Classic Maya vase depicts cosmic warfare myth featuring celestial beings

President and Fellows of Harvard College
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology
Cosmos and Warfare on a Classic Maya Vase

Author(s): Oswaldo Chinchilla-Mazariegos
Source: RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, No. 47 (Spring, 2005), pp. 107-134
Published by: President and Fellows of Harvard College acting through the Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology
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Cosmos and warfare on a Classic Maya vase
OSWALDO CHINCHILLA-MAZARIEGOS
Warfare, its political,

economic, and ritual ends, its depends on their association with heavenly symbols,
religious implications, and role in Classic Maya society most importantly theT510 sign, read as ek'f "star" (fig.
are major topics of current inquiry (e.g. Freidel and 1). Another important criterion is their association with
Schele 1990; Martin and Grube 2000;Trejo 2000; heavenly settings, particularly the sky bands that often
Webster 2000). An intriguing aspect in Classic Maya form the body of the Cosmic Monster, an embodiment
notions of warfare is its apparent relationship with of the sky itself, or according to some authors, the Milky
celestialbodies. A polychrome vase in the collection of Way (Schele and Miller 1986:45-47; Milbrath
the Popol Vuh Museum, known as the Vase of the Stars, 1999:275-282; Stuart 2003).
brings new light on this aspect of Maya cosmology. The The small, chubby, long-nosed beings that appear on
vase is animportant addition to the corpus of images of Step VII of Yaxchilan Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 (fig. 2)
heavenly bodies known inMaya art, providing a illustrate the appearance of personified celestial bodies
valuable source for archaeoastronomical studies. While in Classic Maya art.1With some exceptions, they tend to
touching on the latter, this paper concentrates on an be rather grotesque. TheT510 signs appear behind their
iconographie analysis of the vase, with no attempt to forearms, as if emerging from the armpits, a position that
correlate celestial beings with specific asterisms. As is also usual for moon signs on lunar deities. Elsewhere,
interpreted here, the vase presents a scene from a supernatural beings pull arms and/or legs through the
cosmic myth involving warfare, namely, a version of rings of T510 signs, and in some cases, an oversized
the myth of Zipacna, best known from the sixteenth T510 sign may substitute for the whole body of a
century highland account transmitted in the pages of the celestial creature (fig. 1b). At Yaxchilan, the twin
Popol Vuh. dwarves watch the local ruler as a ballplayer, ready to
The vase provides a foundation for examining broader hit a ball that tumbles down the stairs. The captive
aspects of Classic Maya cosmology and related warfare portrayed within the ball shows that this ball game is
beliefs. A brief introductory comment reviews current symbolic of captive sacrifice, while the associated text
ideas on the relationship between heavenly bodies and recounts a series of three decapitations going back to
warfare, largely centered on the influence of Venus, and mythic ages. Miller and Houston (1987; Miller 1988)
the chronological correlation between war events and discuss this monument as an example of resonance in
stations in the Venus cycle. Iconographie analysis of the Maya art, where the scene evokes a series of warfare
Vase of the Stars suggests an explanation based on related events, including the capture of an enemy in
primeval myths that may have provided charters for the battle, his defeat in the ball game, and finally, his
ostensible bellicosity of Classic Maya kings. display and sacrifice on a flight of stairs.
The stellar dwarves from Yaxchilan are akin to the
Celestial bodies and warfare in Classic Maya art

constellations painted on the vault of Bonampak Room
2, which preside over the battle scene and its aftermath,
The ancient Maya populated the firmament with a the presentation of captives before the king, taking place
host of mythological creatures, most of which remain on a stepped platform (fig. 3). Both scenes are formal
poorly understood. There is evidence that some of the variations on the same subject: the sacrifice of war
major gods in the Maya pantheon had celestial captives under the patronage of celestial bodies.
manifestations that shared the heavens with numerous Following an initial insight from Agust?n Villagra
lesser characters. Recognition of their celestial nature (1949:26), Floyd Lounsbury (1982:166-167) and Mary
Ellen Miller (1986:47-51) identified the figures on the
This research was possible thanks to the support of the Popol Vuh upper register of the northern wall as constellations.
Museum, Francisco Marroquin University. Itbenefited from discussions
with Carlos Chacl?n, Ruud van Akkeren, Stephen Houston, Zachary
H ruby, and Karl Taube, and from the observations of two anonymous 1. Virginia Miller (1985:152) suggests that these dwarves may
reviewers. Particularly valuable was the high-resolution digital rollout relate with the ac ekf constellation, since the word ac means both
photograph created by Nicholas Hellmuth, which allowed clear turtle and dwarf. Freidel, Schele, and Parker (1993:485, note 45)
visualization of faint details. The interpretations advanced in this paper associate them with Leo and Virgo, based on an astronomical
are the sole responsibility of the author. correlation.
108 RES 47 SPRING 2005
Figure 1. The T510 "star" sign.

