(Yearly)
Medicine 60 % 40 % 1440 960 2400
Dental 80 % 20 % 200 50 250
Live Stock 80 % 20 % 80 20 100
Agriculture 75 % 25 % 225 75 300
Forestry 90 % 10 % 45 5 50
GTC 60 % 40 % 10800 7200 18000
GCC 50 % 50 % 3050 3050 6100
Total 58.26 % 41.74 % 15840 11360 27200
GTC - Government Technical College
GCC - Government Computer College
Source: Guide Booklet for University Entrance, Ministry of Education

According to this table compiled by the ABFSU and based on the Burmese Government's
Official statistics, the gender inequality can be plainly seen. Even though there are no
restrictions or limitations on female students in Arts and Science Universities (such as Yangon
University, Mandalay University and other regional University), there are limitations of
acceptance within the Institutes.
Burma is a State Party of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, in which Article 10 paragraph (a) states,
State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against
women in order to ensure to them equal rights with men in the field of education and
in particular to ensure, on a basis of equality of men and women: (a) The same
conditions for career and vocational guidance, for access to studies and for the
achievement of diplomas in educational establishments of all categories in rural as
well as in urban areas; this equality shall be ensured in pre-school, general, technical,
professional and higher technical education, as well as in all types of vocational
training;
The government high officials in Ministry of Education have said that female students
are physically poor to work in the field studies at these institutes. However, such limitations
upon female students applying to these Institutes should be abolished in order to provide equal
opportunity for male and female students. These are academic institutions and “the physically
poor” 4 should not be a condition for academic study, especially as this impacts on society.
3.3. Systematical suppression of students in fear of student unrest
The systematical suppression of students, by the Burmese regime who are fearful of
student demonstrations, also violates the right to education. This following section will
examine how the regime responds to the student uprisings by systematically suppressing the
student masses, and how these Government activities violate the right to education.
During the 15 years of military rule in Burma since 1988, there have been student
demonstrations and strikes in 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1996, 1998 and 1999. In addition,
student solo protests and individual movements have regularly occurred throughout the
universities. After each instance of student unrest, the authorities closed down the
universities and attempted to arrest the student leaders and activists. Some were arrested and
4
In Article 1 Paragraph 1(b) of the Convention against Discrimination in Education, the term
discrimination includes ... (b) Of limiting any person or group of persons to education of an inferior
standard:

many others continue to run within Burma, trying to escape arrest. Some students are active
along the border areas, working with the underground network and international support
groups. Because the regime has refused to compromise with student demands for the
legalization of student unions and the release of student political prisoners the conflict
between the regime and students still continues, and the unfortunate consequence of this is
the detrimental impact upon the education of all students.
Table 3: University Opened and Closed between June 1988 and July 2000
(Rangoon Universities and Other regional Universities, excluding some Institutes)
Opening date Closing date Period

May 1991 Dec 1991 7 months
June 1992 Nov 1992 5 months
March 1993 July 1993 4 months
Sep 1993 Jan 1994 4 months
Aug 1994 Dec 1994 4 months
May 1995 Sep 1995 4 months
Nov 1995 May 1996 5 months
Sep 1996 Dec 1996 3 months
Total 36 months
Prior to 2000, the regime often closed universities for long periods of time, as a means
to stop student demonstrations. Some Burmese scholars and domestic groups, including
political parties and student unions, as well as the international community expressed about
this situation and strongly pressure the Government to reopen the universities. Finally, the
regime re-opened the universities in July 2000 and changed their strategy to oppress the
student movements as follows:
Table 4: The Strategy of the Military Government to stop the student unrest
1988 - 2000 2000 - 2003

• Close down the universities • Open separate universities and
• Arrest student activists institutions in remote areas without
• Dismiss student activists adequate facilities and teachers and
with limited student numbers in order
to disperse student mass

• Arrest student activists

• Dismiss student activists
• Reduce the academic year's term of
the universities and institutions
• Issue many University Entrance
restrictions and regulations. For
example, all students applying for
university or institute entrance must
submit a recommendation letter from
the local authority or local police
station testifying that they are not
involved in politics and are of good
moral character.
• Hinder student attendance by raising
the costs of university education, such
as opening the distance education
programs and diploma courses at
large, increasing the tuition fees by up
to 15 times than before, refusing
student access to government hostels.
• Prohibit the literacy clubs, study
groups and student publications.
When the military regime re-opened the universities in July 2000, they opened several
new major universities in remote areas. These universities lacked adequate facilities, teachers
and learning materials such as libraries and lab rooms. There has been criticism that the
Government was trying to disperse the student masses in order to avoid future student unrest
and to overcome the student movements. For example, the Yangon Institute of Technology
(YIT - Former RIT) had been located in Insein Township of Rangoon and had around five
thousand students in each academic year. Since most student movements between 1988 and
1998 started within YIT, the regime attempted to disperse the large amount of YIT students.
When the universities were reopened in July 2000, YIT students were asked not to attend their
classes in the previous location of YIT in Insein Township, Rangoon. The regime abolished the
names of the Yangon Institute of Technology and the Mandalay Institute of Technology (MIT).
Instead, they opened Government Technical Colleges (GTC) around the country and the YIT
students had to these GTCs. The authorities said that only the outstanding students from the

GTCs could join the Yangon and Mandalay Technical Universities (YTU and MTU) which were
located in the previous YIT and MIT sites. Presently, 26 Government Technical Collages are
open and the former YIT students are dispersed around the various locations of GTCs.
Moreover, the Human Resource Department of newly GTC opened for the diploma courses and
former YIT professors and teachers have to teach these diploma courses and Mater programs
of Human Recourse Department. At the new GTCs, the teachers and student facilities are
inadequate. The new universities are not equipped to a university standard. Transportation
systems for students and teachers are also poor. The authorities have not arranged for
accommodation in government hostels. There are inadequate library and leaning materials.
The regime still continues to use the old technique of arrest and dismissal of students
in response to student activism. Over eight hundred students are still in various prisons
throughout Burma with prison sentences ranging from 3 years to 59 years (see the detailed
report contained in the topic on student political prisoners). Some students were dismissed
from their respective University and Colleges (see example in Case 7). Many students are still
running from attempted arrest and are hiding and active within the underground movement.
Case 6
(Unofficial translation)
State Government of Union of Burma

Ministry of Science and Technology
Department of High Technology and Science
Mandalay Technical University
Office Order No. (61/98)
1. The following eight students who study in the class of second year, third year and fourth
year in 1996-97 academic year, were found that they committed involvement in the political
motivation which violates the University Discipline Act. Therefore, the meeting of Mandalay
Technical University's authority held in 10/7/ 98 decided that these eight students were to be
expelled from the university.
No. Academic Year Roll No. Name Father
1. Second Year 237 Mg Bo Bo Aung U Aung Lwin
2. Third Year ME.32 Mg Tun Tun Oo U Ko Ko Kyi
3. Fourth Year ME.10 Mg Saw Lin Htun U Kyaw Win
4. Fourth Year ME.22 Mg Ye Hlaing Win U Sein Win

5. Fourth Year ME.30 Mg Aung Kyaw Soe U Kan Nyunt

6. Fourth Year C.15 Mg Zaw Myo Aung U Kyaw Tun
7. Forth Year EC.21 Mg Tun Tun Win U Win Mg
8. Fifth Year EC.45 Mg Ye Min Thu U Ko Ko
(Undersigned)
(Thein Tan)
Rector
Mandalay Technical University
No. ......
Date.. 1998, July 17.
Copies/ the peculiar students
Source(Original Copy): Ye Hlaing Win, Fourth year ME
Since 2000, the authorities have reduced the study period for undergraduate courses at
various universities and colleges, so that students are only exposed to university life for a short
term. Students must sign declarations stating that they will not participate in student unrest or
political activities when they apply for their university entrance at the local authority offices.
Most universities also have a lot of regulations and restrictions - for example, students must
show their student ID when they enter the university campus.
The number of full time university students has decreased due to the increased tuition
expenses and related costs, the number of distance programs and diploma courses, and
decreasing government assistance for students such as government hostels, good
transportation, learning materials, enough teachers. The regime has always claimed that they
promoted the education sector by reopening all the institutes and universities, by providing
new buildings and by upgrading the existing education facilities. However these were
preventive measures to quell student movements rather than a genuine effort to promote
tertiary education. Consequently, many students have abandoned their full time university
study because they don't trust the quality of education and they cannot afford the expense,
and instead have joined the distance education courses which are cheaper and easier to
achieve compared with the bachelor degrees. Those students who can afford the costs join the
evening diploma courses, the vocational training and professional courses run by international
schools.
The new strategies of the military Government to suppress those student movements
shown in Table 4 are further abuses on the right to education. Inequality and injustice are rife
within the existing education system. The students simply demand for the legalization of
student unions, the release of the imprisoned students, and request for appropriate social and

political reform that will help sustain the education system and their lives. However instead of
agreeing to or civilly negotiating with the students, the regime always violently attempts to
suppress and crush the student movements. The consequence of the Government's actions to
avoid student unrest is the abuse of the people's right to education.
3.4. Rights of Minority people in Education
In the Convention against Discrimination in Education, the term “discrimination” is

defined as including:
"... any distinction, exclusion, limitation or preference which, being based on race,
color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin,
economic condition or birth, has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing
equality of treatment in education ...”
The discrimination of minority people on the basis of race, language and religion widely
happens within Burma's education sector. In particular, the rights of ethnic minority to learn
their own culture, languages and origins are not being realized, and therefore the authorities
are violating their rights. The current basic high school curriculum is dominated with the
history and culture of the majority Burmese ethnic group, while the culture and history of the
minority ethnic groups are considered inferior and unimportant. This existing curriculum
enhances the chauvinism of the Burmese ethnic majority and contradicts the Union Form of the
States. Burmese is the main language in all education courses. Most children from ethnic
minorities along the border find it difficult to study at primary level because their mother
tongue is different from Burmese.
In 1996, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) made a ceasefire agreement with the existing
military government, and had an agreement to open the schools in the region. However, in
June 1998, the regime ordered 120 schools in the region (with over 6000 students in
attendance) to ban teaching in Mon Language and to teach only in Burmese. Teachers from
NMSP under run Mon National Schools were threatened by the local Burmese army authority
(according to NMSP sources). There are still two contradictory education policies regarding the
teaching of Mon Language, between Burmese military government officials and the Mon
Education Committee of the New Mon State Party. Not only in the Mon area, but also in many
other ethnic areas, the minority people cannot promote their own culture or language through
their local schools. Before the cease-fire agreement between the NMSP and the Burmese
military regime, the foreign governments and some NGOs funded the Mon Education Committee
and its schools. After the cease-fire agreement, the access of foreign aid to NMSP became

difficult and these schools are now poorly funded. The Burmese government has not taken full
responsibility to support these minority schools. Every ethnic or minority group has the right to
promote their culture and language through the education system, and the Government has an
obligation to implement such measures. However the minority people of Burma have less
chance to promote their language and culture in the education system.
Discrimination in higher education exists at the entrance system for professional
institutes. Only “a Burmese national”, in accordance with the Burmese Citizenship Law, can
apply to these Institutions and Universities. In a report titled “Education in Burma”, Dr. Thein
Lwin wrote, “....discrimination was introduced under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law, whereby
full citizenship was confined to those who could prove an ancestor's residence in Burma before
the first British annexation in 1824-25, which for many of the country's estimated 1.5 - 2
million Indian and Chinese inhabitants is nearly impossible (Smith, 1995). On the basis of this
law, holders of Foreign Registration Cards and their children are barred from many
occupations, and under the Ministry of Education's 1980-81 regulations on university entrance,
an applicant must be a “Burmese national”. Moreover, those Indians and Chinese who pass this
obstacle are still barred from professional subjects such as technology and medicine”.
In fact, most students who hold Foreign Registration Cards were born and raised in the
soil of Burma and they are not the citizens of any other countries, despite having Chinese or
Indian blood. The 2002 Guide Booklet for University entrance issued by the Ministry of
Education states that only those with "Burmese Citizenship" can apply the following institutes
or subjects, and not by students who hold the Foreign Registration Card:
1. Institutes of Medicine
2. Institutes of Dental
3. Institutes of Economic
4. Institutes of Education
5. Government Technical Colleges and Technology Universities
6. Government Computer Colleges
7. Institute of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Science
8. Institute of Forestry
9. Agriculture University
10. University of Foreign Languages
11. Institute of Marine Technology
12. Industrial Chemistry
13. Geology
14. International Relation
15. Law

