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Iron Age in Sothern Africa

There has been a heated debate by historians on the origins of iron technology
in Central Southern Africa. There are basically three views on how iron
technology could have come to Southern Africa. Before the arrival of iron
technology the people of Southern Africa who were the San and the Khoisan
used stone to make tool. The three views on the origins of iron technology in
Southern Africa are as follows:

(i) Diffusion theory

(ii) Migrationist theory
(iii) Evolution theory

Migrationist theory

According to the migrationist theory iron technology was spread to Southern

Africa by a group of new peoples from North Africa called the Bantu. These
peoples migrated to Central Southern Africa about 2000years ago and spread
their technology as they came into contact with the local Khoisan people. The
Bantu speakers came from West Africa, north of the Congo River near present
day Cameron. In this region the Bantu began to grow crops, keep animals and
make pottery perhaps as early as 3000-2000 B.C. Very slowly their numbers
increased and they began to migrate into the forest of the Congo-Ubangi
Basin. They settled in the Katanga area of the Great lakes region. By about
5000-3000 B.C, they reached the ‘interlacustrine’ (area between lakes) area
between the lakes of Nyanza and the western Rift Valley, by which they had
acquired iron, cattle, sheep and goats and crops such as sorghum suitable for
drier areas. Then very rapidly they began to expand, round the Kenya –
Tanzania highlands area to the East Africa coast and also generally southwards,
until by about A.D 580 -760 they had reached the Eastern Cape and could not
go further because their crops would not grow in the climate of the Western
Cape. It should also be noted that the Southward movement involved not the
conquering hordes previously imagined but rather a moving frontier of farmers
seeking new fields and pastures for their animals. As they were doing so they
came into interaction with the pastoralists and hunter- gatherers of southern
Africa, that is, the Khoisan. Sometimes fighting for access to the same crucial
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resources, land, took place between the two groups. These farmers settled
throughout Sothern Africa.

These Bantu speaking farmers kept large herds of cattle and invested in cattle
with great material and symbolic value. Cattle were also used for significant
social and political transactions such as bride wealth compensation (lobola)
and tribute demands. Cattle were also valued for their milk and their hide but
they were seldom killed for the meat except on ceremonial occasions. Hunting
of game continued to provide a major source of protein , while additional
supplies came from domesticated goats and sheep. Bantu speakers also
cultivated wide range indigenous crops including millet, sorghum, beans
melons along with other grains and vegetables. Those close to the sea
collected shellfish and fished. By utilizing such a great range of food sources
the farmers spread their risk in a difficult ecological system consistently subject
to drought disease and crop failure.

According to the migrationist theory until the arrival of the Bantu in Southern
Africa the local people were ignorant of iron mining and smelting. This same
theory also states that the Bantu had learned of iron technology from some
white people in the North Africa, the Hamites, Arabs or any other

Diffusion theory

The scholars who support the diffusion theory, for example Peter Garlake
argue that the changes that occurred in Southern Africa happened naturally
and that the introduction of iron technology was a result of experiment and
interaction. According to the diffusion theory, iron technology was introduced
to Southern Africa with no migration of peoples invading the region at all, but
simply the passing of ideas and techniques from hunting band to hunting band
until eventually all adopted them and become agriculturalists, herders, iron
users or speakers of a new language. This theory also says a change in
economy, society and even language may take place with no migration of
peoples but simply the passing of ideals from one group the other. It also
argues that there is no evidence that the first farmers in Southern Africa
belonged to a different group from the local inhabitants, the hunter gatherers
who had lived in the region for thousands of years. The spread of iron working
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and agriculture were not because a new group of people moved into Southern
Africa, but was through a long process of interaction and mutual barrowing
between societies.

As far as linguistics concern, the diffusion theory offers two contradictory views
on the Bantu speaking areas of today. One is that the Bantu speakers have
always lived where they do today or at least for several thousand years, long
before the coming of food production and iron. The other is that the Bantu did
spread with the coming of the Early Iron Age , but it was a sort of lingua franca
associated with it and that it was passed from one place to place without any
migration and supplanted the Khoisan languages.

Evolution theory.

This view suggests that the knowledge of iron was invented by the local people
who were the Khoisan. It states in trying to adjust and cope with the challenge
that faced them the original inhabitants of this Southern Africa, the Khoisan
gradually changed their technology. In other words it did not take people from
outside the region but rather the change to iron was from within the local
society.

Reasons for Bantu people to migrate southwards.

Below are the possible reason put forward by historians, why the Bantu people
moved from the north to the South:

(i) Shortage of land for pasture and crops could have forced them
southwards in search of better conditions.
(ii) Population growth could have led to scarcity of resources like water –
holes and pastures.
(iii) The rise in epidemics could have made the Bantu leave their areas of
origion, perhaps having linked their area with some evil.
(iv) Leadership disputes caused communities to breakup and seek new
rulers.
(v) Shifting cultivation gradually led to the Bantu to the South where
vegetation promised better harvest.
(vi) The spread of Islam from the north could have forced the Bantu to
the South especially since the Arabs had better iron weapons.
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(vii) The vegetation of Southern Africa attracted the Bantu especially with
the weak Khoisan communities occupying the area.
(viii) Their ability to make iron attracted them to the South where minerals
deposits south of the Limpopo.