(a) Halved T510 sign, from a celestial band on Piedras Negras Stela 10. Note
the flame-like element flowing downward. Drawing by the author, after
Maler 1901: plate 19.
(b) Stellar being with aquatic features, incised on miniature bottle. The entire
body is substituted by a full T510 sign. Drawing by the author, after Mu?oz
Cosme, Vidal Lorenzo, and Vald?s G?mez 1999:156.
(c) "Earth-star" verb with full T510 sign, from Piedras Negras Stela 12. Drawing
by the author.
These beings, marked with T510 signs, find parallels a paramount role in the development of the battle scene
among stellar creatures from the Monjas building at below, evidencing like no other icon the close association
Chich?n Itz? and the Paris codex (fig. 4), first identified of celestial bodies with warfare inMaya thought.
as constellations by Spinden (1916; see also Kelley This association has been invariably explained in
1976:47-51 ;Aven i 1980:199-204; Justeson 1989: terms of the malignant influence of the planet Venus.
116-119; Brotherston 1989; Bricker and Bricker 1992; Eduard Seier (1904a) and J. Eric S. Thompson (1960:21 7,
Love 1994:93-98; Milbrath 1999:254-257). The 1972:65) initially showed that the Maya shared beliefs
ominous assembly of celestial beings at Bonampak plays with Central Mexican peoples on the evil omens
ABC E F G H I J KLM N O P Q R
V W X
Figure 2. Drawing of Yaxchilan Hieroglyphic Stairway 2, Step VII, from Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, vol. 3, part 3,
Yaxchilan, reproduced courtesy of the President and Fellows of Harvard College.
Chinchilla-Mazariegos: Cosmos and warfare on a Classic Maya vase 109
Figure 3. Mural painting from Bonampak Room 2, South wall. Painting by Antonio Tejeda Fonseca, from
Ruppert, Thompson, and Proskouriakoff 1955: fig. 28.
brought by the planet. In their analysis of the stellar be seen as an enlarged version of this collocation, with
display at Bonampak, Miller and Lounsbury focused on the troop of celestial beings on the upper plane
a date inscribed on a badly eroded caption, which substituting for theT510 sign, and the place name or
according to Lounsbury's reconstruction, coincided with earth sign represented by the war scenes below. This
an important station in the Venus cycle. They suggested analogy reinforced the mural's association with Venus
that the mural depicted the constellations that were symbolism, previously suggested for the verb by David
visible in the sky on the date of the battle. Miller Kelley (1976:38-42) andMichael Closs (1979). These
(1986:47-51) also called attention to the parallel explanations stimulated recurrent inquiry on the
between the mural and the "Earth-Star" glyphic correlation between war events and specific stations in
compound (fig. 1c), a verbal collocation that denotes the Venus cycle (Justeson 1989; Aveni and Hotaling
war against specific places (Riese 1984). The glyph 1994; Nahm 1994; Hotaling 1995; Freidel and Schele
shows a series of droplets falling down from a T510 sign 1990:444^46; Carlson 1993).
on either side of a T526 "earth" sign or an infixed place The Venus war hypothesis has become the prevailing
name. While the verb is absent from the Bonampak explanation for the connections between heavenly
mural texts, Miller suggested that the mural itself could forces and warfare in Classic Maya thought. However,
i n m
IT Y H
w n
Figure 4. Series of celestial beings, probably representing zodiacal constellations.
(a) Paris Codex, pages 23-24. From Vil Iacorta and Villacorta 1977.
(b) Frieze from LasMonjas, Chich?n Itz?. From Seier 1902-23: vol. 5: fig. 42.
Figure 5. The Vase of the Stars, before and after restoration. Photographs by Carlos Chacl?n, courtesy Museo Popol Vuh,
Universidad Francisco Marroquin.
there are grounds to suspect that itmay be insufficient to the planet's warlike influences inMesoamerican
account for the full range of evidence on the problem. thought, but there are indications that Venus may be
The precise reading of the "Earth-Star" verb remains one?perhaps the most important?among a host of
uncertain, and there are hints that itmay not refer celestial bodies involved inwarfare-related myths
explicitly to Venus. Commenting on widespread and beliefs.
Mesoamerican beliefs on shooting stars as heavenly
arrows, Stuart (1998a) and Taube (2000:296-301)
suggest that the collocation may represent a meteor The Vase of the Stars
shower, a possibility that departs from the supposed
History and physical description
Venusian associations of the verb. Detailed recording of
the Bonampak murals has also cast doubt on this critical The loss of archaeological context deprives us of the
example. Miller and Houston (1998) show that possibility of discussing the origin and associations of
Lounsbury's reconstruction of the date of the battle this vase, reportedly from Northeastern Peten. When
depicted on Room 2 is untenable, and its proper reading donated to the Popol Vuh Museum in 1998, itwas
remains uncertain. Consequently, explanations of the broken inmore than 110 fragments, crudely glued
Bonampak stellar display that depend on the supposed together. Restoration by Mr. Carlos Chacl?n (fig. 5)
date of the battle and its association with the Venus included the union of fragments, infilling of missing
cycle should also be reexamined.2 This is not to deny parts, and minimal color integration limited to filled-in
2. See Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993:79ff. for another portions, with no overpainting of original surfaces.
explanation of the Bonampak constellations that depends on the This cylindrical vase with incurving walls is 24.6 cm
reading of the date on caption 15 of Room 2.
high and 15.3 cm in diameter at the base. The scene
Figure 6. Rollout photograph of the Vase of

the Stars, by Nicholas Hellmuth,
www.FLAAR.org, courtesy of the Museo
Popol Vuh, Universidad Francisco Marroquin.
Figure 7. Painted designs on the Vase

of the Stars. Drawing by the author.
Stippling used to highlight important
details, with no attempt to reflect the
color range of the original painting.
Dense stippling applied to selected red
areas; light stippling applied to gray
areas.
Figure 8. Nomenclature of personages and texts on the Vase of the Stars. the author.
Diagram by
(figs. 6-7)3 is painted in black, gray, red, pink, yellow, divides the scene in two chambers that will be described
and white over a buff background. Figures are outlined as "the throne room" and "the antechamber." The first is
in black or red lines, and filled with colors applied in wider but lower than the second, and displays a large
wide brushstrokes that often do not respect the outlines. masonry bench set upon a high step. The antechamber
Hieroglyphic captions are painted red, and in one case, has two low steps. Standing or sitting on the red-painted
black. Important portions of the painting have eroded or surfaces of the floor, steps, and bench, seven personages
remain only slightly visible. Fine details applied inwhite crowd the antechamber, and five more appear in the
proved especially labile, and are very difficult to make throne room. The twelve participants are numbered in
out. Furthermore, some details that now appear black or figure 8. Personages 1-9 face to the viewer's right,
grey may have been originally painted green. The vase's confronting the enthroned lord and the two companions
shape, size, and painting style find a close parallel in a at his back. This allows one to distinguish between the
vase from the Actun Balam cave, Belize. David two groups, one formed by the lord and his companions
Pendergast (1969) dated the cave deposit toTepeu 3, (Personages 10-12), and the other by the group of
while suggesting an earlier date for the vase. However, visitors (Personages 1-9), with a zone of contact
his contextual evidence is stronger than the stylistic between characters 8 and 10 (Houston 1998:341).
arguments for an earlier date. Both vases probably date These features are typical of courtly scenes on many
to the latter part of the Late Classic period.4 painted vessels (cf. Reents-Budet 2001), but the analogy
stops upon closer examination. Instead of elegant
courtiers, the visitors are a weird assembly of animals
The painted scene
and humanlike beings with grotesque faces and bizarre
Faint traces of red color suggest that the black-painted attributes. The celestial character of most participants is
structure depicted on the vase was decorated with made clear by the T510 signs that mark personages 2-9
regularly spaced red medallions. Itmay also have had a and 11. Personages 1 and 10 are devoid of any such
painted band simulating roof thatch around the rim (cf. markings, while Personage 12 boasts an enormous
Reents-Budet 2000, fig. 402 and 406). A central pillar moon sign emerging from his armpit. Thus, most
participants in this unearthly court scene may be
3. A full-color reproduction of the vase appears in Chinchilla characterized as incarnate celestial bodies.
(2003). Eleven hieroglyphic captions appear to be associated
4. The Vase of the Stars is stylistically related to several
with each participant, with the exception of personage
unprovenanced vessels, including K631, K3413, and a vase published
9. The glyphs are cursorily painted, and some captions
by Reents-Budet (2000:257). Vase numbers throughout the text refer to
the Maya Vase Database <http://research.famsi.org/kerrmaya.html> and overlap with other iconographie elements (e.g. captions
The Maya Vase Book series by Justin Kerr. A and F). They contain repetitive sequences that provide
Cosmos and warfare on a Classic Maya vase 11 5
Chinchilla-Mazariegos:
Figure 9. Scorpion-tailed characters with stellar associations.

