Professional Documents
Culture Documents
as Spiritual Tradition
Michael Tlanusta Garrett, J. T. Garrett, Edil Torres-Rivera,
Michael Wilbur, and Janice Roberts-Wilbur
Native American humor is explored through a brief discussion of the current
literature regarding the use of humor in counseling and descriptions of various
forms and communication styles of Native humor as spiritual tradition. Implica-
tions for multicultural awareness in the use of humor and possible use of Na-
tive humor in counseling with Native clients are offered.
El humor del Indio Americano es explorado por una discusion breve de la literatura
actual con respecto al uso del humor en aconsejar y descripciones de varios
estilos de formas y comunicacion del humor Nativo como la tradicion espiritual.
Las implicaciones para el conocimiento multicultural en el uso del humor y el uso
posible del humor Nativo a aconsejar clientes Nativos se ofrecen.
Once a long time ago, the dogs were trying to elect a president. So one of them got up in the
big dog convention and said: "I nominate the bulldog for president. He's strong. He can
fight," "But he can't run," said another dog, "What good is afighterwho can't run? He won't
catch anybody," Then another dog got up and said: "I nominate the greyhound, because he
sure can run," But the other dogs cried: "Naw, he can run all right, but he can't fight. When
he catches up with somebody, what happens then? He gets the hell beaten out of him, that's
what! So all he's good for is running away," Then an ugly little mutt jumped up and said: "I
nominate that dog for president who smells good underneath his tail," And immediately an
equally ugly mutt jumped up and yelled: "I second the motion," At once all the dogs started
sniffing underneath each other's tails, A big chorus went up: "Phew, he doesn't smell good
under his tail," "No, neither does this one," "He's no presidential timber!" "No, he's no
good, either," "This one sure isn't the people's choice," "Wow, this ain't my candidate!"
When you go out for a walk, just watch the dogs. They're still sniffing underneath each
other's tails. They're looking for a good leader, and they still haven't found him,
-Lame Deer, as cited in Itzkowitz 1995, pp, 59-60
That Indians don't laugh. We laugh about everything, that's the way we survive. It's kind of a dry,
insane sense of humor. It's better than crying-we do that, too. But anytime you laugh about some-
thing, it shatters it. Then it doesn't have any power over you. (as cited in Thompson, 1994, p. 126)
Hall probably best captures both the essence and the function of Native hu-
mor as a communication style and as a way of surviving in a sometimes diffi-
cult world. Humor, from a Native perspective, is as integral a part of life as
196 jouRNALOFMULTICULTURALCOUNSELINGANDDEVELOPMENT«October2005'Vol.33
eating. Indeed, for many Native people, mealtime may end up being just as
good a time to eat your words as to eat your food. It is amazing to watch the
transformation that occurs when people come together around food and really
begin to open up. In Indian country, mealtime is sometimes the worst time to
try to eat because everyone (oneself included) is laughing so hard, cutting up,
sharing side-splitting stories, and teasing each other.
Native humor takes many different forms including stories, anecdotes, teasing or
razzing, songs, dance, art fonns, cultural symbols, and so forth. Probably one of the
most common forms that Native humor has traditionally taken is that of stories in-
tended to both entertain and educate. Many tribal oral traditions emphasize important
life lessons through the subtle humor expressed in the stories. So often, it is the arro-
gant, manipulative, vain, clownlike figure of Rabbit, Possum, Coyote, Dog, Turtle, or
Raven, among others (the character depends on the tribe but is cJways the one who
thinks he or she knows it all) that ends up learning a hard lesson in humility in the end,
much to the amusement of others and maybe as a reminder to others (J. T. Garrett &
Garrett, 1996; M. T. Garrett, 1998; Harjo, 1998; Herring, 1994). Consider, as
an example, the hard lessons learned by Possum in the following Cherokee
story (M. T. Garrett, 1998) handed down from generations past:
In Native humor, one can easily end up as the butt (or tail) of a joke. In the
preceding story, not only is the subtle humor evident (by the way, this is one of the
few stories in which Rabbit doesn't end up on the short end of the stick), but the
emphasis on community as an important spiritual tradition in the lives of the
Cherokee people is strong as well. Humility and a sense of generosity are cultural
values that seem to pervade Native nations across the United States (M. T. Garrett,
1996). Stories and anecdotes are but one means of reinforcing and reminding in-
group members of the cultural values and unspoken rules by which they live.
