With vaccine trials on overdrive, India has

rightly taken the lead in invoking TRIPS

flexibilities

India’s indigenous vaccine manufacturers can utilise

flexibilities built into TRIPS to facilitate access to
essential health technologies and products with the
same sterling effect that they did for Hepatitis B
vaccine
Encouraging results from clinical trials for Covid-19 vaccines
have raised hopes for an end to the pandemic crisis. However,
they have also raised concerns about equitable access, amidst
concerns over price gouging. As many as six vaccines have
entered phase III of clinical trials for efficacy and safety of the
candidates. But already, the propensity to be first in the queue and
undermine global cooperation in combating the disease is
becoming evident in the US Government’s Operation Warp Speed
vaccine programme; under this, vaccines are to be speed-
developed and procured en masse for American use. The US
Health and Human Secretary Alex Azar announced a $1.95
billion deal to buy 100 million doses of a vaccine developed by
Pfizer which began a late-stage trial involving 30,000 volunteers
this week. Another frontrunner for vaccine development,
Moderna Inc, as also Johnson & Johnson have cut similar deals to
mass-produce the vaccine even before the completion of clinical
trials. Charting a similar course, Britain announced this week that
it had secured access to 90 million experimental vaccines.
Corporations, while investing in R&D, have justifiably been
assured of a return on their investment. However, the issue here is
of putting into effect the flexibilities in TRIPS agreed upon in the
2001 Doha Declaration of the WTO, so that patents do not run
against the interests of public health and access in times of a
pandemic. At a virtual general council meeting of the WTO early
June, India reiterated its commitment to this principle. The
resolution adopted by member states on May 18-19 in the 73rd
World Health Assembly, the decision-making body of WHO, is a
critical instrument. India has joined other countries in pushing a
resolution that calls for “equitable access to and fair distribution
of all essential health technologies and products to combat the
virus”.
India’s indigenous vaccine manufacturers can utilise flexibilities
built into TRIPS to facilitate access with the same sterling effect
that they did for Hepatitis B vaccine. Shantha Biotechnics broke
into global monopoly pricing (the vaccine was being sold at $23 a
dose), bringing it within the reach of Indian families by pricing it
at $1. This enabled low-cost mass vaccination globally through
UNICEF. The role of Indian generic manufacturers in supplying
anti-retroviral medicines to other developing countries has been
exemplary. India has simultaneously shown the capacity to
achieve self- reliance in the area of diagnostics for Covid-19.
Its drug manufacturers have already geared up to produce and
distribute the antiviral remdesivir under a licence, although the
price is arguably steep. The time is ripe for leveraging global
platforms and legal mechanisms to pre-empt monopoly pricing.
Apart from invoking TRIPS flexibilities under Article 31, the
government should create a consensus under WHO to reduce
licensing costs, so that manufacture and mass procurement can
proceed smoothly.

The National Education Policy 2020 is set to transform the entire

education system in the country and meets the needs of 21st century.
Analyse (200 Words)
1. Can India afford to do away with the civil services? Share and substantiate your
views.
क्या भारत लोकसेवा के बगैर रह सकती है ? अपने विचारों की पुष्टि करें ।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to share their views on  whether India afford to do away with the civil
services or not. It also expects to give relative examples while sharing the views.
Introduction:
The Civil Services refer to the career bureaucrats who are the permanent executive
branch of the Republic of India. The civil service system is the backbone of the
administrative machinery of the country.
Body:
Virulent criticism has led to demands by some that civil services has outlasted its
purpose and must be abolished. Over time many have felt that the service has failed to
meet any of these objectives satisfactorily nor does it now draw the best talent and,
therefore, appears to have become an anachronism.  This debate of doing away with
civil services came in to picture due to following specific reasons:
 In essence, Indian administration still functions very much the same way it
functioned 165 years ago. Its resources have changed; its mind and spirit remain the
same.
 The sorry state of the country in terms of its economy, public healthcare,
education, research and innovation even after 73 years of independence is well
known.
 The higher ranks of civil service claim a hand in formulating national policies too.
This means that the blame for the many failed policies of the past 73 years must fall
on the civil service too.
 There is no logic for recruiting directly at the top: All over the world, people are
recruited at the bottom of the ladder and from there, they earn their promotions
depending on their merit, as proved through departmental examinations. 
 For instance, The DGP of Kerala is a direct-recruit IPS officer with a minimum of
30 years of service. The present New York Police Department commissioner, had
joined the police as a patrolman (that is, at the bottom of the ladder) in 1991.
 The un-Indian, feudal soul of the civil service: Civil servants do not tire of referring
to themselves as the ‘steel frame’. But it was the British administrations concept,
they constituted civil services to strengthen their control on  India.
 Corruption: It is a fact that many people are attracted towards civil services due
to the tales of corruption. They know some officers or they have heard about some
officers who have made millions. They join the civil services to make lot of money
illegally thinking that it is easy to do so.
However, there are some proponents of continuity, the value of maintaining Indian Civil
Service is premised on following underlying beliefs:
 The civil service is present all over India and it thus has a strong binding
character. Though Indian polity has federal character it is unitary in its spirit. Hence,
a central service is essential to act as binding agent between Centre and the state.
 It plays a vital role in effective policy-making and regulation. e.g. After 73 years of
independence Indian economy. e.g. India has become the fifth-largest economy in
2019, overtaking the United Kingdom and France.
 It offers non-partisan advice to the political leadership of the country, even in the
midst of political instability. e.g. the period between 1985 to 1995 for Indian polity
has saw a great upheaval still India maintained its growth trajectory due to the 
advice and formulations of policies of ‘steel frame’.
 The service gives effective coordination between the various institutions of
governance, and also between different departments, bodies, etc.
 It offers service delivery and leadership at different levels of administration. e.g.
There are many examples of the civil servants who worked hard to provide benefits
of welfare schemes  up to the last person on the ladder.
 Developmental Functions: The services perform a variety of developmental
functions like promoting modern techniques in agriculture, promoting industry, trade,
banking functions, bridging the digital divide, etc.
 For example, Sandeep Nanduri, IAS: Launched a cafe which is run exclusively by
differently-abled persons.
 Administrative Adjudication: The civil services also perform quasi-judicial
services by settling disputes between the State and the citizens, in the form of
tribunals, etc.
 Instruments of Social Change & Economic Development: Successful policy
implementation will lead to positive changes in the lives of ordinary people. It is only
when the promised goods and services reach the intended beneficiaries, a
government can call any scheme successful. The task of actualising schemes and
policies fall with the officers of the civil services.
 For example, IAS officer Raj Yadav  the District Magistrate (DM) in sikkim, kick-
started the ‘District Administration’s Adopted Village’ or ‘DAAV’ initiative. A model
where the district administration would adopt an underdeveloped village and take
direct responsibility for its development. Such initiatives brought a positive
transformation in more than 7,500 lives!
Conclusion:
Though there are some lacunas and drawbacks of civil services which resulted in
exposing some of the dark realities of the civil services; it doesn’t mean that the civil
services have not contributed in the development of India. Altogether doing away with
the civil services might result in collapse of the administration. Hence, a balanced
approach of reforming civil service should be adopted so that the civil service can
contribute more for the welfare of the people.

2. Why is it important for a civil servant to be technologically informed? Explain with

the help of suitable examples.
एक सिविल सेवक को तकनीकी रूप से सचि
ू त रहना क्यों महत्वपर्ण
ू  है ? उपयक्
ु त उदाहरणों की सहायता से 
समझाएँ।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to write about the importance being technologically informed for civil
servants with relative examples. 
Introduction:
Covid-19 pandemic has restricted the ability of the public and public institution to
physically assemble and debate matters of national importance. Almost all of the
government machinery and public & private institutions have been brought to halt due to
lockdown and social distancing norms.
Body:
Digital Technology has become a toolkit for the civil service. The old ways of doing
business were a barrier to unlock the full potential of the sector. Now digital technology
within the civil service is providing a fast route to get jobs done fast and cost effective. 
Working remotely is the new normal and in this scenario. Technological empowerment
becomes fundamental for a successful democracy. Hence, there arises the need for a
civil servant to be technologically informed:
 The advent of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has nurtured
the swift emergence of a global Information Society that is changing the way people
live, learn, work and communicate.
 Efficiency: Technology has become a toolkit for the civil service. Now technology
within the civil service is providing a fast route to get the job done fast and cost-
effectively.  
 For instance, Direct benefit Transfers main advantage is preventing any frauds.
Therefore, the beneficiary receives  funds directly from the government. The
beneficiary’s bank account will directly receive the money. With the help of the
Aadhaar number, the identification of the beneficiary can be done better. It resulted
in reducing corruption in the benefit transfer schemes.
 Better communication: Technology has also been a significant player in
improving communication within the civil service and between the civil servant and
people. e.g. During COVID-19 pandemic, mostly all of the government machinery
used cloud meeting tools to take the important decisions.
 A better way to spread awareness: Since digital technology has the capacity to
broadcast and reach up to billions of people, its wise use can help to spread
necessary information guidelines up to the public. e.g. COVID-19 related important
guidelines were broadcasted through hello tunes.
 It also ensures transparency, accountability—while assuring quick and effective
responsiveness of government. e.g. GPS tagging of MGNREGS work has resulted in
addressing the loopholes and discrepancies of the MGNREGS work. It also ensured
timely payment to the employed due to linking of Aadhar with bank account of 
beneficiary.
 With the use of technology rich heritage of art and architecture can also be
preserved. e.g. Several organizations have attempted to use technology to salvage
some of Syria’s heritage which was destroyed in amidst middle-east war. What this
goes to show is that even destroyed heritage can be returned to us in some way.
 The use of technology also helps to  improve the agricultural income in the
region. e.g. A research based Soil health scheme helps the farmer to understand soil
health indicators and associated descriptive terms. In turn helping him to decide
what kind of crop can be taken, what kind of fertilizer be applied, etc.
 Many of the e-governance initiatives ensure  effective public service delivery. e.g.
Bhoomi Project (Karnataka): Online Delivery of Land Records.
 e-Office: It aims at significantly improving the operational efficiency of the
Government by transitioning to a “Less Paper Office”. Hence, technologies use in
governance also benefits the environment. 
Though the civil servant needs to be technologically informed for the better delivery of
services, there are some hurdles while implementing the schemes with help of
technology.
 As per Digital Empowerment Foundation, In India digital literacy is almost no-
existent among more than 90% of India’s population. So, a scheme like Direct benefit
transfer may not yield expected results due to digital illiteracy of the people.
 There are very less or no awareness about how to use the technology to avail the
benefits of government   promulgated schemes. 
Conclusion:
Over the years technology has changed the way of work in the governance. It ensured
better delivery of services and effective implementation. Though technology seems to
be a panacea for the delivery of services in governance, there are some lacunas which
needs to be addressed. Hence, a technologically informed civil servant can bring a
magnificent change in people’s lives while fulfilling his/her constitutional obligation.

3. Many a times, we have witnessed civil servants getting suspended over their
remarks or criticism of the Government on social media platforms. Is it justified to
stifle the right to free speech of a civil servant? Critically comment.
कई बार, हमने सोशल मीडिया प्लेटफॉर्म पर सिविल सेवकों को उनकी टिप्पणी या सरकार की आलोचना 
करने पर निलंबित होते दे खा है । क्या एक सिविल सेवक के स्वतंत्र भाषण के अधिकार को रोकना उचित है ? 
समालोचनात्मक टिप्पणी करें ।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to present a fair judgement after considering the pros and cons on
the issue of  stifling the right to free speech of a civil servant.
Introduction:
In its recent judgement Honourable Supreme Court has observed that the right to
freedom of speech and expression, as guaranteed to all citizens under the first section
of article 19, covers the right to go online too. But when it comes to right to freedom of
speech and expression for Civil servants there comes the debate of whether a civil
servant is entitled to do so or not.
Body: 
The right to freedom of speech and expression is restricted under Service conduct rules
of Bureaucracy on Free Speech(rule 5)
 Rule 5(1) stipulates that no Government servant shall be a member of, or be
otherwise associated with, any political party or any organization which takes part in
politics nor shall he take part in, subscribe in aid of, or such in any other manner, any
political movement or activity.
 Rule 5(4) stipulates that no Government servant shall canvass or otherwise
interfere with, or use influence in connection with or take part in, an election to any
legislature or local authority.
However, due to suspension of some of the civil servants over their remarks or criticism
of the Government on social media platforms puts a limelight on the debatable issue of
freedom of speech for civil servants.
Reasons for restriction:
 Indian parliamentary form of government forms the government on the basis of
majority of number of seats. In practical terms sometimes it might possible that one
decision of the government is beneficial for one group or community and
discriminatory for the other one. In this times if a civil servant speaks against the
government then it might disrupt the harmony in the administration and society.
 Freedom of speech and expression, enables an individual to participate in public
activities. It is the constitutional duty of a Civil servant to implement the formulated
policies and schemes by the government. Hence, if civil servants goes against the
policies of government the who will do the job of implementation.
 The MP’s and MLA’s are elected on the basis of the universal adult franchise.
Whereas the civil servants are selected through exams. Hence, in a democracy like
India there is prime most importance for the decisions taken by the government as it
represents the will of the people.
 Basic criticism of the government is not seen as sedition unless the Government
believes that it was calculated to undermine the respect for the government in such
a way so as to make people cease to obey it.
 Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code defines the offence of sedition as follows:
“Sedition. Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible
representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or
excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards, the Government established by
law in India, shall be punished with imprisonment for life, to which fine may be
added, or with imprisonment which may extend to three years, to which fine may be
added, or with fine”.
 In Kedar Nath v. State of Bihar (AIR 1962), the court upheld the constitutional
validity of the Section 124A of I.P.C and also upheld the view taken in Niharendu’s
case.
However, recent judgements by Tripura High court and Kerala High court gave a
different direction to this debate.
 In its judgment, the Tripura High Court has mentioned that government servants
are entitled to hold and express their political beliefs, subject to the restrictions laid
under Rule 5 of the Tripura Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1988.
 In its judgment, the Kerala High Court has mentioned One cannot be prevented
from expressing his views merely because he is an employee. In a democratic
society, every institution is governed by democratic norms. 
 Healthy criticism is a better way to govern a public institution. e.g. The
lokdarbar’s organised by the political leaders and civil servants are one such
examples.
 Restrictions applied through the service rule, that come in conflict with Article 19
(1)(a), right to free speech shall override unless the rules in question are covered
under Article 19 (2), the framework that provides for reasonable restrictions.
 In a nutshell, any restriction imposed even through the conduct rules will have to
qualify the requirements of Article 19(2). The conduct rules are flexible enough to
accommodate certain kinds of expression which may not necessarily be political in
nature.
Conclusion:
The right to Freedom of Speech and Expression plays a key role in the formation of
public opinion on the political, social and economic matters. It is, therefore,
quintessential for the functioning of democratic processes. Hence, a fair and
constructive criticism is a welcome step even if it comes from the civil servant. But, the
criticism should be in consonance with the principle enshrined in the Constitution of
India.

On Tilak’s hundredth death anniversary,

what governments can learn from his two
trials
A little after midnight, Bal Gangadhar Tilak passed away in Bombay after a brief illness exactly 100
years ago. Mahatma Gandhi and Lala Lajpat Rai were amongst the many leaders who were part of
the funeral procession that was attended by an estimated 2,50,000 people. His death brought to an
end an amazingly eventful 65-year journey that marked the beginning of a systematic struggle for
the country’s freedom. This article is confined to the two trials for sedition that demonstrate how
the judicial system was misused to silence the voice of freedom.

Tilak’s first trial for sedition had its origin in the famine of 1896. It is hard to believe that between
1876 and 1900, 18 famines occurred, taking a staggering 19,000,000 lives. Kesari, the weekly
newspaper started by Tilak, had a series of articles that criticised the conduct of officials who insisted
on collecting land tax even during a famine, and for not implementing the Famine Relief Code.
Bubonic plague struck Pune in 1897, which incidentally forced the British administration to enact the
Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897. To stem the spread of this contagious disease, repressive measures
were adopted by Walter Charles Rand, who was appointed as a special duty officer. Intense
resentment was also caused by the desecration of places of worship. Rand was killed by Damodar
Chaphekar, who was convicted and hanged. This provoked more anger, leading to further
repression. Tilak had written strong articles condemning the brutality of the measures adopted even
before this murder. In addition, Tilak also wrote an article justifying the killing of Afzal Khan by
Shivaji. The Anglo-Indian press bitterly criticised the British government for not taking action against
Tilak.
On July 27, 1897, Tilak was arrested and tried for sedition before the Bombay High Court. Ironically,
the lawyer who secured him bail, Dinshaw Davar, became the judge who would pass a savage
sentence on him 10 years later.

It is a matter of deep regret that when Tilak’s trial was about to begin, none of the leading lawyers of
the Bombay HC were willing to appear for him. W C Bonnerjee, a Congress leader, Moti Lal Ghosh,
the founder of the Amrit Bazar Patrika, and Rabindranath Tagore collected almost Rs 20,000 from
donors and this was used to send two leading English barristers from Calcutta to appear for Tilak.

The trial before Justice Arthur Strachey was a farce. Strachey’s address to the jury was deplorable
and it is almost unbelievable that an article on the killing of Afzal Khan by Shivaji could be part of the
foundation of a case of sedition. Even more bizarre was Strachey’s ruling that “disaffection” which
constitutes the offence of sedition, under section 124A of the IPC, was simply “the absence of
affection”. He sentenced Tilak to 18 months’ imprisonment. While the Anglo-Indian press gloated
over his conviction, the ruling was criticised in England. One newspaper wrote that there was hardly
any evidence that would justify such a severe sentence and observed that if criticism was to be
punished as sedition, “the government is on a perilous path”. The British press noted that Strachey’s
interpretation of “disaffection” would be unacceptable in England.

This second trial was once again a mere formality. Tilak argued his own case. He pointed out
that the English translation of his articles had serious errors and asked for a correct version,
but this plea was rejected. The most shocking part of the trial was that Tilak’s residence in
Pune was searched, but nothing was found except a card on which Tilak had written the
names of two books on explosives. Tilak explained that when he was writing an article on the
Explosives Act, he came across the names of these two books, but this card was the basis of
an allegation that Tilak was manufacturing bombs.
What was regrettable was that the jury consisted of seven Englishmen/Anglo-Indians and two
Indians who eventually dissented. Davar accepted the majority verdict and sentenced Tilak to
six years imprisonment. His articles, according to Davar, were seething with sedition and
approved the committing of murder with bombs. He concluded that Tilak’s journalism was a
curse for India. Tilak responded with these immortal words: “I maintain that I am innocent.
There are higher powers that rule the destiny of things and it may be the will of Providence
that the cause which I represent is to prosper more by my suffering than by my remaining
free.”
Tilak was sent to Mandalay jail in Burma and returned in 1914. Justice Davar’s judgment
came in for much criticism. An important question raised was that when the High Court’s
jury panel contained several Marathi-speaking Hindus, there was no explanation for their
exclusion. Davar’s verdict was also criticised by several newspapers in England except for
The Times, which welcomed it. One newspaper sarcastically remarked that the trial could
hardly be an illustration of the impartiality of the British justice system.
Tilak’s imprisonment by invoking the law of sedition failed to suppress the freedom struggle.
The two trials teach us useful lessons in dealing with public protests. A wise government
would do well to ascertain the opposite viewpoint and have the grace to correct its path
wherever necessary. Suppressing widespread dissent or criticism has always proved
counterproductive.
The writer is a Senior Advocate practising in the Supreme Court

INTERNATIONAL/ SECURITY 
Topic: General Studies 2:
 India and its neighbourhood relations 
 Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on
India’s interests
War and talks: On Taliban ceasefire
Context: The Taliban’s decision to cease fire for three days during Id-ul-Adha 
Significance of the ceasefire: It has come as a relief for Afghans who have seen
unabated violence despite a peace agreement between the insurgents and the U.S 
For a brief background on US-Taliban Deal: Click Here (Part I) and Here (Part-II) 
A Bad Precedent w.r.t Taliban Ceasefires 
 In June 2018 and May 2020, the Taliban had briefly ended hostilities to mark the
end of the holy month of Ramzan.  
 On both occasions, it refused to extend the ceasefire, returning to war as soon as
the celebrations were over. 
Is there a renewed hope that ceasefire will extend beyond festivities? 
 This time, however, hopes are high that the truce could be extended as Kabul and
the insurgents are preparing to launch the intra-Afghan talks that were promised in
the U.S.-Taliban deal (supposed to start in March 2020). 
What Stalled the Intra-Afghan Talks which were to begin in March 2020? 
 Preconditions not met: Both sides failed to reach an agreement on prisoner
exchange, that was considered necessary for peace talks to begin as per US-Taliban
deal 
 Infighting in Afghan Government 
 2019 election results were contested by the main Opposition candidate,
Abdullah Abdullah, who formed a parallel administration –resulting in divided Afghan
govt. 
 Abdulla Abdullah came back with Afghan govt. only after being appointed the
head of the High Council for National Reconciliation that will lead talks with the
Taliban.  
 Slow Progress of Deal: Finally, President Ghani decided to release 5,000 Taliban
prisoners, which was followed by the Taliban’s ceasefire announcement. 
Challenges Ahead for Intra-Afghan Talks 
There are various loopholes in the US-Taliban deal which makes it harder for various
stakeholders to reconcile 
 When the U.S. entered into talks with the insurgent group, it did not insist on a
ceasefire 
 So the Taliban continues to engage in war and talks simultaneously.  
 The Americans, badly looking for a way out of the conflict, kept the Afghan
government out of the peace process, thus weakening their position 
 The onus was on a weakened Afghan government to start talks even as the
Taliban continued attacks.  
Conclusion 
The Taliban’s ceasefire is an opportunity to kick-start intra-Afghan peace talks 
Connecting the dots 
 Heart of Asia 
 Consequences of US-Taliban Deal on India’s security interests 