character arms and T510 from plate K4565. From The Maya Vase Data Base, by Justin Kerr,
(a) Young pulling legs through sign,
<www.famsi.org/research/kerr/index.html>.
(b) Scorpion holding tied deer. Madrid Codex, page 24b.
(c) Scorpion-tailed deer killing another deer. Madrid Codex, page 39b.
(d) God M with scorpion tail. Madrid Codex, page 82a.
(e) Name glyph of God M. Madrid Codex, page 91a.
Figures 9b-e from Villacorta and Villacorta 1977.
little information on the participants' individual Milbrath (1999:264-266) interprets some of these
identities, whose identification must rely on the analysis images as conjunctions of diverse celestial bodies with
of their physical features, dresses, and headdresses. the scorpion constellation. While plausible, this
interpretation needs to account for a rather large group
of celestial beings with scorpion attributes. Particularly
Personage 1
interesting in this regard isGod M (fig. 9d). Seler
Why this personage is not marked with T510 remains (1963:238-243) noted that inYucatan, large black
a source of puzzlement. Was this a casual omission or scorpions were called ek'chuh, a word that closely
was it intended to distinguish him from the others? corresponds with Ek' Chuah, the merchant god
Besides this lapse, he fits quite well among his grotesque identified with God M by Schellhas (1904:35-37). The
peers. His rounded forehead, pointed nose, and relationship of God M with scorpions acquires new
recessed chin are similar to those of Personage 5, while meaning considering the god's name glyph (fig. 9e),
his pink flesh and white headdress with red spots which, Schellhas noted, "seems to represent an eye
resemble those of Personage 9. rimmed with black, though the figure of the god himself
displays an entirely different drawing of the eye." In
2
ancient Mesoamerican thought, stars were often
Personage as a belief that iswell attested in
represented eyes,
The enormous upturned hair mass with projecting Postclassic Maya art (Seler 1904b:311-312; Houston
braid of this character readily suggests the form of a and Taube 2000:281-284). Instead of representing the
scorpion. A scorpion appears among the constellations god's eye, the name glyph of God M may emphasize his
on both the Paris Codex and the Monjas frieze at identity as a celestial being, which may also explain his
Chich?n Itz? (fig. 4). It is also attested to in colonial relatively frequent association with a scorpion tail in the
period sources as zinaan ek', "scorpion star" (Justeson Madrid Codex.6
1989:116; Milbrath 1999:264). The scorpion-like Which one of all these beings, \1any, corresponds
appearance of Personage 2's coiffure does not appear to with the scorpion constellation? On the Vase of the
be casual, considering the importance of the scorpion as Stars, it is tempting to associate Personage 2 with the
a celestial body. This most salient feature must relate to constellation, but the multiplicity of stellar beings
the identity of this individual, and yet, his identification associated with scorpion tails in this and other contexts
with the scorpion constellation is less than secure suggests instead that the latter is a widespread attribute
because of the presence of similar, though shorter of celestial beings inMaya iconography.
upturned braids on Personages 3, 5, and 8. If these Personage 2's visage, with round forehead, salient
braids indeed symbolize scorpion tails, it appears that nose, and projecting chin, is similar to Personage 3.
scorpion attributes recur in a number of personified Their close connection is underscored by the rather
celestial bodies. licentious manner inwhich Personage 2 appears to grab
Further evidence suggests that this was the case. Plate his companion under the turtle shell. Another shared
K4565 features a handsome young man with a scorpion feature is the large flame projecting from his head,
tail, whose entire body is aT510 sign (fig. 9a). Because which also appears on Personages 3, 4, and possibly 5.
of his youthfulness, this may be the same character
portrayed on the Skyband Bench at Copan (Webster et
Personage 3
al. 1998, fig. 11 ).5Yet these young scorpion characters
are manifestly different from the unattractive Personage T510 marks the occiput of this bald, unsightly
2 and other characters with possible scorpion-tail braids character clad in an enormous turtle shell, reminiscent
on the Vase of the Stars. of some depictions of God N (fig. 10a). This god is not
The Madrid Codex features a variety of characters normally marked with T510, but he sometimes
with scorpion tails, including God B, God M, and a associates with celestial bands (Taube 1992:94). The
deer, in addition to full-bodied scorpions (fig. 9b-d). quadripartite god is often shown supporting the sky.7
6. Van Akkeren (2000:261-273) offers an extensive discussion of

5. Besides the general indication of his stellar nature provided by God M's celestial aspect and its implications for the interpretation of
theT510 sign, there is no substantive reason to label the latter as Quiche creational myths.
et al. 7. Milbrath an association of God N with the
"Venus," as done by several researchers (Webster 1998; Bricker (1999:150) suggests
and Bricker 1999; Milbrath 1999: pi. 19). planet Mercury.
Figure 10. God N and the Turtle constellation.
(a) God N with turtle shell, emerging from a cave, on Tikal Altar 4. Courtesy of the University of
Pennsylvania Museum Tikal Project [Doc. #69-5-74].
(b) God N in war-related scene. Notice the stellar eye on his headdress. Dresden Codex page 60a.
(c) Probable Turtle constellation. Madrid Codex, page 71a.