Native people live for laughter, which plays a very important role in the continued
survival of the tribal community. After all, laughter relieves stress and creates an
atmosphere of sharing and connectedness. As George Good Striker (Blackfoot) put
it, "Humor is the WD-40 of healing" (as cited in M. T Garrett, 1998, p. 137).
So where does the popular stereotype of Native American stoicism come
from? As Phil Lane Sr. (Yankton Lakota; as cited in Schaef, 1995) said.
Our white relatives say the Indian is stoic. This is not necessarily true. We just wait to see the
true person. Given time, he [or she] will show his [or her] true self, so we wait and time will
provide the proof. (April 8)
Indeed, silence and careful observation are important parts of Indian self-discipline,
reflection, and commimication style Q. T. Garrett & Garrett, 1994; M. T. Garrett,
1996); however, humor is just as important in bringing people together and reafTirm-
ing bonds of kinship. To see Native people "raising hell" with one another is a sign
198 jouRNALOFMULTICULTURALCOUNSELINGANDDEVELOPMENT'October2005«Vol.33
of the closeness between them and of the "honoring of relation" that is occurring. Non-
Native people often see Native humor as "dry" because of its observation of the obvi-
ous and the use of exciggeration. This style of humor, sometimes referred to by Native
people as "hellraising," "teasing," or "razzing," is often rather unique in its pragmatic
way of stating the somewhat obvious but using perspective to show the humorous side
of things. Moreover, the wit of Indian one-line retorts is classic and not uncommon.
Whenever non-Native people have come up to me and said, "How," in a joking man-
ner, I (first author) have quickly responded to them by saying, "I don't know how, you
tell me." Consider a few other examples of these Indian one-liners:
As for the much debated issue of whether or not sports teams should use
Indian mascots, Northrup (1997), a member of the Anishaabe Nation, shares a
conversation on the topic between him and a relative:
In Indian humor, you can make fun of anything and even at the worst times ,,, but I think
what I came to realize is that it's a way of easing the pain, that laughter is a good cure and that
maybe if we didn't laugh so much, we would be depressed, (as cited in Weintraub, Danto, &
McErilley, 1996, p, 101)
We see the practical functions that Native humor serves, and we also see the
powerful healing effect of perspective through a truly spiritual tradition in
everyday interactions. Native humor is also used as a means of testing for
anyone whose identity as a Native person is questionable or unknown (Pratt,
1998). As an intentional oral art form, the use of perspective through quick,
witty remarks or the use of exaggeration in lengthy stories in the group's con-
text is a prominent feature of Indian humor, sometimes known as razzing.
What is ii.?Razzing is "a collective form of storytelling in which participants
take some episode, humorous or not, from a present or past experience and
relate it 'humorously' to the others in attendance" (Pratt, 1998, p, 57). The story
used in razzing is often lengthy and typically embellished or changed by other
participating people. Razzing is similar to sounding or playing the dozens of the
African American oral tradition wherein skilled verbal dueling (i.e., partici-
pants direct verbal insults at one another) occurs in the group context. Razzing
is usually directed toward the divergent behavior of an individual, group, or
tribe. However, unlike sounding and playing the dozens, razzing is not di-
rected toward family members, physical disabihties, or socioeconomic status
(Pratt, 1998). As a matter of fact, one of the quickest ways to insult a Native
person is to talk in a derogatory way about his or her family.
The rules of engagement. There are a couple of unspoken "rules" regarding
razzing, although these rules can be regional and thus differ slightly from tribe
to tribe. Generally, razzing is restricted to participants of equal age status.
