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ICEP# Dawn Analysis

DAWN EDITORIALS PLUS OPINIONS

Dated: Monday 29 June, 2020

ICEP Analysts M.Usman and Rabia Kalhoro.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Note:
We pick out Opinions from different Newspapers
related to:

#Competitive Exams
#Essay Writing
#Current Affairs
#Historical episodes
#Pakistan Affairs
# General Knowledge
# Global Issues
# Geopolitics
# International Relations
# Foreign Policy

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Dubious licences’
PAKISTAN’S commercial aviation industry is embroiled(involved) in a scandal
unprecedented in scope. Indeed, the affair of the pilots’ dubious licences has even
eclipsed(outshine, losss of brilliance) the findings in the preliminary investigation
report of the PK-8303 crash.

Key Points:
▪ Minister for Aviation Ghulam Sarwar Khan’s stunning(shocking)
admissionn on Wednesday that of 860 pilots, 262 had appeared in exams
through proxies(illegal means) has left not only this country but the world
aghast(shocked).
▪ On Friday, Mr Khan gave further details. Of the 860, he said, 753 were
working in Pakistan and an inquiry is underway into their suspect credentials,
while the rest are flying for foreign airlines. No less than 450 of the 743 are
working in PIA; the remaining are employed by local private airlines, flying
clubs, etc. According to him, the 262 pilots found to have taken exams through
proxies have been indicted by a board of inquiry and will be barred from
flying.
▪ The opposition has roundly condemned the minister for bringing these facts
into the open. While this will admittedly have a grievous(sorrowful) impact
on the country’s aviation industry, the public has a right to make an informed
choice when it opts to take to the skies.

Detailes: The Process of Issuing Licences

Meanwhile, the International Air Transport Association has expressed concern
over the “serious lapse in the licensing and safety oversight by the aviation regulator”
— and rightly so. The Civil Aviation Authority is solely responsible for licences
issued to all pilots receiving their training in Pakistan. Moreover, every airline selects
instructors from within the pilots employed by it, who are then approved by the
CAA, and the final check flight is monitored by a CAA inspector. In that respect,
every licence issued by the CAA is ‘genuine’. The ‘dubiousness’ lies in the fact that
certain elements within the CAA, particularly in its licensing and IT departments,
have gone beyond international regulatory guidelines to deliberately queer the pitch(
sabotage the plan) so as to make the examination procedure perverse(distorted)
and convoluted(twisted). The option to take recourse to unfair means thus becomes
that much more tempting, enabling pilots to ‘pass’ the exam while corrupt CAA
personnel line their pockets. This is not to say that the pilots are blameless, but the
buck stops(main Authority of decision-making) with the regulatory authority.

What is the way forward: root and branch Overhaul of the Industry
The PK-8303 tragedy has opened a can of worms(which a cause a lot of problems)
a thorough overhaul is called for, both in PIA and the CAA. Besides the licensing
fiasco(total failure), there is also the issue of what becomes of investigations into air
accidents, and not only the ones that have claimed lives. There have also been several
non-fatal incidents in recent years in which inquiries, if begun at all, have been
mothballed(postponed). Why? To cite but one example, an ATR-42 skidded off
the runway at Gilgit airport in July last year. Thankfully, all passengers remained
safe, but the aircraft had to be written off. The CAA has much to answer for.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

NFC appointment

IT was obvious to everyone that the presidential order appointing the prime
minister’s adviser on finance as a member of the 10th National Finance
Commission and authorising him to preside over the deliberations of the NFC in the
absence of the premier(of the highest rank), who also holds the finance portfolio,
wouldn’t withstand(confront,endure) judicial scrutiny.

Key Points:
▪ The adviser’s appointment as a stand-in for the federal minister for finance and
the illegal TORs(terms of references)seeking to slash provincial shares from
federal tax resources anticipated political opposition and legal challenges.
▪ Therefore, the Balochistan High Court decision last week invalidating
Hafeez Sheikh’s appointment for being unconstitutional wasn’t a surprise. Nor
did the ruling against the agenda other than determination of the formulae for
vertical and horizontal division of tax resources between the centre and
provinces, set in the notification that constituted the new commission, shock
anyone.
▪ The “President of Pakistan and NFC are bound to fully implement the
Constitution ... Hence, the federal and provincial governments should utilise
joint efforts in order to strengthen the federation rather than racing for a major
share of NFC,” the court ruled.