Figures b-c from Villacorta and Villacorta 1977.
While not frequently associated with warfare, on includes what appears to be a stellar eye, otherwise
Dresden Codex page 60 (fig. 10b) he participates in a absent from his portraits.
war-related scene that Thompson (1972:78) associated The Vase of the Stars raises the possibility that God N
with the prophecies of the ill-fated Katun 11 Ahau. It may personify the turtle constellation represented at
may be significant that in this example, his headdress Bonampak, Chich?n Itz?, and the Paris Codex, which
Lounsbury (1981) identified with the constellation ac ek' no definitive indication that the God N name glyph in
of the Motul dictionary. This idea may find support from the text above designates the celestial turtle below. Yet
page 71 of the Madrid Codex, where a turtle hangs from this may be another hint on a possible relationship
eclipse signs attached to a celestial band, carrying three between God N and the turtle constellation, which
TUN signs on its back (fig. 10c). Several authors identify certainly merits further inquiry.
this image with the ac ek' constellation (Freidel, Schele, For unknown reasons, this character steps on a small
and Parker 1993:82; Milbrath 1999: fig. 7.1 i).There is white object. As noted, his upturned braid may be a
scorpion attribute. His right hand issues the large flame
worn on the headdress by Personages 2 and 4. He grabs
the loincloth of Personage 4, just as Personage 2 grabs
him; the three seem to hold a close relationship with
one another.8
Personage 4
This grotesque, red-eyed, dark-skinned character with

mucus flowing from his nose can hardly be more
displeasing. Combined with his general appearance, the
white "death eyes" that adorn his headdress and
pectoral betray him as a death god. His most salient
attribute is the elegant aquatic bird on his head, possibly
a heron. More than a headdress, the bird is an
inseparable component of this god; its neck and wings
a come out of the latter's head, which forms the bird's
body. The closest correspondence for this "Aquatic Bird
Death God" appears on vessel K6181 (fig. 11a), where
the body of an aquatic bird takes the shape of a
grotesque face, complete with the red goatee sported by
Personage 4. Its association with T510 strongly supports
his identification with Personage 4. The same character,
without the T510 sign, appears on a number of vessels
(e.g. K3536, K6438, and Hellmuth 1987: fig. 351-353).
He ismost likely the one who rides a canoe on vase
K1391 (fig. 11b).9
Despite his death attributes, Personage 4 finds no
clear parallel among known celestial beings with
skeletal attributes, such as the wide-mouthed death god
8. I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that the
position of Personages 2 and 3 parallels the zodiacal series of the Paris

Codex and the Monjas frieze, where the Scorpion and Turtle
constellations are next to each other.
9. It should be noted that therethan one mythical
is more being
with similar avian features.
Fa?ade sculptures recovered from Copan
b a long-nosed deity head as
Temple 22 represent an aquatic bird with
its body (Ahlfeldt 2003: fig. 19). The latter does not seem to
Figure 11. The Aquatic Bird Death God. with the Aquatic Bird Death God, nor does he appear
correspond
(a) God marked with T510 sign, on Vase K6181. among the series of "water birds with human/deity face as their body"
(b) Representation of the god on a canoe, on Vase
navigating illustrated by Hellmuth (1987). These include several with old man's
K1391. faces that may correspond to the stellar being on vase K6181
Drawings by the author, after rollout photographs by Justin (Hellmuth 1987: figs. 347, 350, 355, 360, 361, 365D). However,
from The Maya Vase Data Base Hellmuth also included under that heading other characters that
Kerr, <www.famsi.org/research/
depart markedly from the Aquatic Bird Death God.
kerr/index.html>.
Cosmos and warfare on a Classic Maya vase 119
of the Paris Codex. Instead, he appears to be yet another aspect is that of a star, planet, or constellation. This
heavenly character that has remained unidentified. Like aspect is prominently displayed in the Jaguar Stairway at
Personage 2, he issues a large flame from his head. An Copan (fig. 12a), where two gigantic T510 signs frame
intriguing feature is the position of his hands, which his face, while the jaw underneath suggests that he
resembles that of Personage 8 and which may indicate originally emerged from the mouth of a skeletal being,
his status as a captive. now largely lost. This magnificent icon has been
invariably interpreted as implying some sort of
relationship between the Jaguar God and Venus (e.g.
Personage 5
Miller 1988:180; Milbrath 1999:124). Instead, this major
A dearth of distinctive attributes makes it difficult to portrait presents the Jaguar God himself as a stellar
this character, who shares the possible scorpion body, and the hugeT510 signs mark him as such. In
identify
tail braid with Personages 2, 3, and 8. A small flame passing, Milbrath (Ibid.:126) noted the possibility of a
issues from his right hand, perhaps corresponding to direct connection between the Jaguar God and Venus.
those of Personages 2, 3, and 4. She also commented that the iconographie features of
the Venus God on page 46 of the Dresden Codex (fig.
13) overlap with those of the Classic period Jaguar God,
Personage 6
while the associated glyphic caption corresponds to
jaguar ear and faint traces of a white