The defeat of local inhabitants.

Reasons for the defeat of the local inhabitants.

Soon after arrival in Southern Africa the Bantu defeated the Local peoples
because of the following reasons:

(i) The superiority in numbers due to large population. The Bantu had
more people because of wide source of food e.g. crop cultivation,
pastoralism etc.
(ii) Use of more advance tools and weapons. They had iron made tools
which were more effective and efficient, unlike the stone tools which
were fragile.
(iii) Social cohesion e.g. existence of chiefs. They were better organised
compared to the local inhabitants.
(iv) The establishment of permanent settlements. The establishment of
permanent home enabled acquisition of property and tools.
(v) Food security due to crop cultivation.
(vi) Strong and durable shelter e.g. huts.
(vii) Better organisation and tactics
(viii) Attractive lifestyle-the Bantu life style was attractive and therefore a
number of Local inhabitants voluntarily joined them.

The impact (effect) of the Bantu conquest over the local inhabitants of
Southern Africa, the Khoisan

Upon arrival in Southern Africa the Bantu defeated the local inhabitants the
San and the Khoisan people leading to the following:

(i) The displacement of the San people from the Zimbabwean plateau.
(ii) The Bantu established permanent settlement on the Zimbabwean
plateau.
(iii) The spread of Iron Age technology.
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(iv) The spread of iron technology marked the end of Stone Age period in
Sothern Africa.

Early Iron Age in Zimbabwe.

The Iron Age was introduced into the Zimbabwean plateau during the first
millenniums A.D by people coming from north of the Zambezi. We do not
know who these people were or what sort of language they spoke. These
people are only known to us through the pottery, iron tools and rubbles which
archaeologists have discovered in the places which were occupied by these
people.

Over most of Zimbabwe the Early Iron Age was characterised by their type of
pottery. These many types of pottery and sites where Early Iron Age evidence
was found in Zimbabwe. These are as follows:

(1) Gokomere pottery.

The Gokomere people were the first Iron Age people to live in Zimbabwe. The
Gokomere pottery was found widely distributed in the South- Central
Zimbabwe and some of the sites it where the Gokomere was found were:

(i) Tunnel rock shelter date to sixth century. At Tunnel rock shelter
evidence of early Iron was also found. The evidence was like the one
found at Mabveni.
(ii) Zimbabwe Acropolis dated to fourth century. At Acropolis, Robinson
found Early Iron Age pottery, copper and iron fragments and glass
beads.
(iii) Mabveni dated to the sixth century. At Mabveni in the Chibi district
firmer evidence of early Iron Age was found by the excavations of
Robinson. Here the remains of three pole and daga structures were
located; one of these is interpreted as a storage bin which was
originally raised above ground on stones. In addition a substantial
quantity of pottery, figurines of sheep and human and iron objects
including a ring and eight iron beads were found. Beads were also
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made of copper, ostrich egg and snail shell. Trade with coast is
demonstrated by pierced marine shell and three imported glass.
Sheep was the only domestic animal represented in small faunal
collection, but wildebeest buffalo, impala and zebra were also
hunted.
(iv) Malipati dated to the ninth century. Here again Gokomere pottery
was found along aside evidence of Early Iron age farmers.

At all these sites human activities including animal husbandry, crop

cultivation trade etc were found.

(2) Ziwa pottery.

Ziwa pottery was found centred on the Eastern Highlands around Nyanga
extending westwards towards Harare and southwards along the
Mozambique border towards the low veld.

One of the earliest known Iron Age dates in Zimbabwe comes from the Ziwa
site where a grave was dated to about A.D 300.

At the Ziwa sites human activities including animal husbandry, crop

cultivation trade were also found just like in the Gokomere sites. These sites
were characterised by stamp decorated pottery and remains of dagga
plastered houses. The pottery found at these sites suggest they were
agricultural communities who probably cultivated grains and beans. This is
further supported by the location of sites, which seem to favour fertile soils
near streams as in northern Zimbabwe. Thus these communities were
basically subsistence farmers. They kept some livestock.

(3)Kutama pottery.

Some archaeologists also speak of the Kutama tradition which is a basket of

ceramics combining Gokomere pottery, material from the Limpopo, Great
Zimbabwe and Khami.
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4 Bambata pottery.

Bambata ware (pottery) is name which has been given to loose grouping of
pottery finds characterised by thin-walled vessels bearing areal decoration
often of massed stamp- impressions which frequently extend over the rim.
The traces of Bambata pottery were found in the Matopo Hill. The Bambata
pottery was found mixed with the stone tools and implements of the late
Stone Age. The Bambata pottery does not fit easily into the general picture
but which it has been claimed to represent the earliest Iron Age in
Zimbabwe. A single pot of Bambata type was also found at Nyanga. The fact
that the Bambata pottery was found in limited areas suggests that the
bearers of the early industry were limited in number.