3.5. Student Political Prisoners
An estimated eight hundred students are still in various prisons around the country
because of their involvement in peaceful student demonstrations and political movements. It is
difficult to get the whole list of student political prisoners, because only the union activists
who are still in prison can be collected. Some students who were arrested after 1989-1990 have
completed their prison term, and yet still have not been released. They have lost their right to
education and this seems to serve as a punishment for participation in student movements.
Reading and writing in prison is extremely restrictive for prisoners, especially for
political prisoners. Paper (whether blank or printed), pens and pencils are totally illegal in
prison. If the jail authorities find such items in the possession of student political prisoners, he
or she is punished with solitary confinement for 3 months and is forbidden to receive regular
family visits and food supply. In some jails, religious books are allowed to be read, but other
prisons do not allow any books or paper.
Case 7
(Abstract from “Learning behind bars” by Kyaw Swa Moe, former student
political prisoner and now living in exile, the Irrawaddy, Vol 9. No.5, June
2001)
“Like other political prisoners, we students were very anxious to study or read
anything that would improve our knowledge, even though we were not allowed
to continue our formal education while in prison. For my part, I had long been
interested in the English language, and was eager to continue learning about it.
However, when I was thrown in prison, I was not permitted to read or write.
None of us had anything except a couple of shirts and a longyi each. However,
when we wanted to communicate with political prisoners in other cells, we
used a kind of leaf as paper and a small sharp stick as a pen. On these small
leaves, we wrote some information - short political songs and so on. But we
had to conceal them carefully, and as soon as we had read them, we had to
destroy them, because any writing, whether on a leaf, a wall, the ground, a
plastic sheet, or a piece of paper, was totally restricted. Though a blank leaf
may seem harmless, one with writing on it could lead to bludgeons and
shackles.
Political prisoners have tried to officially obtain the right to read many
times. Yet whenever they demanded this right, the top jail officials used to

say, “We don't have the authority to give you such a chance, because the
Military Intelligence (MI) has ordered us strictly not to allow you to read.” Of
course, it was MI that controlled all political prisoners directly, even though we
were in prison. Even worse, prisoners who demanded that right would be
beaten or transferred to other remote jails far from Rangoon. The junta
wanted to make sure our heads would be empty by the time we got out of jail.
The “leaf period” didn't last long. Three months after I and my fellow
prisoners who were arrested at the same time were thrown in prison, a military
court handed down our sentences. After that we were given an opportunity to
meet our families once every two weeks and to accept food and some supplies
from them. In prison, only plastic materials were permitted. Metal-made items
such steel spoons and plates were banned because prisoners could use them as
weapon to attack their jailers and or to fight each other. So all of the food we
received has to be packed in plastic bags. As a result, our leaf age ended and a
plastic age began. We managed to make notes by writing on the plastic sheets
with a sharp stick. In that way, plastic sheets and sharp sticks became useful
stationary for us, especially in our study of the English language.
Student political prisoners have always attempted to have the right of reading and
writing in various ways. But the officials from the prison departments claim that special
detainees in their usage (e.g. political prisoners) are directly controlled by the MIs and they
have no authority to comply with the right of these prisoners. For example, in Tayet prison
during 1991, Magin Sayadaw, a respected monk amongst the students who was arrested after
translating articles from international magazines into Burmese for an underground student
journal, taught English language to students. The prison authority ignored his teachings even
though the prison regulation didn't allow for a gathering over 5 political prisoners. However
when the MIs discovered that Sayadaw had been teaching the students English, the authority
placed Sayadaw in solitary confinement in order to separate him from the students and to stop
him teaching.
Most of the student activists who are currently in prison were sentenced to long-term
imprisonment, ranging from 3 years to 59 years. It seems that their young minds will be killed
without any knowledge or right to education. They should be entitled to the right to education,
at least reading and writing, while in prison. They are not criminals, simply human beings who
have acted for the sake of their country out of their political belief and morals. These students
should be in schools, not in jails, for the better future of Burma. These 'right to education'

violations upon these prospective young people have a destructive impact upon the future
peace, politics, and economic and social development of Burma.
3.6. Alternative Education
In this section, "Alternative Education" means both non-formal education and

information education. It can be seen as being related to the concepts of recurrent and lifelong
learning. While formal education is linked with schools and training institutions, non-formal
education is linked to community groups and other organizations and informal interaction, such
as between friends, family and work colleagues. Non formal education includes literacy
education, basic education for adults and young people about politics and trade unions,
“catching-up” programs for school drop outs, pre-school education for young children, as well
as various kinds of educational work linked with development initiatives such as agricultural
extension and training programs and health education. In fact, the success of “the non formal
education programs” largely depends on the strength of community-based organizations and
civil society groups.
Alternative Education is extremely important for Burma, due to the fact that access to
formal education is very selective and how economic and social factors strongly impact upon
the education sector. However, the Government has no clear policy or arrangements for
alternative education in Burma. They may have implemented the distance education program
and arranged for Electronic learning centers in some areas (in coordination with the United
Nations Development Program), however the distance education programs is simply to assist
students to get the graduated certificate without personal qualification. Students have been
unimpressed and feel that these programs do not upgrade their ability, skills or knowledge. The
alternative education is a life long education concept and is very important to uplift the
personal skills and proficiency of learners. The regime opened a limited Electronic Learning
Centers (ELC) at a few townships. But since Burma needs a lot more skilled workers, it is vital
that attention be paid to upgrading the skills of older workers - mot of them school dropouts -
who currently represent the bulk of the labor force.
However, civil society groups and independent community-based groups in Burma find
it very difficult to function under the current political system of military rule, and alternative
education in Burma is very limited and unsuccessful. Only the government sponsored so-called
NGOs and government influenced community groups can survive in Burma. During 1989-1990,
when the universities and schools were closed, some politicians and student groups attempted
to open alternative schools. But the military regime prohibited such actions and claimed that
these plans were politically motivated by students.

With a weak alternative education system within Burma, the HIV/ AIDS crisis has
occurred within the younger generation because of a lack of health information, and the skills
and proficiency amongst young workers who drop out from the schools are declining. The
present ruling government has not taken effective measures towards establishing specific
alternative education programs or a policy that allows young people to join the formal
education system.
3.7. Summary
In summary, the existing military regime has failed to provide “the right to education”
to its general population, despite always claiming that otherwise.
The right to education is very relevant to the right to development. The Burmese
regime has claimed that they are leading Burma towards a developed and peaceful country,
but they have failed to recognize the fundamental rules for development and peace. Their
abuses on the right to education have been based around political suppression, because they
view students and intellectuals as a disruptive group. This political suppression has resulted in
a deteriorating education system, and a failure and lack of commitment to uphold the “right to
education”. Ethnic minorities, student activists and family members of political activists are
specific targets of the regime's right to education abuses.
Furthermore, a weakening civil society and community based groups in Burma has lead
to a failed alternative education system. Such as system is based on strong communities, and
wise foresight and planning to implement such programs.
Therefore, the regime should reconsider its commitment to fulfilling the right to
education for all of Burma's population. The continuing political suppression and activities
against the student movements cannot solve the real problems. The students are demanding
for changes within the education system, including removing the strict control of the military
regime and allowing the participation of students within the process of education policy-
making and implementation. The students also wish for peaceful political talks between the
present ruling regime and political forces, because the current political system and politics
impact badly upon the lives of students and the education system. “The right to education” is
not only concerned with society and education, but also the political system.
Therefore, the students wish to promote their movements as a political one for the
right to education. The arrest of students, suppression upon the student movements,
restrictions upon students, and abuses and prohibitions upon the right to education are just
shortsighted short-term measures. This is not the path to a long-term resolution and
prosperity.

4. Curriculum
4.1. Influence of Government political goals and policies
Since education is one of the regime's main strategies towards strengthening its
military rule in Burma, the military government controls the Curriculum Committee. For
example, when there was diplomatic tension between the Burmese military government and
the Thai government, the Burmese government issued into the curriculum a topic on Thai-
Burma relations. The content of this curriculum topic included insulting Thai nationals as
lazybones, and detailing the history of Burmese military victories during historical wars
between Burmese kingdoms and Siam kingdoms (former Thai territory). However, when
relations between the SPDC and the Thai government recovered and began strengthening for
economic purposes, the content of this Thai-Burma curriculum was stopped. This shows that
the Government's political goals and policies are the reason behind every curriculum change or
amendment, because the regime regards education as a tool to strengthen its military rule and
power.
Between 1988 and 2003, the military regime often changed the curriculums of high
schools. Government policies such as militarization, Burmanization, and pessimism about
democracy have always been included in the curriculum, particularly in the history subjects.
Students are taught in history only about the Burmese kingdoms, their colonization of
neighboring kingdoms and how the army plays an essential leading role in Burmese politics.
There is little content about the history of Burma's other ethnic groups. The curriculum is also
only taught in the Burmese and English language, despite there being many other ethnic
languages in Burma.
There is serious controversy over parts of the history curriculum. The present military
regime has always denounced the previous parliamentary system between 1947 and 1958. They
claim that the military (Tamadaw) took power in 1962 because of ethnic insurgencies and the
failure of the parliamentary system, and subsequently took power in 1988 because of anarchic
movements (the pro-democracy uprising to topple the one-party military rule). The current
history curriculums are written in accordance with the ruling military regime's perspective of
Burmese political history, despite the majority of Burmese scholars disputing the historical
truth of the government's claims.
Furthermore, the military's attitude and approach towards solving Burma's ethnic
problems is to call them "insurgencies" and to respond with military force. Students are taught
about how insurgent activities have caused problems and threaten to split the union. The
curriculum states that such ethnic insurgencies can only be suppressed by mili tary means.
Accordingly, the Government's historical perspective and educational curriculum creates

misunderstanding amongst the ethnic nationalities in Burma. The curriculum encourages

military might and ethnic prejudice, instead of inspiring students towards a peaceful and multi-
ethnic nation.
In the arts subjects, lessons that promote democratic values and norms are omitted,
because the ruling government doesn't support such democratic systems. For example, the
poems of prominent poets like Min Tu Win and Tin Moe were once part of basic high school
curriculums. However, when they became political dissidents and advocated for the pro-
democracy movement (Min Tuu Win became an elected candidate in the 1990 elections and Tin
Moe went into exile), their poems were removed from the basic high schools' curriculum.
4.2. Participation of teachers and educational professionals in the curriculum drafting

process
The opinions and participation of the teachers and educational professionals have been
excluded from the curriculum drafting process. Curriculums change regularly, particularly at
the high school level. However the authorities do not seek the comments or opinions from the
teachers or students whenever they attempt to amend the curriculum. The majority of
teachers generally disagree with this current curriculum and drafting process. If the
curriculum focuses on cognitive aspects of learning, then the student-centered curriculum
should emphasize students' interests and needs - the effective aspects of learning. A student-
centered curriculum should be one that balances subject matter with student's interests and
needs. In developing and drafting such a curriculum, the educational authority should pay
attention to the needs and views of students and teachers. In many countries, curriculums are
drafted in a way that reflects the social changes within their own society. To achieve this, they
need to review the social conditions and traditional culture of their society. Moreover, the
opinions of student and teachers, the student needs and teaching methods and problems are all
considered throughout the curriculum drafting process.
Nonetheless, the present military regime has never sought the involvement of teachers
and educational professionals in their curriculum drafting process. Only regime-appointed
persons and professors form the curriculum committee and they are totally influenced by
Government officials. Some committee members and high ranking officials at the Ministry of
Education, including the Education Minister, are not educational professionals but former Army
officers. Therefore, it is no surprise that most of the science curriculums are out of date and
neglect the latest theories, technologies and discoveries.