GOVERNANCE/ ECONOMY/ SECURITY

Topic: General Studies 2,3:
 Government policies and interventions for development in various
sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation. 
 Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilization, of
resources  
Covid and food security
Context: Covid-19 and the ensuing global economic crisis have demonstrated that the
world is unprepared for food security. 
Do you know? 
 The UN’s recent report ‘The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World
2020’ projected that the SDG of Zero Hunger by 2030 will not be met.  
 Almost 194.4 million people in India are undernourished, according to the State
of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2019 report by the FAO. 
What are the four pillar of food security? 
The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) states that the four pillars of food security
are  
 Availability 
 Access 
 Stability  
 Utilisation 
What actions were taken by government to tackle the food insecurity in future? 
 The Union government announced
the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) will be extended till
November.  
 Free grain is being distributed under the scheme to ensure the poorest of the
poor are not left hungry.  
 The scheme is supposed to cost Rs 1.7 lakh crore to the exchequer.  
Challenges w.r.t PMGKAY 
 Poor Distribution by States: Almost 8 lakh tonnes of foodgrains had been
allocated for distribution under the scheme in March, but the states were able to
distribute only 1.07 lakh tonnes of that till May. 
 Inadequate focus on all four pillars of Food Security: While the government is
ensuring availability, access to foodgrains and utilisation are the areas
that government has underperformed and needs immediate attention. 
What will be the consequences if drawbacks in distribution is not addressed? 
 Bad Governance: It will lead to wastage of resources primarily due to human &
administrative inefficiency. This will further put people into stress during pandemic 
 Disproportionate impact on weak: The food security and nutritional status of the
most vulnerable population groups like SC/STs/poor is likely to deteriorate further 
 Gains will be lost: A disruption in accessing foodgrains might also mean that the
gains India has had in its fight against malnutrition among vulnerable groups like
women and children might be lost 
Way Ahead 
 The FAO recommends improved information systems and collaborating with the
private sector to solve distribution problems.  
 Nutrition-centric programmes like the Integrated Child Development Services
(ICDS) and mid-day meals need to keep going strong even
though Anganwadi Centres and schools (nodal agencies for the schemes) might not
open soon 
 Inter-state collaboration and learning can be a viable solution in India’s case. For
ex: States like Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Odisha have responded well even during
lockdown times by providing dry ration, under these schemes, from door-to-door. 
 Direct cash transfers into the accounts of eligible beneficiaries have worked in
states like Rajasthan to reduce stunting, wasting and underweight among children
and can be launched at the national level. 
Conclusion 
For ensuring zero hunger – resilient and strong systems are needed 
 
Connecting the dots 
 National Food Security Act 
 Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan 
 ENVIRONMENT/ GOVERNANCE/ ECONOMY
Topic: General Studies 2,3:
 Environment Conservation
 Government policies and interventions for development in various
sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation
EIA Notification 2020: What are the key changes?
Context: The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) has
published the draft EIA Notification 2020, with the intention of replacing the existing
2006 EIA Notification, under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986.
What is significance of EIA?
 Sustainable Development: An EIA makes a scientific estimate of the likely
impacts of a project, such as a mine, irrigation dam, industrial unit or waste
treatment plant. 
 Public Participation: There is also a provision for a public hearing at which the
local community and interested persons can give opinions and raise objections,
based on the draft EIA report prepared by experts for the project.
How does the draft EIA Notification differ from the one now in force?
1. Removal of several activities from the purview of public consultation: 
 A list of projects has been included under Category B2, expressly exempted from
the requirement of an EIA 
 The projects under this category include offshore and onshore oil, gas and shale
exploration, hydroelectric projects up to 25 MW, irrigation projects between 2,000
and 10,000 hectares of command area, small and medium mineral beneficiation
units, MSMEs in dye industry etc.
 Also, coal and non-coal mineral prospecting and solar photovoltaic projects do
not need prior environmental clearance or permission in the new scheme.
2. Subverts Public Consultation: The notice period for public hearing has been cut
from 30 days to 20 days. This will make it difficult to study the draft EIA report, more
so when it is not widely available or provided in the regional language.
3. New provision for post-facto environmental clearance: It means that the
clearances for projects can be awarded even if they have started construction without
securing environmental clearances.
4. Promotes Expansion: For project modernisation and expansion, the norms in
Notification 2020 are liberal, with only those involving more than 25% increase
requiring EIA, and over 50% attracting public consultation.
5. Diluted Compliance Mechanism: Project proponents need to submit only one
annual report on compliance with conditions, compared to the existing two
What are the apprehensions?
 Exemptions will seriously affect the environment, since these will be carried out
without oversight
 The move is seen as retrograde, because the CAG found in 2016 that the
deficiency in semi-annual compliance reporting was between 43% and 78%, while
failure to comply with conditions ranged from 5% to 57%
 After the gas leak at LG Polymers in Visakhapatnam in May 2020, the
Environment Ministry told the National Green Tribunal that the unit lacked
environment clearance, exposing the low effectiveness of rules.
How does the draft notification compare with global norms?
 The EU Directive on EIA includes climate change and biodiversity concerns.
 EU has also modified its processes in accordance with the Aarhus Convention,
1998, which stipulates that 
o Environmental rights and human rights are linked 
o The present generation owes an obligation to future generations
o Sustainable development can be achieved only through the involvement of
all stakeholders
o Government accountability and environmental protection are connected
o Interactions between the public and public authorities must take place in a
democratic context. 
Conclusion
 The EIA rules in India privileges the interests of the project proponents over that
of safeguarding environment
Connecting the dots:
 Polluter Pay principle
 Sustainable Development Goals

SOCIETY/ POLITY / GOVERNANCE

Topic: General Studies 2,3:
 Salient features of Indian Society & Secularism
 Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States;
Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors
The significance of the Char Dham board verdict
Context: The Uttarakhand High Court on July 21 upheld the constitutionality of the
Uttarakhand Char Dham Devasthanam Management Board Act, 2019
Uttarakhand Char Dham Devasthanam Management Act,2019.
 The Act entrusted management of Char Dham temples to a Board whose
Chairman and members are, by and large, nominated by the State Government.
 Two of the Chardham temples in Uttarakhand, Shri Badrinath and Shri
Kedarnath temples, were, prior to the 2019 Act coming into force, under the control
and management of a managing committee constituted under the U.P. Shri
Badrinath and Shri Kedarnath Temples Act, 1939. 
 This 1939 Act was repealed by the 2019 Act. 
 The 2019 Act brings within its ambit the Gangotri and Yamunotri Dhams also.
Challenged in Court of Law
 The act was challenged on the ground that it violates Articles 14, 25, 26 and 31-A
of the Constitution of India
 It was alleged that the 2019 Act divests ownership of its properties from the
temple, and vests it in the Board controlled by government
What were the major Issues which was highlighted in this Judgement?
 Precedence of upholding similar laws:
o Such laws are in place for a number of temples such as Jagannath Puri
(1955), Vaishno Devi(1988), Shrinathji at Nathdwara (1959), Mahakal at Ujjain
(1982), Kashi Vishwanath (1983), and Tirupati Balaji temple (1987). 
o All these acts were upheld by the Courts of India
 Distinction between religious and Secular activities: 
o Offerings (of money, fruits, flowers or any other thing) are given to the
deity, religious practice ends with these offerings. 
o The collection and distribution of these offerings for the maintenance and
upkeep of temple are secular activities
 Char dhams Doesn’t belong to any religious denomination

o The Supreme Court in Nar Hari Sastri And Others vs Shri Badrinath Temple
Committee  (1952) had already held Badrinath to be a public temple of Hindus
and not confined to any family or denomination.
o Also, SC held that secular activities of these temples can be regulated by
the state. 
o The Court explicitly said that legislature is not bound to demonstrate
mismanagement of temples while enacting such laws.
 Regulation of religious practices/administration is not specific to Hinduism

o There are as many as 27 waqf laws and the Shiromani Gurudwara
Parbandhak Committee Act too was enacted in 1925.
o In the latest judgment, Chief Justice Ranganathan observed that it is not
necessary that the legislature should make a law uniformly applicable to all
religious institutions 
 Article 26 is not absolute

o The court clarified that ‘in matters of religion’, right to management is a
guaranteed fundamental right under Article 26(b) 
o But in respect of properties, the right to administer properties under Article
26(c) is to be exercised in ‘accordance with law’. 
o Thus, the state is entitled to regulate administration of religious or temple
properties by means of validly enacted law.
Connecting the dots:
 Article 31 of Indian Constitution
How COVID-19 will change the way we design
our homes
 COVID-19 will effect profound changes in home design.

 Pandemic-inspired housing innovation will collide with

techno-acceleration, and the new focus on resilience and
income inequality.

 New-home sales have far outstripped sales of existing

homes so far this year.
COVID-19 is confounding planning for basic human needs, including
shelter. Around the world, home builders are vigilantly reading tea leaves in
the fog, trying to figure out how to survive (and even thrive in) an unfolding
economic disaster. And we mourn the fallen, working to keep our loved
ones healthy and safe.

COVID-19 has drawn a political dividing line in much of the world. It

reminds me of something an American revolutionary, Samuel Johnson,
said in 1775: “Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel.” In my story,
the scoundrel is this virus – COVID-19.

Home builders construct the physical environments for families, who turn
them into homes – homes we hope are filled with laughter, love, aspiration
and celebration. Good housing is the cornerstone of strong communities.

Much of how COVID-19 impacts us will be determined by science, but not

all. “The question of how the pandemic plays out is at least 50% social and
political,” Sarah Cobey, epidemiologist and evolutionary biologist at the
University of Chicago, told Scientific American.

Just as the Spanish flu gave us the vanity room, which originated as a
hand-washing basin immediately inside the front entry of a home, COVID-
19 will influence innovation in home design.

Open-plan, ever-larger houses have ruled the market for decades, even
though family size has shrunk and middle-class real earnings have
remained flat. U.S. households averaged 2.44 children in 1965 but 1.9 by
2015. With 128.6 million households, that’s 7 million fewer children. Yet the
average size of U.S. houses grew 62% from 1973-2015, from 1,660 square
feet to 2,687. House size was still growing in 2018. In Canada, houses
have also grown as families shrunk. In Europe, average house size has
grown to 1,880 square feet (which Europeans will say astounds them).
Pandemic thinking will likely favour less-open spaces (though people will
crave nature-positive spaces), perhaps reviving cozy dens to supplement
living rooms. Spending may shift into less obvious enhancements of safety
and comfort. Better interior insulation will enable quieter places. Screened-
in porches and outdoor spaces, and new approaches to landscaping will
help keep mosquitoes and other disease-bearing critters at bay. A
bedroom, kitchen, living room area and bath that is a little removed from
the core of the house will accommodate adult children now and elderly
parents later (at Lennar, we call this the Next Gen Home). Split HVAC
systems can prevent sickroom air from being pumped into everybody’s
space. Such mini-HVAC systems with no ductwork have become very
affordable.

Home-based jobs call for better home offices (Lennar calls this the Next
Gen Home Office). The infamous toilet flush in the background of U.S.
Supreme Court by-telephone oral arguments underscored the perils of
inappropriate home-work spaces. So do videos of children and pets
interrupting conference calls or other tasks. A larger home-based work
force will drive designers to balance job requirements with the privacy and
safety of the family.

The pandemic is changing the way we work

Image: Buffer, The 2020 State of Remote Work

Pandemic-inspired housing innovation will collide, however, with three

critical forces that were already simmering pre-COVID and are now at a
high boil.
 Techno-Accelerations. The pandemic has accelerated the
already-brisk integration of real and virtual activities,
including remote work, remote health, and remote
education. But electric and automated vehicle compatibility,
delivery-enablement systems, frictionless purchasing and
the Internet of Things (IoT) enabling the remote
maintenance and repair of homes . . . all require fast
bandwidth – faster even than 5G. It also requires security: in
a geopolitical environment where surface attack areas have
expanded, we all want military-grade cybersecurity.

 Climate. As China began publicly grappling with deaths from

COVID-19 in mid-January 2020, the World Economic
Forum’s "2020 Global Risks Report" was released. It
warned that climate change makes more of the planet
hospitable to infectious pathogens. Resilience is therefore
the watchword of the remainder of the century. Energy and
flood resilience, and smart insurance and other financing
products that will encourage a great migration away from the
coasts . . . these are the characteristics of the new urban
morphology brought about by climate change.

 Social Justice. While COVID-19 did not cause the social

justice movement that swept many parts of the world this
summer and the U.S. in particular, the virus amplifies
economic burdens which, in turn, exacerbate the
movement's root causes: income inequality is central to this
dynamic. The Institute for Policy Studies found America’s
400 richest people are worth $US3 trillion, more than all
African-American households plus 25% of Hispanic
 households combined. There’s little doubt these numbers
err on the low side now. COVID-19 has wiped out the ready
resources of many families and that will spark varying
degrees of political reaction globally. Populist housing
policies that threaten capital investment could deter home
building and contribute to future housing crises. Inclusionary
housing programmes that accelerate wealth creation among
traditionally excluded populations, enable financing, inject
innovation into housing use and urgently work toward
housing security for vulnerable populations will underpin
how governments reallocate precious housing-related
subsidies.
The ghosts of the 2008 financial crisis hang over the pandemic economy.
But the 2008 crisis was housing-ignited. High-risk mortgages drove up the
prices of houses buyers couldn’t afford but bought anyway. This textbook
housing bubble was buoyed by an irrational conviction that prices would
keep rising and rising. Low interest and inflated housing values led millions
to refinance or, in the U.S., extract home equity loans to pay for
remodelling, cars, boats, campers, and bucket-list quests. The housing
bubble popped and its bad ink seeped through world economic systems.

A 6 January 2020 Washington Post article opened with: “A strong job

market and low mortgage rates should sustain the housing market in 2020.
The problem will be finding enough homes for buyers. With unemployment
hovering at a 50-year low and interest rates well below historical norms, the
real estate industry is being dragged down by scarcity in housing stock….”

Within three months, U.S. unemployment had surged to historic levels

(more than 23 million Americans were officially unemployed at the start of
May, more than 30 million by the end) but that Washington Post article still
holds true today. Low mortgage costs in the U.S. and the developed world
continue to drive affordability. And the deficit in housing production
inherited from the 2008 crisis still constrains supply while, at the same time,
millennials all over the world are starting their families.

Sales of existing houses — normally about 90% of the U.S. market — have
been eviscerated this year. New homes are favoured over resale, and de-
urbanisation is occurring where it can. If new-home sales of the late spring
and, as reported in the media, the early summer, continue, 2020 could be a
fair year for new home builders. There’s been a big jump in online sales of
new homes, a global spike in online home-searching activity, and
purchasing occurring often without buyers even walking through a house. A
new, fully warranted home, bought without having to spend time with
realtors and owners, has great appeal.

In the last century, vaccines and the public health movement largely
eliminated dreaded contagious disease in much of the world. Industrialised
countries have periodic outbreaks that remind us of this danger, among
which, the HIV/AIDS, SARS, Zika, and West Nile viruses. Public health
professionals tell us we could be entering an era in which mass
urbanisation, climate change, stressed natural eco-systems and other
factors will yield a pandemic (or something approximating one) every 7-10
years. This will force a reckoning with what it means to work together
toward a better future. But we will also realise that we will all seek refuge in
a home. Maybe knowing that will be our true last refuge.

POLITY/ FEDERALISM/ GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 2:
 Issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure
 Indian Constitution—historical underpinnings, evolution, features,
amendments, significant provisions 
Time to unlock: On a year after the removal of J&K’s
statehood 
Context: A year has passed since Jammu & Kashmir was stripped of its special
status (Article 370) as well as Statehood. 
Why was Constitutional Status of Jammu & Kashmir changed? 
 Article 370 was a considered stumbling block in bringing Kashmir closer to the
rest of India, a source of extremism and separatism in the Kashmir Valley, and an
avenue for Pakistan to gain a foothold in the Valley. 
 The reorganisation of the erstwhile J&K State (abrogating Article 370, Converting
from State to Union Territory, making Ladakh as separate UT) was defended on the
ground that it leads to greater integration of J&K with the rest of the country. 
Issues that needs to be addressed 
 Vacuum in Political Activity: Mainstream politics in J&K has become impossible
with leaders in detention and those released reportedly undertaking to stay away
from any public discussion on J&K’s future 
 Against Transparency: Neither the J&K government nor the Centre has released
a list or number of leaders who were detained last year 
 Democratic Process Undermined: The legislative route that the Centre
took (without consultation with State) and the communication restrictions on the
population that followed, casts a shadow on India’s standing as a constitutional
democracy 
 Spirit on Indian Federalism Weakened: J&K’s special status within the Indian
Union represented asymmetry, which is integral to the Indian federal experience. For
ex: Several of North Eastern States enjoy varying degree of asymmetric Federalism 
 Judicial Activism Lacking: The judiciary — the J&K High Court and Supreme
Court — has not shown any urgency to settle the constitutional & legal questions
raised by reorganisation of J&K 
 Links to Chinese aggression: Some scholars have linked the continuing Chinese
aggression in Ladakh to the change in J&K’s status 
 India’s Global reputation in upholding Human Rights: At least two dozen
politicians in J&K, including former CM Mehbooba Mufti, remain in detention, some
not notified, which is against Democratic Credentials of India. 
Way Ahead  
 Constitutional Change is not enough: The Kashmir conflict is a function of
complex historical grievances, politico-ethnic demands, increasing religious
radicalisation, and Pakistan’s interference in the Kashmir Valley. Any solution needs
to be holistic 
 Human Rights based Policy: Respect for human rights should be a key
component of the Kashmir policy, as this and upholding national interest go hand in
hand. 
 Centre needs to start a conversation with the people of J&K: This can be
achieved by release all political prisoners and holding elections with participation
from all sections of society (including mainstream regional political parties) 
Connecting the dots:
 State Reorganisation Act, 1956 
 Article 371 of Indian Constitution 

SECURITY / FOREIGN POLICY 

Topic: General Studies 2,3:
 Security challenges and their management in border areas
 India and its neighborhood- relations
Militarising Andamans: The costs and the
benefits 
Context: The Ladakh stand-off with China has catalysed India’s efforts to strengthen its
military presence at the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (ANI)
 The idea of militarising the Andaman Islands isn’t new.  
 Since the 1980s, Indian commentators & policy makers have advocated building
strategic muscle at the ANI to fully exploit the strategic position of ANI 
Recent Steps taken by India in ANI 
 New Delhi has moved to expedite plans for basing additional military forces,
including facilities for additional warships, aircraft, and infantry soldiers at the
strategically-located Andaman Islands.  
 Naval air stations INS Kohassa in Shibpur and INS Baaz in Campbell Bay are
having their runways extended to support operations by large aircrafts 
 A 10-year infrastructure development “roll-on” plan — pegged at Rs 5,000 crores
— is on the fast-track.  
What is the Strategic significance of ANI? 
 Close to Malacca Strait: ANI spans 450 nautical miles in a roughly north-south
configuration and is adjacent to the western entrance to the Malacca Strait, which is
a major Indian Ocean choke point 
 Links Two Subcontinents: Geopolitically, the ANI connects South Asia with
South-East Asia. While the northernmost point of the archipelago is only 22 nautical
miles from Myanmar, the southernmost point, Indira Point, is a mere 90 nautical
miles from Indonesia. 
 Dominating Position: The islands dominate the Bay of Bengal, the Six Degree and
the Ten Degree Channels that more than sixty thousand commercial vessels traverse
each year. 
 Access to EEZ: ANI constitute just 0.2% of India’s landmass but provide near 30%
of its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). 
 Important Pillar of Foreign Polcy: ANI could also become an important element
of India’s “Act East Policy” of engaging with countries in the region east of India. 
 Commercial Potential: The trans-shipment hub at Car Nicobar, could potentially
be a strategic game-changer, rivalling the ports of Singapore or Colombo. 
 Tri-Service Security Strategy: As Andaman and Nicobar is the only Tri-Command
structure in India, development of military infrastructure at ANI is a key requirement
in India’s security strategy 
 Tackling China: With China’s growing presence in Indian Ocean region,
militarising the islands will provide India a first mover advantage in dominating the
region 
What are the Challenges in Militarising ANI? 
1. Fear of antagonise India’s neighbours
 A section of India’s diplomatic community has opposed militarising the
ANI would disrupt Indian Ocean as zone of peace. 
 They argued that militarising A&N islands would in turn militarise the littorals —
an outcome that would not sit well with countries in South and Southeast Asia. 
 When India first began developing the ANI in the mid-1980s, observers say
Malaysia and Indonesia feared that India would use its military facilities in the ANI to
dominate its region, and project power east of Malacca 
 2. Ecological aspect to militarising the ANI
 The flurry of recent infrastructure projects (including any military projects),
environmentalists warn, could devastate the fragile ecology of islands. 
 Many islands are facing significant damage from the climate crisis, which will get
exacerbated due to military activities 
 3. Lack of reciprocity in India’s bilateral logistics agreements
 The Indian navy’s plans to offer logistical support to partner navies does
not include its ANI facilities.  
 Four years after signing a logistics pact with the US its navy ships still have no
access the ANI. France, Singapore and Australia — India’s other logistics partners —
too haven’t had their warships repaired or replenished at Indian island facilities 
 As a result, there hasn’t been much enthusiasm from friendly foreign countries to
build strategic capabilities at the ANI. 
 5. Counterproductive to tackle China
 While China’s presence in the Indian Ocean is growing, it hasn’t so far militarised
key Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) outposts in the Bay of Bengal (Hambantota,
Chittagong and Kyaukpyu). 
 If India pushes for greater military presence in the ANI, China could well seek
military access in its friendly countries in Indian ocean. 
Way Ahead 
 Militarising ANI will aid India’s strategic capabilities, but such development
should not come at the cost the ruthless exploitation of Biodiversity hotspot 
 In order to counter China’s expanding footprint in Indian Ocean region, India may
consider permitting friendly foreign navies (QUAD members, France etc.) access to
the ANI’s military bases. 
Connecting the dots:

 String of Pearl Strategy 

 Explained: How Covid-19 has helped the

groundnut stage a comeback
So, what accounts for this comeback, especially in Gujarat where the
crop is mainly grown in the Saurashtra region?