The white God L?another god with strong jaguar attributes
"cruller" under the eye identify this character as the (Ibid.:173). Arguably, this may be a Postclassic
Jaguar God. He also sports the god's abundant red hair amalgamation of the iconographie attributes of the two
and a cloth pendant hanging from a single knot at the Classic gods. A full examination of this idea falls beyond
tip of the nose, which appears inmany examples (fig. the scope of this article, but there is a distinct possibility
12c, e). The long-tailed white bird on his headdress? that the Jaguar God himself may be a Venus God, as first
perhaps a white macaw or quetzal?is a unique attribute suggested by Seler (1901:176-178).
in this representation, and may qualify him in an The stellar aspect of the Jaguar God is also evident on
undetermined way. Absent, however, is the god's Stelae 1, 4, and 6 at Yaxchilan, which show multiple
crenellated beard, which encircles the mouth and Jaguar God heads attached to celestial bands. In the
extends to a pointed tip. This beard is noticeable in all case of Stela 4, the god's heads hang from T510 signs.
the examples illustrated in figure 12. These icons may indicate that there were multiple Jaguar
J. E. S.Thompson (1960:12, 107, 134) identified the Gods, perhaps related to various celestial bodies. On
Jaguar God with the underworld and the night sun.10 Stela 8 from Naranjo (fig. 12e), the king impersonates
While noting an association of the jaguar with the night the Jaguar God, explicitly shown in his stellar aspect.
sky inMesoamerican thought (1970:293), he did not The ruler wears not only the jaguar ear and the god's
specifically associate the god with a heavenly body. characteristic "cruller," but also his crenellated, pointed
Miller (1988:178-181) highlighted his strong association beard and nose pendant, combined with aT510 sign
with warfare, most evident from his frequent appearance appended to a celestial band on the ruler's headdress.
on war shields. Yet another connotation of this complex Yet another image of the Jaguar God in a heavenly
character is his association with fire and fire rituals, context appears on the Skyband bench from Group
pointed out by Stuart (1998b:404-409). 8N-11 at Copan, where he shares the status of major
The stellar aspect of the Jaguar God has remained celestial bodies.
largely unrecognized. Observing his presence inGlyph The Jaguar God is a very active participant in the
C of the Lunar Series, Milbrath (1999:124) considered Vase of the Stars. He stands by the door of the
him a lunar character. However, his association with antechamber, and points his finger toward Personage 8.
T510 in several contexts indicates that his celestial As argued below, the latter may be a crocodile that
plays the role of war captive. The seemingly close
association between the Jaguar God and the defeated
10. While Thompson did not use it, the name "Jaguar God of the crocodile finds an extraordinary parallel in a ceramic
Underworld" has become commonplace for this god. This designation that shows the God marked with a T510
figurine Jaguar
clearly does not account for the full range of attributes of this complex
sign on the head, sitting on the back of a crocodile (fig.
deity. Milbrath (1999:124) prefers to call him "Jaguar War God." In this
I keep Thompson's 14). He holds the crocodile's snout with his right hand,
paper, original label, simply "Jaguar God"
(1970:292). while triumphantly raising an axe with the left hand.
A
1
2
3
Figure 12. The JaguarGod.

(a) Copan, Jaguar Stairway. Courtesy of Jorge P?rez de Lara.
(b)War shield from Aguateca Stela 2. From Graham 1967: fig. 5.
(c) War shield from Bonampak Stela 1. Drawing by the author, after rubbing inGreene, Rands, and Graham 1972.
(d) Full-figure glyph 27D of the Lunar Series, Quirigu? Stela B. From J. Eric S. Thompson, Maya Hieroglyphic Writing: An
Introduction, University of Oklahoma Press, 1960. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.
(e) JaguarGod impersonated by the king on Naranjo Stela 8. Notice theT510 sign and celestial band on the headdress,
associated with JaguarGod features, including "cruller," jaguar ear, crenellated beard, and cloth hanging from the nose.
From Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, vol. 2, part 1, Naranjo, reproduced courtesy of the President and
Fellows of Harvard College.
mouth with upturned snout and very long, red fangs

suggest a crocodile, although this identification is not
beyond dispute. The details of his headdress are faded,
but a large, red-painted "balloon" with several
appendages is noticeable. This is the "balloon
headdress" of a warrior (Stone 1989:157). A pale but
significant detail supports this identification, by
comparison with the balloon headdress of Dos Pilas
Ruler 3, on Aguateca Stela 2 (fig. 16) and Dos Pilas Stela
16. On both stelae, the balloon ismade of deerskin,
complete with a hoof that projects forward. The same
element projects on the front of Personage 8's balloon,
ending with a red-painted, split tip that corresponds well
to the cloven hoof of a deer. The balloon headdress
reveals Personage 8's identity as a warrior, and gives
new meaning to the large red spots that stain his white
loincloth and his upper lip. These are most probably the
Figure 13. God from the Venus table of the Dresden Codex, bloodstains of a wounded captive. No ropes are
page 46b. The god's name glyph corresponds to God L, but discernible, but his hands are joined in a way that
his appearance with the Classic God.
overlaps period Jaguar suggests they may be tied together. His submissive
Note in particular his long, pointed beard. FromVillacorta and
attitude, with head bowed toward the enthroned lord, is
Villacorta 1977. consistent with his identification as a captive warrior.
Like the deer, the crocodile is a newcomer to modern
concepts of the ancient Maya firmament. In fact, the
crocodile is commonly associated with the earth in
Arguably, this figurine shows the stellar aspect of the Mesoamerican religion (cf. Miller and Taube 1993:48).
Jaguar God as the victorious captor of the crocodile, in Yet, the modern Lacandon identify the Little Dipper as
close correspondence with his role on the Vase of "e/ lagarto" (Milbrath 1999:38, citing Bruce, Robles U.,
the Stars. and Ramos Chao 1971). Personage 8 also has the short
upturned braid shared with Personages 2, 3, and 5, a
seemingly widespread attribute of stellar bodies.
Personage 7
Comfortably seated on the floor, the naturalistic deer

Personage 9
marked with T510 on his back is one of a small number
of images that reveal the presence of this animal among This character responds to the conventional
celestial bodies in Classic Maya cosmology. Further representation of captives inMaya art. His status is
examples include a deer pulling his hoof through a large revealed by the white cloth ear pendants, stained with
T510 sign on a codex-style vessel (fig. 15; Robicsek and red spots (Baudez and Mathews 1978). Equally stained,
Hales 1981:181 ), and a deer that draws his head out of most probably with blood, are his loincloth, headband,
a T510 sign on the sky band of Pier B of the Temple of and nose ornament. Awkwardly seated on the floor
the Inscriptions at Palenque (Robertson 1983: fig. 21, underneath the enthroned lord, this abject celestial body
36-37). The deer is absent among the constellations of is undergoing the humiliation and pain accorded to
the Paris Codex and the Monjas frieze at Chich?n Itz?, defeated captives. Importantly, the distinctive attributes
but Milbrath (1999:264) suggests that Madrid Codex of Personage 9 reinforce the identification of Personage
pages 44 and 48 may represent a conjunction of a deer 8 as a fellow captive warrior.
star or constellation with the Scorpion. No specific attributes allow further identification, but
his human form, pink flesh, grotesque face with pointed
nose, round forehead, and recessed chin, bring him
Personage 8
close to Personage 1, raising the possibility that the latter
The scaly stomach of this creature corresponds best to may also be a captive, especially since his white turban
a reptile, despite its human extremities. His long-lipped like headdress is also stained with red spots.
Figure 14. The JaguarGod with T510 sign on headdress, as captor