Table 5:
Major changes in the basic education system including changing the curriculum
1993 - Abolishment of the former curriculum system of Matriculation examination in which both
the curriculum of 9th standard and 10th standard were included in the exam paper. Under the
new system, students have to learn only for 10th standard curriculum. The curriculum of some
subjects such as English, Burmese and history are changed.
1994 - Amendment of the 9th standard teaching system - must now learn both arts and science
subjects. Under the previous system of 9th standard curriculum, students had to learn only arts
or science subjects according to the pass marks of their 8th standard examination.
1995 - Amendment of the 10th standard teaching system - students must now learn both arts
and science subjects. Under the previous system of 10th standard curriculum, student had to
learn only an arts or science subject.
1996 - A new curriculum for 9th standard
1997 - A new curriculum for 10th standard
1999 - Amendment to the exam system of Matriculation. Under the new system, there are
different exam papers in accordance with the states and divisions across the country.
2000 - Amendment of the system in 9th standard - students must choose one of seven sets of
subjects.
2001 - Amendment of the system in 10th standard - students must choose one of seven sets of
subjects.
4.3. Summary
In summary, the Government's attitude towards education and its curriculum

development is to ensure that students will support the military rule and military ideology
within Burma. The history curriculum is very controversial since it promotes the role of army
and ethnic prejudice, and de-values democratic values and a multi-ethnic culture. Moreover,
the curriculums are regularly changed in accordance with the Government officials' mentality

and motivation, and not in response to the students' needs or teaching requirements. The
curriculum committees are totally controlled by the Government, and the views and
involvement from educational professionals and teacher's are neglected during the curriculum
drafting process.
A further problem is that students don't need to learn the entire curriculum during
their basic high school levels such as 9th standard and 10th standard. The curriculum at these
levels is high, rela tive to the international levels. However, the education officials instruct the
teachers that they need to teach only some chapters, not all, because many teachers are not
qualified enough to teach all the curriculum. The exam papers are based only on those
chapters which the teacher has taught the students.
Recommendation
1. The universities should be independent educational institutions, yet well supported by the
government.
2. The curriculum committee members should consist of educational professionals and well-
known scholars. They should be independent from government control.
3. There should be regular, independent education seminars amongst the professors, teachers
and students representative that review the education system, including the curriculums and
its drafting process.
5. Student Perceptions on Education and ethical concerns
5.1. Perception of students on present Education system
The majority of students do not favor the present education system in Burma, since
they compare it with neighboring countries such as Thailand, Singapore and India. They think
that the education in Burma is not as qualified as international standards, and they often drop
out from study after they pass their basic education. Most of them then join their family
business or other jobs for the assurance of their future lives. Many others go abroad, both
legally and illegally, to seek jobs. Others join the distance education simply to get the
graduated certificate for their curriculum vitae, since they realize that distance education is
not good quality education. Those who afford to study abroad continue their study in other
countries, particularly in Bangkok and Singapore. Many students join the courses of
international diplomas and certificates such as the London Chamber of Commercial and
Industry (LCCI), the International Diploma in Computer Science (ITCS), and other language tests
such as TOFEL, IELTS in order to gain entrance into international schools or computer training
courses in order to get a position in business companies. However, these courses are very
expensive for ordinary students. Students perceive education as a capital investment for their

future lives. However, since ordinary students cannot afford these expenses, they become
disappointed with the present education system and many of them stray off their route. The
following tables, listing the high educational fees, show the reason why students struggle to
continue with their education.
Table 6: Expenses of various diploma courses, certificate courses and computer trainings
LCCI certificate Duration Exam Fees Tuition Fees
79 FEC
LCCI level I + II 6 month 8,000 Kyats
(Estimate 75,050 Kyats)
6 month 127 FEC
LCCI level III 32,000 Kyats
(For 4 subjects) (Estimate 120,650 Kyats)
LCCI - London Chamber of Commercial Industry

FEC - Foreign Exchange Currency
Table 7:
NCC Diploma Duration Exam Fees Tuition Fees
IDCS 260 FEC
1 Year 45,000 - 65,000 Kyats
(Est. 247,000 Kyats)
330 FEC 65,000 Kyats
IAD 1 Year
600 FEC
Graduate Diploma 1 Year 200,000 Kyats
NCC - National Computing Center (England)

IDCS - International Diploma in Computer Science
IAD - International Advanced Diploma
Table 8:
Computer Training Duration Tuition Fees (Kyats)
Office 2000 Windows 98 Course
1 (Window 98 OS, Microsoft Word, Excel, 2 months 6,000 - 10,000
Adobe Page Maker 6.5)
Desk Top Publishing (DTP) Course
2 (Window 98, Page Maker 6.5, Corel Draw, 2 months 6,000 - 10,000
Power Point)

Computer Training Duration Tuition Fees (Kyats)

Graphic Design Course
3 (Corel Draw, Corel Photo Paint, Photo 2 months 6,000 - 10,000
Shop)
4 Programming Course 2 -3 months 8,000 - 9,000
5 Computer Aid Design Course (Auto CAD) 2 - 3 months 8,000 - 9,000
6 Computerized Accounting Course 2-3 months 6,000 - 8,000
7 Network Engineering Course 2 months 15,000
8 Internet Application Development 1 month 15,000
9 Professional Software Engineering Course 2 months 40,000
10 IT - 2000 Level I 3 months 9,000 - 10,000
11 IT - 2000 Level II 4 months 16,000
While above training certificates and diplomas are useful for satisfying job description
requirements, students perceive that the regular courses at the government universities do not
teach them the proper and sufficient skills needed for a successful future career. The students
do not trust the present education system because they think that Government university
courses grant insufficient proficiencies and that the education system is only for a small elite.
At the basic high schools, ever since the Government implemented the Continuous
Assessment and Progression System (CAPS), every student finds it easy to pass the year's final
exam (Please see more about CAPS in next chapter). Because students do not need to focus
and work seriously hard work in order to pass their final exam, they are careless with their
studies. At the final examination both at the basic education level and university higher level,
students used to illegally copy the answers. The authorities did not attempt to monitor against
this illegal copying of exam answers during the exam because they needed to achieve a high
rate of students passing their exams, in line with the official instructions. Many people,
including teachers and students, asked the government officials to take necessary measures to
stop these acts. But there still has not been any preventive or enforcement measures taken by
the educational authorities. Business people take advantage of the weak education system and
the students' poor exam ethics by publishing small illegal booklets to use to copy answers
during the exams. Again, the Government has not visibly acted to stop this activity.
Accordingly, this shows that the authorities themselves directly encourage students to practice
unethical behavior in the exams, in order to avoid student unrest.
The purchase and smuggling of the exam “Question Paper”, particular for the
Matriculation exam, by relatives within the military circle, the day before the exam, is
extremely common practice within Burma. Every year during the Matriculation exam period,
the Question Paper is sold beforehand, and this is overlooked by the regime because it doesn't

concern them. However under the present education system, the Matriculation exam is crucial
for the students' future careers. Accordingly, the majority of students who can afford to
purchase the Question paper always approach the military circles and education authorities the
day before the exam. Some students use this paper to cheat on their exam and do not study.
Through their lack of action and control in this manner, the government is neglecting students'
moral behavior. In response, many students lose confidence in the education system.
Case 8: An appeal letter from a student to the Rector of Dagon University regarding the
illegal copying of answers at the exam
(Unofficial Translation)
To -
Minister
Ministry of Education
Yangon
Date: *, Jan 2001
Subject: Suggestion about the illegal copying of answers during the exam
Presently, the illegal copying of answers during university exams is increasing
significantly amongst students. The teachers frequently admonish those students who are
bringing illegal answer copies into the exam. A solution to solve this problem should be
seriously examined. Thus, since I am a university student as well as a joint secretary of a
departmental association, I would like to suggest the following:
(1) Students from the departmental associations
(2) Teachers from various universities
(3) Professors and scholars from the Education Ministry
They all should work towards finding a solution to stop the illegal copying of answers during
exams.
Respect,
Htin Linn (2nd Year)
Joint Secretary
Archaeology Department Association
Dagon University
Copy -
1. Director General, Higher Education Department
2. Rector, Yangon University
3. Rector, University of East Yangon
4. Rector, Institute of Economic, Yangon
5. Professors, Dagon University
This is not an open letter nor distributed amongst the students

5.2. Relying on private tuitions
The students both at basic education level and higher education level must rely on
private tuition for extra learning beside their regular lectures at the government schools and
universities. This is a huge financial burden for the parents because it is very expensive, but
the students have to take the private tuitions in order to pass the exams with flying colors. The
private tuitions have become a tradition in the education society and are widely practiced in
Burma, since the era of the Burmese way to Socialism.
The salaries the regime pays to teachers are very low, and as a result, the teachers
cannot give their full attention and energy to teach the regular classes. As a result, for extra
income, high school teachers, professors and university lectures have illegally taught at private
tuitions outside of their schools, even though these teachings at the private tuitions by school
teachers are prohibited. So students must spend a lot of money for external tutoring classes.
The students must pay 3000 - 20,000 Kyats per month for private tuition fees at the basic high
school level. The “study guide”, whose purpose is just to take care of student learning and not
for the teaching, has become very popular in present education. The cost for the study guide
is 10,000 - 30,000 per month for all subjects.
In some cases, the existence of private tuition in Burma has impacted on the student's
morality and education cycle. Some private tutors have taught the students how to illegally
copy the answers. Some teach the students only the possible exam question, not the entire
syllabus. The private tutors only emphasize to pass the exams and if they fail to do so they
cannot survive in their field.
Private schools, which include a student hostel, are also widely common. Since
students are not impressed with the lectures given at government schools, they just register as
students of public schools to sit the Matriculation exam and then attend the private schools to
learn all the subjects. In Rangoon, the cost of a private school for the Matriculation is 500,000 -
900,000 Kyats for a year course. In 2001, the authority announced that only students who had
failed the previous Matriculation exam could sit the 2002 Matriculation exam as the external
students who do not need to attend the public school. But, according to this announcement,
new students cannot sit the Matriculation exam if they did not attend a government school. In
fact, the government's announcement was intended to encourage students to rely on the
government schools and to hinder the private school. However, it might fail as the teaching
method and quality of teachers is still not promoted at the government schools.
Basic high school teachers receive 5,000 - 6,500 Kyats per month, thus most teachers
have to work additional hours tutoring outside of the classroom in order to cover the rising
commodities prices and living cost. The teachers generally favor those students who attend
their tutorials outside of the classroom and are more likely to give them good passing grades. In

an interview with a parent whose child is now attending S.H.S (6) Botataung township,
Rangoon, she said she paid 3,000 Kyats per month to a classroom teacher for tutoring fees. She
said before, when her son couldn't attend the tutoring outside of the classroom, he was
depressed among his other fellow students at school.
In December 2002, Brig. Gen Soe Win Maung, Vice Minister of Education said they would
promulgate a new regulation for the registration of private tuitions and private schools in July
2003. Under this regulation, government staff members, government school teachers and
lecturers from the university will be strictly prohibited to teach in private schools and as
private tutors. Moreover, teachers from private tuitions must teach the subject in which they
graduated. For example, those who graduated from zoology or botany cannot teach biology
under this new regulation. Dr. Thein Lwin, an exiled scholar on Education said this issue is
irrelevant since the majority of people in Burma did not graduate in the topic of their choice or
interest because of the nature of Burma's education system. Therefore, some teachers might
be outstanding or qualified in specific subjects which are not their graduated subject, he said.
5.3. Corruption in the system
“Education” helps promotes morality and ethics within young people. A corrupted
education will bring a corrupted society. The corruption in Burma is widely common in every
mechanism of society, including the education system. There is a wide range of corruption in
the education system from the highest levels at the Education Ministry down to the basic school
teachers. The school entrance system to highly respected schools, where only students from
the military circle and business circle attend, and the exam system at high school,
Matriculation and university are almost all corrupted. The following cases are just a few
examples of corruption in the exams and school entrance system.
Case 9:
In an interview with a basic high school teacher from S.H.S (6) Botataung
township, Rangoon which is locate in the downtown, she said she had paid
300,000 Kyats to the Basic Education Department (Rangoon) under the
supervision of the Education Ministry in order to transfer from her previous
school located in a remote area to her present one. She said she earned the
equivalent of this amount within one year. Because the school is very popular
amongst the schools in Rangoon and teachers in this school have the
opportunity to grant acceptance of a student every, she was able to receive
bribe money from those students whom she offered an acceptance. The

acceptance to popular schools located in downtown Rangoon is very difficult

and students must pay bribe money to the school headmaster and teachers,
which is separate from the school funds.
Case 10:
In the 2001 final examination for the University of distance education, students
sat the exam at local high schools. Students paid 200-500 Kyats to those
teachers who were supervising the exam room in order to illegally copy the
answers. Some schools accepted this bribe money for their school funds since
the government did not adequately support the funding for these high schools.
5.4. Summary
The degradation of Burma's education standard is a major concern. Once, the university
education and education standard in Burma was recognized as being an international standard
by international institutions. University students from Burma could join other international
universities, especially the universities of neighboring countries, at the same or similar level.
However, presently, this situation has reversed. For example, at the universities in Thailand,
the students from Burma must show the university a second year attendance letter of
respected subjects in Burma for the under-graduate course and restart with the first year
course. The Matriculation pass certificate in Burma is not enough for entrance into an
international university. Moreover, the graduated certificate of a Burmese university is not
enough for a good employment position, even in Burma. They need to get other advanced
certificates or degrees.
As a result, students are not impressed by the present education system and perceive
that education is a waste of time. Instead, students approach education just to get a graduated
certificate for their social life and those who can afford enough money go abroad to continue
their study at international universities. Many have dropped out from their day time study at
university and joined the University of Distance Education where they do not need to attend
regular classes, allowing them to pursue their earning from their family business or other jobs.
The growth in the numbers of private tutors and private schools clearly show how
students have to rely on teaching outside of public school. Additionally, the private tutors
largely impact upon the students' morals and ethics, since their courses are mostly focused on
how to easily pass the school exam and not intent for the students' efficiencies in their study.