As the novel coronavirus has forced Indians to eat more home-cooked food — eateries

haven’t fully reopened, while the ban on weddings and social functions remains — it is also
showing up in the pattern of edible oil consumption.
On the one hand, imports of palm oil —the predominant frying medium used by hotels,
restaurants/dhabas, canteens and caterers as well as namkeen and mithai makers — have
fallen by almost 40% year-on-year during April-June. On the other, oils directly used in home
kitchens — whether soyabean and sunflower or indigenous mustard, groundnut, coconut and
sesame — have reported no decline, if not increase, in consumption.
The groundnut rally
One example of “consumer-facing”, as opposed to “institution-consumed”, oils faring well in
lockdown/unlockdown India is groundnut. According to the Union Agriculture Ministry,
production of this oilseed in 2019-20, at 93.47 lakh tonnes (lt), was more than the previous
year’s 67.27 lt and the highest since the record 97.14 lt of 2013-14. Yet, it is currently trading
in Rajkot’s wholesale market at Rs 5,300-5,400 per quintal, as against Rs 4,900-5,000 a year
ago and the government’s minimum support price (MSP) of Rs 5,275. The oil is also fetching
around Rs 130/kg, up from Rs 105-110 last year at this time.

“Groundnut oil prices had been rallying since early this year in line with other vegetable oils.
But unlike, say, palm oil, its consumption and prices have remained steady even post
lockdown. In Gujarat especially, people had to switch entirely to eating at home and they
chose groundnut oil, which is their traditional cooking medium,” says Sameer Shah, president
of the Jamnagar-based Saurashtra Oil Mills Association (SOMA).
But it’s not just oil.
An equally significant factor that is keeping groundnut prices firm is exports. In 2019-20
(April-March), India exported 6.64 lt of groundnuts – both kernels and in-shell — valued at
Rs 5,096.38 crore, compared to 4.89 lt worth Rs 3,298.33 crore the previous fiscal. These
shipments were mainly to Indonesia, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand and China.
An interesting fact about groundnut is that its importance as an oil source has diminished
vastly in recent times. Till the mid-seventies, groundnut accounted for over 50% of India’s
edible oil consumption. But today, more than half of the country’s groundnut kernels are used
for table consumption or exported, leaving little for oil extraction. That makes it more of a
dry fruit than an oilseed. B V Mehta, executive director of the Solvent Extractors’
Association of India (SEA), estimates annual groundnut oil consumption at 4 lt, which is
hardly 2% of the country’s edible oil demand and below even other indigenous oils such as
cottonseed and rice bran (see table).
That situation could, however, change this year with farmers substantially expanding the area
sown under groundnut. Acreage under the oilseed in the ongoing kharif planting season has
already touched 45.45 lakh hectares (lh), up from last year’s corresponding 30.54 lh. The
coverage in Gujarat, at 20.38 lh, is an all-time-high, way above the normal planted area of
15.18 lh and surpassing the previous best of 19.72 lh for the crop in 2002-03. The other states
to have recorded a surge in plantings so far are Andhra Pradesh (from 2.43 lh to 6.78 lh) and
Rajasthan (5.26 lh to 7.06 lh). These figures are likely to go further in the coming days.
Behind the comeback
So, what accounts for this comeback, especially in Gujarat where the crop is mainly grown in
the Saurashtra region?
One reason, of course, is prices expected to remain firm, supported by rising home
consumption of the oil post-Covid and steady export demand for the kernels. SOMA’s
Sameer Shah is confident that domestic groundnut oil rates will not fall way below the
present levels of Rs 2,000 per 15-kg tin.
📣 Express Explained  is now on  Telegram. Click here to join our channel
(@ieexplained) and stay updated with the latest
But prices apart, there are also the comparative returns vis-à-vis other crops. In Saurashtra,
where the major groundnut-cultivating districts are Rajkot, Junagadh, Jamnagar and
Devbhoomi Dwarka, the competing crop is basically cotton. Saurashtra farmers this time
have sown just 14.87 lh area under cotton, as against the 16.50 lh under groundnut. The latter
has clearly gained at the former’s expense.
For farmers, groundnut can be harvested in 90-110 days by October-November, whereas a
full cotton crop cycle can take up to 180 days over 3-4 pickings. The shorter duration gives
the flexibility to plant wheat, chana (chickpea), jeera (cumin) or coriander during the rabi
winter-spring season. Not only are groundnut cultivation costs lower, their stems are very
good fodder for cattle and buffaloes. Yields per hectare, at 10-20 quintals, are more or less
similar both for kapas (raw un-ginned cotton) and groundnut-in-shell. Yields of the fibre crop
have actually fallen in the last 5-6 years due to repeated pink bollworm attacks.
What has really tilted the balance, on top of the above, is prices. These, in the case of
groundnut, hit a record Rs 6,000/quintal early this year, overtaking the average Rs 5,000
levels for kapas. Regular MSP-based procurement by government agencies has further
boosted farmers’ confidence to plant. The National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing
Federation of India or Nafed procured 2.16 lt of the oilseed from Gujarat alone in 2016-17,
which rose to 8.28 lt, 4.25 lt and 5 lt in the following three cropping years.
Gujarat is, incidentally, also the country’s largest cotton producer. But procurement of kapas
through the Cotton Corporation of India hasn’t been on the scale of groundnut purchases
undertaken by Nafed.

If the monsoon remains normal — Saurashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu have
received excellent rains – and there is no damage from pests and diseases (white grub insect, leaf
spot and rust fungi, etc), a record groundnut crop is in the offing. And that, according to SEA
president Atul Chaturvedi, could also restore its status as an oilseed and not just dry fruit.

POLITY/ FEDERALISM/ GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 2:
 Issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure
 Indian Constitution—historical underpinnings, evolution, features,
amendments, significant provisions 
Three-language formula: History and Analysis
Context: Tamil Nadu has objected to the three-language formula advocated in the
National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 
A Brief History of Language Politics in India 
 In the Constituent Assembly, Hindi was voted as the official language of the
Union by a single vote. At the same time, it gave States the liberty to independently
decide their official language. 
 However, it provided that the use of English language would continue for 15 more
years, and after 15 years, Parliament can enact a law to provide for continued use of
English language for specified purposes. 
 The Constitution also asked the government to appoint a commission at the end
of five and ten years respectively to make recommendation with regards to
progressive use of Hindi language. 
 As the end of the fifteen years drew closer, there were widespread protests in the
southern states, particularly against promotion/imposition of Hindi Language 
 Keeping in mind the protests, Official Language Act was enacted in 1963 which
provided for continued use of English alongside Hindi indefinitely.  
Three Language Formula 
 The teaching system across various regions in the country was not uniform.  
 Whereas Hindi was the general medium of instruction in the north, regional
languages and English were the media of instruction in other parts.  
 This led to chaos and created difficulties for inter-state communication.  
 Therefore, in order to uniformize the system, in 1968 the New Education
Policy derived a middle path called the Three-Language Formula 

o In Hindi-speaking states, the formula translated into learning Hindi, English
and a modern Indian language (preferably south Indian).  
o For students in non-Hindi speaking states, it mandated lessons in Hindi,
English and the regional language  
 The three functions which the three language formula sought to serve, were  

o Accommodating group identity 
o Affirming national unity 
o Increasing administrative efficiency 
 Incidentally, the NPE 1986 made no change in the 1968 policy on the three-
language formula and the promotion of Hindi and repeated it verbatim. 
What has been the progress of Three Language Formula? 
 Since education is a state subject, the implementation of the formula lay with the
states. Only a few states had adopted the formula in principle. 
 In many of the Hindi-speaking states, Sanskrit became the third language instead
of any modern Indian language (preferably south Indian language).This defeated the
purpose of Three Language formula to promote inter-state communications 
 In non-Hindi speaking state such as Tamil Nadu a two-language formula was
adopted and did not implement the three language formula 
Why has Tamil Nadu historically opposed Hindi Language? 
 Language being the vehicle of Culture is protected vociferously by civil society &
politicians in the State. Any attempt at diluting the importance of Tamil language is
viewed as an attempt at homogenisation of culture. 
 An important aspect of the opposition to Hindi imposition is that many in Tamil
Nadu see it as a fight to retain English.  
 English is seen as a bulwark against Hindi as well as the language of
empowerment and knowledge.  
 There is an entrenched belief in certain sections of society that the continued
attempts to impose Hindi will eventually lead to elimination of English, global link
language. 
 However, voluntary learning of Hind has never been restricted in the State. The
patronage for the 102-year-old Dakshina Bharat Hindi Prachar Sabha, based in
Chennai, proves this.  
 Only compulsion is met with resistance.  
What has been the impact on India due to Language Politics? 
 Allegation of Imposition of Hindi: In Non-Hindi speaking states Hindi is
mandated as third language however, it a difficult task as at least in 20 out of 28
states Hindi is not the natural language. This leads to misconstruing promotion of
Hindi as imposition. 
 Identity Politics: Language, from the very birth of the independent India, remained
a contentious issue and as a result it has become tied with the identity politics. 
 Reactionary Policies: States have often implemented reactionary policies against
the centre’s enthusiasm to promote Hindi.  
 For example, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal made it compulsory to learn
their state languages across schools in the respective states 
 Domino Effect: Such reactionary policies have a domino effect which jeopardizes
other administrative functions and center-state relations. 
What does NEP 2020 say about the Three Language Formula? 
 Medium of Instruction: Wherever possible, the medium of instruction until at
least Grade 5, but preferably till Grade 8 and beyond, will be the home
language/mother tongue/local language/regional language. 
 The three-language formula will continue to be implemented while keeping in
mind the need to promote multilingualism as well as promote national unity. 
 NEP also stated that there will be a greater flexibility in the three-language
formula, and no language will be imposed on any State. 
 The three languages learned by children will be the choices of States, regions,
and of course the students themselves, so long as at least two of the three
languages are native to India. 
What is the Criticism of NEP 2020 with regards to Language? 
 As opposed to the previous policy, the current draft suggests the introduction of
languages at the primary level itself. This is criticized on the ground that it will
be Cognitive burden on young children to learn languages 
 Back Door Entry for Hindi: Tamil Nadu which is having two language policy in
State opposes the continuation of Three Language Policy as they fear this would
eventually pave the way for Hindi to enter the State through the back door. 
 Scarcity of Teachers of non-Hindi Languages: Several linguistic activists and
educationists observed that the move would eventually end up in students being
forced to learn Hindi because of scarcity of teachers in other languages 
 Discrimination in Funds: The Centre has allotted 50 crore for development of
Hindi, while no such funds are given to other languages. 
Is the Criticism valid? 
 Out of necessity, many in the Tamil Nadu State have picked up conversational
Hindi to engage with the migrant population that feeds the labour needs of society.
Teaching the same in schools is thus not a threat to native language 
 There is this counter-argument that Tamil Nadu is depriving students of an
opportunity to learn Hindi, touted as a national link language.  
 Unlike the National Education policy-1968 which mandated teaching of Hindi in
non-Hindi speaking States, the latest NEP does not explicitly mention the ‘third’
language shall be Hindi. 
 This means, apart from Tamil and English, students must learn any one of Indian
languages.   
Conclusion 
India’s federal nature and diversity demand that no regional language is given
supremacy over another. 

Jammu and Kashmir: Power

projects can power growth
The region has the potential to generate about 20,000 MW of hydropower, creating
countless jobs and numerous avenues for skill development

When the Kishanganga Hydroelectric Plant (330 MW) in Bandipora district was dedicated to
the nation by Prime Minister Narendra Modi last May, not many would have imagined the
benefits it would bring to Jammu & Kashmir in just over a year.

The NHPC-owned project was viewed by critics as a drain on the resources of the

central power utility. But the dividends and prosperity this project, an engineering
marvel with a 23.24-km tunnel, has brought to the new Union Territory proves the
critics wrong.
Frivolous attempts by Pakistan to stymie construction of this project were fought hard
by India at The Hague (Permanent Court of Arbitration). In the first 10 months of
Jammu and Kashmir becoming the UT, it got 85.12 million kWh free power worth Rs
34.31 crore, and Rs 10.54 crore towards water usage charges.
In fact, this project is the tip of the iceberg for the valley that hitherto reeled under
severe power crisis, especially during harsh winter conditions.
Those opposed to abrogation of Article 370 may have underestimated development
gains the new dispensation would bring to the Kashmir valley, Jammu, Leh and
Ladakh.
Kishanganga is just one in a string of power generation, transmission and distribution
projects that are intended at bringing the economy back on track in the trouble-torn
valley.
Apart from providing power and channelising water for irrigation, projects like
Kishanganga have brought other benefits such as access to healthcare at minimal
costs, imparting new skills or even local area development like sprucing up parks,
roads connectivity, or even helping the kids in project vicinity with online classrooms.
Over and above, new jobs on offer to the youth in the valley cannot be ignored.
Recently, the Lieutenant Governor inaugurated 10 projects in power distribution that
were executed at reducing the power shortages reportedly to eight hours a day
across Srinagar, Shopian, Anantnag, Budgam and Kulgam districts.
Seven other projects for which he laid the foundation stone would also be
implemented by central agencies under different schemes over the next one year.
Augmenting power distribution that had hitherto been neglected by previous
governments led by PDP and National Conference seem to be the right move to
bridge the power gap in the UT.
In fact, the peaking demand in Jammu & Kashmir was recently reported to be at
3,400 MW, which constitutes just 1.8% of the national aggregate. And the actual
shortages were brought down substantially after the new projects were realised on
the ground.
Infusing much required liquidity at Rs 4,580 crore via project financing by the PFC
(Power Finance Corporation) and the REC (Rural Electrification Corporation) under
Atmanirbhar Bharat is under way. This would hasten new projects under
implementation.
Jammu & Kashmir has the potential to generate about 20,000 MW of hydropower
(11,283 MW in Chenab basin, 3,084 MW in Jhelum, 500 MW in Ravi and 1,608 MW
in Indus). Once the entire power potential is exploited, Jammu & Kashmir can be
turned into a net energy exporter.
Efforts in this direction seem to have been made with the Pakul hydroelectric power
project (1,000 MW) being executed on fast-track basis. Yet another project in
Chenab valley, Kiru hydroelectric power project (624 MW), also seems to be in
advanced stages of implementation. While the PFC is largely funding these two
ventures, the PTC (Power Trading Corporation) seems to be gearing up to export the
excess power from these projects that can be traded on its online platform.
Coupled with financing large power projects, setting up of a joint power regulatory
commission for Jammu & Kashmir as well as Ladakh would kick off the much-
desired power reforms while allowing for orderly development of energy resources in
the two UTs, benefiting consumers in the region as power tariffs are expected to be
regulated by an independent commission.
The report of the Alok Kumar-led panel to ensure round-the-clock power availability
in both the UTs needs to be quickly implemented. If industry, agriculture and
household consumption demand are to be met, a fool-proof plan needs to be rolled
out.
As a first step, reeking power infrastructure needs to be overhauled. A beginning
seems to have been made to replace wooden poles and barbed wire conductors by
investing Rs 90.09 crore, the approval for which has already been given by the
Union Ministry of Power.
The power sector ecosystem is undergoing marked transformation with most central
power utilities and finance companies pumping in funds towards community
infrastructure development and providing non-commercial services. For
instance, NTPC, Power Grid, NHPC, PFC and REC have committed over Rs 100
crore towards community projects like skill development, shelter homes, etc. Another
Rs 500 crore is being invested by different ministries at the Centre towards job
opportunities, street lighting, etc.
Jammu & Kashmir, it appears, is on a transformational path.


Reforms driven agenda: Why it’s

time to modernise the Indian
Railways & make it world-class
Spanning an extraordinary 68,000 route km, the Indian Railways is truly the pulse of the
nation. It employs over 1.2 mn people and generates approximately Rs 2 lakh cr annually—a
major contributor to jobs, GDP, and mobility. In fact, efficient and optimal use of the railways
could further add up to 1% to GDP.

The robustness of passenger demand is unprecedented as it has withstood long-

term modal shifts and consistently reported unserved demand levels of 15%, in the
form of waitlisted passengers. The unmet demand level necessitates substantial
investments in capacity augmentation and technology.
The time has come to modernise the Indian Railways, make it world-class, and a key
driver of the country’s growth in the post-Covid era. The overall travel experience of
the common man needs to be transformed; high-quality in-transit experience needs
to be supplemented by best-in-class railway stations.
However, to undertake an operation of such gargantuan proportions, India must
involve the best resources via PPP to bring in the latest technology, leading
practices, and efficiencies.

The recent opening of PPP opportunities by Indian Railways is a clear indicator that
a reform-driven agenda is being implemented. It is a controlled foray into PPP,
where market forces will help enhance the quality of services and in-transit
experience, without the government relinquishing control over public safety and
security.
PPP has been actively deployed as a mechanism in Europe and Japan. In Germany,
Deutsche Bahn divided into two distinct entities—DB Netz for infrastructure and DB
AG as the operator—which remain state-owned and continue to operate most inter-
city services. Entities in Britain and Italy, too, have opted for PPP, while Japan has
made several forays into PPP in its rails and stations. In the 1980s, seven for-profit
companies were made as a result of the bifurcation of Japan Railways under the
PPP umbrella.
The broad contours of the Indian Railways’ proposal feature a list of 109 pairs of
routes through 151 trains (rakes), divided into clusters with at least 12 rakes to be
operated. Journey time will be, within a range of 10%, like the fastest Indian
Railways train on that path. Proposed routes include Delhi–Mumbai, Delhi–Chennai,
Mumbai–Chennai, and others. This is a follow up of last year’s launch of the IRCTC-
run Tejas Express, and the Kashi Mahakal Express. Once the ecosystem is evolved,
the model could be replicated on many more routes in future. For routes that may not
be attractive for private operators, upfront fares may be prescribed, and gap funding
be structured to bring in viability.
PPP operators are expected to finance, procure, operate, and maintain the allocated
trains. To make the current packages a viable business model, the railways has
created a composite haulage charge mechanism to access common infrastructure
such as track, signalling, and terminals, among others. The haulage charge,
specified upfront in the agreement, will be payable monthly upon commencement of
operations. This could generate revenues that will offset expenses towards
infrastructure maintenance of private trains.
The initiative will bring in cutting-edge, technologically advanced rolling stock, shorter
journey times, enhanced job growth, better safety, and best-in-class service
standards. And, crucially, bridge the demand-and-supply deficit for passengers. The
PPP investment is expected to be in the range of Rs 30,000 cr—in a Make in India–
led growth strategy. Encouraging domestic manufacturing of rolling stock, these
projects will also create direct and indirect employment.
With the commissioning of dedicated freight corridors, a substantial chunk of our
freight traffic will move there, freeing up track capacity on key corridors for PPP
operations space.
Critically, the railways will be non-discriminatory in its treatment towards trains
operated under PPP. For the first three years, the railways cannot originate a new
train within 60 minutes of the scheduled departure time of the originating station.
Safety certification of the rakes will be in line with all the railways’ safety and security
parameters. The concession period will be for 35 years, and the PPP operator may
procure trains and locomotives as per choice as long as they are compatible with
predetermined specifications and standards. With regard to introducing new rolling
stock, the validation will be done by an accredited independent safety assessor on
an Indian Railways track, until such time RDSO adopts testing norms as set out in
UIC-518 or other international norms.
Another key initiative is the redevelopment of railway stations through a PPP model,
remaining cost-neutral to Indian Railways. Initially, 50 stations will be bid out and
funded through land monetisation as well as user charges. The modernisation and
redevelopment of stations will be conducted primarily through Indian Railway
Stations Development Corporation Limited, Rail Land Development Authority and
other central government entities. The PPP basis is under the Design, Build,
Finance, Operate and Transfer model. The land lease period has increased to 99
years for residential development around the railway stations as part of the project,
and commercial development to 60 years. To add to the viability of this project, all
clearances will be single-window, and plans will be approved in consultation with
urban local bodies and authorities to ensure a collaborative exercise.
It entails utilising the potential of real estate for excess land and air space in and
around the stations for development through PPP. Comprehensive techno-economic
feasibility studies of stations across the country are and will continue to be
conducted. Already, development at Gandhinagar and Habibganj railway stations is
at an advanced level, expected to be completed by the end of the year. The
redevelopment of Anand Vihar, Gomtinagar, Bijwasan, and Chandigarh railway
stations has already been agreed to, and work is commencing.
The 50 big stations have been planned to be bid out through the PPP route aimed at
bringing in investments exceeding Rs 50,000–60,000 cr, and a paradigm shift in the
travel experience. While eight have been bid out, the two large stations of New Delhi
and Mumbai will be in the soon be in the fray, with the rest expected to hit the market
soon.
In any structural reform of this nature, there will be challenges. One of the primary
challenges will be independence of adjudication in disputes. An independent
regulator could go a long way towards allaying concerns of equitable treatment of
PPP operators and ought to be considered strongly. Other issues that could factor in
will be the pricing strategy to remain competitive yet stay profitable, given the
competition through air, road, and to some extent, water transport. It will be vital to
address the challenges to ensure this is a successful and sustainable model.
The introduction of PPP in Railways is a welcome step and can lead to the kind of
reforms that can help transform India and make it a global leader.
The author is CEO, NITI Aayog