of the Earth Crocodile. Clay figurine of unknown provenance.
Drawing by the author, after a photograph courtesy of the National
Gallery of Australia.
Personage 10 complemented with jewels hanging in front of the

god's head. Traces of black painting in this area
Despite the poor preservation of his head and
suggest their presence on this vase.
headdress, enough survives to recognize this elegant
b. A large, well-preserved red flower, with hanging
young man as the Tonsured Maize God (Taube 1985). white feathers, extends above his left shoulder. This
His elongated head is crowned by a dome of black hair,
corresponds to the wing-like tassel that frequently
and shows faint traces of the god's distinctive brow
hangs backward from the god's head. Like the tassel,
fringe. The headdress has three elements, all of which
the form of this flower suggests a serpentine maw (cf.
correspond to the Tonsured Maize God's paraphernalia: Taube 1985: fig. 1).
c. A large, black element projects upward, adorned with
a. Only traces remain of a red and black reptile head
black feathers, that corresponds to the jewels that
that apparently projected from the god's forehead.
appear in other representations of the god. As noted,
This is one of his most frequent accessories, often
Figure 15. Stellar deer pulling a leg through a T510 sign,

Figure 16. The Balloon Headdress, on Aguateca Stela 2. From
painted on a Codex-style vase. Drawing by the author, after
Robicsek and Hales 1981, vessel 164. Graham 1967, fig. 5.
some of these black objects originally may have been by Michael Coe (1973, 1978, 1989; Taube 1992:
painted green. 115-119).11 His wide-brimmed black hat with red
hangings on the back is a recurrent feature, particularly
The god displays black body markings on his forearm associated with his role as a hunter (Robicsek and Hales
and leg, as well as traces of black facial painting 1981:147-148; Coe 1989). The animal head with open
forming a curved line that encircles the eye. These are mouth and long red hair that crowns the hat is faded,
infrequent, but well-attested features inTonsured Maize but its flattened nose and hairiness suggest that itmay
God's 1
images (fig. 7). The god wears a rectangular be a peccary. Animal heads are commonly found on
pendant and a jaguar-skin loincloth. Seated in lordly hunters' hats, but in this context, the peccary in
fashion, he overlooks the captive celestial bodies at his hat may imply a relationship with the
Hunahpu's
feet. Behind him, a white, square object with horizontal
peccary constellation of Bonampak and the Monjas
lines resembles depictions of tribute bundles (e.g. frieze at Chich?n Itz?. The nature of such relationship
vessels K2914 and K5453). Most intriguing are the large remains uncertain.
smoke volutes that emerge from this bundle, as if itwere (1960:218) equated Hunahpu with Venus
Thompson
burning. The burning of tribute might be interpreted as a instead of the sun, as recounted in the Popol Vuh,
war-related event, but it is rather unusual inMaya art. If
although he later changed this interpretation (Thompson
nothing else, these red and black clouds contribute to see discussion inMilbrath 1999:96-97). Coe
1970:368;
create an aura of mystery around the earlier statement,
paramount (1989:180) echoed Thompson's
character on the vase.
pointing out that the spotted twin is one of the regents in
the Venus tables of the Dresden Codex.
Personage 11
Personage 12
This handsome young man shares the jaguar-skin
loincloth of the Tonsured Maize God and wears a short The moon sign on his armpit and the rabbit held in
black cape with white crossed bands. The blowgun in his arms identify this young man as the Moon God.
his left hand and the black spots on his arms and legs Taube (1992:64-68) and especially Milbrath
are diagnostic features that identify him as the spotted
Headband Twin, a representation of Hunahpu, one of 11.1 thank Rafael Castillo Taracena for highlighting the presence of
the Hero Twins of the Popol Vuh, as originally identified these black spots.
Figure 17. The Tonsured Maize God.

(a) Head of the Maize God on painted plate K1260. Photograph by Justin Kerr.
(b) The Maize God as a dancer, on polychrome vase K2997. Photograph by Justin Kerr.
(1999:135-138) discuss the presence of a male Moon aggressive rodent harasses the overwhelmed Jaguar God,
God in Classic Maya art. Indeed, depictions of the Moon while his master seems to have a hard time trying to
God are frequent, but often misidentified as the Moon control him.
Goddess. While there is a degree of ambiguity regarding A recurrent feature of the Moon God is a large nose
their sexual identification, I suspect that a number of the plug that sometimes takes the appearance of a
examples illustrated by both Taube (1992: fig. 30-31) downtumed reptilian snout (fig. 18; see Taube 1992: fig.
and Milbrath (1999: fig. 4.6) correspond to the male 30b). On the Vase of the Stars, the black nose ornament
Moon God. Like the goddess, he often carries a rabbit. can be recognized as the snout of an aquatic serpent
In a full-figure glyph from Quirigu? (fig. 12d), the characterized by Hellmuth (1987:160-166) as the "Lily
Pad Headdress Monster" (fig. 19), especially since the