The final issue, which also impacts upon students' ethics, is the wide corruption in the
present education system. At every level of education from high level officials to basic school
teachers, corruption is well practiced, especially in the school entrance system and exam
system.
6. Teaching and Learning System
6.1. Lack of student participation in the classroom lectures
The teaching method used in Burma is not student-centered; instead it focuses on the
teachers or lecturers. So, student participation in classroom education has been totally
ignored. It is a difficult situation for students to critique or to contribute their own knowledge
and experience in classroom lectures.
At the basic education level, teachers are centric in lecturing. Teachers do not
empower students to ask questions about their studies or to critique what they think or to
argue upon their basis of their experiences. This teaching method at the basic education level
is largely reflected within Burma's society, since complaints to or arguments about high ranking
or high respected people are not common.
Students have to learn their subjects by heart or by rote and are not encouraged to
understand the lectures well. So student cannot review the lectures, nor can they create a
clear picture in their mind about what are the good things and the bad things; what is true and
what is false; or what are the strengths and the weaknesses. Though the original goals of CAPS
(Continuous Assessment and Progression System) encouraged class participation during teaching
and the empowerment of students, the system applied in Burma has not worked well and has
endangered the whole education system (See more in the next topics about CAPS).
At the university level, student contribution and discussion in the lectures is also not
encouraged. The university authorities strictly prohibit student-initiated discussions or seminars
on specific educational subjects. Homework or assignments for the students must be based on
the lectures and what they noted down in the classroom, and does not encourage the use of
personal experiences or references from outside of the classroom lectures. For lectures of the
University of Distance Education, the universities send the lectures tapes to students who must
just listen and remember.
Therefore, the learning benefits such as meaning and understanding, general skills,
competence, empowerment, expertise, numeracy, literacy, communication, and creativity
cannot be developed in students under the present teaching and learning methods.
These learning methods have not helped students with their classroom practices; for
example, how to organize and implement a group project, how to give constructive feedback

to fellow students, or how to write papers that fulfill an assignment's requirement. Thus, even
though students can easily pass the final exam, the academic qualification of the students
cannot be achieved. The present learning system do not match with the classroom practices
and class participation, since the system relies on the class lectures and teachers, not on any
other educational resources; such as student discussion, academic seminars, library use, field
studies, or personal experience.
6.2. Creative thinking for students
Because of the lack of class participation in the lecturing and teaching methods, the
student cannot develop their ability to think creatively. Instead these teaching methods only
develop students with the ability to read and write, how to follow a course description, to
learn by heart, how to be loyal and pay respect to law and order, and how to promote
themselves through the existing system. Meanwhile, the student's skills and ability to be
subjective and creative in problem solving, to complain, to contribute their personal ideas or
criticisms during lectures, and to make course and teaching recommendations are ignored.
Creativity is also an attitude: the ability to accept change and newness, a willingness
to play with ideas and possibilities, a flexibility of outlook, the habit of enjoying the good
things while still looking for ways for improvement. But the education system in Burma does
not inspire such a creative attitude within the students. The positive attitudes required for
student creativity such as curiosity, challenge, self-confidence, constructive discontent and
problem seeking are not favored. Debates and discussions on special items, student
coordination in exercises, creativity-compensated exams are all flatly refused by the school
authorities and universities, not only because of the teaching method but also the fear of
political motivation. Therefore, the creative development of students is not valued by the
existing education system and political mechanism.
6.3. Qualification of teachers
According to an official statistic, the amount of trained-teachers at the basic education

level is over 230,000. However, every year, an estimated 7000 teachers have been reduced
from the official list, while almost newly appointed teachers have not been able to attend their
teacher training yet. In a statistic from the government's education research department,
60843 primary school teachers and 49920 secondary-level school teachers could not get their
teacher training in 2000. This statistic indicates only the official appointed teachers list. Since
the teacher numbers are not enough, particularly in urban areas, local education authorities
and school governing bodies have had to hire school teachers using their school funds or funds

collected from the local people. These teachers are not included in the official lists and nor
are they well-trained teachers because they have not attended teacher training. Therefore,
the qualifications of schoolteachers, particular in basic high schools, are questionable.
Another problem about teachers' qualifications relates to the languages of minority
people in ethnic areas. The National Race Development University (NRDU) yearly calls and
grants scholarships for minority students who want to serve their local region after they pass
the university. However, entrance for this university is very limited and restricted. It is a vital
advocate of the military society, and teaches the students about government policies.
Moreover, the teachers taught by the university usually go to local governing bodies and into
education administration. Therefore, the teachers in ethnic minority region who have been
called by the local schools and local people are mostly unqualified. They then have a language
problem in communicating with the students, since most of them have come from the mainland
area and there are not enough educated people to teach their own people. The children in
these regions were growing up using their own languages, not the Burmese language, and yet
the entire syllabus in the official government schools is taught in Burmese and not in their
minority language. In some regions that are controlled by armed, ethnic minority groups, the
students attend schools which teach them in their own language, but this is only at the basic
education level or primary schools. If these students then join the secondary-level schools or
government schools in local cities, they have language problems and other social problems
because their teachers teach in the Burmese language and are not familiar with life in the
student's ethnic community.
Even though, the government has claimed that teacher trainings are frequently
conducted, teachers are mostly trained to be loyal to the government, to respect the rules of
government staff members, and how to prevent and oppress any possible student uprising. So,
teachers who attend these teacher trainings held by the government do not learn new teaching
methods nor gain a better understanding about the courses that they teach.
Since the government opened new universities across the country, in order to disperse
the student masses and prevent student unrest, the lecturers in these new universities are
generally not qualified enough. The qualified lecturers used to mostly teach at the military
institutions such as the Defense Services Institute of Medicine, Defense Service Institute of
Technological, Defense Service Academy, Defense Service Institute of Computer Science, and
diploma courses at the various universities, where only a handful of students could afford the
course tuition fees. For example, when the Yangon Institute of Technology (YIT) changed its
system and its students were forced to attend classes at Government Technical Colleges in
various states and divisions, the lecturers remained at the Yangon Technological University, the
former YIT. So, new lecturers were called for the new Colleges. However, most of them were

not qualified to teach the courses and so the lecturers could not teach the whole course in
every year until the 2002 academic year.
In addition, teachers and lecturers have served as police or security guards to oppress
any possible student unrest or political activism within campus, according to the official order.
Thus, to be a teacher, one doesn't need a qualification in teaching methods or an outstanding
knowledge about your teaching subjects, but only an ability to oppress the students and to
control political activism within the school's compound.
6.4. Insufficient learning materials and resources
Learning materials and resources are not fully available for the students. In basic high
schools, the authority has not placed enough textbooks for all students. So, students need to
draw lots in order to get a textbook. The remaining students have to copy or buy their
textbooks from the outside. This situation widely happened in schools across the country until
the 2001-2002 academic years.
Even though the government claims that E- learning centers and multi-media
classrooms have been set up in schools in some areas, and that the E-education system is
applied to all students, the fact is that these learning resources are not easily available to the
majority of students. The multi-media classrooms and computer rooms are more like show
rooms. Only when the education authorities and officials visit these schools, are students
selected to demonstrate how they use these resources. But, for the rest of the time, these
rooms are closed because the schools cannot afford the maintenance costs. Moreover, even
though they make claims about their E-education learning system, the Internet in Burma
remains very limited and restricted. Using the Internet, as a learning resource is impossible for
ordinary students because the cost is very expensive and only a few web pages are accessible.
In the practical rooms and lab rooms in schools, the learning materials are not well
equipped and most of them are out of date. Student must share the practical materials
because there are not enough with the existing student numbers. In many universities, students
have to learn how to use the materials through the lectures, not by practical action.
Access to libraries, another major learning resource, is also very limited in Burma. In
some universities and in the majority of schools, there is no library. Moreover, university
libraries in Burma do not create a good environment for learning and reading, because their
service system is extremely bad, only a few books are available, the book keeping system and
maintenance is poor, and the room facilities and reading places are not ones that encourage
learning in the library.

6.5. Continuous Assessment and Progress System (CAPS)
Since the 1990-1991 Academic year, the CAPS was introduced in Burma by the United
Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). A joint project between UNICEF and the Basic Education
Department, the CAPS extended into 2,200 basic primary and high schools across 250
nationwide townships during 1993. In the 1998-1999 Academic year, this project was applied in
11,967 basic primary and high schools across 227 nationwide townships. This system has been
widely and successfully applied in many countries. However, this system has not worked well or
reached its goals within Burma.
Pursuant to CAPS, Burma's final exam system in primary and middle level standards was
totally changed. Students did not need to rely on the final exam as before. The new system
made it possible for a student to sit for a re-exam or transfer the marks from other subjects, if
he failed in one subject or more. So, every student is able to easily pass the year's final exam.
In fact, under to this system, the assessment and achievement of students is not determined by
the final examination, but by monitoring the student's progress.
However, the system was applied in the wrong way in Burma. The government used the
system to help fulfill their own polices. Students can get the marks by giving bribes to
schoolteachers, who have the power to recommend passing the exam. Thus, the system has
encouraged corruption at all levels of education. To get good marks students must be members
of the government sponsored association, the Union Solidarity and Development Association
(USDA), and also be active in various events held by the government, including sport fairs led
by the military government where they are forced to pay respect to and entertain, with
dancing and singing, the visiting government officials. For example, to get good marks, children
were forced to go and pay respect to white elephants. Propaganda from the military
government has stated that the discovery of the white elephant means good prosperity and
good governance for the country.
Because of the failings of this system, the students do not study hard because they
realize that they can pass the exam easily and can get the marks through other means. Thus,
students easily passed the final examination and received a good qualification, without
understanding their course. However, both the education authority and UNICEF have not
officially reviewed the success or failure of this system yet.
6.6. Summary
Since the teaching and learning system in Burma is not successful, the quality of
education has become degraded and the system corrupted. Because student contribution and
participation in lecturing is not encouraged, the students' creativity and substantive abilities

cannot be developed under this existing system. Independent academic seminars and
discussions have been totally prohibited by the government. Only government sponsored
academic discussion is allowed, and student participation is very restricted. The number of
untrained schoolteachers is growing, particularly in the urban areas. But the teacher training
cannot grant the schoolteachers' qualification, as these trainings courses proceed with
government policies. Educational resources and materials such as practical materials, lab
room, Internet access and libraries are not well equipped.
Therefore, due to the government's influence on the learning and teaching system, the
education in Burma is just about quantity and not quality. Instead, the government should only
be guiding the systems and should stay away from the implementation process. Only the
education authorities, experts, teachers, professors, students, parents and public should be
involved in the learning and teaching system.
7. Student Rights
7.1. Freedom of Expression
Education is reflected by the state of the current socio-economic situation. An

education system cannot be sustained or be stable if it does not referee the present socio-
economic situation of the country and does not listen to and heed the opinions of its civilians
and students. Freedom of Expression supports the expression of public opinion throughout
communities, and helps to monitor a country's education system. Therefore, Freedom of
Expression is extremely important for education reform and reconstruction.
However, the present ruling military generals in Burma do not allow for Freedom of
Expression in every sector of the country, because they do not want to receive public criticism
about their actions and decisions, and they need to control the public discontent about their
existing systems and its mechanisms. So they have restricted the freedom of expression of
students, teachers and professors by using harsh methods such as harassment, dismissal from
school, torture, arrest and imprisonment. Many students have been arrested and sentenced to
long imprisonment because they expressed opinions about the present education and political
systems. Students have complained about the abuses of their right to freedom of expression,
because they want to express what they are suffering and state their personal opinions about
the existing education system. Often they have attempted to express their suffering about
present system and demanded for freedom of expression at the same time. But the authority
has ruthlessly crushed these movements and the students were forced to sign an agreement to

obey the university discipline and regulations. Some students were dismissed from the
universities and others were arrested.
Student publications such as literature reviews, poetry, and cartoon booklets are often
issued amongst the students. This literature indirectly criticizes the present education system
and university authorities, and expresses their suffering over things like lack of school
transportation, lack of school hostels, and the poor condition of student facilities. However,
these publications are prohibited by the government and are illegal under the current laws.
Students involved in these publications have been questioned, harassed and arbitrarily arrested
by Military Intelligence personnel.
Since the students believe that the poor education system is caused by the political
system and its unstable condition, they want to have a peaceful, political transformation
through political talks between the military government and democratic groups, and to see an
end to military rule in Burma. They often express their peaceful desires by protesting and
writing in student publications and underground student journals. However, these students
often are arrested and sentenced to long-term imprisonment under the current repressive laws
and regulations.
Case 11:
In the last week of January 2003, several university students were arrested by
the MIs, because they had issued a cartoon booklet and distributed copies to
other students. One of them was Kyaw Win Naing, a Maths major student of
Dagon University, who had scripted the cartoons which criticized the university
situation. According to ABFSU sources, at least 10-15 students from various
universities in Rangoon were arrested at the same time. Some students who
frequently contributed articles to the monthly Journals and Magazines were
also investigated at the military detention, as they were suspected to be
involved in these publications.
Case 12:
On August 18, Thet Naung Soe, a Final Year Law major student from
Yangon University, staged a solo protest in front of Rangoon City Hall, to
express his strong feelings about the present socio-economic situation in
Burma. He made a personal statement to let the public know about his
opinions. Khin Maung Win, a Second Year Law major student, distributed his