ECONOMY/ GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 3
 Food processing and related industries in India- scope’ and
significance, location, upstream and downstream requirements
 Issues of buffer stock and Food Security
Covid & milk sector
Context: The economic crisis unleashed by COVID-19 had also impacted the milk
sector. 
How Milk Sector is unique? 
 Regular income: Milk is a unique “crop” that farmers harvest daily. 
 Balancing Demand: Since it is consumed daily, supply-demand balancing isn’t as
difficult as in, say, wheat that is harvested over 2-3 months 
 Institutional Capabilities built: While production of milk is subject to seasonal
fluctuations — animals, particularly buffaloes, produce more during winter-spring and
less in the summer — dairies know to manage it 
 Balanced Model: Surplus milk of the “flush” season is usually converted into
skimmed milk powder (SMP) and ghee/butter for reconstitution in the “lean” months,
when demand for curd, lassi and ice-cream also goes up 
 Fast Consumption: Dairies don’t face the problem of unsold inventories, unlike
sugar mills or the Food Corporation of India. This is because India’s milk output has
more than doubled in the last 15 years, so too has consumption due
to rising incomes.  
What are the Challenges faced by Sector due to COVID-19? 
 Disruption of Existing Model: The above balancing model is being rendered
dysfunctional by the demand destruction wrought by the post-COVID shutdown of
hotels, restaurants etc 
 Accumulation of Produce: With institutional sales collapsing — these make up a
quarter of the country’s market for milk and milk products — dairies have been
accumulating powder and fat stocks through the summer & monsoon months. 
 Future Dangers: Not only is the drop in demand unprecedented, the situation will
worsen once production increases in the coming months with improved fodder
availability, calving of buffaloes and drop in temperatures 
 Drop in Prices: Dairies selling only commodities (SMP and ghee) have already,
since the March 25 lockdown, slashed milk prices by Rs 10-13 per litre. Even those
largely into liquid milk marketing have cut by Rs 3-5/litre. 
Way Ahead – Creation of Buffer Stock 
 The government should direct the National Dairy Development Board to create a
buffer stock of about 60,000 tonnes of SMP and 30,000 tonnes of butter 
 The cost of this — at Rs 200/kg for SMP and Rs 300/kg for butter, corresponding
to a Rs 25/litre cow milk procurement price — may come to around Rs 2,100
crore, which can be managed 
 The funds for buffer stock can be recouped in the next “lean” summer season,
when some demand normalcy would also have returned. 
Conclusion 
Not intervening now will hurt farmers. 
Connecting the dots 
 White Revolution 
 Dangers to Dairy Sector from Multilateral Trade Treaties like RCEP 

SECURITY/ INTERNATIONAL
Topic: General Studies 2 and 3:
 Security Challenges 
 Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on
India’s interests
Taking nuclear vulnerabilities seriously
Context: Seventy-five years ago on 5th Aug 1945, the Japanese city of Hiroshima was
destroyed by one single atomic bomb. Three days later, a second bomb destroyed
Nagasaki.  
Do You Know? 
 Those two bombs killed over 2,00,000 people, some of them instantaneously, and
others within five months.  
 Another 2,00,000 people or more who survived the bombings of these two
cities, were injured because of the long-lasting effects of radiation exposure. 
Increasing Vulnerability of Nuclear Weapons 
 Rising Nuclear arms: Over 1,26,000 nuclear weapons have been built since the
beginning of the atomic age.  
 Increasing Number of Countries adopting Nuclear arms path: Since 1945 US,UK,
Russia, France, China, Israel, India, Pakistan, & North Korea have armed themselves
with nuclear weapons that have much more destructive power in comparison to
those that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. 
 Damage to Environment due to Testing: Over 2,000 of nuclear weapons have
been used in nuclear tests, above and below the ground, to demonstrate
their explosive power, causing long-lasting damage to the environment and public
health.  
 The invention of ballistic missiles at the end of the 1950s has made it
impossible to intercept nuclear weapons once they are launched.  Neither fallout
shelters nor ballistic missile defence systems have succeeded in negating this
vulnerability. 
 No protection: There is no realistic way to protect against nuclear weapons,
whether they are used deliberately, inadvertently, or accidentally. 
What has prevented the nuclear war? 
 Nuclear weapons are so destructive that no country would use them, because
such use would invite retaliation in kind. 
 Also, no political leader would be willing to risk the possible death of millions of
their citizens. That was the idea of deterrence. 
 Mutual assured destruction is a strategic military doctrine in which the use of
nuclear weapons on a full scale would theoretically result in the destruction of both
the attacker and the defender. 
 Therefore, the use of nuclear weapons is impossible because of deterrence it
causes and this has prevented the nuclear war 
 Deterrence enthusiasts claim that nuclear weapons do not just protect countries
against use of nuclear weapons by others, but even prevent war and promote
stability. 
What are the Problem of Deterrence? 
Deterrence has not worked every time 
 Nuclear threats have not always produced fear and, in turn, fear has not always
induced caution. 
 To the contrary, nuclear threats in some cases have produced anger, and anger
can trigger a drive to escalate, as was the case during Cuban missile crisis of 1962 
Promotes War Mentality 
 All nuclear weapon states have admitted to the possibility that deterrence could
fail and have made plans for using nuclear weapons, in effect, preparing to fight
nuclear war. 
Promotes Overconfidence that is dangerous 
  In the real world, it is not possible for planners to have complete control.  
 The desire to believe in the perfect controllability and safety of nuclear weapons
creates overconfidence, which is dangerous 
 Overconfidence, as many scholars studying safety say, is more likely to lead to
accidents and possibly to the use of nuclear weapons. 
Conclusion 
In several historical instances, what prevented the use of nuclear weapons was not
control practices but either their failure or factors outside institutional control (Ex: Cuban
Missile Crisis). Thus, one needs to relook at the idea of deterrence created by Nuclear
weapons. 
Connecting the dots 
 India’s Nuclear Doctrine and No First Use Policy 

1. What is immunotherapy? What are its applications? Illustrate.

इम्यूनोथेरेपी क्या है ? इसके अनुप्रयोग क्या हैं? उदाहरण दे कर स्पष्ट करें ।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to write about the immunotherapy and its applications with relevant
examples.
Introduction:
Immunotherapy, also called biologic therapy, is a type of treatment designed to boost
the body’s natural defences against any disease or infection. It uses substances either
made by the body or in a laboratory to improve or restore immune system function.
Body:
In recent years, immunotherapy has become of great interest to researchers, clinicians
and pharmaceutical companies, particularly in its promise to treat various forms of
cancer.
 Immunotherapy tries to help the immune system recognise cancer as a threat,
and attack it.
 Rather than attacking the disease directly, as chemotherapy does in cancer,
immunotherapy tries to rally the patient’s own immune system to fight the disease.
 Immune system is a network of cells, tissues and bio chemicals they secrete. It
defends the body against the viruses, bacteria and other invaders.
 For example, Immunotherapy involves drugs that free immune cells to fight
cancer. These drugs blocks a mechanism called checkpoint. Checkpoint is used by
cancer to shut down the immune system.
Applications of Immunotherapy:
 Recent use of immunotherapy to treatment of AIDS: Scientists used two
prevalent anti-HIV antibodies which were inserted in test animal i.e. here Monkey
after it is infected with the virus similar to HIV . In response to these anti-biotic
monkeys showed improved immunity to fight with the virus in linger period .
 Novel developments in immunotherapy have led to a new era in cancer
treatment. Immunotherapy looks like a promising new strategy for cancer
treatment . It may be able to control tumour growth and has fewer side effects than
chemotherapy.
 A sub part of Immunotherapy is Immune enhancement therapy. Autologous
immune enhancement therapy use a person’s own peripheral blood-derived natural
killer cells, and other relevant immune cells are expanded in vitro and then re-
infused. 
 The therapy has been tested against Hepatitis C and Chronic fatigue syndrome.
 Suppression immunotherapy’s: Immune suppression dampens an abnormal
immune response in autoimmune diseases or reduces a normal immune response to
prevent rejection of transplanted organs or cells.
 Immunosuppressive drugs help manage organ transplantation and autoimmune
disease. Immune responses depend on lymphocyte proliferation.
 Immune tolerance therapies seek to reset the immune system so that the body
stops mistakenly attacking its own organs or cells in autoimmune disease or
accepts foreign tissue in organ transplantation.
 Immunotherapy is used to treat allergies. While allergy treatments (such as
antihistamines or corticosteroids) treat allergic symptoms, immunotherapy can
reduce sensitivity to allergens, lessening its severity.
Though Immunotherapy shows prospects of promising future in strengthening the
immune system of the body, it has some drawbacks too:
 The area where the medication goes into body could hurt, itch, swell, turn red, or
get sore.
 Some types of immunotherapy rev up  immune system and make the person feel
like having a flu, complete with fever, chills, and fatigue.
Conclusion:
New advancements in the field of healthcare have improved the life expectancy of a
person. The emerged field of immunotherapy in the healthcare sector has shown
promising trends in healing cancer like incurable diseases. Further investment in
research and creating a necessary skilled workforce can immensely benefit the health of
a person in turn contributing for socio-economic welfare. 

2. How does plasma therapy work? Explain.

प्लाज्मा थेरेपी कैसे काम करती है ? समझाएं।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to give a clear account of the basics of plasma therapy. It also
expects students to write about the working mechanism of plasma therapy and its
recent health sector needs and probable applications.
Introduction:
Several countries, including India, are seriously looking at plasma therapy as a potential
treatment for Covid-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus. Plasma therapy
uses blood donated by recovered patients to introduce antibodies in those under
treatment.
Body: 
This therapy’s concept is simple and is based on the premise that the blood of a patient
who has recovered from disease contains antibodies with the specific ability of fighting
virus. The theory is that the recovered patient’s antibodies, once ingested into somebody
under treatment, will begin targeting and fighting the virus in the second patient.
Working mechanism of plasma therapy:
 The plasma therapy uses antibodies developed within an infected person while
he/she is infected with the virus.
 These antibodies are developed in a patient as part of the body’s natural immune
response to a foreign pathogen.
 These antibodies are highly specific to the invading pathogen and so, work to
eliminate the foreign pathogen  from the patient’s body.
 Once the patient has recovered, they donate their blood so that their antibodies
can be used to treat other patients. The donated blood is then checked for the
presence of any other disease-causing agents such as Hepatitis B, Hepatitis C, HIV
etc.
 If deemed safe, the blood is then taken through a process to extract ‘plasma’, the
liquid part of the blood that contains antibodies. The antibody-rich plasma, once
extracted, is then ingested into the body of a patient under treatment.
 Earlier, the United States used plasma of recovered patients to treat patients of
Spanish flu. In 2009, the Swine flu (H1N1) patients were treated with plasma. It has
also been used to treat critically ill patients during Ebola as well.
 It is also proved effective in the COVID-19 outbreak when COVID-19 patients
treated with convalescent plasma have garnered good results.
Besides the success of the convalescent plasma therapy, the study by John Hopkins
immunologists stated some of the risks associated with it:
 Transfer of blood substances: As the blood transfusion takes place, there are
risks that an inadvertent infection might get transferred to the patient.
 Enhancement of infection: The therapy might fail for some patients and can
result in an enhanced form of the infection.
 Effect on immune system: The antibody administration may end up suppressing
the body’s natural immune response, leaving a Covid-19 patient vulnerable to
subsequent re-infection.
Conclusion:
Plasma therapy’s potential as treatment for Covid-19 has already been explored in
limited trial improvement in  clinical status. With its wide scale and flexible application
for other disease treatments, plasma therapy can prove to be a game changer in the
future to tackle the global pandemic challenges like COVID-19.

3. How does ball tracking technology work in Cricket? Explain.

बॉल ट्रै किंग तकनीक क्रिकेट में  कैसे काम करती है ? समझाएं।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to give a clear account of mechanism of ball tracking technology in
cricket. It also expects students to put forth its lacunas in short and write improvement
as way forward. 
Introduction:
Ball tracking technology is in numerous sports such as cricket, tennis, Gaelic football,
badminton, hurling, rugby union, association football and volleyball, to visually track the
trajectory of the ball and display a profile of its statistically most likely path as a moving
image.
Body: 
Working mechanism of ball tracking technology:
 Ball tracking technologies  work on the principles of triangulation using visual
images and timing data provided by a number of high-speed video cameras located
at different locations and angles around the area of play.
 The system rapidly processes the video feeds from the cameras and ball tracker.
 A data store contains a predefined model of the playing area and includes data
on the rules of the game.
 In each frame sent from each camera, the system identifies the group of pixels
which corresponds to the image of the ball. It then calculates for each frame the
position of the ball by comparing its position on at least two of the physically
separate cameras at the same instant in time.
 A succession of frames builds up a record of the path along which the ball has
travelled. It also “predicts” the future flight path of the ball and where it will interact
with any of the playing area features already programmed into the database.
 The system can also interpret these interactions to decide infringements of the
rules of the game.
 The system generates a graphic image of the ball path and playing area, which
means that information can be provided to judges, television viewers or coaching
staff in near real-time. 
 The tracking system is combined with a back-end database and archiving
capabilities so that it is possible to extract and analyse trends and statistics about
individual players, games, ball-to-ball comparisons, etc.
 Its major use in cricket broadcasting is in analysing leg before wicket decisions,
where the likely path of the ball can be projected forward, through the batsman’s
legs, to see if it would have hit the stumps.
Benefits of ball tracking technology in cricket:
 Due to its real-time coverage of bowling speed, the systems are  used to show
delivery patterns of a bowler’s behaviour such as line and length, or swing/turn
information.
 It helps the umpire to take the right decision, as one wrong decision can change
the fate of game.
 Batsmen also benefit from the analysis of ball tracking technology, as a record
can be brought up of the deliveries from which a batsman scored.
 Information such as the exact spot where the ball pitches or speed of the ball
from the bowler’s hand (to gauge batsman reaction time) can also help in post-
match analysis.
Lacunas of ball tracking technology:
 In the 2007 Wimbledon Championships a shot that appeared to be out, was
called by Hawk-Eye as in by 1 mm, a distance smaller than the advertised margin of
error of 3.6 mm. Hence, it has received criticism on the ground of accuracy.
 Another doubt raise is that, that ball tracking technology may struggle with
predicting the trajectory of a cricket ball after bouncing; the time between a ball
bouncing and striking the batsman may be too short to generate the three frames (at
least) needed to plot a curve accurately.
Conclusion:
The large scale developments in technology and their wide scale application have
proved to be beneficial to ease the living of people. The ball tracking like technologies
have helped to have a fair and unbiased decision making in sports game, hence, if the
newly emerged technologies if implemented in the sports, can develop the sports to its
true spirit of a fair play game.


Covid learning: Digi-health is the future, only this

can help India deliver what it needs to
With just 0.6 doctors per 1,000 population and 2.2 nurses, as compared to the
WHO’s norm of 1 and 3, respectively, India simply cannot cope with the demands
made by its citizens even in non-pandemic situations.




Covid learning: Digi-health is the

future, only this can help India
deliver what it needs to
By: The Financial Express | 

Published: August 6, 2020 6:30 AM

With just 0.6 doctors per 1,000 population and 2.2 nurses, as compared to the
WHO’s norm of 1 and 3, respectively, India simply cannot cope with the demands
made by its citizens even in non-pandemic situations.

Even before the pandemic exposed the faultlines of India’s health infrastructure—
even in big cities like Delhi and Mumbai—it was always clear it was bursting at the
seams. With just 0.6 doctors per 1,000 population and 2.2 nurses, as compared to
the WHO’s norm of 1 and 3, respectively, India simply cannot cope with the
demands made by its citizens even in non-pandemic situations. Indeed, unless the
level of Covid-19 infections are milder than those seen in some countries, India will
be hard-pressed to deal with the situation considering the infection is rapidly
spreading to semi-urban and rural areas.
Fixing this requires large investments in doctors and nurses and even physical
infrastructure like hospital beds; according to a number put out by Tata Group
chairman N Chandrasekaran, India needs 600,000 more doctors and 2.5 million
nurses; around two-thirds of doctors, he says, operate out of urban areas where just
a third of Indians live. Getting so many doctors and nurses, especially in rural areas,
is going to cost a lot; money that India simply does not have.

Fortunately, as we saw in the pandemic, several innovative solutions are being tried.
Apart from greater use of telemedicine, we even saw the authorities in Mumbai
coming up with less-contact healthcare that required fewer doctors and nurses, with
remote monitoring being used. With the increasing use of AI, machines can deliver a
lot more and even help in diagnostics; a CT scanner with information on lakhs of
patients may be able to offer better diagnostics than a trained radiologist. Doctors
sitting in cities can remotely look after more patients with relatively less experienced
medical personnel helping out at the ground level; indeed, with greater care being
offered in primary care facilities, there will be less pressure on secondary and tertiary
facilities.
Even before the pandemic, India was moving in this direction, albeit hesitatingly.
While the government first talked about the creation of health records in 2013—it had
also envisaged setting up of a National e-health authority in 2015—there has been
little progress on this front. Kerala has been the only state to embark on digitisation
of health records, whereas others have put the plan on the back-burner. But, it now
appears, the prime minister is expected to announce it on the Independence Day.
The programme shall entail digitisation of health records, creation of a registry for
doctors, patients and medical facilities. The government also plans to introduce
telemedicine and e-pharmacy, but at a later stage. And, while there are some
existing programmes already—5C in Karnataka is working with some district
hospitals to provide teleradiology services, and Janitri is helping provide neo-natal
care in Rajasthan—these need to be brought under a single umbrella and, in fact,
linked to Aadhaar and DigiLocker; so, a person getting radiology or blood report can
receive it in their locker and then can share it with the doctor or hospital. A
digitisation exercise, Chandrasekaran said in a recent lecture, had helped get 55%
more patients getting treated in primary care centres, a 50% increase in doctor
availability, etc. On the Independence Day, freedom from poor healthcare is
something to look forward to.

What India must do to clean up its air

Rural folk must be encouraged to use LPG, by

redesigning the subsidy scheme and highlighting the ill-
effects of solid fuels
In 2018, India had 22 of the world’s 30 most air-polluted cities.
Household sources of ambient air pollution, such as cooking and
heating, are the single largest contributors in much of the
developing world, including India. Air pollution levels within
households that cook with solid fuels, such as wood and cow-dung,
can be high and skyrocket to 40 times the safe limit prescribed by
the WHO.

ECONOMY/ GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 3
 Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilization, of
resources, growth, development and employment
 Government Budgeting. 
How to Finance the Stimulus: Debt Financing Vs
Monetisation of Deficit
Context: Economic Slowdown aggravated by the onslaught of COVID-19 pandemic 
What should government do at this juncture of slowdown? 
 Government should intervene to revive the economy (Keynesian Economics) 
 For this, a greater public spending by government is considered as the sine
qua  non of such a revival 
What is the challenge of increased govt spending? 
 Greater public spending will increase the fiscal deficit and this expansion has to
be financed. 
 Fiscal deficit is the total amount of borrowings required to bridge the gap
between government’s spending and revenues. 
 There are different ways of financing the expansion 
 Raising Revenue: Theoretically fiscal deficit can be financed by higher taxes, but
when the economy is slowing it is unpopular & prevents further spending by people 
 Debt Financing: This involves borrowing from public (issuing bonds), borrowing
external sources like World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)  
 Direct Monetization of Deficit: This involves government selling treasuries
to Reserve Bank of India (RBI)  
What are the challenges with Debt Financing? 
 Imposition of Changes: Borrowing from World Bank & IMF usually comes with
conditionality on Economic restructuring (recall 1991 reforms that was part of
bailout package) 
 Disturbs Inter-Generational Equity: Increased borrowings now means increase in
interest payment for future generation and reduced scope for borrowing 
 Burden of repayment: Not only have the moneys to be repaid, they will have to be
paid back in hard currency.  
 This would involve India having to earn hard currency by stepping up exports
which is herculean task under present global mood of protectionism. 
 For ex: If a stimulus of approximately 10% of the GDP is envisaged, with exports
at 25% of GDP, it would imply stepping up exports by close to 50%. 
 Takes Attention from Govt’s fight against COVID-19: A loan is bound to take
some time to be negotiated, taxing the energies of a government that ought to be
engaged in the day to day battle with COVID-19. 
What is direct monetisation or money financing? 
 In layman’s language, monetisation of deficit means printing more money.  
 In direct monetisation, the government asks RBI to print new currency in return
for new bonds that the government gives to the RBI. 
 In lieu of printing new cash, which is a liability for the RBI (since, every currency
note has the RBI Governor promising to pay the bearer the designated sum of
rupees), RBI gets government bonds, which are an asset for the RBI 
 Government bonds are asset to RBI because they carry the government’s promise
to pay back the designated sum at a specified date. 
 Now, the government would have the cash to spend and alleviate the stress in the
economy  
 Note that this is different from the “indirect monetisation” that RBI does when it
conducts the Open Market Operations (OMOs) and purchases bonds in the
secondary market. 
Is direct monetisation practised in India? 
 Monetisation of deficit was in practice in India till 1997, whereby the central bank
automatically monetised government deficit through the issuance of ad-hoc treasury
bills.  
 Two agreements were signed between the government and RBI in 1994 and 1997
to completely phase out funding through ad-hoc treasury bills.  
 And later on, with the enactment of FRBM Act, 2003, RBI was completely barred
from subscribing to the primary issuances of the government from April 1,2006 
 It was agreed that henceforth, the RBI would operate only in the secondary
market through the OMO (open market operations) route i.e. Indirect Monetisation 
 OMOs involve the sale and purchase of government securities to and from
the secondary market by the RBI to adjust the rupee liquidity conditions 
 The implied understanding was that the RBI would use the OMO route not so
much to support government borrowing but it would be used as a liquidity
instrument. 
What are the disadvantages of Direct Monetisation which lead to its discontinuation? 
 High Inflation: Monetisation involve expansion of money supply that can
potentially result in inflation 
 Reduces incentive for efficient Spending: Availability of direct
monetization route means reduced incentive for government to be fiscally
disciplined.  
 Promotes Populism: Governments would usually spend on populist measures
rather than long-term structural measures knowing fully well that they have a way
out for increased fiscal deficit.   
 Past Lessons: The usage of direct monetisation route recklessly caused fiscal
indiscipline that ultimately led to the balance of payments crisis in 1991. 
 Rupee Depreciation: When there is excess supply of the currency due to printing
of new currency, it could lead to a fall in rupee value, leading to its depreciation. 
 Lowers Investor Confidence: Markets/Investors will fear that the constraints on
fiscal policy are being abandoned, when direct monetisation path is adopted. They
may see the government as planning to solve its fiscal problems by inflating away its
debt. 
Won’t indirect monetisation (through OMO) lead to Inflation? 
 Both monetisation and OMOs involve expansion of money supply that can
potentially result in inflation. 
 However, the inflation risk that both carry is different. 
 OMOs are a monetary policy tool with the RBI deciding on the amount of liquidity
to be injected in and when to. 
 In contrast, in direct monetisation, the quantum and timing of money supply is
determined by the government’s borrowing rather than the RBI’s monetary policy, to
fund the fiscal deficit. 
 If RBI is seen as losing control over monetary policy, it will raise concerns about
inflation and RBI’s credibility to manage money supply. 
 Therefore, forsaking RBI credibility can be costly, with wider implications for the
economy both in the short- and long-terms. 
Can Direct monetisation be used to finance the deficit in post-COVID period? 
 Change in economic situation calls for change in policies. 
 Inflationary impact of direct monetisation may not be very high at this juncture of
Indian economy due to the demand slowdown the economy is experiencing.  
 Increased money supply will revive the depressed demand
and kickstart production reviving the economy. 
 However, when the economy enters the recovery path, increased money supply
could proportionately lead to a higher inflation rate.
Conclusion 
Money financing is a viable route to take us back to pre-COVID-19 levels of output 
Connecting the dots 
 Balance of Payment Crisis of 1991 

Keynes can rescue Modi govt from Covid economic crisis, but it first

needs funds

After studying the Great Depression, Keynes concluded that in

times of huge economic stress, the government should become
the spender of the last resort.