Detailes: The Centre is clueless about how to balance Tax circle and
expenditure
The PTI government has seldom tried to conceal its dislike of devolution of
administrative powers to the provinces under the 18th Amendment or their greater
fiscal space under the seventh NFC, which continues to operate despite the expiry of
its five-year term in 2015. It wasn’t unexpected. The increasing expenditure —
especially on account of debt payments, and internal and external security — and
shrinking tax collections have widened the resource gap in the past two years. In a
contracting economy, the centre is struggling to pay its bills. Even austerity measures
and expenditure cuts aren’t helping. Such gimmicks(false schemes) can help only so
much. Instead of enlarging the size of the tax pie by widening the net to meet its
rising expenditure, the government, like its predecessor, wants the provinces to
contribute funds to pay for growing security expenses, SOE losses, subsidies, debt
repayments and the development of Azad Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan and KP’s tribal
districts. Even if the provinces agree to pay 7pc of the undivided tax pool at the cost
of their own development as demanded by the centre, the problem will remain. The
solution lies in urgently expanding the tax net for doubling the existing tax-to-GDP
ratio and not in ambushing(attacking) the provinces through unconstitutional ways.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Long hot summer

Load-shedding in Karachi:
AT the height of the blazing(burning) Karachi summer, a grim annual ritual is
playing out in the bustling(noisy and busy) metropolis. As the sun beats down
mercilessly on the city and high humidity makes conditions stifling, long power cuts
— announced and unannounced — have become routine across the metropolis,
heaping(pile up, increase) further misery upon the frazzled(exhausted) dwellers of
Karachi.

Key Points:
▪ K-Electric, the city’s sole power supplier, says the additional cuts are due to
furnace(petroleum) oil and gas shortages.
▪ However, the federal government does not appear to be buying its explanation
▪ The power division, for example, says inadequate distribution and transmission
capacity of KE(Kinetic Energy) has exacerbated the crisis.
▪ The Sindh government, meanwhile, has pointed the finger at Islamabad,
blaming it for short fuel supplies. As the stakeholders shift the blame, the
people of Karachi have to bear the consequences in suffocating heat.

Detailed Analysis:
While load-shedding in the summer months is an excruciating(terribly distressing)
experience every year, this time, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, power cuts are
putting increased pressure on the people. With partial lockdowns still in place, many
people continue to work and study at home. Moreover, many patients are also self-
isolating at home, so there is an added urgency to solve the issue without delay.
Already there have been protests against the power cuts in several city areas, as
people have been compelled to take to the streets due to the scarcity of electricity and
water. To prevent further deterioration of law and order, and for the sake of public
health and well-being, the crisis needs to be addressed immediately. The KE chief
met the Sindh governor on Friday and assured him the situation would be resolved
soon, while Nepra has also taken “serious notice” of Karachi’s power crisis.

Recommended Solution:
Instead of pointing fingers at each other, all stakeholders — the centre, the Sindh
administration as well as KE — need to identify the problem and resolve it quickly so
that power cuts are brought down to a bare minimum, or eliminated altogether.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Tyranny of power asymmetry(asymmetry:Lack of balance nd proportion)
Maleeha Lodhi June 29, 2020

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

Introduction: The Foreign Policy Objectives of Pakistan

PAKISTAN’S foreign policy objectives have been remarkably consistent over the
years. They have principally been shaped by its geostrategic location in a tough
neighbourhood which imposed heavy security burdens on the country. This explains
why security concerns — given Pakistan’s enduring quest for security — had such a
dominant influence on the evolution of its foreign policy. The sweep(move rapidly)
of the country’s foreign policy over the decades also reveals a complex interplay
between internal and external factors, and between domestic goals and an ever-
changing international environment.