god also wears the monster's headdress. The latter
includes a large flower that projects from the god's
forehead, tied to a red-centered lily pad. Perhaps
evoking the attributes of the Moon God, kings
sometimes wear the monster's combined mask and
headdress, especially at Machaquil?, where it appears
on Stelae 3, 4, 7, and 8 (fig. 19b). Further examples
appear on Seibal Stela 11, and Copan Stela N.
Particularly interesting is La Amelia Stela 1 (fig. 19c),
where the king wears the monster's mask and headdress,
complete with the tail projecting backward, and aT510
sign. The association of T510 with the Lily Pad
Headdress Monster suggests that this being also has a
Figure 18. The Moon God. Incised design on conch shell
stellar aspect, possibly relevant to understand its
trumpet. Drawing by Linda Schele, ? David Schele, courtesy
association with the Moon God. The celestial aspect of Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies,
the Lily Pad Headdress Monster also manifests on an
Inc., www.famsi.org.
unprovenanced altar, where the full-bodied serpentine
monster crowns a building sustained by two pauahtun
gods (Houston 1998: fig. 18). Elsewhere, the Lily Pad
Headdress Monster embodies the Maize God's mortuary of the pair is not necessarily identical with the sixteenth
canoe on Tikal Miscellaneous Text 50, and he also century text; the T510 sign on Hunahpu's forearm
appears as a head variant for the number thirteen identifies him as a stellar being, but provides no basis to
(Hellmuth 1987:359; Taube 1992:56-59). associate him with the sun.
The pairing of the Moon God with Personage 11, an
unequivocal image of Hunahpu, suggests that the first The presentation of captives
may correspond with Xbalanque. In the Popol Vuh, the
Hero Twins rose to the sky at the end of their ordeal to The courtly scene described at the outset may now be
become the sun and the moon. As commented by characterized as a presentation of captives inwhich a
Milbrath (1999:96, 130), there is good basis to identify lord oversees a group of humiliated captives presented
Xbalanque as the moon, despite contrary suggestions. to him by one or more warriors on a stepped platform.
Critical evidence comes from the T?tulo de Totonicap?n This is the subject of major monuments such as Piedras
(Carmack and Mondloch 1983:368-369) that identifies Negras Stela 12 (fig. 20a), and it also appears on vases
Xbalanque with the moon, albeit in a female aspect. The such as K680, K767, K7516, and K6650. On the
Vase of the Stars suggests that this belief may have existed Kimbell Panel (fig. 20b) the event occurs three days after
in the Maya Lowlands since the Late Classic period. the capture of a named individual. The associated text
It should be noted, however, that there is no known reads nawaj u ba:k ti y-ahaw, "the captive is dressed (?)
relationship between the Moon God and the Headband for his lord" (Webster 2000, citing Stephen Houston).
Twin with jaguar-pelt patches, which Coe (1978, 1989) Thus, the presentation of captives is a ceremony that
identified as the Classic period counterpart of develops as an immediate consequence of their defeat
Xbalanque, and Taube (1992) associated with God CH in battle. A similar progression appears on the murals of
of the Postclassic codices. The latter exhibits no lunar Bonampak Room 2 (fig. 3), where the presentation of
attributes, inmarked departure from the Popol Vuh captives is the aftermath of battle. Piedras Negras Stela
myth. If Personage 12 corresponds with Xbalanque, it 12 refers to a centuries-long struggle, of which the
must be concluded that the Vase of the Stars reflects an presentation of the Pomona captives before Ruler 7 was
alternative mythic tradition, which is closer to the Popol but the culmination.
Vuh narrative, in that it provides explicit indications of The trappings, humble attitude, and painful bleeding
the celestial identity of the Hero Twins.12 Yet this version of Personages 8 and 9 are consistent with the scenes
12. Michael Coe (personal communication, 2003) points to one Headband Twin, incised on the Pearlman Trumpet (Schele and Miller
further example of the pairing of the Moon God with the spotted 1986: plate 121).
3 3
b c
Figure 19. The Lily Pad Headdress Monster.

(a) Full-body representation on a polychrome vase. Line drawing from Hellmuth 1987, fig. 322. Courtesy of Nicholas
Hellmuth, www.FLAAR.org.
(b) Ruler wearing the monster's mask and headdress. Machaquil? stela 4. From Graham 1967, fig. 51.
(c) Ruler wearing the monster's mask and headdress, associated with T510 sign. LaAmelia Rael 1, rubbing by Merle
Greene Robertson. ? Pre-Columbian Research Institute, 1995, used with permission.
a b
Figure 20. Presentation of captives.
(a) Piedras Negras Stela 12.