J ohn Maynard Keynes was the most influential economist of

the first half of the 20th century. Even though he died in 1946, he
continues to be the most influential economist of the first half of the
21st century as well.

After studying the Great Depression of 1929, Keynes concluded that

in times of huge economic stress, the government should become
the spender of the last resort. The idea being that when the private
sector wasn’t spending money, the government should step in. This
spending would put money into the hands of the people, which they
were likely to spend, benefitting businesses and the overall
economy.

In fact, Keynes being a master of rhetoric that he was, even

suggested that the government should get people to dig holes and
fill them up. The money thus earned would be spent and help in
the revival of the overall economy.
Need higher spending in construction
sector
In line with what Keynes had said, one of the sectors that the
governments across the world have concentrated on, in times of
economic trouble, is the construction sector. The sector, at least in
developing countries such as India, tends to create a lot of low-
skilled and semi-skilled jobs. Hence, it puts money into the hands of
people who probably need the most.

Given that logic, the Narendra Modi-led central government as well

as the state governments should be spending more on construction
to help India nullify the negative economic impact of Covid-
19. Higher spending on construction also becomes important
because the sector grew by just 3 per cent in 2019-20 (in nominal
terms, not adjusted for inflation). This is the second slowest in the
last four decades. The slowest being 1.2 per cent growth in 2015-16.

The bottlenecks
Nevertheless, is that going to happen? An estimate made by ratings
agency Crisil suggests that in 2020-21, the construction investments
will contract by 12-16 per cent to Rs 7.3 lakh crore. This takes into
account lower capital expenditure of the Modi government as well
as state governments during the year, primarily on account of more
money being rightly spent on healthcare and public welfare. The
fact that tax collections of both the central and state governments
are going to be hit during the year, doesn’t really help.

Even if a state government (or a private party for that matter) were
to be ready to spend money on a construction project, there are
other challenges that might crop up currently. The contractors
carrying out the actual construction face several
challenges, including trying to maintain social distancing between
their workers at the construction sites. They also need to arrange for
transport and accommodation of labour. In parts of western and
southern India, there might even be a shortage of workers, given
that a large number of labourers have left for their native places in
states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha,
Chhattisgarh etc.

If these problems weren’t enough, the challenge of sourcing raw

materials such as cement, steel, etc., is also there. Before the
construction sector can get up and running, cement and steel
companies need to start production. They too have their own set of
challenges.

But where’s the money?

Having said that, these problems are more or less likely to get
sorted out sooner rather than later. The bigger challenge through
the year will be the paucity of funds available to governments.

What does not help is the fact that contribution of the private sector
to construction spending has fallen over the years. Crisil points out
that the share of private spending in construction stood at 26 per
cent in 2009-10. It fell to 17 per cent in 2019-20. Whereas the
contribution of the state governments to the spending has increased
from 43 per cent to 44 per cent over the decade. The central
government’s share has gone up from 31 per cent to 39 per cent.
This means that during the current year, the construction is even
more dependent on the governments than ever before.

Further, the budgetary allocations of several state governments

towards infrastructure spending had been cut down even before
Covid-19 struck. Crisil points out that these include Uttar Pradesh,
Maharashtra and Gujarat. In case of Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh
and Tamil Nadu, the allocation is similar to that of last year. In
total, these states form around half of the total infrastructure outlay
of state governments.
Over and above this, top spending states on infrastructure
(Maharashtra, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu) have been most hit by the
Covid-19 pandemic. Hence, they will have to divert their funds
towards fighting the pandemic.

Alternative revenue source

In this scenario, it is important that state governments look at
innovative ways of raising tax revenue. Alcohol sales are back on
track in most states. The governments now need to be willing to put
systems, which allow consumers to buy alcohol online, in place.
They can even get into agreements with private companies, instead
of creating yet another system from scratch.

Also, given that state finance ministers are members of the Goods
and Services Tax (GST) Council, the deciding body for GST, they
need to push for the rationalisation of GST rates. Along with this,
they should be open to the idea of a substantially lower GST rate on
automobiles. This is likely to push up sales, which will mean a
higher collection of GST for state governments. It would also mean
higher collection of road tax on sale of new automobiles. These
things can help a little in what are tough times for the economy.

Vivek Kaul is the author of Bad Money.

The spirit of the August

Revolution
The people were their own leaders in the Quit India Movement. This is
very different from the 'New India' of today
The 78th anniversary of the Quit India Movement, famously known as the August Revolution
in the history of India’s freedom movement, falls on August 9. On the occasion of the
movement’s 75th anniversary, celebrated three years ago, almost all political parties had
organised several programmes in memory of the martyrs of the August Revolution.
According to a letter written by Ram Manohar Lohia to the Viceroy Linlithgow, the British
government had killed 50,000 patriots and injured many more during the movement.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while observing the occasion, gave a call for the revival of
the spirit of the Quit India Movement by coining a new slogan “karenge aur karake rahenge”
in place of Gandhi’s slogan of “karo ya maro”. The PM’s slogan was given to achieve the
goal of building a “New India” by 2022.
One can argue, based on historical facts, that the PM’s call is incompatible with the original
spirit of the Quit India movement. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh had after all opposed
the struggle of Independence as being inspired by an incorrect spirit.
The communists had also opposed the movement. But they are more honest. Although
the Communist Party of India (CPI) had apologised to Gandhi and the Congress later for its
role, even today most communist leaders and intellectuals argue that their opposition to the
movement was based on international conditions. Some even consider the Independence of
India in 1947 more a consequence of international conditions and not a direct result of the
Indian people’s struggle.
The real strength of the Quit India Movement lay in the masses who participated in it. Ram
Manohar Lohia has written, quoting Leon Trotsky, “… barely one per cent of the Russian
population took part in the Russian Revolution. In our Revolution, no less than 20 per cent of
our people took part.”
The Quit India resolution was passed on August 8, 1942. Aruna Asaf Ali hoisted the tricolour
on the Gowalia Tank ground and on August 9 night, the senior leaders of the Congress were
arrested. Due to the arrests, an action plan for the movement was made. The relatively young
leadership of the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) was active, but it had to go underground.
Jayaprakash Narayan (J P) wrote two long letters from unknown places to provide guidance
and encouragement to the revolutionaries and to explain the character and method of the
movement. It can be said that the public was its own leader during the movement.
On the 25th anniversary of the movement, Lohia wrote, “9th August was and will remain a
people’s event. 15th August was a state event… 9th August 1942 expressed the will of the
people — we want to be free, and we shall be free. For the first time after a long period in our
history, crores of people expressed their desire to be free… Anyhow, this is the 25th
anniversary of 9th August 1942. It should be celebrated well. Its 50th anniversary perhaps
will be celebrated in such a way that 15th August will be forgotten, and even 26th of January
will be put into the shade, or only equal it.”
Lohia did not live to see the 50th anniversary of the August Revolution. His belief that people
will listen to him after his death has been proved a misconception. The 50th anniversary came
in 1992, a year after new economic policies had been introduced. These policies opened the
country’s doors to domestic and foreign multinationals. And a 500-year-old mosque was
demolished in the name of Lord Rama. Since then, due to the nexus of neoliberalism and
communalism, the ruling class of India has become a bitter enemy of the Indian people. The
same people who paved the way for Independence and made India a socialist, secular,
democratic republic.
The constitutional foundations of the Republic of India have become almost hollow in the last
three decades. One of the results of this phenomena could be seen when the foundation of a
religion-based New India was laid on August 5 in Ayodhya by the prime minister – after a
Supreme Court decision.
The PM’s much-glorified New India, in fact, began to take shape in 1991-1992. In the last
nearly three decades, the sovereignty and resources of the country, and the constitutional
rights of the public have been snatched. The spirit of freedom struggle, including that of the
Quit India Movement, is being misused to building this New India. “Lohia Ke Log” (Men of
Lohia) too are involved in this venture.
The writer teaches Hindi at Delhi University

TOPIC: General Studies 2

 Judiciary – Religious Autonomy in India
In News: Reversing the 2011 Kerala High Court decision, the Supreme Court upheld the
right of the Travancore royal family in administration of the historic Sree
Padmanabhaswamy Temple in Kerala. 
 The court said that, as per customary law, the shebait rights (right to manage the
financial affairs of the deity) survive with the members of the family even after the
death of the last ruler.
 The Apex Court entrusted the responsibility of managing affairs of the temple to
a district judge of Thiruvananthapuram who will head an administrative committee
that will oversee the affairs. 
 The court set aside a Jan 31, 2011 verdict of the Kerala HC which had asked the
state government to set up a trust to take control of the temple. 
 The SC directed setting up of two committees: Administrative and Advisory
 Administrative Committee
o Chairperson – Thiruvananthapuram District Judge   
o Other members of the Committee: 
 a nominee of the trustee (royal family), 
 the chief thanthri (priest) of the temple, 
 a nominee of the State and 
 a member nominated by the Union Ministry of Culture.
 Advisory Committee
o Headed by: Former high court judge nominated by the Chief Justice of the
Kerala High Court
o a chartered accountant and 
o a nominee of the royal family.
The controversy over the administration and management of the historic temple had
been pending in the apex court for the last nine years in the wake of charges of alleged
financial irregularities. The ruling thus, ends the legal battle the temple and members of
the royal family have fought with the government for decades over control of one of the
richest temples in the world.
What is the case about?
The central legal question was whether Utradam Thirunal Marthanda Varma, the younger
brother of Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma, the last Ruler of Travancore, could claim to
be the “Ruler of Travancore” after the death of the ruler in 1991. The court examined this
claim within the limited meaning of that term according to the Travancore-Cochin Hindu
Religious Institutions Act, 1950 to claim ownership, control and management of the
ancient Sree Padmanabha Swamy Temple.
Before 1991
 All the temples which were under the control and management of the erstwhile
Princely States of Travancore and Cochin were under the control of the Travancore
and Cochin Devaswom Boards before 1947. However, as per the Instrument of
Accession signed between the princely states and the Government of India, since
1949, the administration of the Padmanabhaswamy Temple was “vested in trust” in
the Ruler of Travancore. The state of Kerala was carved out in 1956 but the temple
continued to be managed by the erstwhile royals.
 In 1971, privy purses to the former royals were abolished through a constitutional
amendment stripping their entitlements and privileges. The move was upheld in
court in 1993 and the last ruler of Travancore who died during the pendency of this
case continued to manage the affairs of the temple till then.
 In 1991, when the last ruler’s brother took over the temple management, it
created a furore among devotees who moved the courts leading to a long-drawn
legal battle. The government joined in; supporting the claims of the petitioner that
 Marthanda Varma had no legal right to claim the control or management of the
temple.
Coming to the present
Is the temple the property of the royal family?
No. The character of the temple was always recognised as a public institution governed
by a statute. The argument of the royal family is that the temple management would
vest with them for perpetuity, as per custom. Even though the last ruler Balarama Varma
executed a detailed will bequeathing his personal properties, he had not included the
Sree Padmanabhaswamy Temple as his personal property or dealt with it in his will.
So, what about the Padmanabhaswamy temple’s property and the riches it is bestowed
with?
A consequence of who has administrative rights over the temple is whether the vaults of
the temple will be opened. In 2007, Marthanda Varma claimed that the treasures of the
temple were the family property of the royals. Several suits were filed objecting to this
claim and a lower court in Kerala passed an injunction against the opening of the vaults.
The Kerala High Court in the 2011 ruling passed an order that a board be constituted to
manage the affairs of the temple, ruling against the royal family. The appeal against this
verdict was filed by the royal family immediately and the SC had stayed the HC verdict.
By appointing two amicus curiae- senior advocate Gopal Subramaniam and former
Comptroller and Auditor General of India Vinod Rai to prepare an inventory of items in
the vaults. While five vaults were opened of the six, vault B was not opened. The royal
family had claimed that a mythical curse is associated with the opening of vault B.
Some of the questions that SC answered
1. Did the Constitution of India and further the Travancore-Cochin Hindu Religious
Institutions Act of 1950 (TC Act) alter the status and entitlement of the ruler of
Travancore to the Shebaitship of the temple?
The court said, “..the relevant provisions of the Constitution of India as well as that of
the TC Act did not, in any way, upset or abridge the status enjoyed by the Ruler of
Travancore as Shebait of the Temple and also did not, in any manner, adversely impact
the right of administration vested in the Ruler of Travancore. As a matter of fact, the
relevant provisions of the TC Act afforded statutory flavour to the status contemplated
by Article VIII of the Covenant.”
2. Did the 26th constitutional amendment act which abolished privy purses and other
privileges of former kings affect the status and entitlement of the ruler of Travancore to
the Shebaitship of the temple?
The court said, “..did not in any way impact or affect the administration of the Temple,
Sri Pandaravaga properties and the properties of the Temple, which continued to be
under the control and supervision of the Ruler of Travancore.”
3. Whether the death in 1991 of Sree Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma who had
signed the Covenant, affect the Shebaitship of the temple held by the royal family of
Travancore?
Resolving this, the court categorically stated in the negative and further held that: “After
such death, the Shebaitship must devolve in accordance with the applicable law and
custom upon his successor; that the expression “Ruler of Travancore” as appearing in
Chapter III of Part I of the TC Act must include his natural successors according to law
 and custom; and that the Shebaitship did not lapse in favour of the State by principle of
escheat.”
Note:
A. Shebait is any person who serves and supports the deity and manages properties like
the temple or land which is vested with the deity. 
 The expression “shebait” (Commonly used in Bengal) is derived from “sewa”
which means “service”. 
 Shebait, in a literal sense, means one who renders sewa to the idol or the deity.
B. Some other religious cases- 
1. In Durgah Committee vs. Syed Hussain Ali (1961), the Khadims of the tomb of
Khwaja Moin-ud-din Chishti of Ajmer challenged the validity of the Durgah Khwaja
Saheb Act, 1955, which took away their “right of management of the Durgah”, by
arguing that the Act hindered their right to freedom of religion, among other
fundamental rights. A Constitution Bench decided that the management of properties
of the Durgah was always in the hands of the state and the denomination never had
the right to manage the properties endowed in favour of a denominational institution.
Consequently, Articles 26(c) and (d) of the Constitution also never came to the rescue
of petitioners.
2. In Tilkayat Shri Govindlalji Maharaj vs. State of Rajasthan (1963), the Tilkayat
challenged the validity of the Nathdwara Temple Act, 1959, which took away his right
to manage the temple properties on the grounds that it was his private property and
its deprivation violated his rights under Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. The
Constitution Bench analysed the historical background of the temple and held that
though the idols of the deities of the Nathdwara Temple belonged to the Tilkayat and
his family, the temple land was granted to him by a firman. Hence his “management
rights” could be taken away by the state though his ceremonial rights were upheld.
Noted jurist H M Seervai hailed this decision as a secular decision.
Connecting the Dots:
1. Is SC verdict on Padmanabha Swamy temple a game changer? Explain.
2. Politics should not interfere in faith and faith should not interfere in politics.
Discuss.

Centre’s reliance on indirect

tax revenue, pro-rich policy,
has deprived govt of resources
during COVID crisis
COVID-19 may be a blessing in disguise if it allows India to reform its
tax system in order to make it work towards inclusive growth and
sustainable development rather than targeting only investment-led
economic growth. After all, India’s tax-GDP ratio was only 10.9 per
cent in 2019, as against the OECD average of 34 per cent.

The taxation policy of the Indian government has been problematic on two grounds. Not only
has it been pro-rich (and anti-poor), but it has deprived the state of important fiscal resources
— both particularly damaging in the context of the COVID crisis.
After abolishing the wealth tax in 2016, which was replaced by a 2 per cent surcharge on
super-rich individuals (taxable income of over Rs 10 crore), the Narendra Modi government
rolled back the increase in surcharge in 2019. More importantly, corporate taxes were slashed
from 30 per cent to 22 per cent to attract foreign investors and induce Indian companies to
invest.
In parallel, the reliance on indirect taxes has risen — a trend that started in the middle of the UPA
years. As the Modi government has increasingly relied on hiking cesses and surcharges, the share of
indirect taxes has increased by up to 50 per cent of the gross tax revenue in FY2019, as opposed to
43 per cent in FY2011. The combined share of customs and excise duties and value-added tax
reached an all-time high of 10.5 per cent of GDP, with the previous high of 10.1 per cent in 1987-88.
This high was following a three-year-long steady increase in customs or excise duty on commonly
used goods, such as petroleum products, metals and sugar, automobiles and consumer durables.
This is also when the service tax was hiked steadily to 18 per cent (under GST) from 12.4 per cent in
2014. This is troubling because indirect taxes often penalise the poor and the middle class more than
the rich. Another example is the imposition of fresh cesses such as the Swachh Bharat cess and Krishi
Kalyan cess in addition to GST. The permanent nature of these cesses has been widely opposed by
the states and criticised by the CAG, who has pointed out the lack of transparency and incomplete
reporting in accounts on the utilisation of amounts collected under cesses.

While indirect taxation is anti-poor, cuts in corporate tax that have resulted in a revenue loss
of Rs 1.5 lakh crore have contributed to making the state poor. The timing of these tax cuts
was puzzling as direct tax collections have shrunk by over 3.5 per cent with a meagre
increase in indirect taxes for the period April-February of 2019-20. As indirect taxes have not
made up for the loss in direct taxes, the fiscal deficit jumped beyond 4.5 per cent of GDP in
2019-20. This is one of the reasons why public spending on education and health has
stagnated.
Cuts in corporate taxes, increased indirect tax revenues, decreased capital expenditure and
practically no change in revenue expenditure on health and education show that India’s
taxation policy is more business-friendly than pro-poor, at a time when a supply-side oriented
approach to the economy is counter-cyclical: What India needs is more demand.

Faced with increased expenditures due to the ongoing health emergency, states were forced to
open liquor stores in May, only out of their desperate need to earn tax revenues from alcohol.
This happened at the cost of relaxing the lockdown and weakening social
distancing measures. The Centre made a similar move by increasing the duty on fuel by a
record Rs 10 per litre on petrol when global crude prices have been falling — another move
that was neither pro-poor nor favourable for demand but speaks of the government’s
increased dependency on indirect tax-based revenues.
To address the issue, a group of income tax officers suggested higher taxes on the super-rich,
alongside a COVID relief cess of 4 per cent for all those earning above Rs 10 lakh. However,
the report was rejected by the Centre and some of the officers were punished for their
audacity.
But near-term solutions might need such measures at a time of crisis and after the number of
super-rich has increased tremendously. Last year, the IIFL Wealth Hurun India Rich List
showed that the fortune of the 953 richest Indian families was more than 26 per cent of the
country’s GDP. This means that a tax rate of 4 per cent on them would give the government
the equivalent of 1 per cent of GDP – the amount of the first and second COVID relief
packages.
Successful examples from Europe, where high tax rates on the wealthy have played a key role
in ensuring a strong social security net for the poor, should encourage India to consider the
rationale for a wealth tax. Higher taxes on the super-rich could be used for cash transfers and
a fiscal stimulus, that, in India, at 1 per cent of GDP each, have been negligible so far.
Though India surpassed its comparable neighbours on the lockdown stringency measures, it
has still not released significant relief measures to compensate for the economic disruption
caused by the lockdown. Countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia and Vietnam, despite having
less stringent measures, have announced a substantial share of their GDP towards economic
relief.
So far, the government has not fully used its fiscal instruments. Deferring tax payments, with
continued late fees and penalties on filling extensions and slashing corporate taxes is not the
appropriate approach towards reviving the economy. With the Centre’s fiscal deficit reaching
nearly 5 per cent of the GDP, and tax revenues likely to remain subdued over the next two
years, the government needs to do more. A wealth tax, a COVID-19 cess on the super-rich
and a surcharge on the super-rich for their income from listed equity shares are critical for
mitigating the current situation. Such measures would also play a key role in reducing both
income and social inequalities. COVID-19 may be a blessing in disguise if it allows India to
reform its tax system in order to make it work towards inclusive growth and sustainable
development rather than targeting only investment-led economic growth. After all, India’s
tax-GDP ratio was only 10.9 per cent in 2019, as against the OECD average of 34 per cent.
This article first appeared in the print edition on August 11 under the title “Tax and the
crisis”. Jaffrelot is senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris and professor
of Indian Politics and Sociology at King’s India Institute. Shah is a student of
International Economic Policy at Sciences Po.

High-level quality check: India

needs to bring in a quality culture
To become a dependable manufacturer of high-quality medical devices and the second
global factory of the same, India needs to bring in a quality culture. The Prime Minister
should constitute a National Quality Advisory Council and a dedicated Principal Quality
Adviser to the PM to evaluate quality and safety standards of Indian products including
medical devices vis-à-vis global standards, and advise and guide the nation on strategies for
uplifting the standards of these, on the lines of the Office of the Principal Scientific Adviser.