Excessive Reliance on External Assistance made the country paralyzed:

Of course, big power interests in the region had a major impact on policy,
intersecting with elite interests to sometimes complicate if not aggravate(make
worse) Pakistan’s challenges. An unedifying(unpleasant) aspect of this was a
mindset of dependence fostered among officials during prolonged periods of the
country’s alignments. This dependence proved to be habit forming. Reliance on
external financial assistance — as a consequence of these alignments — created a
perverse incentive for urgent economic reform and serious domestic resource
mobilisation. It also encouraged ruling elites to constantly look outside to address
financial deficits and other sources of internal vulnerabilities, even see outsiders as
catalytic agents to promote development and solve problems at home.

Abdul Sattar's Book: A Comprehensive Review

Abdul Sattar’s book Pakistan’s Foreign Policy 1947-2019, whose fifth edition has
been published this year, does not examine this linkage between the internal and
external and how they have been intertwined in such a consequential way. But it
offers a useful beginner’s guide to the many twists and turns of foreign policy. Meant
primarily for students of international relations, it remains a valuable starting point
for anyone interested in learning — in concise form — about the factors driving
Pakistan’s external engagements since the country’s inception.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Sattar: an experienced diplomat contributed to many key decisions
Sattar witnessed first-hand(directly experienced) many of the
watershed(landmark, turning points) developments in foreign relations during his
39-year career in the foreign service. As foreign secretary he was a participant in
several key policy decisions. I had the privilege of working briefly with him in the
immediate aftermath of 9/11 when I served as Pakistan’s ambassador to the US and
he became foreign minister. I found him anxious to listen to the assessment and
advice of the mission — rarely done now — and eager to share his perspectives with
our team. His visits to Washington at a challenging time were marked by
candid(honest) conversations with our interlocuters(dialogue personnel), often
punctuated by a dry wit( intellectually humorous).

He passed away last year, a month after he finished updating his book.

Pakistan came to rely on itself for defence but financial

dependence remains a habit.

After Independence: Pakistan needed outward assistance thus resulted

weakening the inward behavior of self reliance:
The central theme of his book is summed up in the foreword by a towering figure
(prominent person) in Pakistani diplomacy, Agha Shahi. The “tyranny of power
disparity” in the region was brought painfully home when the country was unable by
its efforts and those of the UN to achieve the settlement of disputes after
independence. To address this situation, Shahi writes, Pakistan “began to look
outward for friends and allies” to “safeguard its independence, strengthen security
and build the economic sinews(strength) of the infant state”. The need to address
this power asymmetry tyranny drove Pakistan into alliances during the Cold War
and beyond.

After Cold War: Pakistan left isolated Among African-Asian Countries

This led, until the Cold War ended, to a prolonged pursuit of a strategy of external
balancing though Sattar does not use this expression to describe Pakistan’s search for
alliances. The cost of alignment with Washington was high, he asserts, and second
thoughts arose on the wisdom of this policy, but Pakistan couldn’t afford to abandon
this course aimed as it was to “contain the Indian threat in which the US had little
interest”. But in those early Cold War years, Pakistan, by abjuring(to deny) a non-
aligned policy, lost the support of influential Arab nations and found itself isolated
among African-Asian countries.

Soviet Union(USSR) and India derailed(failed) Kashmir Resolution in

UN:
Meanwhile, Pakistan sought to engage the US, when it became America’s most allied
ally, in efforts to promote a settlement of Kashmir. These attempts were blocked by
an intransigent(inflexible) India and its Cold War ally. In 1962, when the Security
Council took up the Kashmir issue, India’s foreign minister Krishna Menon
reneged(failed to fulfill) on New Delhi’s commitment to hold a plebiscite. The US
president then persuaded his Irish counterpart whose country held the Council
presidency to sponsor a resolution recalling past resolutions that called for a

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

plebiscite. Despite support from seven members the resolution was vetoed(nullify)
by the Soviet Union.

Key Turning Points in Pakistan's Foreign Policy:

In reviewing the history of Pakistan’s foreign engagements Sattar identifies a number
of turning points.

▪ The first was alliance with Washington and turning away from non-alignment,
“dictated by the necessity of containing the tyranny of power-disparity”.

▪ The second was the growing strategic relationship with China and end of the
alliance with the US when it failed to help Pakistan in the 1965 war.

▪ The third was the post-1965 turning to the East and distancing from the West.