(5)Leopards Kopje (Zhizo) and developments of states

The Leopard’s Kopje people were the successors to the Gokomere people.
The Leopard Kopje brought new economic and social skills with them into
Zimbabwe. In fact it may be more accurate to suggest that this new culture
resulted from a blending of the earlier Gokomere culture with that which
an unknown groups of immigrants (who may have had Zambian
connections) introduced into Matabeleland. This Leopard’s kopje spread
from Matabeleland into parts of Botswana and the northern Transvaal
although it did not penetrate Mashonaland.Zhizo people (Leopard’s Kopje) ,
populating the Matopos ‘s areas as well as the middle Limpopo valley ,
lived in small villages , growing millets and sorghum while keeping livestock.
By the ninth century A.D, some of these communities had moved
westwards into the Toustwe, Shoshong, and Palapye and Serowe areas. At
the same time, communities identified as those of the Leopard’s Kopjes
culture occupied the western parts of Zimbabwe and the Shashe Limpopo
basin.

Evidence from Leopard’s Kopje site like Ntabazingwe hill north of west
Bulawayo , at Mapela on the Shashe and Bambandyanalo (near the Shashe
– Limpopo confluence) points to a development of culture level of society
complexity that we can associate with chiefdoms or states.. There was
development towards a ranked society. Society was now keeping
considerable wealth of cattle which also fostered a tendency towards craft
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specialisation. This crafts specialisation was done to meet the needs beyond
daily subsistence. This was probable articulated by people in control of such
wealth, who also managed to impose their will on other. This was probable
re-enforced by ritual and ceremony. More was generated from gold and
iron as well as animal hunting and the products of such wealth dictated an
export –oriented commercial enterprise. This created a rich class of people,
who could use wealth to manipulate the social will of others.

Although the region occupied by the Leopard ‘s Kopje culture were no dry
and poor in terms of agriculture production there were indication that
conditions were different environmentally at the beginning of the second
millennium , A.D. This encouraged experimentation with and competition
over certain resources.

By the twelfth century Leopard’s kopje farmers had established a

hegemony, centred at Mapungubwe hill, on the banks of Limpopo.
Archaeological sites in the Shashe – Limpopo basin clearly show a
hierarchical arrangement of a state society. Mapungubwe soon rose to
prominence as a powerful centre and its richly adorned burials and
elaborate houses attest to the existence of a political elite. These were in
charge or presided over a state which controlled much of the area occupied
by Leopard’s kopje culture.

(6) Mapungubwe-

By the twelfth century the Leopard’s Kopje farmers had established a state at
Mapungubwe hill on the banks of the Limpopo. Archaeological sites in the
Shashe –Limpopo basin show a hierarchical arrangement of a state.
Mapungebwe soon rose to prominence as a powerful centre, and its richly
adorned burials and elaborate houses attest to the existence of a political elite.

The Mapungubwe site was inhabited between 1000 and 1300A.D. The
economic activities of Mapungubwe point to trade and animal husbandry. The
cattle enclosure, bones and figurine demonstrate the importance of
pastoralism. This mean these people kept cattle and that cattle were an
important animal to them. The evidence of hidden bones suggests the
domestication of animals and these were more important as a source of meat
compare to wild animals.
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Mapungubwe is site surrounded by a valley which contained agricultural

terraces. The remains of sorghum and cow peas confirm rich agricultural
activities at this site.

There was also evidence of an external economy based on local raw material.
Copper and iron were accumulated for commercial purposes. There is also
evidence of external trade from beads and copper bangles.

Gold trade with distant contacts also brought foreign goods and mining
celadon, from China.

There is also evidence of local spinning and weaving, hunting and fishing. All
this demonstrate that the economy of the Mapungubwe was very much
diversified. Hunting continued to play crucial role as it provided the people
with much needed protein.

Past examination questions

1 Explain the reasons for, and impact of, the Bantu people’s triumph over
the San on the Zimbabwe plateau 1450.
2 Discuss the contributions of Iron Age sites in tracing the movements and
settlements patterns of the Bantu on the Zimbabwe plateau.
3 ‘The knowledge of farming and iron technology among the early
Zimbabwe communities was a result of diffusion rather than migration.
Discuss.
4 In what ways did iron technology lead to the formation of Early Iron age
in Zimbabwe?
5 What evidence is found at Ziwa ruins to demonstrate that it represents
an agricultural society?
6 Assess the changes that took place in early Zimbabwe as a result of the
introduction of iron.
7 To what extant have archaeological findings been useful in the
reconstruction of the economic activities of Mapungubwe state?
8 Assess the impact of iron technology on the Shona societies before
1450.
9 Compare the way of life of the San with that of the Early Iron Age Shona
societies of Zimbabwe.
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10 ‘The Leopard’s Kopje culture in Western Zimbabwe and adjacent of

Botswana and South Africa marked the emergence of chiefdom and
societies in the region’ Do you agree with this statement?