During Covid-19, India faced hurdles in weeding out substandard medical products
flooding the markets. Quality checking institutions report to different ministries and
act in silos; they have assigned roles and do not have a holistic outlook, being limited
by their domains. The Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) runs a voluntary standard
compliance scheme of ISI mark and reports to the Department of Consumer Affairs;
the Quality Council of India (QCI) has independent boards of NABH (hospital
accreditation), NABCB (accreditation of certification bodies), NABL (labs) and
NABET (education), and the QCI and its boards report through the DPIIT to the
commerce and industry minister. The BIS is headed by an IAS officer, a generalist,
as is the case with the QCI.
Also, if the country needs labs and testing infrastructure to test PPE coverall or
masks or ventilators, who plans and decides? Not NABL as its job is only
accreditation of labs, not the BIS as it has too many products and is not equipped,
not the DCGI-CDSCO as they have no funds. Armed forces, the DRDO, the Indian
Institute of Science or IITs have some great infrastructure, but industry is not clear
who has what and if access is possible for commercial third-party testing and if these
are accredited and have value and international acceptance.
For the success of Make-in-India, we need a quality mindset of vertical product
standards, horizontal standards and common product family standards,
specifications, voluntary standards setting, and at times safer regulatory controls and
demonstration of compliance to standards with the help of test labs. These labs are
not only needed for tests, but also to benchmark evaluations and R&D studies so
that manufacturers know where they stand.
We are glad the government is taking steps to end the 80-90% import dependence
forced upon us and an ever-increasing import bill of over Rs 41,426 crore, by
expediting steps for patients’ protection, stronger quality and safety regulations, price
controls to make medical devices and quality treatment accessible, and affordable
and ethical indigenous manufacturing.
Assigning a common quality leader backed by a think tank to advise and coordinate
all these national institutions, not only for the healthcare sector, but also across the
entire engineering and consumer products sectors, will give a boost to Make-in-India.
It will also give a fillip to the Atmanirbhar Bharat vision of the Prime Minister by
having world-class manufacturing facilities for not only medical devices, but also for
maintaining global standards in quality, supplying quality products to the Indian
consumers, as well as for the value-added profitable export markets.
Amidst the Covid-19 pandemic and growing Indo-China tensions, India has to
address every issue linked to national security and become globally competitive.
Healthcare being the most critical, as it exposes the chinks in national health
security. India has to evolve imaginative policies and usher in reforms that will
accelerate its economic revival. Developing our own quality goods is the best way
forward. Competitiveness is not only demonstrated by price, but also by quality and
the value delivered.
Why the decision to cancel
Visva-Bharati’s spring and
winter festivals is disturbing
There seems to be a concerted move to strip the centenary
celebrations of Tagore’s spirit of inclusiveness. Hence, the decision to
ban the Poush Mela and Basanta Utsav.
Rabindranath Tagore once said, “You cannot cross the sea merely by standing and staring at the
water”. Tagore was not only a man of words but also a man of action, who put his theory of
education into practice by starting an Ashram school in 1901 at Shantiniketan. Twenty years later, he
founded the Visva-Bharati. It became a central university in 1951 with the prime minister as its
Chancellor.

Visva-Bharati means the communion of the world with India. Tagore wanted his students’
view of society to be informed by internationalism, humanism and universal brotherhood. He
viewed the traditional school, bounded by its four walls and weighed down by a rigid
curriculum, as a prison. At Shantiniketan, classes are held in open air. The idea is to be close
to nature, where students could define their boundaries of knowledge.
An extension of Tagore’s concept of fusion of education with life is Shantiniketan’s spring
festival, Basanta Utsav. The Poush Utsav, celebrated during winter at Visva-Bharati, is also
inspired by this ethos. The poet often said that the purpose of this annual fair was to
encourage interaction — economic, cultural and social — between the varsity and its
neighbouring villages.
The Poush Mela has been a site for social and cultural interaction for decades. It also attracts
thousands of visitors from across the globe, including former students eager to return “home”
to pay homage to Gurudev.
Take out the Basanta Utsav and Poush Mela from Visva-Bharati, and it will become
unrecognisable. The university’s current Vice-Chancellor Bidyut Chakrabarty is attempting
to bring about such an “ideational change”. He believes that such a change is essential to
improve the institution’s health.
Visva-Bharati’s motto, “Where the world makes a home in a single nest”, indicates its
inclusive, secular and international character. Till now, the University has functioned on
UGC grants and other public funds. The VC’s appeal to the corporate houses to contribute
money to build the University’s corpus fund signals a departure that is anathema to Tagore’s
idea of an educational institution based on co-operation, rather than a profit motive.
Similarly, the move to build a tall concrete wall around the university campus, segregating it
from the neighbouring residential colonies, goes against Visva-Bharati’s ethos.
The University’s executive council has decided to cancel the Poush Mela and the Basanta
Utsav — “Basanta Tandav” according to the VC. He says that the university is “ill-equipped”
to hold these festivals. The Poush Mela has been discontinued without consulting the
Shantiniketan Trust, the body officially authorised to organise the fair.
The VC maintains that the campus is incapable of holding this event because of its
inaccessibility. He also contends that the Mela leads to over-crowding and pollution.
However, the Poush Mela’s more than 100-year-old history is a testament to the organising
committee’s acumen in resolving such problems. More importantly, these decisions seem part
of a broader agenda. It’s no coincidence that the Visva-Bharati’s traditions are being
undermined at a time when the RSS-affiliated Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas headed by
Dinanath Batra has publicly demanded that Tagore’s thoughts — particularly those related to
nationalism, the divide between religion and humanity and the limits to patriotism — be
expunged from NCERT textbooks. The outfit reportedly has taken umbrage at the poet’s
downplaying of patriotism — “patriotism cannot be our final spiritual shelter. My refuge is
humanity,” he said.
The year-long centenary celebrations of Visva-Bharati are slated to begin from the third week
of December. This is the time when the Poush Mela would usually have been held at
Shantiniketan. There seems to be a concerted move to strip the centenary celebrations of
Tagore’s spirit of inclusiveness. Hence, the decision to ban the Poush Mela and Basanta
Utsav.
The writer is a lawyer and human rights activist

INTERNATIONAL
Topic: General Studies 2
 India and its neighborhood- relations.

 Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on

India’s interests
Isolating China, as proposition and the reality
Context: The latest round of talks, on 2nd August 2020, between the Military
Commanders of India and China, did not produce any breakthrough. 
For the background on the recent Indo-China border clashes :Click here and here  
Why breakthrough in Diplomacy was not achieved? 
 China reiterated that their troops “were on its side of the traditional customary
boundary line” (that India opposes) 
 China also criticised what is essentially India’s internal matter, viz., the changes
effected to the status of Jammu and Kashmir in August 2019. 
 India’s MEA has promulgated that “the state of the border and the future
of India’s ties with China cannot be separated”. 
What does this stalemate mean? 
 The situation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Ladakh sector thus
remains essentially unchanged. 
 A return to the status quo ante prior to May 2020, is nowhere in sight. 
 The tensions along the border is going to continue for a longer period of time
may be not at the intense level seen during the months of April-May 2020. 
Do you know? 
 In the 1970s, China grabbed control over the Paracel Islands from Vietnam.  
 In the 1990s, it occupied Mischief Reef in the Spratly Islands, an area of the South
China Sea that the Philippines had always considered its territory. 
What has been global perception about recent Chinese actions? 
 Chinese Intentions exposed: Beijing’s virtual takeover of Hong Kong, land grab in
South China Sea and adventurism along India border exposed China’s ‘imperialist
ambitions’ and President Xi Jinping’s authoritarian world view.  
 Growing Voice about Chinese Unilateralism: China’s approach has been
unilateralism rather than compromise, when dealing with its smaller
neighbours. Taiwan, Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia and South Korea have all complained
about China’s menacing postures in their vicinity 
 Realignment in Global Geopolitics: After years of cooperating with one another,
the U.S. and China are currently at the stage of confrontation, with both flexing its
military muscle and seeking allies to join their camps (reminiscence of Cold war era) 
 Alliance Vs Non-Alignment: A Cold war type politics places several countries,
especially in Asia, in a difficult position as most of them do not wish to take sides —
especially with a belligerent China as neighbour 
Despite its predatory tactics why is China far from being isolated in world affairs? 
Realisation of being the Prisoner of Geography:  
 China was always known to be over-protective of the South China
Sea considering it a natural shield against possible hostile intervention by outside
forces inimical to it.  
 Thus, China is compelled to be aggressive about protecting its frontier. 
 This realpolitik of China is being understood by Asian neighbours and therefore
not openly aligning with USA at this juncture. 
Leveraging the Economic Advantage:  
 China seems confident that its stranglehold on the global economy ensures that
it does not face any real challenge 
 A majority of ASEAN countries have grave concerns about China’s predatory
tactics but ASEAN having become one of China’s biggest trading partners, it adopts
a default position. viz., “not to take sides” 
Conclusion 
Geo-balancing is not happening to China’s disadvantage. This lesson must be well
understood, when countries like India plan their future strategy. 
Connecting the dots 
 String of Pearls Strategy 
 Belt and Road Initiative 

SOCIETY/ MODERN INDIAN HISTORY/

GOVERNANCE
Topic: General Studies 1 and 2
 Significant events in Modern Indian history & Social empowerment
 Mechanisms, laws, institutions and Bodies constituted for the
protection and betterment of these vulnerable sections
Three decades of Mandal Moment
Context: Thirty years ago, on 7th August 1990, the VP Singh government decided to
implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, and providing
27% reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in government jobs 
Mandal Commission 
 In exercise of the powers conferred by Article 340 of the Constitution, the
President appointed a backward class commission in December 1978 under the
chairmanship of B. P. Mandal. 
 The commission was formed to determine the criteria for defining India’s
“socially and educationally backward classes” and to recommend steps to be taken
for the advancement of those classes. 
 The Mandal Commission submitted its report in 1980 and generated an all-India
other backward classes (OBC) list of 3,743 castes and a more underprivileged
“depressed backward classes” list of 2,108 castes. 
 The Commission concluded that India’s population consisted of approximately
52% OBCs, therefore 27% government jobs should be reserved for them. 
What were the factors which led to the historic moment in Modern Indian Politics? 
The decision was in the wake of the gradual political rise of the backward
communities, which was due to a set of complex factors. 
 Political Outcome of Past Policies: The impact of the Green Revolution led to
economic empowerment of OBCs and increased their desire for upward professional
mobility through reservation in government jobs 
 Electoral Compulsion: The demographic weight of the backward
communities amplified their aspirations. In a Democratic society like India, the
demands of such large sections of society could not be neglected both electorally &
democratically. 
 Political Compulsions: To counter the Mandir politics of late 1980s which sought
to prioritise religion over caste, the government of the day promoted Mandal Politics 
Was OBC reservation opposed and if so on what lines? 
 The Mandal moment saw ferocious backlash by sections of upper castes,
particularly in northern & western regions of India 
 This opposition was articulated on two axes  
 That reservations compromised merit 
 If at all reservations should open up beyond what was offered to SC & STs, it
should be on economic lines (and not on caste basis) 
What has been the Supreme Court’s verdict on OBC reservation? 
 The Supreme Court dealt with Constitutional Validity of OBC reservation in
‘Indira Sawhney’ Case or Mandal Case.  
 The SC upheld the 27% reservation for OBCs but also stated that only caste was
not an indicator of social and educational backwardness.  
 SC also said that the ‘creamy layer’ among the OBCs should not be the
beneficiaries of the reservations. 
 Supreme Court in the same case also upheld the principle that the combined
reservation beneficiaries should not exceed 50% of India’s population. 
What has been the major Criticism of OBC reservation? 
 Backlash by left out sections: The resentment of those communities which did
not have a share in the reservation pie increased. Mandal Politics launched an era of
open hostility between upper castes & backward communities, particularly in the
Hindi heartland 
 Appeasement Politics: Political parties, in order to appease their constituents,
continued to expand reservation. This has undermined the entire purpose of
reservation, envisaged as a tool to address historic injustice 
 Demand for Subcategorization of OBCs: Within OBCs, some communities
benefited more than others, which led to a political divide and demands for sub-
categorisation, a process currently underway. 
 According to the Rohini Commission, out of almost 6,000 castes and
communities in the OBCs, only 40 such communities had gotten 50% of reservation
benefits for admission in central educational institutions and recruitment to the civil
services. 
Way Ahead 
 Making Agriculture Economically Viable: As the small landholders, tenants,
agricultural labour, impoverished village artisans, unskilled workers, forms the bulk
of the OBCs community, it becomes imperative to make agriculture (the backbone of
the rural economy) economically viable. 
 Strengthening Private Sector: A revived private sector that offers jobs to
unemployed youth reduces the demand for jobs in the public sector and reservation. 
 Review of Reservation Policy: The entire architecture of reservations needs a
review, with the aim of creating a just, inclusive and equal society, without pandering
to populist movements 
Connecting the dots 
 Rohini Commission 
 Constitutional (103rd Amendment) Act of 2019 — Reservations for Economically
Weaker Sections in Unreserved Category 

Clause 6 of the Assam Accord:

Context:
In February, a government-appointed committee had submitted its
recommendations for implementation of Clause 6 of the Assam Accord, a key
provision that has been contentious for decades. The government made the
report public recently.
Background:
The committee was set up by the Home Ministry in 2019. 
Headed by retired High Court judge Biplab Kumar Sarma.

1. Its brief was to define the “Assamese people” and suggest measures for
the safeguard of their rights.

What does Clause 6 say?

Clause 6 of the Assam Accord, which was signed in 1985 after the Assam
Agitation of 1979-85, envisages that appropriate “constitutional, legislative
and administrative safeguards should be provided to protect, preserve
and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the
people of Assam.”

1. This Clause was inserted to safeguard the socio-political rights and

culture of the “indigenous people of Assam”.

What is Assam Accord?

It was a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) signed between representatives
of the Government of India and the leaders of the Assam Movement in
New Delhi on 15 August 1985.
For recognition as citizens, the Accord sets March 24, 1971 as the cutoff.
Key recommendations made by the committee:
The committee has proposed that the following be considered Assamese
people for the purpose of Clause 6:
All citizens of India who are part of:

1. Assamese community, residing in the Territory of Assam on or before January

1, 1951; or
2. Any indigenous tribal community of Assam residing in the territory of Assam on
or before January 1, 1951; or
3. Any other indigenous community of Assam residing in the territory of Assam on
or before January 1, 1951; or
4. All other citizens of India residing in the territory of Assam on or before
January 1, 1951; and
5. Descendants of the above categories.

Implications and impacts of these recommendations:

Clause 6 is meant to give the Assamese people certain safeguards, which
would not be available to migrants between 1951 and 1971.

1. If the recommendation is accepted, those who migrated between 1951 and

1971 would be Indian citizens under the Assam Accord and NRC, but they
would not be eligible for safeguards meant for “Assamese people”.

What are these safeguards?

1. 80 to 100% reservation in the parliamentary seats of Assam, Assembly seats

and local body seats be reserved for the “Assamese people”.
2. 80 to 100% of Group C and D level posts (in Assam) in central
government/semi-central government/central PSUs/private sector
3. 80 to 100% of jobs under Government of Assam and state government
undertakings; and 70 to 100% of vacancies arising in private partnerships
4. Land rights, with restrictions imposed on transferring land by any means to
persons other than “Assamese people”.
5. Several other recommendations deal with language, and cultural and social
rights.

NSCN-IM releases details of 2015 Naga framework

agreement
Topics Covered:  Government policies and interventions for development
in various sectors and issues arising out of their design and
implementation.

NSCN-IM releases details of 2015 Naga framework

agreement:

Context:
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-IM has for the first time released
the details of the 2015 framework agreement.

1. It has also accused interlocutor R.N. Ravi of deleting a key word from the
original document and sharing the modified version with other Naga groups.

What’s the issue?

The agreement released by the NSCN-IM stated “sharing the sovereign
power” and provide for an “enduring inclusive new relationship of
peaceful co-existence of the two entities”. 
However, it is alleged that Mr. Ravi, also Nagaland Governor, “craftily deleted
the word new from the original” and circulated to the other Naga groups
including the Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs).
What are the demands?

1. The NSCN claimed that the word ‘new’ is politically sensitive as it goes to
define the meaning of peaceful co-existence of the two entities (two sovereign
powers) and it strongly indicates outside the purview of the Constitution.
2. It has demanded that the Centre should come out with an undertaking that the
framework agreement is still alive in its original form and “to be handled by
somebody other than RN Ravi” who is sensitive enough to understand and
respect what has been achieved during the past 23 years.

Background:
Naga talks have hit a rough weather as the NSCN-IM has demanded that the
present interlocutor be removed from the position.

1. The NSCN-IM has been fighting for ‘Greater Nagaland’ or Nagalim — it

wants to extend Nagaland’s borders by including Naga-dominated areas in
neighbouring Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, to unite 1.2 million
Nagas.
2. The Centre has said there will be no disintegration of Assam, Arunachal
Pradesh and Manipur to merge the Naga inhabited areas with Nagaland.

How old is the Naga political issue?

Pre- independence:

1. The British annexed Assam in 1826, and in 1881, the Naga Hills too became
part of British India. The first sign of Naga resistance was seen in the
formation of the Naga Club in 1918, which told the Simon Commission in
1929 “to leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in ancient times”.
2. In 1946 came the Naga National Council (NNC), which declared Nagaland an
independent state on August 14, 1947.
3. The NNC resolved to establish a “sovereign Naga state” and conducted a
“referendum” in 1951, in which “99 per cent” supported an “independent”
Nagaland.

Post- independence:
On March 22, 1952, underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and the
Naga Federal Army (NFA) were formed. The Government of India sent in the
Army to crush the insurgency and, in 1958, enacted the Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act.
When did the NSCN come into being?
A group of about 140 members led by Thuingaleng Muivah, who were at that
time in China, refused to accept the Shillong Accord, and formed the National
Socialist Council of Nagaland in 1980.

1. As per the accord, NNC and NFG agreed to give up arms.

2. In 1988, the NSCN split into NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K) after a violent clash.
An emotionally integrated India offers the best
defence against both internal and external threats
and challenges
As we move closer to celebrate the 75 years of our independence, our
motto should be — perform or perish. This applies to all individuals
and institutions. Realise your strength, build on them and create a
united, prosperous India.
The adjective “august” means respected and impressive, something special. The month of August
has special significance in the history of modern India. The freedom struggle came to fruition on
August 15, 1947. Five years prior to that, the Quit India movement was launched with a clarion call
to “do or die” by Mahatma Gandhi on August 8. On the fifth of this month, construction of the Ram
Temple in Ayodhya commenced. These events were a culmination of long-drawn struggles that offer
certain lessons for the present and the future.

India’s independence was not just about the end of colonial British rule. It was also bringing
down curtains on the dark age of about 1,000 years that began with the invasion of Mahmud
Ghazni in 1001. It was the period when India’s inherent weaknesses were exploited by a
regular stream of invaders, traders and colonialists. The socio-cultural-economic landscape of
our country was brutally battered and exploited, enfeebling the masses.
The invaders had a free run coming in and looting at will. The lack of a sense of belonging to
each other and the missing unity of action and purpose among the myriad rulers of the day
made the country a soft target. Solo campaigns of brave resistance by the likes of Prithviraj
Chauhan, Maharana Pratap, Chhatrapathi Shivaji, Rani Laxmibai of Jhansi, Veerapandya
Kattabomman, Alluri Sitarama Raju were not adequate. Moreover, there were Mir Jaffers all
through. A divided nation suffered from disgrace and dismemberment. Once rich, India was
reduced to an ocean of poverty and backwardness.

During this long dark period, India lost its soul and inner strength. The people began to rediscover
themselves as British colonial exploitation became evident. The freedom struggle brought the
people together in the quest to shape their own destiny. It was rightly called the Indian National
Movement as emotive nationhood gained currency. The follies of a long period of disunity were too
stark to be ignored. Finally, the Indian nation was born on August 15, 1947. It is hence appropriate to
say that the hard-fought independence was the liberation of our country from the dark age of
centuries marked by lack of social cohesion and the glue of nationhood.
The Quit India movement was the most defining moment of our freedom struggle. The Quit India
Resolution adopted on August 8, 1942, stressed that “…the immediate ending of British rule in India
is an urgent necessity for both the sake of India and for the success of the United Nations. The
continuation of that rule is degrading and enfeebling India making her progressively less capable of
defending herself and contributing to the cause of world freedom.”