The next turning point came with the 1971 debacle and the lesson Pakistan drew,
which dictated the pursuit of the nuclear option. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
in 1979 marked another turning point which led to Pakistan’s long involvement as
well as resumption of the alliance with Washington. This ended with the Soviet exit
from Afghanistan. Then came the turning point after 9/11 when Pakistan “was
dragged into partnership in the war on terror”, which Sattar argues “brought more
problems than benefits”.

The most recent turning point that Sattar did not live to write about has seen
Pakistan tie its strategic future more firmly to China while facing an
implacably(impossible to pacify) hostile India that has sought to illegally change
the status quo in occupied Kashmir. In fact, the country’s daunting(intimidating,
frightening) foreign policy challenges in the present phase call for a more
imaginative strategy to navigate a more complex and unsettled multipolar world.

Conclusion:
The world has changed fundamentally but habits ingrained over the years by the
ruling elite have yet to do so. Pakistan learnt to rely on itself for its defence when it
pursued and acquired the strategic capability to deter aggression. But the habit
persists of seeking help from foreign donors to deal with chronic financing gaps —
frequently dramatised by frantic(hurriedly)tripss to Arab capitals. A similar lesson
has yet to be learnt about financial self-reliance which is only possible through bold
fiscal reform and a reordering of budget priorities. The tyranny of dependence waits
to be overcome.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

UN 75 Declaration

The Article is based on the column printed in Hindu Times recently

Why in News
Recently, a commemorative declaration marking the 75th anniversary of
the signing of the United Nations (UN) Charter was delayed as member states
could not reach an agreement on phraseology.

Key Points
▪ The Five Eyes (FVEY)— Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the
United Kingdom and the United States— along with India, objected
to the use of a phrase “shared vision of a common future”, which
is associated with China.

▪ The Five Eyes (FVEY) network is an intelligence sharing

alliance between these five countries.

▪ The ‘silence’ process was broken at the request of the U.K’s

Ambassador to the UN, who wrote a letter on behalf of the six
countries to the President of the 74th General Assembly, suggesting
alternative wording.

Silence process is a procedure by which a resolution passes if no formal

objections are raised within a stipulated time.

▪ However, China, on behalf of itself and Russia, Syria and Pakistan

raised objections to the silence being broken.
▪ The current impasse comes at a time when China’s relationships with a
number of countries, including India, Australia and the U.S.A, are
strained.
▪ Given the impasse, the UN General Assembly President has suggested
an alternatively phrased declaration, which he has placed under the
silence procedure.
ICEP# Dawn Analysis
75th United Nations Day: Interesting Facts
The United Nations (UN) will celebrate its 75th anniversary on 24 October
2020.To mark its 75th anniversary in 2020, the UN is igniting a people’s
debate: UN75.

Through UN75, the UN will encourage people to put their opinions together
to define how enhanced international cooperation can help realize a better
world by 2045.

▪ Each year on 24th October, the UN celebrates its anniversary. UN Day

marks the anniversary of the entry into force of the UN Charter and the
founding of the Organization in 1945.

▪ The name "United Nations" was coined by United States President

Franklin D. Roosevelt.
The main organs of the UN are:
▪ the General Assembly,
▪ the Security Council,
▪ the Economic and Social Council,
▪ the Trusteeship Council,
▪ the International Court of Justice,
▪ the UN Secretariat.
Demand of Reforms at United Nations
Security Council Reforms: In UNSC, the permanent member countries (P5)
have made the UN defunct in maintaining peace and order. Therefore, veto
powers of P5 and composition of UNSC must be made more representative
of the current world order.

The P5 countries include China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the
United States.

Multilateralism: International relations today are characterized by the power

relationships of the United States, China, Russia, India and Europe.

A new model of the UN must be formulated, as current world order has

changed from bipolar to unipolar to multi polar today.

Democratisation of UN: Developing countries like India are proposing

reforms that seek to democratize the UN, such as UNSC reforms, UN
peacekeeping reforms.

Financial Reforms: This holds the key to the future of the UN. Without
sufficient resources, the UN's activities and rule would be suffer.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Urban welfare in Pakistan

Umair Javed June 29, 2020

The writer teaches politics and sociology at Lums.