200 jouRNALOFMULTICULTURALCOUNSELINGANDDEVELOPMENT«October2005«Vol,33
However, there are exceptions, depending on the tribe, in which younger people
may razz older people (depending on the topic) and older people may defi-
nitely razz younger people. It is generally understood across tribes that one
does not disrespect an elder, but again, this may vary from tribe to tribe. Sec-
ond, it is not acceptable for those known as candidate Indians (an anthropologi-
cal term referring to people who can provide proof of tribal heritage, but have
not been socialized in a Native environment) to razz other Native people (Pratt,
1998). When and if this occurs, it will usually be met with silence as a form of
disapproval. Shunning of the offending person would be the extreme measure
of social punishment for having broken any of the unspoken rules.
The shame story. As mentioned earlier, razzing as a specific implementation of
Native humor takes on various forms. One such form is the shame story. In this
form, one person becomes the object (like Possum) of the razz in which a past
incident involving that person is meticulously recounted to those present, who
tend to join in with embelhshments of their own. Each time the story is told, it
can become more and more elaborate so that it may, indeed, barely resemble
the original incident at all. Sometimes, the object of the razz will self-select
him- or herself as the object of the razz and set him- or herself up for it inten-
tionally. As an example, I (first author) remember a friend of mine, Joe Dudley
(Yankton Lakota), saying in a Native peer-group situation, "Well, I just got
finished with my 6-hour workout, and I'm not going to be able to go outside or
they'll get me," implying that all the women would be after him. Another per-
son responded, "Who, the flies? " whereupon the whole group burst out in
laughter, joining in trying to contribute as many humorous remarks as they
could. Another person said, "No, even the flies couldn't stand the smell of him
right now!" Therefore, with razzing. Native people, among peers, will tease and
leave themselves open to being teased because it serves the purpose of keeping
yourself humble and a part of the group. The creation and maintenance of
relational connections is one of the main purposes of Native humor, as it has
been for generations and in many forms.
Songs. Another implementation of razzing can occur through songs that are di-
rected toward individuals or events. Probably one of the best known examples of
razzing through songs is the forty-nines originated by the Kiowa Nation of Okla-
homa. The forty-nines, originally serving as a celebration of past raiding parties,
are generally held after a powwow. The topics of forty-nines are limitless but must
conform to the rules of razzing described earlier. Other less formal styles of razzing
can occur through song as people sitting around together spontcineously invent
musical tributes to some humorous person, topic, or event, as evidenced in such
movies dts Medicine River {MdiXgoMn, 1994), Powwow Highway {V^acks, 1989), Smoke
Signals (Eyre, 1998), or Thunderheart (Apted, 1992), to name a few.
SUMMARY
Native Americans understand all too well the importance of avoiding taking
oneself too seriously. This has served as one of the many useful coping methods
JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND DEVELOPMENT* October 2005 • Vol. 33 201
for generations of Native people who have learned how to survive in the face of
persecution, exploitation, and genocide. The thinking behind this coping method
is that people who are not open to teasing or cannot handle laughing at them-
selves probably cannot handle being part ofthe group if they are too wrapped up
in themselves and their problems. The use of humor in Native tradition has
contributed to the survival of many Native nations as a coping skill, to maintain-
ing harmony and balance among Native people as an everyday communication
skill that preserves connections, and to the life-learning of younger generations
as an oral tradition that shows people how to live or how not to live.
Overall, Native humor as a spiritual tradition takes various forms, is played out
in various ways, and serves a number of important purposes. Among these pur-
poses are maintaining Native culture, controlling social situations, teaching people
how to live, creating unity, increasing social and political awareness, testing
others' identity or cultural competency as Indians, and simply as a way of inter-
acting and enjoying being together (Deloria, 1988; Pratt, 1998). With this in
mind, it is importcuit to translate knowledge and awareness of Native humor into
practice in the counseling process through a culturally appropriate way that
benefits the process and demonstrates respect for Native clients.