A few hours later on the same day, in his Quit India speech, Gandhi roared with a clarion call
to the people to “do or die”. The apostle of peace and non-violence who lent a moral and
mass dimension to the freedom struggle, using such language had rattled the British who
were already reeling under the crippling impacts of the World War-II. Why did Gandhiji say
so?
Since his return to India in 1915, Gandhiji steered the freedom struggle on a new path using
the “force of truth” as a weapon to open the eyes of the British to the need for letting Indians
govern themselves. His approach found resonance across the globe with British coming under
pressure even from their war-time allies to mend their colonial ways. For long, Gandhiji
engaged the British in negotiations, seeking to prevail on them. India was declared as a party
to the Second World War without even consulting the leaders of the freedom struggle and the
people. This incensed Gandhiji and others.
Fearing a Japanese invasion from the east and under pressure from the allies to gain the
support of Indians for the war efforts, the Cripps Mission was sent to India. But it failed as it
fell short of the demand for immediate independence for the country. Gandhiji who had a
good measure of the mind of the British, their trickery of divide and rule and shifting
goalposts, decided that it was the time to strike. The three words he used urging the masses to
“do or die’’ had the fullest contextual justification and fired the imagination of the people.
The then Viceroy Linlithgow unleashed violence to quell the movement, but it lasted for two
years.
The freedom struggle was marked by different streams of thought and action. To start with,
moderates like Dadabhai Naoroji and Pherozeshah Mehta took to petitioning the British for
incremental improvements. Assertive nationalists like Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak
and Bipin Chandra Pal believed in bold action. Revolutionaries like Khudiram Bose,
Chandrasekhar Azad, and Bhagat Singh took to armed resistance. Netaji Subhash Chandra
Bose revived the INA and sought Japanese help to evict the British from India. It was,
however, Mahatma Gandhi who emerged as the voice of the freedom struggle for over 30
years.
Though territorially not integrated, the people had been in different kingdoms and provinces
over the centuries, they were bound by shared cultural norms and values. Temples were key
instruments of such cultural homogeneity. The foreign invaders were bent on destroying this
cultural fabric. Major temples were attacked, looted and destroyed, resulting in sacrilege.
Mahmud Ghazni attacked the famous Somnath temple umpteen times during 1001-25. It took
over 925 years to rebuild and restore it. It took about 500 years to start construction of the
Ram temple. Such is the price paid for being divided for too long.
Some apologists of colonialism have sought to portray British rule as beneficial to India.
Nothing is farther from the truth. All the initiatives of the British were guided by their
commercial and administrative interests. The noted economist Utsa Patnaik, based on nearly
two centuries of data on tax and trade, estimated that Britain drained about $45 trillion during
1765-1938 in different ways. This was 17 times the GDP of the UK. Indians were fleeced to
support the advancement of the UK. During the 200 years of colonial rule, there was almost
no increase in per capita income; during the last half of the 19th century, income in India
dropped by half; the average life expectancy dropped by a fifth during 1870-1920. India
would have emerged as an economic powerhouse if its revenues were invested within the
country.
The humiliating experiences of the last millennium should guide us. The first lesson is —
united we stand, divided we fall. An emotionally integrated India offers the best defence
against both internal and external threats and challenges. We need to knit an India based on
the principles of democratic-righteous governance that upholds equality of all and equal
opportunities for all. We need to empower every Indian with the necessary tools to realise his
or her fullest potential. A strong sense of Indianness that supersedes all other identities and a
deep commitment to national interest should guide our actions.
In the present global order, it is the economic power that enables a nation to have its say. We
need to fully harness our economic potential. For this, we need to scale new heights in
scientific, technological, industrial and human resource development domains. The effective
functioning of the legislatures, judiciary and the executive should be ensured by removing all
the impediments.
As we move closer to celebrate the 75 years of our independence, our motto should be —
perform or perish. This applies to all individuals and institutions. Realise your strength, build
on them and create a united, prosperous India.
The writer is Vice-President of India
Why Primary Agriculture Credit
Society needs to be propped up
Prime minister Narendra Modi, while inaugurating the Rs 1 lakh crore Agriculture
Infrastructure Fund (AIF) on August 8, interacted with members of Primary Agricultural
Credit Societies (PACS) from various states and raised some very relevant questions. Why
can’t a farmer sell his crop like a soap-maker can sell his soaps wherever he wants? Why is
there no concept of ‘one nation, one market’ for the farmer?

These are tough questions, indeed. These are also problems which have multiple solutions,
many of which are being implemented currently with gumption and alacrity. The solutions
also lead you to the role PACS can and will need to play to bring the objectives behind the
AIF closer to farmers.

For the uninitiated, a PACS is the first building block of the century-old cooperative banking
system of India. Each PACS was designed to be a village-level credit society into which the
farmers brought in share capital, deposits and provided loans to each other. Elected
members, one- member-one-vote, transparency, ground-level reach, ease of operations,
speed, human connect—almost everything about the structure of a PACS makes for robust
‘public policy for credit’. Yet, PACS have run into many problems too.

Just about two decades ago, credit cooperatives covered 69% of the rural credit outlets and
their share in rural credit was fairly impressive, at 45% of the total rural credit in the country.
Of course, they had a lion’s share of 57% in purveying short-term credit for purchase of
inputs. Today, those glory days are a distant memory, with their share in rural credit at just
12.26% in FY19. This continued slide, and just what can be done to set the course straight,
has been at the heart of a lot of research within NABARD and RBI.

Multipurpose societies for multiple reasons

The year 2020 has become a war-zone of sorts. The recent amendments in critical
Acts are a response to the new reality and work towards opening up the market for
the Indian farmer. These amendments reinforce the role PACS can play in bringing
farmer communities closer to credit, inputs, market and value addition. The AIF, set
up for establishing decentralised farm gate infrastructure, holds huge promise for a
nation which still loses 15% of its food grains due to poor post-harvest management
(PHM) facilities and lack of farm-gate storage. But a PACS, to really make a
difference, will need to first transition from being just a credit society to a multi-
service centre (MSC) and turn into a one-stop shop for both goods and services.
The recent decision by NABARD to develop 35,000 PACS into MSCs in mission-
mode is a step in this direction. The initiative will enable PACS to support farmers in
post-harvest marketing activities and provide ancillary services to its members like
creation of storage and processing facilities, custom hiring centers and collective
purchase of inputs. Though such services are being provided by the cooperatives in
a sporadic way, this intervention will help in structuring these services in a sustained
and scalable manner, covering a much larger number of PACS. This will also help in
increasing non-fund based income of the PACS. On the sidelines, a PACS can also
play a major role by integrating its warehouse with physical and financial supply
chain of agro-commodities in the upcoming Gramin Agriculture Markets (GrAMs) or
large warehouses in private sector.
How will a PACS, with historical challenges of financial viability and shortage of
qualified human resources, manage this transition? A separate line of credit has
been set up under AIF by earmarking concessional refinance of `5,000 crore at 3%
during FY21. PACS will get term-loans at 4%,which, with interest subvention under
AIF, will come down to just 1%. Need-based accompanying measures in the form of
grant would also be made available to the cooperative banks for capacity building,
project management expenses and ICT initiatives, all of which will finally impact the
PACS.
No commercial bank branch can ever come close to providing the kind of services a
PACS can,and, that within itself shows just why PACS need to be propped up.
Perhaps this is what the All India Rural Credit Survey of 1951 meant when it stated
that “Cooperation has failed. But cooperation must succeed”.
Surely, the short-term cooperative credit eco-system with over 15,000 branches and
over 95,000 PACS and which took a hundred years to evolve, deserves a fighting
chance? Helping them turn into multi-service societies may just as well be the last
chance we have of giving them this chance.
The author is Chairman, NABARD. Views are personal

1. What role do temperate cyclones play in causing precipitation in different parts of

India? Explain.
भारत के विभिन्न भागों में  समशीतोष्ण चक्रवात वर्षा के कारक के रूप में  क्या भूमिका निभाते हैं? समझाएं
।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to write in detail the role of temperate cyclone in causing
precipitation in different parts of India.
Introduction:
The cyclonic system developing in the mid and high latitude i.e. 35° latitude and 65°
latitude in both hemispheres, beyond the tropics is called the Temperate Cyclones or
Extra Tropical Cyclones.
Body:
Due to these cyclones, highly variable and cloudy weather is observed in temperate
zone. It is in these latitude zones that the polar and tropical air masses meet and form
polar fronts, most of these cyclone form wavelike twist i.e. wave cyclone. 
Especially with respect to India, temperate cyclones are observed in the form of
disturbances known as ‘western disturbance’.
 Temperate cyclone is a common weather phenomena in India. Temperate
cyclone is an extra tropical cyclone originating in the Mediterranean region that
brings sudden winter rain to the north western parts of the Indian subcontinent.
 They are the cause of the most winter and pre-monsoon season rainfall across
North-West India (such as Punjab, Haryana, Delhi and western Uttar Pradesh).
 Temperate cyclones, specifically the ones in winter, bring moderate to heavy rain
in low-lying areas and heavy snow to mountainous areas of the Indian Subcontinent.
 This phenomenon is usually associated with cloudy sky, higher night
temperatures and unusual rain.
 This precipitation during the winter season has great importance in agriculture
particularly for rabi crops including wheat. It is estimated that India gets close to 5-
10% of its total annual rainfall from temperate cyclones.
 Also, Saffron cultivation along with  tea cultivation in the foothills of Himalayas is
depending on the western disturbance.
 Over the Indo-Gangetic plains, they occasionally bring cold wave conditions and
dense fog.
 Western disturbances very less likely cause precipitation in the southern i.e.
peninsular part of India.
Conclusion:
Most of the North and North-western India’s Rabi crops yield better results because of
the Temperate cyclones. Temperate cyclones provide the rain for most of the North and
North-western India and fill the vacuum created by South west monsoon and also play a
pivotal role in water need for human consumption and agriculture sector. 

2. With the help of suitable examples, discuss the endogenous factors that lead to the
formation of volcanoes.
उपयक्
ु त उदाहरणों की सहायता से, अंतर्जात कारकों पर चर्चा करें  जो ज्वालामखि
ु यों के निर्माणमें  भमि
ू का 
निभाते हैं।
Demand of the question:
It expects students to give detailed account of how the endogenous factors lead to
formation of volcanoes with suitable examples. 
Introduction:
The horizontal and vertical movements caused by the forces coming from the origin of
the earth is known as endogenic forces. The origin of endogenic force is caused by the
contraction and expansion of rocks due to variation in thermal conditions and
temperature inside the earth. These forces are responsible for creation of many
landforms one of such landform is volcano.      
Body: 
Endogenic factors that lead to formation of volcanoes:
 The ultimate source of energy behind forces that drive endogenic movements is
earth’s internal heat.
 Endogenic movements are divided into diastrophic movements and sudden
movements.
 Plate Tectonics: The majority of volcanoes occur where two lithospheric plates
converge and one overrides the other, forcing it down into the mantle to be
reabsorbed.
 Ocean floor spreading: A major site of active volcanism is along the axis of the
oceanic ridge system, where the plates move apart on both sides of the ridge and
magma wells up from the mantle.
 Weak Earth Surface: Because of high pressure in the earth’s interior, the magma
and gases escape with great velocity as the pressure is released through eruptions
where opportunity is provided by weak zones along the earth’s surface.
 Faults: Whenever extreme pressure builds in the mantle, along fault lines an
eruption is likely to happen next. The earthquakes, for instance, may expose fault
zones through which magma may escape and volcanoes can be formed.
 Magma crystallization: Decreasing temperatures can cause old magma to
crystallize and sink to the bottom of the chamber and this movement can force fresh
liquid magma up and out – similar to dropping a brick in a bucket of water.
 Plate movement: Volcanism may occur because of plate movement over a “hot
spot” from which magmas can penetrate to the surface. e.g. Islands of Hawaii
Conclusion:
Through these endogenic factors volcano formation takes place. Depending on the level
of activity volcanoes are further classified as Active, Dormant and extinct. Apart from
playing a prominent role by giving cooling effect to most part of earth, volcanoes also
contribute Ash and lava which breaks down to form  soil and rocks. 

3. What do you understand by storm surge? How does a storm storm surge get
formed? Discuss.
तफ़
ू ानी उछाल से आप क्या समझते हैं? तूफानी लहर कैसे बनती है ? चर्चा करें ।
Demand of the question:
It expects candidates to write their understanding about storm surge. It also expects to
write the mechanism of formation of storm surge.
Introduction:
Storm Surge is an abnormal rise of sea level as the tropical cyclone crosses the coast.
The storms produce strong winds that push the water into shore, which might lead to
flooding.
Body: 
Storm surge depends on intensity of the cyclone (Maximum winds and lowest pressure
associated with it and Coastal bathymetry (shallower coastline generates surges of
greater heights). Following is the way of formation of cyclone:
 When a cyclone is in deep ocean waters, the circulating wind pushes the ocean
surface to create a vertically circulating column of water, where the surge is barely
visible.
 However, as the storm moves closer to the shore, the water which is being
pushed downwards by the wind cannot move any lower, so the water forces itself
from the sides towards land, causing a storm surge wave.
 Although low pressure also contributes to the surge, its influence is very small,
i.e., around 5%.
 Whenever a cyclone moves near coastal areas, storm surges are the biggest and
most common threat to life and property.
 This phenomenon is commonly found in low-pressure systems, and the severity
of the storm surge wave depends on the tides, shallowness of the water in the area,
and the angle at which the water is to the cyclone.
Following are some factors which determine the intensity of storm surge:
 Strength and Size of the Storm: During a cyclone, the water level rises to form
storm surges, where the strength and speed of the winds are the highest. Usually, the
largest surges occur in the direction of where the wind is blowing. Due to the rotation
of the earth, the surge occurs towards the right side of the cyclone in the northern
hemisphere, and towards the left side in the southern hemisphere.
 Atmospheric Pressure: The force exerted by the atmospheric pressure is a
smaller factor in the formation of a storm surge.
 Bottom Conditions Near Shore: Another minor factor determining the strength of
a surge is whether the coastal slope is steep or shallow, and rough or smooth. A
shallow and smooth ocean floor near the coast can dramatically enhance the speed
and power of the storm surge, while a steep climb with rough obstructions can slow
and sometimes even stop a storm surge. A wider shore will have a higher surge than
a narrower shore.
 Distance from Storm Centre to Shore: For a storm surge to achieve maximum
potency, the distance between the eye of the storm and the shore should neither be
too close nor too far. If the distance is less, the surge cannot gather enough velocity
to gain power. However, if the storm is too far, the surge will lose its gathered energy
by the time it reaches the shore.
 Tides: The gravitational force of the sun and moon cause low and high tides. If
the storm surge occurs during a low tide, the intensity will be significantly reduced.
However, a storm surge during high tide will cause a storm tide capable of heavy
destruction.
 Freshwater: Usually, before a storm reaches land, most coastal areas receive
heavy rainfall, causing water levels to rise. This is especially true in areas that have a
river delta, causing bigger and stronger storm surges.
 Shape and Angle of Coast to the Storm: A shore with a convex shape will have a
lower surge as compared to a concave shore. Also, if the storm is moving parallel to
the shore, it will cause lower and weaker storm surges as compared to a storm
moving perpendicular to the coast.
 Sea Waves: When waves break onto the beach, they may collect into pools,
eventually making it easier for the surge to overcome the friction of the beach, and
move even further inland.
A storm surge should not be misunderstood as seiche, as Storm surge is the unusual
rise in the water levels generated by a storm over and above the predicted astronomical
tide. The term seiche can be defined as a wave on the surface of a lake or landlocked
bay; caused by atmospheric or seismic disturbances.
Conclusion:
Storm surge as high as 15 to 20 ft. may occur when all the factors contributing to storm
surge are maximum. This storm tide inundates low lying coastal areas which have far
reaching consequences apart from flooding.  Hence, necessary precaution if taken will
ensure the minimal loss of environment human life in the surrounding area.

CONSTITUTION / POLITY
Topic: General Studies 2
 Indian Constitution—historical underpinnings, evolution, features 
The future of Indian secularism
Context: The participation of Prime Minister in the ground breaking ceremony
of Ayodhya Ram Temple has revived the debate on Secularism.  
What is Secularism? 
 Secularism means separation of religion from political, economic, social and
cultural aspects of life, religion being treated as a purely personal matter. 
 It emphasized dissociation of the state from religion and full freedom to all
religions and tolerance of all religions. 
 It also stands for equal opportunities for followers of all religions, and no
discrimination and partiality on grounds of religion. 
 A secular person is one who does not owe his moral values to any religion. His
values are the product of his rational and scientific thinking. 
What is India’s Secularism unique? 
India’s Constitutional secularism is marked by at least two features.  
First, critical respect for all religions.  
 Unlike some secularisms, India’s secularism is not blindly anti-religious but
respects religion.  
 Unlike the secularisms of pre-dominantly single religious societies, India’s
Secularism respects not one but all religions.  
 Indian philosophy of secularism is related
to “Sarva Dharma Sambhava” which means that destination of the paths followed by
all religions is the same, though the paths themselves may be different. It
essentially means equal respect to all religions. 
 However, given the virtual impossibility of distinguishing the religious from the
social, as B.R. Ambedkar famously observed, every aspect of religious doctrine or
practice cannot be respected. Respect for religion must be accompanied by
critique. 
Second, Principled Distance from all religions 
 The Indian state abandons strict separation but keeps a principled distance from
all religions. 
 This means that State must intervenes whenever religious groups promote
communal disharmony and discrimination on grounds of religion (an inter-religious
matter) or are unable to protect their own members from the oppressions they
perpetuate (an intra-religious issue).  
 For instance, it cannot tolerate untouchability or leave all personal laws as they
are.  
 Thus, State has to constantly decide when to engage or disengage, help or hinder
religion depending entirely on which of these enhances our constitutional
commitment to freedom, equality and fraternity. 
 Secularism is not only a project of civic friendship among religious communities
but also of opposition to religion-based caste and gender oppressions 
Challenges with India’s Secularism 
 Misusing for Electoral benefits: Opportunistic distance (engagement or
disengagement), mainly opportunistic alliance with religious communities,
particularly for the sake of immediate electoral benefit 
 Neglecting the Core Idea of Indian Secularism: Political parties have bizarrely
interpreted ‘respect’ to mean cutting deals with aggressive or orthodox sections of
religious groups at times igniting communal violence. 
 Victimization of Communities: Principled intervention by State in one religion is
viewed as discriminatory treatment by fringe sections of society leading to
Politicisation of Secularism 
 Politicisation of any one religious group leads to the competitive politicisation of
other groups, thereby resulting in inter-religious conflict. 
 Requires Continuous Civic Participation: India’s constitutional secularism cannot
be sustained by governments alone but requires collective commitment from an
impartial judiciary, a scrupulous media, civil society activists, and an alert citizenry 
Way Ahead 
 There is need to shift focus from a politically-led Secularism project to a socially-
driven movement for justice.  
 Second, a shift of emphasis from inter-religious to intra-religious issues, without
completely ignoring inter-religious issues 
Conclusion 
Indian secularism is not an end in itself but a means to address religious plurality and
sought to achieve peaceful coexistence of different religions.

SOCIETY/ GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 1 and 2
 Social empowerment 
 Mechanisms, laws, institutions and Bodies constituted for the
protection and betterment of these vulnerable sections 
Hindu women’s inheritance rights
Context: The Supreme Court expanded on a Hindu woman’s right to be a joint legal heir
and inherit ancestral property on terms equal to male heirs. 
Coparcener is a person who has a birthright to parental property. 
What is the The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005? 
 The Mitakshara school of Hindu law codified as the Hindu Succession Act, 1956
governed succession and inheritance of property  
 The original act only recognised males as legal heirs. 
 The law applied to everyone who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew by
religion.  
 Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains and followers of Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj are also
considered Hindus for the purposes of this law. 
 Section 6 of the Act was amended in 2005 to make a daughter of a coparcener
also a coparcener by birth “in her own right in the same manner as the son” 
 The law applies to ancestral property and to intestate succession in personal
property — where succession happens as per law and not through a will 
Do you know? 
 The 174th Law Commission Report had also recommended this reform in Hindu
succession law.  
 Even before the 2005 amendment, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra and
Tamil Nadu had made this change in the law, 
How did the case come about? 
 While the 2005 law granted equal rights to women, questions were raised in
multiple cases on whether the law applied retrospectively 
 Also, there were questions if the rights of women depended on the living status
of the father through whom they would inherit 
 Additionally, there were different verdicts by two-judge Supreme Court Benches 
 In Prakash v Phulwati (2015), a two-judge Bench headed by Justice A K Goel held
that the benefit of the 2005 amendment could be granted only to “living daughters of
living coparceners” as on September 9, 2005 (the date when the amendment came
into force). 
 In Danamma @ Suman Surpur vs. Amar (2018), contrary to the 2015 ruling, a
two-judge SC Bench held that the share of a father who died in 2001 will also pass to
his daughters as coparceners as per 2005 law 
 These conflicting views by Benches of equal strength led to a reference to a
three-judge Bench in the current case. The ruling now overrules the earlier verdicts. 
What is the ruling? 
 A three Judge SC bench ruled that a Hindu woman’s right to be a joint heir to the
ancestral property is by birth and does not depend on whether her father was alive
or not when the law was enacted in 2005. 
 The court decided that the amended Hindu Succession Act, which gives
daughters equal rights to ancestral property, will have a retrospective effect. 
 It also clarified that an unregistered oral partition, without any contemporaneous
public document, cannot be accepted as the statutory recognised mode of partition. 
 The bench also clarified that if the property had already been written in the name
of an heir before the amendment came into effect, the woman would not be able to
claim a share. 
Significance of the Judgement 
 Resolves Legal Confusion: The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005 thus
gives Hindu women the right to be coparceners or joint legal heirs in the same way a
male heir does. 
 Right to Equality: The verdict corrected the discrimination on the ground of
gender and upheld the fundamental right of equality guaranteed by the Constitution 
 Economic Empowerment of Daughters: The daughters cannot be deprived of
their right of equality conferred upon them by Section 6 
 Codification of Norms: The concept of uncodified Hindu law of unobstructed
heritage has been given a concrete shape under the provisions of Section 6(1)(a)
and 6(1) of the act 
Connecting the dots 
 Instant triple talaq became a cognizable offence a year ago on August 1, 2019. 
 Codification of Personal Laws 