CONVERSATIONS around the coronavirus response have talked about the need for
localised interventions, especially given the constraints and socioeconomic trade-offs
faced by urban areas in developing countries. One of the things that has emerged
from this analysis, particularly for Pakistan, is how the absence of strong,
representative local government platforms may have hindered more effective
containment and more efficient and wide-ranging distribution of welfare.

The importance of urban local governments in strengthening service delivery,

developmental outcomes, and democracy has been talked and written about
repeatedly. All mainstream political parties have, to varying extent, shied away from
substantive devolution, even when appropriate legislation has been developed.
Unfortunately, the pandemic has exposed this weakness and placed it in full view.

The prolonged centralisation and bureaucratisation of governance around municipal

management, in particular, manifests in a variety of ways. One often ignored
consequence is the related fragmentation and erosion of civic action and the broader
space of localised civil society. The more decisions are taken opaquely, by political
fiat from the provincial or federal tier, and by committees that are closed off to a
variety of groups (due to structural and institutional inequities), the less likely they
are going to have ownership or accountability. This subsequently sterilises the
broader space for citizen participation.

The history of municipal politics in Pakistan actually shows a regression from strong
local institutions of philanthropy and social service. Lahore, for example, had a
variety of foundations and philanthropic ventures during the colonial and early post-
colonial era (such as the Ganga Ram Trust); much of which was gradually eroded by
the bureaucratisation and expansion of the state apparatus. Karachi too had a long-
standing history of social ventures in health, education, and local infrastructure
financed and run by members of various communities. Many of these ventures
continue to exist while the space for new initiatives has reduced.

Attempts at urban development and welfare through centralised state control is a

characteristic feature of cities across the Global South. The development of big
infrastructure, such as housing schemes, roads and highways, bridges and flyovers,
has been presented as testaments to state capacity, serving as a source of legitimacy
for political and bureaucratic elites. While this has allowed some modicum of growth
and development to take place, it has often come at the cost of welfare considerations
and long-term sustainability.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Research from Latin America, for example, has shown that welfare outcomes have
been strongest in polities that allowed devolution in decision-making, and where
local governments were able to create substantive ties with civil society, such as local
community-based organisations and housing and mobility rights movements. Cities
in Brazil have shown remarkable welfare gains since the 1990s, precisely because of
the changes in their governing architecture, the entrenchment of democratic politics,
and the proliferation of civil society initiatives. If the 1980s were marked by futile
top-down state attempts to improve welfare and development outcomes, the
subsequent decades have marked a very clear departure from that legacy.

Historically, these trends can also be observed in states that had devolved structures
of municipal management prior to the creation of large and expansive central state
structures. The history of urban life and politics in the US is very instructive in this
regard. In the US, cities were governed through charters and incorporation, and were
responsible for raising their own revenues and managing their own developmental
affairs. Many local elites saw the benefit of incorporation, yet also struggled with the
real welfare responsibilities that came with the influx of large migrant populations.

In an interesting account of urban development in the 19th-century, sociologist

Elisabeth Clemens points to the role of civil society organisations, such as
‘community chests’ (funding arms for welfare initiatives financed by local
businessmen and philanthropists) in picking up the slack as far as development-
related spending was concerned. What they received in return was political and social
acclaim and the opportunity to occupy key decision-making offices.

As a result, this model of community-led development led to considerable expansion

in health, education, and infrastructure-related outcomes for American cities
throughout this period. Even today, not too different from what we’ve seen in Lahore
and Karachi, many cities across the world owe their developmental legacies to the
role their residents played, and were allowed to play by the state.

Much of this becomes relevant in Pakistan’s case given its trajectory of urbanisation,
the increased expectations of higher quality of life from urban residents, and the
stagnation of opportunities in agriculture and rural areas as a whole. The state is
already struggling as far as its financial health is concerned. There are also related
questions of state capacity, with bureaucrats — even if well-intentioned — unable to
intervene as effectively, given the scale and complexity of many of these issues.

So what are some of the key steps that can be taken to create the kind of state-society
synergy needed to address the developmental questions currently facing Pakistan’s
urban areas? The devolution of political, fiscal and administrative capacity is
obviously the first step, and one that has been reiterated multiple times over. We need
to shift the locus of politics from the centre and the province to the municipality. The
second step needed is to improve and simplify the legal regime around civil society
initiatives. The securitisation of the NGO/Trust/CBO space has contributed to it
being mired in red tape, and as a result, experiencing greater fragmentation and
informalisation of philanthropy.