personal statement to the public, close to where Thet Naung Soe was staging
his solo protest. After a few minutes, the security polices arrested both Thet
Naung Soe and Khin Maung Win. They were expressing the students' discontent
over the government's policies, including Education.
For two months, nobody knew where they where or what had happened
to them. The criminal trial they received was held behind closed doors. The
verdict was not made public and was passed on November 6 2002. The special
court imprisoned Thet Naung Soe for 14 years and Khin Maung Win for 7 years.
7.2. Freedom of Association
Only independent student associations, student unions and other social organizations
can advocate or protect the rights of students, serve the social welfare of students, and help
with the individual needs of students while they study. Student associations represent the
student's affairs as well as help mediate between the authority and students towards gaining
the nation's educational goals. Government education policies and a sustainable education
system will successfully develop if the students can coordinate and participate in this process
through the independent student bodies. Furthermore, the students' experiences in working
with these associations and social activities during the university life, is excellent practice for
their future roles as community, business and national leaders.
However, the military government in Burma has not recognized or legalized the role of
independent student bodies or their activities. All student unions and independent student
associations have been banned by the military government since 1962, when the military
regime seized the state power and civil administrations. After the present military regime
gained control of all the state power in 1988, they have also prohibited independent student
association and student activities including social activities. Only government sponsored youth
associations such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association, Myanmar Red Cross
Association, and religious groups can properly function, although these movements are totally
influenced by the government and actively support the government's policies. Student Unions
remain illegal in Burma and union activists continue to be jailed. So, there is no platform to
represent or to voice the students' suffering and desires in relation to the education system and
other social issues.
However, students often form literary associations, study groups and underground
social networks. The MIS and other intelligence units always watch and trace these student
groups, and if they apprehend the groups they then arrest, torture and imprison the student
activists. Even social activities amongst students cannot freely function without the permission

of the university authority. Student unions and underground student networks are the main
targets of the government, because they are perceived as groups which can jeopardize the
Government's control or rule through student protests.
Students must also sign their university entrance forms which state that they will not
participate in any political parties or political activism. The university regulations do not allow
students to become members of any political parties. In many cases, students who joined the
political parties, particularly the opposition National League for Democracy led by Aung San
Suu Kyi, were forced to withdraw their political party membership, and some were dismissed
from their universities.
The right to Freedom of Assembly is also prevented by the authority, as they are afraid
of student gatherings. When the government opened all the universities in July 2000, this was a
strategy to disperse the student masses. New university sites were opened in remote areas.
Students had to attend these universities, where transportation, electricity, water, hostels and
other student facilities were inadequate and insufficient. Also the authority said that students
could not visit other universities, and students were required to show their student ID at the
entrance of universities.
The previous universities campuses located near downtown Rangoon have opened only
for the Master Program students and Diploma students. So, a few students remain in these
campuses. Some university campuses located in the downtown areas have been closed and are
now used by business companies and as government offices.
Case 13:
In the first week of July 2002, students from several universities in Rangoon
formed the University Student Literacy Association with the following
members.
1. Kyaw Swa - 4th Year Electronics, Yangon Technological University
2. Thaw Thaw Myo Han - 4th Year Electronics, Yangon Technological University
3. Kyaw Zin Oo - 4th Year Mechanical, Yangon Technological University
4. Nyunt Win - 3rd Year Electronics, Yangon Technological University
5. Htoo Kyaw Win - 3rd Year Architecture, Yangon Technological University
6. Thaung Htike - 4th Year Electronics, Yangon Technological University
7. Nyan Linn Aung - 2nd Year Economics, University of Distance Education
8. Phyo Khaing Latt - 4th Year Burmese, University of Distance Education
9. Aung Myo Htut - Final Year English, Dagon University
10. Naing Win Htay - 1st Year English, Dagon University
11. Khin Maung Win - 2nd Year Law, Dagon University

12. Kyaw Zaw Linn - Final Year Mathematics, Dagon University

13. Ye Myo Hlaing - 1st Year Mechanical Design, Government Technical College
14. Thura Aung - 2nd Year Physics, University of East Yangon
15. Thet Naung Soe - Final Year Law, Yangon University
16. Win Ko - Final Year Physics, University of East Yangon
17. Nyan Linn Aung - Final Year Chemistry, University of East Yangon
They began publishing the “Universities Literary Journal” under the

auspices of the Literary Association, without seeking permission from the
government censor board.
On 27 July 2002, Win Ko and Nyan Lin Aung were arrested by military
personnel from No.7 Military Intelligence Unit. Some others were also arrested
and taken into police custody during July. They were questioned and asked to
stop the formation of the literary association, and then released after two days
of detention. Since then, the group has been harassed and threatened by the
MIs.
Amongst them, Thaw Thaw Myo Han is a writer and contributor to the
monthly magazines Sa-Be-Byu, Han, Han-Thit and Atwe-amyin. He has been
frequently detained in police custody and military detention because of his
involvement in the literary group and contribution to student publications.
Finally, the government censor board banned his articles and contributions in
various monthly magazines.
7.3. Other student rights
Since the government's budget allocation to Education is very low, the facilities and
materials for students remain very poor. Even though the new universities sites were opened in
remote areas and in other cities, the authority did not arrange for a transportation system or
other important student facilities. Moreover, as there are no government hostels yet, students
have to pay to stay in expensive private hostels and private houses, which are often far away
from the schools. Since the authority has not arranged enough school buses or a transport
system, students rely on private transportation and buses. Other school facilities such as
libraries, sports facilities, canteens, practical rooms, student recreation centers, computer
rooms, and bookstores are insufficient.
The existing university entrance system has abused the rights of students to choose the
subjects that they are interested in and to choose the university that they want to attend.

Students must learn the subjects which the Higher Education Department's decided, in
accordance with their total marks in the Matriculation exam. Therefore, a student who got high
marks in English might attend Botany or others subjects, according to the decision from the
Education Department. Students must attend the university closest to where they live.
Therefore, a student from Sagaing Division who is accepted into the Institute of Economics
must attend the Monywa Institute of Economics and cannot easily transfer to Rangoon/Yangon
or the Meikhtilar Institute of Economics.
Information about international programs at foreign universities and scholarship
programs are rarely accessible to general students. The government scholarship is insufficient
to cover the monthly cost of a student.
The rights of minority students are also violated under this system. Minority cultures,
religion and languags are not encouraged under the university structure. Burmese and English
are the major language of lectures at all the institutes and universities. There is no center or
program for minority languages and its culture.
The former student political prisoners have also had their rights to education violated.
They were mostly dismissed by the university authority or national education committee. After
they were released from prison, they often tried to join a university. But the university
authorities asked them to write them an appeal letter and the National Education Committee
would decide whether to re-accept them into university. In their letter, they must promise not
to participate in political activism or student movements again.
Case 14:
The following case happened in Mon State. It shows that if a student is abused
by local authorities or government officials, there is no stage or representation
available to claim his/her rights.
MOULMEIN TRAFFIC AND STUDENT CLASHED

(Independent Mon News Agency - IMNA)
10 March, Maulmein
On 6 March, a traffic policeman dragged a girl from a motorcycle with
her friend near the State Head Police headquarter in Monulmein. She was
pushed down to the ground and received a serious injury to her head. She was
unconsciousness overnight in the Moulmein hospital, a local student said.
A group of students disagreed with the local Police Officer Head who
compensated only Kyat 20,000 (1 USD for Kyat 900 current exchange rate) for

the accident and forced the student's father to sign that he would not take any
further legal action relating to the accident.
Over a hundred Students from Moulmein University confronted the
Officer of Moulmein Traffic Police in frustration over this accident.
Miss Moe Moe Aye, aged 17 and a first year law student from Moulmein
University, was stopped by police for not wearing helmet, local sources said.
“What the hell you bastards come to do here,” the Head of Police Office said
to the students who sought a full legal action for the accident.
After the students were forced to leave the headquarter of the
Moulmein police station, they smashed the “notice board” that said, “Don't
ride a motorcycle without a helmet”. Traffic policeman, Thein Soe, claimed
that he was stopping a driver who was breaking the law.
The doctors denied emergency treatment unless a record by police
officer present to the hospital, a local student said. Student groups also
forwarded the case to Col. Aung Maw Maw, member of Township Peace and
Development Council for legal action against the charged traffic policeman.
Students have returned to University but were forced by their teachers
to sign a form declaring that they would not take any further action against the
government, a local source said.
Miss Aye is the daughter of Mr Kyaw Win and Mrs Aye Myint, and lives at
Aung Thu Kha Suburb in Moulmein, the capital city of Mon state. Local sources
said, that many people in Mon State ride motorcycles neither with a helmet
nor with legal licenses. Most motorcycles are imported from Thailand via the
border route without legal taxation.
Case 15:
On the evening of 18 February 2003, a school bus from the University of
East Yangon was involved in an accident with a crane-car on the way from the
University. Nine students were killed on the spot and another 5 died in
hospital.
Students from the University want to gather at the funeral of their
fellows, especially because most of their families were from rural areas and
could not reach on time. However, the officials did not allow the student
gathering and they had to secretly have the funerals.

Students were unhappy about the accident and the following decision
by the authority. They said the accident happened because of the lack of
public hostels near the university.
7. 4. Summary
The violations of student rights, as with other human rights, are common in Burma.
The standard of university facilities and materials for students are insufficient, because
government assistance to the universities is poor. The misuse of power by the authorities
towards the students is ignored, because the government regards the students as subversive
elements that threaten their rule. Students cannot freely express their suffering and needs
about education.
The independent student bodies, which represent the student voice and student rights,
are totally prohibited by the government. Student social groups and their activities are under
the close watch of the government security intelligence. Any underground student networks
which try to advocate for student, political and civil rights are ruthlessly crushed and the union
activists are jailed in various military prisons.
8. Widening Gap Between Civilian and Military Education
Education is essential for sustainable development and peace and stability within the
country, and it is indispensable for the citizens to participate fully in society related works and
to communicate with each other in the various communities of a country. Good education
which promotes “education for all” increases the mutual understanding amongst the different
social groups and communities. However, discrimination in education brings misunderstanding
and creates a social gap that may lead to disintegration amongst diverse social groups and
communities.
In Burma, discrimination in education between civilians and the military is a major
challenge of the existing education structure as well as for the political transformation. Since
the military built their own institutions in all sectors including education, military universities
and institutes are well supported by the regime. Along with the Defense Services Academy
(DSA), other military institutes and universities such as the Defense Services Institute of
Medicine, the Defense Services Institute of Nursing, the Defense Services Technological
Academy and the Defense Services Technical Colleges have appeared. Moreover, the diploma

trainings and post-graduate programs are launched in civilian universities, only for the military
circles and its students.
Government assistance such as scholarships, facilities, and learning materials are
benefit to the military students. The opportunity of military student after graduation is very
different from civilian students. They can easily get good positions in the army institutions,
army industries and government after graduation. Though the applications to these institutes
are open to all civilians who pass the matriculation exam, students from military circles are
favored above the civilian students. Students who apply to the military institutes need the
recommendations of two military gazette officers. The student must sign the very strict
regulation of Defense Services such as not to participate in any in political activism and to be
loyal to the army.
The military government provides education at the military institutes free of charge,
while education costs at civilian institution has becomes higher and higher. Library access,
computer access, student hostel, lab materials and other learning resources are well provided
for and modernized in the military institutes, while the civilian universities are inadequate in
both student facilities and learning materials. Military students are sometime able to learn
from foreign scholars and professionals in specific subjects at short-term trainings. The
prosperities of military students are also different from civilian students, since graduated
students from military institutes earn good salaries and hold high official ranks. Moreover,
military students are eligible for and favored for various state scholarship programs, diploma
courses, postgraduate programs and foreign scholarship schemes.
In 2002, Maritime University was opened under the auspices of the Ministry of
Transportation. The programs of Bachelor of Engineering (Naval Architecture), Bachelor of
Engineering (Marine Engineering) and Bachelor of Engineering (River and Ocean Engineering),
Bachelor of Engineering (Marine Electrical Systems and Electronic) and Bachelor of Science
(Nautical Science) are offered at the Maritime University. In the same year, on Aerospace
Engineering University was opened under by the offers Ministry of Science and Technology and
programs on Bachelor of Engineering (Aerospace Propulsion and Flight Vehicle) and Bachelor of
Engineering (Aerospace Electronic System and Instrumentation). Only 100 students per year are
accepted for each program. Students recommended by the military gazette officers and from
the military elite are favored to grant the acceptance in these programs. The selection boards
for those programs are totally influenced by military officials.
In addition, since the government has yet to publicize information on its military
institutes, accurate figures on student numbers and government budget allocation to the
military institutes are not clear.
Since the universities were reopened in July 2000, students have to attend classes at
the new universities and colleges’ sites in remote areas. Meanwhile, the previous main

universities have been reopened the post-graduate programs and evening diploma courses
arranged by the Human Resource Programs. Military personnel that graduated from military
institutes have joined these programs, mainly at the evening diploma courses for languages,
applied technical subjects, and computer science. While the programs are much too expensive
for ordinary students who have to attend at their own expense, military students are supported
by the Defense Services.
Students from the military institutes and the military institutes and the military elite
are also selected to participate in foreign exchanges.
So, give the unequal opportunities for the military elite and civilians only the military
elite can benefit from the existing education system. It is also dangerous for the political
transformation, since the military institutions become strong in the process.
Table 9:
“List of Universities which enhance the stronger military circle and

support military policies”
1. Sagaing Regional Co-operative College

2. University of Development of National Races, Sagaing
3. Mandalay University of Foreign Languages
4. Defense Services Technical College, Mandalay
5. Nationalities of Youth Resource Development Degree College,
Mandalay
6. Defense Services Academy, Maymyo, Mandalay
7. Defense Service Technological Academy, Mandalay
8. Mandalay Regional Co-operative College
9. Myanmar Aerospace Engineering University, Meikhtilar, Mandalay
10. Yangon University of Foreign Languages
11. Defense Services Institute of Medicine, Yangon
12. Yangon Co-operative Degree College
13. Central Co-operative College, Phaunggyi, Yangon
14. Nationalities Youth Resource Development Degree College, Yangon
15. Defense Service Institute of Nursing, Yangon
16. Myanmar Maritime University, Yangon