TOPIC: General Studies 3

 Environment and Conservation
In News: The awe-inspiring tiger is one of the most iconic animals on Earth. The tiger
population across the world dropped sharply since the beginning of the 20th century but
now for the first time in conservation history, their numbers are on the rise. In good news
for India, Environment Minister Prakash Javadekar said the country has 70 percent of
the world’s tiger population, after releasing a report on tiger census ahead
of International Tiger Day on July 29. 
 Global Tiger Day, also called the International Tiger Day, is an annual event
marked to raise awareness for tiger conservation. 
 It is observed every year on July 29. 
 It was started in 2010 at the Saint Petersburg Tiger Summit, with the aim to
promote a global system for protecting the natural habitats of tigers and raise
awareness among people on why tiger conservation must be supported.
The Report
 India has 70 percent of world’s tiger population.
 Jim Corbett national park in Uttarakhand is the largest habitat of the big cats in
India (231 tigers). 
 Corbett is followed by Nagarhole (127) and Bandipur (126), both in Karnataka.
India’s tiger population now stands at 2967 which is 70 percent of the global tiger
population. A feather in India’s cap was added with the Guinness World Records
recognizing the country’s efforts as the world largest camera trap survey of wildlife.
With the presence of nearly 30 percent of India’s tigers outside tiger reserves, India had
embarked upon assessing management interventions through the globally developed
Conservation Assured | Tiger Standards (CA|TS) framework, which will now be extended
to all fifty tiger reserves across the country.  
New Guinness Record
India’s 2018 Tiger Census has made it to the Guinness Book of World Records for being
the world’s largest camera trapping wildlife survey. 
The fourth cycle of the All India Tiger Estimation 2018 estimated 2,967 tigers or 75 per
cent of the global tiger population in the nation. This is by far the biggest increase in
terms of both numbers and percentage since the four-yearly census using camera traps
and the capture-mark-recapture method began in 2006.
Why is a tiger census needed?
The tiger sits at the peak of the food chain, and its conservation is important to ensure
the well-being of the forest ecosystem. The tiger estimation exercise includes habitat
assessment and prey estimation. The numbers reflect the success or failure of
conservation efforts. This is an especially important indicator in a fast-growing economy
like India where the pressures of development often run counter to the demands of
conservation.
The Global Tiger Forum, an international collaboration of tiger-bearing countries, has set
a goal of doubling the count of wild tigers by 2022. More than 80% of the world’s wild
tigers are in India, and it’s crucial to keep track of their numbers.
So, why have the numbers gone up?
The success owes a lot to increased vigilance and conservation efforts by the Forest
Department. From 28 in 2006, the number of tiger reserves went up to 50 in 2018,
extending protection to larger numbers of tigers over the years. 
 Healthy increases in core area populations eventually lead to migrations to areas
outside the core; this is why the 2018 census has found tigers in newer areas. Over
the years, there has been increased focus on tigers even in the areas under the
territorial and commercial forestry arms of Forest Departments. The brightest spot in
the non-protected tiger-bearing areas is the Brahmapuri division of Chandrapur
district of Maharashtra, which has more than 40 tigers.
 The other important reason is increased vigilance, and the fact that organised
poaching rackets have been all but crushed. 
 The increased protection has encouraged the tiger to breed. Tigers are fast
breeders when conditions are conducive. 
 The rehabilitation of villages outside core areas in many parts of the country has
led to the availability of more inviolate space for tigers.
 Also, because estimation exercises have become increasingly more accurate
over the years, it is possible that many tigers that eluded enumerators in earlier
exercises were counted this time. Since state boundaries do not apply to the
movement of tigers, conservationists prefer to talk about tiger numbers in terms of
landscapes rather than of states. This is how the five tiger landscapes identified by
the census have done over the years.
Do you know?
 As of 2019, there are 50 tiger reserves in India, which are governed by Project
Tiger which is administrated by the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA).
 India is home to 80 percent of tigers in the world.
 Tiger Reserves are declared by National Tiger Conservation Authority via Wild Life
(Protection) Amendment Act, 2006 under centrally sponsored scheme called Project
Tiger.
 To declare an area as Tiger Reserve, the state governments can forward their
proposals in this regard to NTCA. Central Government via NTCA may also advise the
state governments to forward a proposal for creation of Tiger Reserves.
 The All India Tiger Estimation done quadrennially is steered by the National Tiger
Conservation Authority with technical backstopping from the Wildlife Institute of
India and implemented by State Forest Departments and partners.
 Bid to turn Shivalik forest into tiger reserve: Uttar Pradesh government is
actively considering the proposal to declare the Shivalik forest in the Saharanpur
circle a tiger reserve. If accepted, it would be the fourth tiger reserve in Uttar Pradesh
after Amangarh in Bijnor, Pilibhit and Dudhwa in Lakhimpur-Kheri. The move would
not only reduce the increasing man-animal conflict but also help nurture the rich
biodiversity of the region.
Project Tiger
 Launched in Jim Corbett National Park of Uttarakhand in 1973,  with 9 tiger
reserves
 Currently, The Project Tiger coverage has increased to 50 tiger reserves are
constituted on a core/buffer strategy.
 Centrally Sponsored Scheme of the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate
Change providing central assistance to the tiger States
National Tiger Conservation Authority
 It was established in December 2005 following a recommendation of the Tiger
Task Force which was constituted by the Prime Minister of India for reorganised
management of Project Tiger and the many Tiger Reserves in India.
 The Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 was amended in 2006 to provide for its
constitution. 
 It is responsible for implementation of the Project Tiger to protect endangered
tigers. 
 It is set up under the Chairmanship of the Minister for Environment and Forests. 
 Composition:

o The Inspector General of Forest will be ex-officio Member Secretary
o 8 experts having qualifications and experience in wildlife conservation and
welfare of people including tribals
o 3 Members of Parliament (2 from Lok Sabha and 1 from Rajya Sabha)  
 Functions:

o Lay down normative standards, guidelines for tiger conservation in the
Tiger Reserves, National Parks and Sanctuaries. 
o Provide information on protection measures. 
o Facilitate and support tiger reserve management in the States through
eco-development and people’s participation
The tiger is a unique animal which plays a pivotal role in the health and diversity of an
ecosystem. It is a top predator which is at the apex of the food chain and keeps the
population of wild ungulates in check, thereby maintaining the balance between prey
herbivores and the vegetation upon which they feed. Therefore, the presence of tigers in
the forest is an indicator of the well-being of the ecosystem. The extinction of this top
predator is an indication that its ecosystem is not sufficiently protected, and neither
would it exist for long thereafter.
“Do not cut down the forest with its tigers and do not banish the tigers from the forest.
The tiger perishes without the forest and the forest perishes without its
tigers”  (Udyogaparva).
Note:
Lidar is a method for measuring distances by illuminating the target with laser light and
measuring the reflection with a sensor

GOVERNANCE / INTERNATIONAL 
Topic: General Studies 2
 Indian foreign policy
 Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on
India’s interests
A self-reliant foreign policy
Context: Self-reliance is the theme of India’s 74th Independence Day.  
About Self-reliance 
 Economically: It means production of key goods and services within the country.
In other words, the goal is to reduce import dependence of critical commodities,
especially in the backdrop of global ‘supply shock’ caused by the pandemic. 
 Foreign policy: The foreign policy corollary is to sustain the ‘strategic autonomy’
in international affairs i.e. not taking orders from or succumbing to pressure from
great powers. It means not becoming subordinate to foreign hegemon. 
India’s advocacy for autonomy (& non-alignment) in making foreign policy choices has
remained constant, despite changes in world order over decades. 
 Bipolar from 1947 to 1991- era of Cold War where world was divided in two
camps one headed by USA and other headed by erstwhile USSR 
 Unipolar from 1991 to 2008 – With disintegration of USSR, USA became the sole
super power while China caught up with USA in overall power 
 Multipolar at present times where there are big powers
and several middle powers  
At the same time, India has shown flexibility in Foreign policy 
 Strategic autonomy has often been adjusted in India’s history as per the
changing situations 
 In moments of crisis, India has reinterpreted freedom and shown flexibility for
survival. For example 
 During the 1962 war with China, the greatest advocate of non-alignment, Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, had to appeal to the U.S. for emergency military aid to
stave off the Chinese aggression along Indian borders 
 In the build-up to the 1971 war with Pakistan, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had to
enter a Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union to ward
off both China and the U.S 
 In Kargil in 1999, India welcomed a direct intervention by the U.S. to force
Pakistan to back down 
Do above examples indicate that India abandoned autonomy (or non-alignment)? 
 In all the above examples, India did not become any less autonomous when
geopolitical circumstances compelled it to enter into de facto alliance-like
cooperation with major powers.  
 Rather, India secured its freedom, sovereignty and territorial integrity by
manoeuvring the great power equations and playing the realpolitik game. 
Is there a need for India to rethink its approach to Strategic autonomy? 
 India is at an inflection point with regard to strategic autonomy. China and the
U.S. are sliding into a new Cold War, with India’s security and sovereignty being
challenged primarily by the former 
 Non-alignment 2.0 in a threat environment from nuclear neighbour (China) makes
little sense, especially when US is looking for partners in region to contain China 
 Thus, there is strong advocacy for an alliance like partnership with USA 
What are fears associated with India’s close proximity to the U.S.? 
 Increasing Risk: For India, which values freedom, placing all its eggs in the U.S.
basket to counterbalance China would be an error. 
 Reduced Space for India: It would mean India coming under the pressure of US
interests that can cost India its strategic autonomy. 
 Impacts other interests: Stronger Indo-US alliance can constrict India’s options in
other theatres of national interest such as its ties with Iran and Russia  
 Challenges to Domestic goals: It can also slowdown efforts of improving
indigenous defence modernisation (US pressure to buy its weapons in exchange for
its support to India to counter China) 
Way Ahead 
 India should stay as an independent power centre by means of intensified
cooperation with middle powers in Asia and around the world. 
 Diversification is the essence of self-reliance.  
 A wide basket of strategic partners, including the U.S., with a sharper focus on
constraining China, is a viable diplomatic way forward in the current emerging
multipolar world order. 
Connecting the dots 
 Disintegration of USSR – Reasons and impact on India 
 Interlinkage of Globalisation and Foreign Policy 
SCIENCE & TECH/ INTERNATIONAL/
GOVERNANCE 
Topic: General Studies 2 and 3
 Awareness in the fields of IT, Space, Computers
 Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on
India’s interests 
Shutting the door on Huawei
Context: U.K’s decision to ban the Chinese company Huawei that entails banning its
mobile providers from buying new Huawei 5G equipment after 2020 as well as removing
all of Huawei’s 5G kit from their networks by 2027 
What is 5G? 
 5G is the fifth generation cellular technology that apart from increasing the
downloading and uploading speeds (speed of 1 Gbps) over the mobile network, also
reduces the latency i.e. the time taken by a network to respond. 
 It also increases energy efficiency and offers more stable network connections. 
 5G is also designed to deliver signals more reliably than earlier cellular networks  
 5G will have a wider area in the frequency spectrum (range of frequencies) that
will ensure no network congestion. 
 In addition, it will also ensure connectivity to a full circle i.e. everything is
connected to every other thing. 
 5G will help facilitate the ecosystem for the Internet of Things (IoT) and to
incorporate Artificial Intelligence (AI) in our daily lives and  
 To get the benefits of 5G, users will have to buy new phones, while carriers will
need to install new transmission equipment to offer the faster service. 
 Source: The Hindu 
What made UK to ban Huawei? 
 It was primarily due to pressure mounted by USA 
 US views technological progress made by Chinese company as threat to its own
dominance in the field of technology & trade 
 On the grounds of cyber security and data privacy, US had banned Huawei
company from its economy in 2019 
 US also imposed sanctions on Huawei that created uncertainties around
Huawei’s supply chain impacting its global business. 
 The U.S.-China relationship is entering a phase of Cold War 2.0, the Trump
administration had made it clear that the U.K.’s “special relationship” with the
U.S. will be jeopardised if UK doesn’t ban Huawei. 
What has been the response of China? 
 China strongly opposed the U.K.’s ban and warned that it would take measures to
safeguard the legitimate interests of Chinese companies 
Consequence of UK’s decision 
 Win for USA: The U.K.’s change of stance is a major diplomatic win for USA as it
might also convince fence sitters to make a final decision. 
 A domino effect: Other countries in Europe will also come under pressure to take
similar decisions 
 France also decided to limit the use of Huawei’s 5G kit by issuing limited term
licences. 
 Germany too is reducing its reliance on Huawei as the mood against China has
soured across Europe.  
 Geopolitical Changes: After years of close relation with the Chinese, the
European Union is becoming more explicit than ever in challenging China.  
 Perception of China: The response of China has made countries to view China as
a “systemic rival” that is hell bent on challenging the extant global order  
 Political Battle: What once looked like a battle which the U.S. was waging on its
own has suddenly been joined by a number of other players. The decision on Huawei
is not merely a technological or economic decision but a fundamentally political
decision for most countries.  
India and Huawei 
 India had allowed Huawei to participate in 5G trials which could not happen
because of the disruptions caused by the pandemic. 
 Today, India-China ties have altered due to the border crisis and Chinese
insensitivity to Indian concerns. 
 With New Delhi toughening its posture against China, it looks rather unlikely that
Huawei would get to participate in the 5G network roll-out in India.  
 India is signalling that it is willing to bear economic and technological costs
on limiting Chinese involvement in critical infrastructure. 
Conclusion 
 China’s decision to weaponise trade and technology ties might now come back to
haunt it as other nations begin to pay back in the same coin 
Connecting the dots 
 Steering Committee on 5G under the chairmanship of AJ Paulraj  
 AI – its merits and challenges 

ECONOMY/ GOVERNANCE
Topic: General Studies 3:
 Infrastructure
 Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilization, of
resources, growth, development and employment. 
New Agriculture Infrastructure Fund (NAIF)
Context: Agricultural distress that preceded Pandemic and government’s vision of
doubling Farmer’s income (Ahok Dalwai Committee)
Previous Government measures to Improve Farm Infrastructure
 National Horticultural Board provides credit-linked subsidy on capital
investments in pre-cooling units, controlled/modified atmosphere cold stores, reefer
vans, ripening/curing chambers and other such post-harvest infrastructure.
 A lot of storage capacity, including low-cost scientifically-built on-farm structures,
has been created for onions under the Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana.
About NAI Fund
 It is financing facility for setting up warehousing, cold chain, processing and
other post-harvest management infrastructure
 It provides an interest subvention of 3 per cent on loans of up to Rs 2 crore for a
maximum seven-year period. 
 To implement the fund effectively and in order to make it attractive for banks, the
loans would also have government-backed credit coverage against defaults
 The borrowers are mainly to be FPOs (farmer producer organisations) and
primary agricultural cooperative societies
 It has a targeted disbursement of Rs 1 lakh crore over the current and next three
fiscals.
Significance of NAI Fund 
 Promotes Agro-processing: NAI Fund means increased investments in produce
shelf life extension and value addition (indirectly encourages food processing
sector)
 Reduces Wastage: 16% of fruits and vegetables and up to 10% of cereals, oil
seeds and pulses are wasted in the country due to inadequate post-harvest
infrastructure.
 Complementing the recent reforms: Government had issued ordinances
removing stockholding restrictions on major foodstuffs and dismantling the
monopoly of regulated mandis in the trading of farm produce.
 Phased Disposal of Produce empowers farmer: Being able to store their produce,
enables farmers to harvest their crop, say, in March and make staggered sales till
November to take advantage of higher off-season rates
Criticisms
 Additional Scheme: It would have made sense to merge all existing schemes
with the new fund so as to better leverage government money.
 Its benefits will only accrue in the medium- to long-term. The government must
not lose sight of the immediate economic challenge of boosting growth and
incomes.
 Not a panacea: Cold chains and agro-processing cannot solve all of agricultural
problems for ex: three-fourths of India’s sugarcane crop is “processed” by mills and
issue of cane arrears still persist
Value Addition
Do You Know How Policy focus on agriculture has changed since Independence?
 The focus of policymakers during the first 40 years after Independence was
raising farm production. 
 In the subsequent two decades, they started paying more attention to agri-
infrastructure and agro-processing. 
 In today’s age of self-sufficiency & surplus produce, focus should be in crop
planning and information dissemination (leveraging Data Analytics) to help farmers
better align their production decisions to market demand.
Connecting the dots:
 Ashok Dalwai Committee of doubling farm income
 Essential Commodities Act

FEDERALISM/ INDIAN POLITY

Topic: General Studies 3:
 Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and
challenges pertaining to the federal structure
Talking tough: On the Naga issue
Context: The National Socialist Council of Nagaland- Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) has for the
first time released the details of the 2015 framework agreement (given in interpretation
of agreement part of article)
Do You Know?
 Nagas belong to Indo-Mongoloid Family.
 The Nagas are not a single tribe, but an ethnic community that comprises several
tribes who live in the state of Nagaland and its neighbourhood.
Origin of Naga Issue and the timeline of the events
The assertion of Naga Nationalism began during Colonial period and continued in
Independent India. Below is the pictorial representation of the timeline

What are the key demands of the Naga groups? 

 Greater Nagalim (sovereign statehood) i.e redrawing of boundaries to bring all
Naga-inhabited areas in the Northeast under one administrative umbrella.
 o It includes various parts of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Assam and
Myanmar as well.
 Naga Yezabo (Naga Constitution) 
 Naga national flag.
What was the Ceasefire Agreement which was signed in 2015?
 Signatories: Interlocutor R.N. Ravi signed the agreement on behalf of the Centre
in presence of PM Modi. The other two signatories were leader of NSCN(IM) i.e. Isak
Chishi Swu, who died in 2016 and Thuingaleng Muivah (86) who is leading the talks.
 Takeaway of the Agreement: The Government of India recognised the unique
history, culture and position of the Nagas and their sentiments and aspirations. The
NSCN(IM) also appreciated the Indian political system and governance.
 Significance: It shows the governments strong intent to resolve the long
standing issue and adoption of diplomatic peaceful approach by Naga Society to
fulfil their aspirations.
 Objective: Both sides agreed that October 2019 for concluding an accord, which
would settle all Naga issues
 Shrouded in Secrecy: The details of the agreement have not been made public by
the government citing security reasons
What has happened in the year’s post signing the agreement?
 Enlarged Peace Talks: Talks were expanded in 2017 by including other Naga
groups under the banner, the Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs)
 Bilateral to Multilateral Negotiations: The Framework Agreement envisaged a
bilateral truce between two entities, but today it is seen to be a multilateral one with
involvement of seven prominent Naga groups
 Deadlock in Talks Since October 2019: The deadlock was on the insistence for a
separate flag and constitution by the NSCN(IM) to make way for India and Nagaland
to be independent allies in a shared-sovereignty federal relationship
 Differences within Naga Groups:  The NSCN (I-M) still insists on a “Greater
Nagalim”. However, most of the NNPGs based in Nagaland have sought to settle the
issue without disturbing the State boundaries while keeping the “Greater Nagalim”
question in abeyance
What are the present grievances of NSCN-IM?
1. Interpretation of Agreement
 The agreement released by the NSCN-IM in August 2020 stated “sharing the
sovereign power” and provide for an “enduring inclusive new relationship of peaceful
co-existence of the two entities”.
 The NSCN-IM claims that the word ‘new’ is politically sensitive as it goes to
define the meaning of peaceful co-existence of the two entities (two sovereign
powers) and it strongly indicates outside the purview of the Constitution
 The position of NSCN(IM) has been “with India, not within India”.
 Conceding to this demand, especially after the abrogation of Article 370, seems
improbable for the Government. 
2. Grievances against Mr. Ravi (Interlocutor & also Nagaland Governor)
 The NSCN-IM has claimed that Mr. Ravi, “craftily deleted the word new from the
original” to justify his own narrative and circulated to the other Naga groups
including NNGPs
 NSCN-IM is also angered by Mr. Ravi’s letter to Nagaland CM, alleging the
collapse of law and order and that armed gangs who question the sovereignty and
integrity of the nation” were engaging in “blatant extortion”. 
 This has touched a sore spot for the NSCN (I-M) as the group defended the
practice by terming it “tax collection”.
 The NSCN (I-M) has demanded that Nagaland Governor R.N. Ravi should be
removed as the interlocutor for talks on the Naga accord. 
Way Ahead
 Any moves to alter boundaries will intensify ethnic conflicts and insurgencies
beyond Nagaland.
 The accord can be concluded after consultations with Assam, Manipur and
Arunachal Pradesh, all States which have a stake in the matter. 
 The Central government needs reiterate its commitment to finalising the Naga
accord while seeking to re-engage with the NSCN (I-M) without giving in to its
arbitrary demands.
Connecting the dots;
 Article 371
 Divide & Rule Policy of British

SCIENCE & TECH/ ECONOMY/

GOVERNANCE
Topic: General Studies 3:
 Science and Technology- developments and their applications and
effects in everyday life 
 Cyber Security and Challenges to internal security through
communication networks  
Democracy needs an Internet ombudsman
Context: The increasing interplay between government, companies and citizens for big
data.
What are some of the Criticism of the present day Internet Structure?
 Information asymmetry has become so huge that it has eroded the very spirit of
democracy by limiting the unbiased communication of ideas
 Data is used as means of control and surveillance, whereby powers of
government for National Security and fraud detection is being misused for political
surveillance
 Increased Uncertainty: Citizens receive a flood of unfiltered information which is
re-circulated into the network of social media causing much greater chaos 
 Increasing Conservatism: Information Superhighways in democracy are leading
to “re-tribalisation” of politics as Politicians are able to misuse internet for arousing
passions & fragmenting society for political gains
 Increasing Private Players in Political Messaging: While the customisation of
political messaging is not  per se  illegal, it certainly is unlawful to indulge in
unauthorised data mining and collection by the industry
 New Interests to be balanced: There is a Triangular interplay between data
protection, privacy and a flow of information, which are 21st century public policy
concerns, where governments don’t have much experience in dealing with them
 Reactive Government Policies: Indian Government banned 59 Chinese apps in
the backdrop of border tensions. However, its stance on Facebook & Amazon is
unclear where they are facing scrutiny on their own soil for their data mining policies
 Governance tools under Criticism: The Aadhar Act is alleged as dilution of
‘privacy’ and the standard of proportionality test set up by the Supreme Court. Similar
concerns are also raised by Arogya Setu App
 A national policy on data privacy of individuals is still a non-starter. The Personal
Data Protection Bill, struggling to be born in Parliament despite conception in 2018
 Increasing Data Theft: India’s cybersecurity watchdog, CERT-In, last year reported
huge data theft of Facebook and Twitter users by malicious third party apps
o Reportedly, more than 1.3 million credit and debit card details from Indian
banks and the data of 6.8 million users from an Indian health-care website were
stolen in the same year.
 New Form of War: There are dedicated IT cells  of organisations, governments
which carry out a digital form of warfare with propaganda and fake news
Way Ahead – Should there be Regulation of Internet?
 There should be a gatekeeper(regulator) to balance appetites for technology,
security and privacy. The gate keeper is for regulation, not surveillance
 Such a regulator has to be completely and genuinely independent. Otherwise it
will perform an unacceptable legitimation function. 
Connecting the dots:
 Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) vs Union Of India case
 Justice B N Srikrishna Committee report of data protection