These two steps are important ones to take for a number of reasons, no less because
the Pakistani state’s fiscal and capacity woes continue to hamper large and effective
outlays on development. If Pakistani cities are going to evolve and develop, they
need representative government, strong civil society organisations, and socialised
solutions to developmental challenges.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Learning dilemma
Huma Yusuf June 29, 2020

The writer is a freelance journalist.

AMONG the longest legacies of the pandemic will be learning losses suffered by
students, impacting livelihoods and the national economy. No wonder, then, the
prime minister last week reiterated the need for a joint strategy across provincial
authorities to resume educational activity as soon as possible. The problem is well-
identified, the solution — a haphazard mix of virtual and traditional broadcast
offerings — less so.

The government should be clear that the biggest challenge lies on the demand, not
supply side. Pre-pandemic, Pakistan already had the second-highest global rate of
school-age children who do not attend school, more than 40 per cent. Going forward,
the main challenge will be to get students who stopped attending school during
lockdown to come back. The economic and health impact of the pandemic means that
many leavers will be forced to work instead, while others, especially girls, will be
compelled to take up unpaid caring responsibilities. Before spending on e-learning
platforms, the government should budget for stipends to incentivise attendance.

When students do come back, the focus must be on plugging the learning gaps. In a
recent UKFIET blog, Rabea Malik cites research on rural government schools
showing 10pc learning gains after a year of regular schooling for children in grades
three, four and five. She emphasises the need for returning students to be assessed to
determine where they have fallen behind, and argues that teachers will have to
respond to a diversity of needs given that children in lockdown will have had varying
access to educational support and technologies as well as varying health- and
economic security-related experiences. In other words, post-pandemic education
initiatives must be responsive, adaptive and localised.

This means that the seductiveness of virtual learning as a catch-all solution demands
scrutiny. The state’s excitement about e-learning predates the pandemic, and may
need to be tempered. It is highlighted in the National Education Policy 2017-2025 as
a route to upskilling Pakistan’s youth; recently, the education minister has touted the
imminent launch of an e-Taleem portal.

Post-pandemic education initiatives must be responsive.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

The main critique of virtual learning is that it threatens to exacerbate educational
inequalities. Around 22pc of Pakistanis had internet access in 2018, meaning any
substantive shift to virtual education would exclude the majority of the school-age
population.

To their credit, government officials and the education sector have recognised this
challenge, and have experimented with a mix of education delivery options. The
launch of an educational television channel is being followed by plans for Radio
Pakistan to broadcast educational content for students on the wrong side of the digital
divide. Unicef and the Balochistan Secondary Education Department have launched a
blended learning initiative, Mera Ghar Mera School, which provides access to
WhatsApp groups offering guidance on home schooling. Sindh launched an Android
learning app for kindergarten and primary students, though it has reached around half
the target student population.

Several edtech start-ups have also seen a boost to business, particularly those offering
game-based learning, digital textbooks and STEM videos. These companies’
partnerships with mobile service providers and government school networks hint at
how such platforms could be scaleable. Indeed, in a country as diverse as Pakistan,
effective education delivery will always necessitate a mix of pedagogic approaches
and technologies.

The danger is that we focus on the medium at the expense of the message. The time
and resources expended on exploring Covid-appropriate delivery platforms will
necessarily detract from the emphasis on educational attainment. This is something
Pakistan can ill-afford. According to the Pakistan Social and Living Standards Mea-
surement Survey, the population’s literacy rate increased only 2pc to 60pc between
2015-16 and 2018-19. Literacy statistics also have little correlation with learning, as
fewer than 20pc of third-graders can read and comprehend a short passage.

Despite this context, the question of what constitutes an effective curriculum remains
a political and ideological battleground. The focus on educational outcomes — eg
literacy, critical thinking, STEM skills — remains scant. Instead, there is a push to
launch a national curriculum that promotes populist nationalism (and undermines the
post-pandemic need for tailored, responsive teaching) as well as a right-wing-
washing of educational content (consider Punjab’s recent curriculum bill that requires
Urdu literature and Pakistan studies’ textbooks, among others, to be vetted by the
Muttahida Ulema Board).