9. Academic Freedom
9.1 Censorship of Academic Publication
Censorship of magazines, journals and books by a government appointed censorship

board is very widely practiced in Burma. Academic articles, papers, and publications are also
targets of the military government's repression of academic freedom, since it is afraid of
criticism of government policies by academics. The government has realized that academic
circles with native scholars, educators, researchers, and professors do not agree with
government policies and politics. Thus, the Military Intelligence (MI) always scrutinizes
academic papers and censors any threatening text. Academic publications cannot be issued
without the permission of the government, even for distribution in the universities.
Thesis proposals from the graduate students, particular in Arts subjects such as History,
Burmese, English, International Relations, and Social Development, must be submitted to the
MIs and university authority. Since the present military regime is bent on imposing monolithic
ideology and military values, academic papers and thesis in social developments and analysis
on past history, which can bring new thinking and thoughts but do not support the existing
system, are considered likely to criticize the government's policies. The regime does not want
any opposing ideas or thoughts against what they practice. The scholarship programs at foreign
universities joint by the military government themselves and other governments, especially in
Singapore and Japan, called graduate students from civilian universities. However, while these
students sat their thesis defense at the universities, the government officials of military
attached to the respective Burmese Embassies came and listened to the thesis defense.
Students have to carefully submit their thesis papers because if their thesis presentation goes
against existing government policies, they might be interrogated or, even worse, imprisoned
when they arrive back in the country. Thus, not only inside country but also outside of
country, every scholars and students have to carefully express their own opinions and thoughts
from their research or study, if they want to go back the country. Moreover, foreign books and
magazines without permission of government censorship board are taboo in Burma. Thus,
students have to rely only on government textbooks and they cannot easily find other reference
books and foreign academic magazines to augment their knowledge outside of their
coursework.
Student publications reviewing studied subjects are also prohibited. Only government-
sponsored publications on these subjects are available, and any articles and papers from
students and lecturers are strongly censored. The authority does not encourage research and
the writing of papers by students outside of their coursework.

Frequently, the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Science and Technology, Human

Resource Departments, and Ministry of Defense hold academic seminars and symposiums
affiliated with foreign institutes or governments, under the titles "Social Development,"
"Economy," "Education," or "Human Resources." Many Burmese scholars are called to "freely"
participate and present their papers and research on the specific topics. However, the papers
and presentation of the scholars at these seminars are forced to be kept confidential works and
are not allowed to be distributed among the public. These are ignored after the seminar as
well. For example, many academic papers from Burmese professors and scholars which criticize
the present education system in Burma have still been kept confidential by the Higher
Education Department of the Education Ministry.
Some Burmese scholars are frequently prohibited to publish articles in their field of
study, if they have criticized the government or contradicted government policies. The
government censorship board prohibited the articles of Dr. Than Tun, a prominent Burmese
historian, in monthly magazines and journals in Feb 2003, after he strongly criticized a
government action that forced people to pay respect to the white elephant.
Newsletters, research booklets and academic reviews issued by the departments of

various educational institutes have been banned since the start of military rule in 1962.
Rangoon University was once respected and recognized by the international academic
community. But now, its educational standards have dropped, since abuses on academic
freedom are a common phenomenon in the Burmese education system. The censorship of
academic publication is a major obstacle to becoming an internationally respected institution
of higher learning.
9.2. Political Interference in Academia
Since the whole education system controlled by the government, the government's
political sentiments and ideas are strongly imposed on the system, while opposing political
thoughts and actions are restricted. The National Education Committee, chaired by General
Khin Nyunt, head of the Military Council and Military Intelligence, controls and intervenes in
student affairs, university affairs, education structures and academia. All universities and
institutes under the auspices of government ministries and directly controlled by the National
Education Committee.
In primary education, headmasters and teachers are forced to serve as organizers of

the government sponsored social association, Union Solidarity and Development Association
(USDA). This association is a so-called "social organization." It frequently joins or leads
government-initiated mass movements to express support for government policies and the

government's crackdown on opposition political parties and ethnic groups. Teachers are also
strongly prohibited from joining political parties. Moreover, at teacher trainings, headmasters
and teachers have to undergo military training and wear the military uniforms. Military officers
teach teachers how to suppress student protests and how to prevent possible student unrest.
Frequently, headmasters and teachers get official orders to organize students to join the
government sponsored mass movements and political actions.
The government's political interference in the academic affairs, student affairs and
university affairs is a common phenomenon. At some universities, like Nationalities Youth
Resource Development Degree Colleges, University of Development of National Races, and
Cooperative Colleges, government policies and political sentiments are major course works of
the program. At other universities and institutes, the government monitors all the
departments. If foreign education institutes invite the lecturers and professors to give the
lectures on Burma Issues, the respective Department has to inform Burma education officials
and the government selects the professor who will attend. The government also selects the
teams and individual whenever there are the academic seminars or conferences. The selected
scholars have to promote existing government policies and ideologies at the conference.
Students and lecturers are often dismissed by the National Education Committee,
because of their involvement in political activities and political parties. Every university must
set aside a room for the Military Intelligence. Moreover, anti-Student Union intimidation is
widespread on all university campuses, since the union and union activities are defined as
illegal and an obstruction to stable education and state security. Students need to sign with the
local police not to participate in political activism and student movements when they apply for
university entrance.
The curriculum and textbook drafting committee at universities and institutes is not
independent, as they need to get permission from the government before publication can
occur. The government always attempts to impose its political ideology and thoughts in the
curriculum not only at the primary school level, but also at the higher education level.
Education is a target of the military government to get supporters and professionals to
implement government policy at various levels. And since the academic society does not fully
support the government, political interference exists to weaken academia.
9.3. Freedom of speech
Freedom of speech is essential for academic freedom. Without freedom of speech,

academic freedom is meaningless and the development of a country cannot be realized.

Academic newsletters, research journals, and other publications should be allowed to build a
strong academic society.
In Burma, there is no constitution under military rule in 1988; there are no

constitutional rights and no rights for freedom of speech. Since 2000, after the regime officially
claimed they are going to work with the opposition political party – the National League for
Democracy, which won landslide victory in 1990 general election – official government
statements frequently welcome the meaningful and constructive suggestions from any groups
and individuals in the country in all areas of national development, especially in education,
health and economic development. But the government does not clearly mention how to
express or submit these suggestions and comments. Moreover, there is no guarantee to protect
the individual who practices freedom of speech or freedom of expression. People realize that if
they exercise the rights and put forward ideas that may contradict government ways and
policies, it might result in an attack on their freedom of movement and possibly land them in
prison.
Only government-sponsored academic discussion and seminars can be held in the

country, where panelists and presenters must submit their papers or presentation draft to
government officials. They have to speak within the framework of what the government
committee permits. Moreover, while professors and teachers give lectures to students, they
may neither criticize nor attack the present curriculum, university system, education system
and all other government activities. Everywhere on university campuses, like canteens,
recreation centers, and lecture rooms, military informers are listening to and recording what
people are saying. This is very intimidating to teachers and students alike, and does not make
for a good learning environment.
Some scholars and teachers have attempted to criticize the present education system
in Burma. As they cannot talk directly about their country, they have described the students
and the education systems of neighboring countries and other western states in order to
belittle the present education system in Burma. These academics were called and warned not
to say anything which undermines the education policies of the government. Articles about
education are often censored by the government censorship board.
Since the military regime tries to impose its monolithic ideology to enforce military
rule, they do not accept any democratic values and standards presented by the academic
society. The regime realizes that a strong academic community can create a strong civil
society. So they strictly prohibit the freedom of speech and freedom of expression from the
academic community that would encourage the development of this civil society. If there is any
criticism of government restriction, it will be harshly punished with expulsion from university,
torture, or imprisonment.

Military Intelligence and government officials regularly join academic meetings to

remind academics of these laws and to intimidate them into submission. Professors and
education officials do not dare to speak out against the education system, in front of the
government officials, as this would result in punishment such as demotion to a lower post,
dismissal from university, or imprisonment.
9.4 Institutional academic freedom
Perhaps no value is fundamental to higher education as academic freedom. Thus, the

university authority must be independent from the government interference and institutional
academic freedom must be implemented. Institutional academic freedom includes the right to
select faculty and students, as well as its curriculum, and syllabus. Moreover, Institutional
academic freedom should protect professors from dismissal by legislators or government
officials. It means that the university can decide its own academic grounds: how course shall
be taught and who may be admitted to study.
Since the institutional rights in Burma have not been introduced, the institutional
academic freedom is not condoned by the government. The selection of faculties and students
is done by the Higher Education Departments under the auspice of the Ministry of Education,
not by the universities themselves. Special programs and diploma courses arranged by the
Faculty are not the own idea of the faculty, but orders and of the military government.
Universities and their faculties cannot arrange the academic programs or academic seminars
without the permission of military authority. Academic seminars and discussions in the country
are not independently held by the Faculties themselves. The government appoints the
moderators, faculty members and lectures. Only the government sponsored “Universities'
Council” can handle university affairs, and it does not recognize the participation of students
in the council.
Moreover, the ability of individual faculty members and lecturers to teach, conduct
research freely, and to participate in the affairs of the community is impossible in Burma. All
of the works are interfered with and controlled by the military government.
Case 16:
U Htay Win, a demonstrator of the Burmese language department in

University of Computer Science, Rangoon, was imprisoned to 7 years on 23
September 2000, because of his thesis on “Dr. Yae Chan (Dr. Cold Water)”, a

novel written by Bamaw Tin Aung – one of the renowned and respected writers
– according to a lecturer from that department.
Dr. Yae Chan, main character of the novel is a social science academic
and is preparing a research. He confined himself in his house and disconnected
with the outside world for the reason of his thesis even he is a social science
academic. It was a satirical novel especially to the people who practice much
far from what the real situation is.
The lecturer who with held for anonymity said, “The professor had first
accepted the thesis proposal, but later, he refused to accept the thesis after
making the thesis defense. The professor asked him to change the topic but he
declined. He had claimed that if the professor had not received his thesis
topic, he would have held a demonstration in front of the departmental
building which is inside Rangoon University compound. Later the Military
Intelligent personals arrested him. Then, the MIs confiscated the documents of
the thesis at the Burmese department.”
(Source: Voice of Arakan Newspaper)
9.5 Summary
Albert Einstein said this “By academic freedom I understand the right to search for the
truth and to publish and teach what one holds to be true. This right also implies a duty; one
must not conceal any part of what one has recognized to be true. It is evident that any
restriction of academic freedom serves to restrain the dissemination of knowledge, thereby
impeding rational judgment and action.”
Institutional Academic freedom in general is the idea that universities, faculty and
students have the freedom to seek truth freely without interference of the government or any
political groups. Professors and lecturers should have unrestricted liberty in their research
work, in their original thinking and almost always in their teaching. However, as the regime
fears the opposition, it imposes the government-controlled university system and interferes in
all university affairs. Education in Burma is so tightly controlled that the people cannot seek
the truth and make rational judgment and action on the truth.
Since students and faculty do not have the liberty to write, research, speak and teach
and therefore genuine higher education is not realized in Burma. The free exchange of ideas in
college education is strictly concealed. Since the universities and institutions are the primary
sources for dissenting ideas and vibrant debate in society, the restriction on academic freedom

largely affect the entire society of Burma as the people are used to in silenced and in objective
attitude of despotic rules and order. Moreover, the quality of education become degrading.
As a result of the encroachment of freedom, the military government always insists

that their actions on the national development and invites the coordination of people in their
development plans. In fact, their approach is not for the genuine national development in
Burma but just to look good for the Burmese people. If the government really believes in the
quality education and its development, it must implement the academic freedom, institutional
freedom and freedom of expression.
10. Information Technology
“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the
freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” – Article 19;
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
10.1. Introduction
Information and Communication Technology (ICT), Multimedia, E-education, E-Asean,

Internet, Distant Learning, and many other IT-related words can be seen at least once in the
regime’s strictly controlled newspapers. But the question is, do those words really express their
actual meanings or are they just for show? The efforts and practices of all governments need
to be checked by its own people, given that governments should always be acting for the
benefit and sake of its own people. In this Chapter we attempt to examine the regime’s
implementations within the field of ICT.
10.2. General Criterion
In September 1996, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), the then
official name of Burmese military regime, adopted a law titled the “Computer Science
Development Law”.
In 2000, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), new name of Burmese
military regime, formed “The National Computer Development Council for the Promotion of
IT” chaired by its Secretary 1, Lt. Gen Khin Nyunt then General.
Chapter IX of the Computer Science Development Law states:

CHAPTER IX
Prior Sanction and Licence
26. (a) The Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs may, with the approval of
the Council, determine by notification the types of computer to be imported, kept in
possession or utilized only with the prior sanction of the Ministry.
(b) In determining the types of computer under sub-section(a), fax-modem card
installed computers which can transmit or receive data shall be primarily targeted.
(c) In determining the types of computer under sub-section(a), it shall not apply to
computers that are used only as aids in teaching, office work or business.
27. A person desirous of importing, keeping in possession or utilizing the type of computer
prescribed in sub-section (a) of section 26 shall apply to the Ministry of
Communications, Posts and Telegraphs in accordance with the stipulations to obtain
prior sanction.
28. A person desirous of setting up a computer network or connecting a link inside the
computer network shall apply to the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs
in accordance with the stipulations to obtain prior sanction.
29. The Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs may, after scrutinizing the
applications submitted under section 27 or section 28 in accordance with the
stipulations, grant prior sanction or refuse to grant prior sanction.
30. A person desirous of keeping in possession or utilizing the type of computer prescribed
under sub-section (a) of section 26, shall comply with the orders and directives issued
from time to time by the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs with
respect to issuance of licence, prescribing the term of licence, licence fee and licence
conditions.
In addition, this law also states:
CHAPTER X
Offences and Penalties
31. Whoever imports or keeps in possession or utilizes any type of computer prescribed
under sub-section(a) of section 26, without the prior sanction of the Ministry of
Communications, Posts and Telegraphs shall, on conviction be punished with
imprisonment for a term which may extend from a minimum of 7 years to a maximum
of 15 years and may also be liable to a fine.
32. Whoever sets up a computer network or connects a link inside the computer network,
without the prior sanction of the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs

shall, on conviction be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend from
a minimum of 7 years to a maximum of 15 years and may also be liable to a fine.
Whoever fails to comply with a prohibitory order issued by the Council, or the 'Ministry
of Education or the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs ill respect of the
type of computer prescribed under Sub-section(a) of section 26 shall, on conviction be
punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to 6 months or with fine or
with both.
Upon reading these above legal sections it is easy to decide whether the Computer
Science Development Law is intended to develop technology or to suppress the technology and,
in turn, the people. It is clear that this Law contradicts Article 19 of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights.
Case 17: The death of Mr. Leo Nichols
Amnesty International is concerned about the death in custody of James

Leander Nichols, commonly known as Leo Nichols, who died on 22 June 1996
(Note: Only three months prior to the enactment of the Computer Science
Development Law) two months after his arrest. A successful businessman, Leo
Nichols raised and donated money to a number of charities, including
Burmese orphanages, and he is reported to have paid for a number of
material items in Aung San Suu Kyi's household, strengthening the likelihood
that the authorities suspected him of close involvement with the opposition
National League for Democracy. The NLD won a clear victory in elections in
1990, but the military government has failed to relinquish power and has
imprisoned many NLD leaders and supporters. Leo Nichols was charged with
operating unregistered phone and fax lines from his home and sentenced to
three years' imprisonment.
Source: Amnesty International Web Site

Case 18:
In April 2000, Indonesian businessman Irawan Sidaria and two Burmese

technicians were arrested on charges of illegally installing communication
devices, including ten satellite telephones and a satellite dish at the Asia
Plaza Hotel in Rangoon. Irawan was fortunate to escape imprisonment but
was deported to Indonesia four months later.
Source: An article titled “Communication Breakdown” by Kyaw Zwa Moe,

Irrawaddy Magazine, March 2003, Vol. 11, No. 2
Case 19:
In January 2003, military intelligence deliberately interfered with a

conversation between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and British Foreign
Office Minister Mike O’Brien. Years earlier, intelligence officers listened
obtrusively to private conversations between Suu Kyi and her late husband,
Michael Aris, at his home in Oxford.
Source: An article titled “Communication Breakdown” by Kyaw Zwa Moe,

Irrawaddy Magazine, March 2003, Vol. 11, No. 2
Every effort of a government should be genuine and help real interests of its people.
Government efforts should not just be for the benefit of a handful of people and government
authorities. If there is no free access to information, there can be no true progress within
Information Technology. Furthermore, if there is no true progress in Information Technology,
there cannot be any e-related matter including e-education.
10.3. E-education
The regime launched its so-called e-education on 1st January 2001. Before this, the
regime had pushed state high schools to build multi-media classrooms. In a speech given by
the regime’s Secretary-1 General Khin Nyunt in January this year, more than 1,300 Basic
Education Schools built themselves multi-media classrooms, media-3 platforms, and media-2
platforms. However, according to Government statistics, there are 58,082 Basic Education

Schools nationwide. Hence only 2.2% of these Basic Education Schools actually have multi-
media facilities. This reveals a disproportionate distribution of IT- learning facilities.
Evidence also shows that in many of schools that managed to build multi-media
classrooms, it was teachers and parents of school children that were burdened with the costs.
Given the Government's low budget spending towards education sector — only Kyat 31,997.44
million (US Dollar: 33.68 million/ 1 US Dollar=Kyat 950.00); an estimated 7.5% of the
Government's total ministerial spending — education authorities forced teachers to find funding
themselves in order to build these IT classrooms. But teachers are not fund-raisers, and instead
they relied on funds from parents. Many parents who had children registered at these schools
were required to pay 5,000.00 to 10,000.00 Kyat towards multi-media classrooms. These
amounts varied from school to school.
Another critical factor is quality, accessibility, and permanency of these classrooms.

There are many examples of schools whose classrooms operate below normal standards, simply
because they are under funded by the Government. There is no exact proclamation standard
for these classrooms.
In terms of accessibility, students rarely or else never get the chance to use these
classrooms even schools in the urban areas. After opening ceremony, multi-media classrooms
are often shut down because they are possibly defective.
In some cases, when teachers of a school cannot raise enough funds to build multi-
media classrooms, they temporarily hire relevant IT classroom accessories from other schools
or companies and then invite authorities to open their classrooms officially. After opening
ceremony, all hired accessories are returned. The teachers are happy because they have not
lost their jobs or reputation with authorities and hierarchies of authorities are happy too.
The true intention of multi-media classrooms is for students to learn by using various
multi-media. It allows and encourages students’ opportunity to learn technology and means of
self-reliance. In this learning environment role of the teacher is to guide students and not to
force students to learn by-heart. But the regime’s multi-media classrooms simply have not
achieved this. Instead they focus on promoting the building of these classrooms to
international community as a way of showing that Burma's education system is of an
international standard. Their efforts are not for the sake of the students but instead for the
continuity of their power in controlling the country. Therefore international community should
carefully analyze the regime's actions and claims, and should think many times before making
any decision to join forces with the regime.
If a government has true interests of its people at its heart, then it will create fair
opportunities for all its citizens. Even in the name of self-reliance in implementing
improvements to its country’s socio-economy situation, every citizen from every walk of life

should be entitled to equal benefits under any project that the government carries out in the
name of the people.
This equal opportunity should be especially applied within education sector, because
education is the most important sector in our country. Students of Burma should receive equal
opportunities, and be free of any discrimination, in their search for knowledge and academic
excellence. And it is Government's obligation to create and protect equal opportunities for its
entire people.
10.4. Opportunities to use IT
As mentioned in above paragraphs, IT facilities are not easily accessible for students.
Student accessibility to IT becomes even more limited in rural areas. Students from border
area have never heard about IT or e-education or multi-media classrooms. How can the
Government then claim that it has had a lot of success in implementing its education projects
when it is clear that not every student is receiving equal opportunities or educational facilities?
The regime has never issued number of schools which has multi-media classrooms for
each state and division. It has only said there are more than 1,300 Basic Education Schools
which has multi-media classrooms.
The main foreign body that provides some aid and trainings in IT is the “Center for the
International Cooperation for Computerization (CICC)” from Japan. It regularly launches IT-
related training programs for Burmese students to study in Japan. But these programs are only
for members of Government organized “Myanmar Computer Science Association”. There is no
transparency in selection process. Only those students who are close to generals and elite
academic classes get the chance to attend these programs. Such unequal opportunities will
create a technology know-how gap amongst Burma's younger generations. In future leading
roles in each industry and profession may only be able to be filled by privileged few that had
these educational opportunities. Such a knowledge gap has high possibility of leading towards
conflict amongst young generations.
The opportunity to use IT completely depends upon accessibility of computer machines. To

provide computer access to all students, there is only a limited chance: through private
computer training schools. It is very unlikely for most students to have their own personal
computer. Current price of a computer system is much higher than most students can afford.
For example, price of a basic standard computer system costs Kyat 596,000.001 (USD 627.00/1
USD = Kyat 950.002), while it costs Kyat 444,000.00 (Baht 18,500.00/USD 440.00/1 USD = Baht
42.00) in neighboring Thailand.
1
Dana Business Magazine, February 2003
2
Black-market exchange rate as in February 2003

According to the ‘Bible Society of South Africa’ website, Burma’s annual per capital
income in 2000 was $765.00, compared to $1,960.00 in Thailand (in 1999). According to World
Bank data, Burma is one of the lower income countries ($755.00 or less), and Thailand is one of
the lower middle-income countries ($756.00 - $2,995.00). Comparing these figures, one can
appreciate why it is unlikely for a Burmese student to own a computer. There are no
government subsidy programs in Burma for students to get their own computer, and multi-
media classrooms in state high schools and in universities and colleges are not accessible.
Therefore, how can authorities claim that all students have equal opportunities to use IT
facilities? How they can claim that Burmese students are getting chance to use IT like any other
student in neighboring countries?
While students may have the chance to use computers in private IT schools, fees to
attend these schools are not reachable for a student of an average income family.
10.5. IT Related Vocational Training Schools
There are estimated 500 IT related training schools in Burma, although most of them
are not registered with respective government ministry because registration fees and taxation
are inappropriate. For today’s young people living in urban areas, if they are IT illiterates then
they cannot get even a moderately good job. The world today is all about information age and
internationally it is reasonably that everyone should be IT literate. But it is painful for Burma’s
younger generation. As country’s economy worsens year and year, job opportunities are getting
steadily worse and incomes much lower.
There are various undergraduate and graduate certificate, diploma, and degree courses
run by government universities and colleges. Also in private sector, there are number of
certificate courses for various levels. But all of them are in city areas such as Rangoon and
Mandalay. It is very rare to see a computer training school outside of a city. The most
renowned undergraduate diploma course in Burma is the Diploma of Computer Science (DCS)
originating from the National Computing Center (NCC) of UK. It costs an estimated Kyat
100,000.00 for tuition fees and USD. 260.00 for exam fees. Exam fees must be paid by Foreign
Exchange Certificates (FEC), the regime’s domestic foreign currency.
Courses fees in private IT schools vary school-by-school and course-by-course.

Generally, a basic course costs Kyat 6,500.00 and Kyat 20,000.00 for higher levels. But
considering low number of these schools, one cannot say there are many chances to learn IT.
There are also many more factors to be considered. Some of them are fees and accessibility. If
a student from outside a city wants to study IT, he or she has to come to city and this
additional cost will be more than course fees.

10.6. Internet Access
There are two Internet Service Providers (ISP) in Burma, Myanmar Post and
Telecommunication (MPT) and Bagan Cybertech. MPT is a government enterprise and Bagan
Cybertech is a semi-government enterprise. Currently, Bagan Cybertech is the only ISP which
provides access to Internet web sites. MPT only provides electronic mail system.
While Bagan Cybertech provides access to web sites, this is very limited - only 1,400
web sites according to Living Color magazine published in September 2002. But the cost is very
high - Kyat 1,365,000.00 per year. Clearly these high costs prevent general public access. Other
main reasons preventing public’s access are infrastructure and security measures. There are
only a few persons who can reach the Internet freely, namely a few professionals who are
believed to be pro-regime, some business companies related with the regime, and some
corporate organizations which have gained the regime’s confidence by not attacking them
through using the Internet. In above-mentioned magazine, it also clearly stated how the
Internet is not accessible to general Burmese public.
Under these circumstances, the regime has no right to assert that there is free Internet
access in Burma and to falsely claim that there are many opportunities for students to use the
Internet in their academic studies.
10.7. Summary
It is very sad to say that students in Burma are far from Information Technology and so-
called Information Super-Highway. Compared with students from neighbouring countries such
as Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore – even these countries are not fully democratic other than
Thailand – most students in Burma do not get access to Information Technology during their
academic careers. This discrepancy will create a lack of technological know-how among the
students who will become our future leaders.
Every government that wants to develop its own people should create Information
Technology opportunities and lay down policies to develop these opportunities. Education is
the most important sector for a country not only for it to develop but also to sustain this
development. Today's poor education status in Burma proves that how poorly military regime
has done its homework during past 15 years. The regime has not only failed to cure its
predecessor's mismanagement; it has also failed to show good will for the country as it said it
would.

Freedom of expression and education for all cannot be put into practice under these
restrictions. One can simply see that the regime's Computer Science Development Law is not
intended to encourage developing the technology. In fact, it actually threatens to deter the
peoples' rights to access any technology fairly and freely. It is plain to see that the Burmese
military regime violates the Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
11. Conclusion
The current whole picture of Burma is in disorder and standoff in social, economic, and
political development under strict military rule. Since year 2000, the military government has
shown that it is willing for political transformation as well as progress in changes in other social
and economic sectors of the country. In fact, it has just changed its methods to suppress
people as well as its diplomacy in relating with international arena. It has said how it assures
people for economic, social and cultural rights including education rights, rather than civil and
political rights. However, the regime did not accomplish what it promised both to its own
people and international community. Political development is unlikely, as genuine political talk
to solve political problems is not realized yet. All other social dilemmas such as health care,
HIV infection, high commodity prices, poverty, education crisis and so forth, continue to be
worse.
The regime has convinced that they would promote free and compulsory education for
all in primary level, planning a short-term education promotion program and a long-term
scheme for education development. But, student dropout rates become increasing since social
burden and unstable situation in border areas largely impact on the life of students. University
education is just a quantity, not in quality. Many students are still abused on rights of
education, particularly for those who are currently in prison, who are running away and fleeing
at border areas because of political activities and being refugees. Since institutional rights and
academic freedom are strictly banned under military rules, civil society in Burma is still in
weakness and development is not sustainable.
In reality, mentality of the regime has yet to change and it always tries to enforce its
military rule. In fear of political activities, the regime made a lot of restrictions and entrance
regulation of university where anti-government movements, critics on present system and
membership to political parties are strongly forbidden.
In fact, all problems and disorder in education system rooted from political system and
strong authoritarian rules. This is the unambiguous reason why students involve in politics for
peaceful political changes and sustainable democratic system in Burma. Education in Burma

cannot detach from politics, as only credible democratic government can solve the problems of
present education situation and grantee real education development.
According to current education situation what we have just mentioned in our report,
we, Foreign Affairs Committee of All Burma Federation of Student Unions, would like to
request international governments, human rights groups, student community and to those who
deeply concern on education situation in Burma, as follows:
(1) To push Burmese regime to respect student rights, union activities, rights of
education, academic freedom, and institutional rights in accordance with
internationally recognized standards. (For International governments)
(2) In education affairs and university affairs, to coordinate or consult with

independent civil groups, democratic groups and ethnic forces, beside present
ruling government. (For International governments and academic institutions)
(3) To strengthen civil society and independent institutions, and to review real
progress, while coordinating with ruling government on education projects. (For
International governments and various United Nation Agencies)
(4) To pressure the regime for real political transformation through genuine dialogue
with all political actors in Burma. (International Community)
(5) To launch campaigns at various levels to free all student political prisoners in
Burma and to concern on education crisis in Burma. (International student
community and human rights groups)
(6) To express your solidarity with student union activists in Burma and support their
movements. (International Community)
We are also compelled to inform military regime that it has to resolve and successfully
implement the following terms of our conclusion based on this report, in order to achieve
sustainable national education of our country.
(1) To release all student political prisoners, including Min Ko Naing, Chairperson of
ABFSU.
(2) To legalize student unions and various student groups in Burma, this can represent
student rights, academic freedom, and educational activities.
(3) To allow freedom of expression and open discussions of education.
(4) To revoke all military institutes, which are unnecessary for military activities, and
which can only promote military elite society.
(5) To increase budget allocation for education sector and to reduce military expense.

(6) To implement an Education Structure controlled by students, teachers, educators,

and government alike.
(7) To draw a new education system in accordance with national character, including
modern subjects and modern ideologies with support of national scholars and
professors.
(8) To solve by means of peaceful dialogue on the demands of students, instead of

military response, which violates the rights.
(9) To solve, through peaceful political dialogue with all domestic actors, all problems
which have caused national instability, economic disorder and social crisis in
Burma.
Foreign Affairs Committee

Education Report, 2002

Appendix I:
“Institutes of High Education in Burma”
Kachin State
1. Myikyina University
2. Myikyina Education College
3. Myikyina Government Technical College
4. Myikyina Government Computer College
5. Bhamo Degree College
6. Bhamo Government Computer College
7. Bhamo Government Technical College
Kayah State
8. Loikaw College
9. Loikaw Government Computer College
10. Loikaw Government Technical College
Karen State
11. Hpa An Degree College
12. Hpa An Education College
13. Hpa An Government Computer College
14. Hpa An Government Technical College
Chin State
15. Kalay Degree College
16. Kalay Government Computer College
17. Kalay Government Technical College
Sagaing Division
18. Monywa University
19. Monywa Institute of Economics
20. Monywa Education College
21. Monywa Government Technical College
22. Monywa Government Computer College
23. Shewbo Degree College
24. Sagaing Regional Cooperative College

25. Sagaing Institute of Education
26. Sagaing Education College
27. University of Development of National Races
Tanintharyi Division
28. Dawel University
29. Dawel Government Computer College
30. Dawel Government Technical College
31. Dawel Education College
32. Myeik Degree College
33. Myeik Government Technical College
34. Myeik Government Computer College
Bago Division
35. University of Taungoo
36. Taungoo Government Computer College
37. Taungoo Government Technical College
38. Taungoo Education College
39. Pyay University
40. Pyay Technological University
41. Pyay Education College
42. Pyay Government Technical College
43. Bago Degree College
Magway Division
44. Magway University
45. Magway Education College
46. Institute of Medicine, Magway
47. Magway Government Technical College
48. Magway Government Computer College
49. Pakokku University
50. Pakokku Government Computer College
51. Pakokku Government Technical College
52. Pakokku Education College
53. Yenangyung College

54. Institute of Community Health
Mandalay Division
55. Mandalay University
56. Mandalay University of Foreign Languages
57. Mandalay University of Distance Education
58. Mandalay University of Computer Studies
59. Meikhtila University
60. Meikhtila Government Technical College
61. Meikhtila Government Computer College
62. Meikhtila Institute of Economics
63. Meikhtila Education College
64. Mandalay Education College
65. Mandalay Institute of Dental Medicine
66. Mandalay Institute of Nursing
67. Institute of Paramedical Science, Mandalay
68. Institute of Pharmacy, Mandalay
69. Defense Service Technical College
70. University of Culture, Mandalay
71. Mandalay Government Technical College
72. Mandalay Government Computer College
73. Nationalities Youth Resource Development Degree College,

Mandalay
74. Kyaukse University
75. Kyaukse Government Technical College
76. Yandanabon University
77. Mandalay Technological University
78. Institute of Medicine, Mandalay
79. Defense Service Academy, Pyin Oo Lwin
80. Defense Service Academy of Technology, Pyin Oo Lwin
81. Institute of Forestry
82. Yezin Agriculture University
83. Institute of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Science

84. Mandalay Regional Cooperative College
85. Myanmar Aerospace Engineering University
86. University of Traditional Medicine, Mandalay
Mon State
87. Mawlamyine University
88. Mawlamyine Education College
89. Mawlamyine Government Technical College
90. Mawlamyine Government Computer College
Shan State
91. Taunggyi University
92. Taunggyi Education College
93. Taunggyi Ayetharyar Government Technical College
94. Taunggyi Government Computer College
95. Kyaington Degree College
96. Kyaington Government Computer College
97. Kyaington Government Technical College
98. Laisho Degree College
99. Laisho Government Computer College
100. Laisho Government Technical College
101. Pinlon Government Computer College
102. Pinlon Government Technical College
103. Pinlon University
Yangon Division
104. Yangon University
105. Dagon University
106. Yangon Institute of Economics
107. Yangon Institute of Education
108. Yangon University of Distance Education
109. Yangon University of Foreign Languages
110. Workers' College
111. University of East Yangon
112. University of West Yangon

113. Yangon Technological University
114. University of Computer Studies, Yangon
115. Institute of Medicine (1), Yangon
116. Institute of Medicine (2), Yangon
117. Institute of Dental Medicine, Yangon
118. Institute of Nursing, Yangon
119. Institute of Pharmacy, Yangon
120. Institute of Paramedical Science, Yangon
121. Defense Service Institute of Medicine
122. University of Culture, Yangon
123. Yangon Cooperative Degree College, Thanylin
124. Central Cooperative College, Phaunggyi
125. Yankin Education College
126. Thinganggyun Education College
127. Hlegu Education College
128. Hmawbi Government Technical College
129. Hmawbi Government Computer College
130. International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University
131. Nationalities Youth Resource Development Degree College,

Yangon
132. Defense Service Institute of Nursing
133. Thanlyin Government Technical College
134. Myanmar Maritime University
Rakhine State
135. Sittwe University
136. Sittwe Government Technical College
137. Sittwe Government Computer College
138. Kyauk Phyu Education College
Irrawaddy Division
139. Pathein University
140. Pathein Government Computer College
141. Pathein Education College

142. Pathein Government Technical College
143. Hinthada University
144. Hinthada Government Computer College
145. Hinthada Government Technical College
146. Boglay Education College
147. Myaungmya Education College
148. Maubin University
149. Government Computer College
150. Government Technical College
1. University: 61
2. Degree College: 61
3. College: 28
Total: 150

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Aung, Than, U. Minister, Ministry of Education, the speech given at closing ceremony of
Workshop on 30 years long-term plan (Basic Education Sector), Myanmar Education
Research Bureau, 11 May 2001.
Lwin, Thein, Dr. Education in Burma (1945 – 2000). Teacher Training for Burmese Teachers,
January 2003.
Oo, Than, U. Myanma Education History (Curriculum Section). Basic Education Department,
Myanmar Education Research Bureau, May 1999.
Publications and Booklets
Education Report 2000, Compiled and published by Foreign Affairs Committee, All Burma
Federation of Student Unions, December 2001.
Facts and Figure 2002, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
University Entrance Guide Booklets, 2001 and 2002, Ministry of Education, Union of Myanmar
Website Reports, Papers, and Information Sheets
Asian Development Bank; Report, 2000
Bible Society of South Africa
Myanmar Information Sheet; From 2000 to Jan 2003
United Nations Development Programme; Paper, 2001
United Nations Education, Science, and Cultural Organization; Paper, 2001
United Nations International Children Emergency Fund; Report, 1997
World Bank; Report, 2001
Newspapers, Magazines, and Journals
Dana Business Magazine (Burmese Version), February 2003
Irrawaddy Magazine (English Version); June 2001, Vol. 9, No. 5, March 2003, Vol.11, No. 2
Living Color Magazine (Burmese Version), September 2002
Myanma Ahlin Newspapers (Burmese Version), Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar, From
January 2000 to January 2003
Myanmar Times Journal (English Version), Myanmar Consolidated Media Co., Ltd., Rangoon,
Burma, From January 2000 to January 2003
Other
Information Units of ABFSU, Burma
Interviews of individuals by ABFSU
Media Releases, Foreign Affairs Committee of All Burma Federation of Student Unions, From
January 2000 to January 2003
Radio News; British Broadcasting Center (Burmese Section); Radio Free Asia (Burmese Section);
Voice of America (Burmese Section); From January 2000 to January 2003

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Education Report

Compiled and Published by Foreign Affairs Committee,

2002 EDUCATION REPORT

5. Student Perception on Education and Ethical Concerns

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 1

6. Teaching and Learning System

8. Widening Gap between Civilian and Military Education

10. Information Technology

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 2

According to government figures, over 3 million school-aged children failed to acquire

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 3

2. Free Education in Primary Level

2.1. Main cause of student's dropout rate in Primary Level Education

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 4

Universal access to primary education for all school-age children is an important

“Myanmar's education system appears to be equitable, with near-universal admission

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 5

Female students are disproportionately affected by high drop-out rates. According to a

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 6

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 7

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 8

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 9

The administration and management of basic education is undertaken by the three

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 10

2.3. Evaluation on the works of International Organization and governments in Primary

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 11

Table 1. Numbers of Primary Schools receiving HDI infrastructure assistance

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 12

2.4. Child Soldier and Child Labor

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 13

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 14

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 15

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 16

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 17

3.1 Right of Education under the present socio economic systems

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 18

(1) Maths, Economic, Physics, Chemistry, Burmese and English;

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 19

3.2 Gender inequality in the System

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 20

3.3. Systematical suppression of students in fear of student unrest

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 21

Opening date Closing date Period

1988 - 2000 2000 - 2003

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 22

• Arrest student activists

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 23

State Government of Union of Burma

Office Order No. (61/98)

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 24

5. Fourth Year ME.30 Mg Aung Kyaw Soe U Kan Nyunt

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 25

3.4. Rights of Minority people in Education

In the Convention against Discrimination in Education, the term “discrimination” is

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 26

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 27

3.5. Student Political Prisoners

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 28

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 29

3.6. Alternative Education

In this section, "Alternative Education" means both non-formal education and

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 30

Foreign Affairs Committee, ABFSU 31

4.1. Influence of Government political goals and policies