Ultimately, one wonders whether the powers that be truly comprehend the value of
education to the nation’s progress. What else explains the budget cuts for educational
expenditure just as the need becomes truly critical?

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Shattered dreams
Syed Saadat June 29, 2020

The writer is a former civil servant.

LEGEND has it that thousands of years ago, human beings had very long lifespans
and lived for hundreds of years. A sage of those times was telling his disciples that
there would come a time when people would not live that long and the average
lifespan would be less than even 100 years.

An old lady interjected, “Then surely those people would not build any houses at all;
why build a house for such a short span?” The sage smiled, “They would make the
strongest of houses; expensive, lavish and elaborate.” And, he added, “they would
not mind going to any extent to do that”. Neither the woman nor the sage lived long
enough to see those times, but they are well and truly here.

When everyone was busy worrying about the outcome of the coronavirus, 13 federal
secretaries, including some retired ones got themselves plots in the most developed
and beautiful sector D-12 right at the foot of the Margalla Hills of Islamabad — even
though the regulations clearly state that any new plots emerging in already developed
CDA (Capital Development Authority) sectors must be auctioned to earn maximum
revenue.

Had these plots been auctioned, the average sale price would be at least Rs50 million
for each. That is not the only problem here. In 2007, then president Musharraf, to win
over the civilian bureaucracy, introduced a perk for federal secretaries to receive a
plot in addition to their normal service benefit plot, which means at least two
residential plots in the federal capital. This policy in itself is controversial,
contentious and discriminatory.

The CDA could earn billions by initiating the process of regularisation.

Even in these uncertain times, the secretaries benefited themselves instead of getting
their act together to question the failure of the CDA to develop sectors G-14, E-12, I-
15 and many more despite getting development charges from the allottees decades
ago. So much so that 1,400 out of 4,200 allottees of E-12 have passed away without
getting anything.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis

Such loot and plunder has happened too often right under the nose of the prime
minister to give him the benefit of the doubt that he is not aware of it. In cricketing
parlance, it seems to be a case of LBW— loot before watchman.

When it comes to himself, everything falls into place. The prime minister’s Banigala
residence had been found to be illegal. It will be regularised in one way or the other
and the time it takes does not really seem to bother him as he continues to occupy the
property. However, since the court verdict almost three years ago declaring the
construction in Banigala and other similarly classified areas illegal till they are
regularised, all construction has stopped on buildings in these zones. Some buildings
were complete, others were near completion, and people had invested millions and
the CDA had no objection.

Mr Saqib Nisar, then chief justice of the Supreme Court, took notice of the
construction in Banigala on Prime Minister Imran Khan’s application. It would seem
that Mr Khan was not in favour of poor people building their humble abodes in the
vicinity.

Since then, while he continues to enjoy his dream mansion, the general public in the
vicinity suffers every day as they cannot sell their property and are even denied basic
amenities. Does the prime minister know that no new gas or electricity connection
has been provided to any house in the Banigala area for the last three years?

Imagine if the CDA had sealed his residence until it had been given proper legal
approval. He might have survived given his experience of living in a container or
having the right connections, but imagine the same happening to someone who has
invested all his savings in his dream house. The cabinet gladly clubbed the fate of
these cases with the approval of the revised master plan of the city as the delay does
not bother any of the privileged individuals sitting in the cabinet. The CDA takes a
long time to perform even little tasks like fixing a streetlight, so one can very well
imagine how long something as big as formulating a new revised master plan for the
city would take. Will the fate of thousands of people having a stake in plots or high-
rise buildings in Banigala, E-11, the Islamabad Expressway and other zones hang in
the balance till then?

The CDA could earn billions in fees and other charges by initiating the process of
regularisation on an urgent basis. This would not only generate revenue but would
also ease the pain of the general public. But it seems that to those in power or with
influence, the woes of the general public do not matter — after all, what can be more
urgent than the allotment of their own plots? The PTI-led government is turning out
to be a tale of too many shattered dreams.

ICEP# Dawn Analysis