(b) The Kimbell Panel.
Drawings by Linda Schele. ? David Schele, courtesy Foundation for the Advancement of
Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., www.famsi.org.
described above. Personage 8 wears his warrior warriors who present their unfortunate plunders before
headdress, while his companion appears despoiled, just their lords. These celestial warriors bear no arms, but
as the uppermost captive of Piedras Negras Stela 12 that is also the case on the Kimbell panel and other
wears headdress and jewels, in stark contrast with the examples. Itmay be conjectured whether the flames
debased cohort below him. The Maize God and his worn by Personages 2, 3, 4, and possibly 5 stand as
companions, the Hero Twins, are clearly the paramount their weapons, and there is also a question whether
victors, while the stellar beings in the antechamber play Personages 1, 4, and 5 may belong to the group of
the role of the victorious warriors presenting the captives captives, judging from the red-stained garments of the
before their lord. Chief among them is the Jaguar God, first, and by the hand positions of the last two.
who adamantly points his left hand toward Personage 8. The presentation of captives on the Vase of the Stars is
His role effectively compares with that of the main arguably part of a larger myth that involved warfare.
Using Miller and Houston's (1987) terminology, the Zipacna (or Sipac) is a bad fellow who is finally
scene resonates with echoes of war, evoking the events deceived and ends buried under a mountain. As
that led to this particular ceremony. Like the scenes at summarized by Van Akkeren (2000:261), his death
Bonampak and Piedras Negras, this is but the "appears necessary for the earth, represented by the first
culmination of a war that resulted in the defeat of some mountain and the first cave, to be born/' His name is a
participants. Unlike those earthly conflicts, this one took Nahua loan, and he iswidely considered as a
place among celestial beings. The main victors were the counterpart of the Mexican Cipactli, the earth monster,
Tonsured Maize God and the Hero Twins, who apparently who was killed to create the earth. In fact, some authors
led an important group of deities with manifest celestial ascribe a Mexican origin to the Zipacna myth
character. The main loser was a celestial crocodile (Edmonson 1985:111; Van Akkeren 2000:259-261).
warrior. As interpreted here, this is a Late Classic version The parallels with the Vase of the Stars are tangible.
of the myth of Zipacna. All participants in the Popol Vuh story, with the
exception of Zipacna, shared the destiny of becoming
celestial bodies. The main characters appear in the same
TheMyth of Zipacna
relationship to each other as in the Popol Vuh narrative:
The main source on the myth of Zipacna is the the victorious Hero Twins, and the defeated crocodile.
sixteenth-century highland version recorded in the Popol Yet, the vase emphasizes the celestial aspects of the
Vuh. He ismentioned in Coto's 1656 cakchiquel myth, with no obvious allusion to its implications for the
Thesaurus (Coto 1983), and oral versions of his myths creation of the earth, which may have been obvious to
were collected in the twentieth century, in the observers familiar with the story since infancy. The
neighboring highland towns of Cubulco and Rabinal crocodile himself is plainly marked as a celestial body,
(Shaw 1971:48-51; Van Akkeren 2000:254-261, citing in seemingly wide discrepancy with the Popol Vuh
Valey and Valey 1979). In the Popol Vuh, Zipacna was myth. However, the creational myth of Zipacna may
the maker of mountains. He spent his days looking for have had a celestial aspect that remained undeclared in
fish and crabs to eat, and by night, he lifted up the the Popol Vuh. In related myths from Central Mexico,
mountains. One day, he met four hundred boys who recounted in the Histoire du Mechique, the gods
were dragging a post for their house. Zipacna helped Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca created both the earth
them and carried the log by himself. In awe of his and heaven by splitting apart the goddess Tlalteotl, a
power, they conspired to kill him by thrusting the pole manifestation of Cipactli. Her lower part became the
inside a large hole they asked him to dig. Zipacna earth, while her upper part was lifted up to create the
realized their deceit, and saved himself by hiding in heavens (Garibay 1965:105). In another version, the
another hole. Thinking they had succeeded, the four gods first "brought down from heaven the goddess
hundred boys got drunk. Zipacna came out of the hole Tlaltecuhtli" (lbid.:108).13 Thus, the celestial aspect of
and killed them all by tearing down the house on them. the defeated crocodile on the Vase of the Stars does not
The Popol Vuh adds: necessarily conflict with his role as creator of the earth,
or personification of the earth itself. Taube
And since they died,
(1992:128-131) notes the presence of Tlaltecuhtli in
These four hundred sons,
Postclassic Maya art, finding parallels both with Aztec
They are said to have gone to be stars.
representations and with a remarkable Late Classic icon,
"The Group" [Rimotz] is the name for them,
the squatting crocodile on Copan Altar T. This suggests
Though that may be a play on words. (Edmonson 1971:48)
that elements of the Tlaltecuhtli myth may have been
Witnessing Zapacna's evil, the Hero Twins, Hunahpu present among the Classic Maya.
and Xbalanque, decided to kill him. They created the The version of the myth painted on the Vase of the
form of a huge crab, placed it at the bottom of a cave or Stars includes characters that are absent in the Popol
ravine, and showed it to the hungry Zipacna, who Vuh. Here, the crocodile did not fight alone; at least one
crouched down and had to turn on his back to get it.At stellar being shared his defeat. The vase features a large
that instant, the Hero Twins toppled the mountain on his number of celestial characters, which are not necessarily
chest and killed him, turning him into a stone. The Hero counterparts of the four hundred boys. In the Popol Vuh,
Twins, itwill be recalled, rose to the sky together with the latter rise up to become the Pleiades, but the authors
the four hundred boys, to become the sun and the
moon. Oral versions include the essential elements: 13. Translation by the author.
comment, "that may be a play on words/' since the perhaps more likely, a variant of the myth, where God D
Quiche word for the constellation may simply refer to a assumes the role played by the Maize God on the Vase
crowd (Tedlock 1996:245-246). This may be the of the Stars.
essential element, common to both versions: a large
number of heavenly beings were involved in the
A charter for earthly warfare
conflict, largely taking sides with the victorious Hero
Twins against the crocodile. There is no way to The Vase of the Stars depicts the defeat of Zipacna with
determine whether this version involved the initial the iconographie conventions normally used to express
killing of other participants by the crocodile, as told in war in Classic Maya art. This aspect of the myth is not
the Popol Vuh. immediately apparent in the Popol Vuh. Yet the events
Most intriguing is the role of the Maize God, the narrated in the sixteenth-century text may indeed be
paramount figure on the vase, who is conspicuously interpreted as a confrontation involving Zipacna against
unmarked as a stellar being. The Hero Twins appear as the four hundred boys and the Hero Twins. As presented
his close assistants, if not his equals. Elsewhere, they on this vase, the myth shares the features of human
play a similar role vis-?-vis the Maize God inwell warfare, and culminates with its essential element: the
known scenes that portray the latter's emergence from capture of important enemies, their presentation and
a split skull or turtle shell (Taube 1985; Coe 1989; torture before the victorious lords, presumably followed
Braakhuis 1990; Quenon and LeFort 1997; Chinchilla by their sacrifice.
2003). The Vase of the Stars provides additional This was no ordinary war. The scene on the Vase of
evidence that Classic Maya myths conceived the the Stars alludes to a primordial conflict of cosmic
relationship among these three gods in a manner very magnitude that took place before the current creation.
similar to the Popol Vuh account. Yet, the version of the Following the mythological structure of the Popol Vuh,
myth on this vase confers the dominant role to the the outcome of this confrontation was one of the events
Maize God. that shaped the conditions for the creation of
Such variation is not surprising. Braakhuis (1990) humankind. From this perspective, the vase presents
has shown that the identities and roles of the Hero heavenly war as a divine paradigm for the conduit of
Twins often merge with those of the Maize God in warfare and its proper outcome. As reviewed by Alfredo
Mesoamerican mythology. In fact, there are versions of L?pez Austin (1996:363), "[the myth] exposes, referring
the myth that attribute the crocodile's defeat to the to formative times, what is the reason of customs, what
Maize God. In a twentieth-century oral version the foundation of institutions, what the origin of social
compiled in Cubulco, Baja Verapaz, three girls "who divisions, what the fountain of territorial rights, what the
were caretakers of the earth and who were the spirits nature and behavior of things. And the myth is
of the corn" (Shaw 1971:49) defeat the obnoxious distinguished, above all, for legitimizing power. . . ,"15
Sipac, who was selling the mountains to foreigners. In The Maize God and the Hero Twins provide archetypes
related myths among the Sierra de Puebla Totonac and for the role of Classic Maya kings, the defeated Zipacna
the Nahua of southern Veracruz (Ichon 1973:75; is the exemplary captive, and the Jaguar God is the
Gonzales Cruz 1984:219-220), a crocodile threatened ultimate war captain. In the successful conduction of
to eat the young Maize Hero. When the animal opened war campaigns, and especially in the completion of the
itsmouth, the child cut away its tongue, and in the rituals associated with the presentation, "adornment,"
Totonac version, he created lightning from its pieces.14 and sacrifice of captives, Maya kings appeared as
There is evidence that variant versions of the myth emulators of the gods who, by their prowess inwarfare,
circulated in the Late Classic Maya Lowlands. On set order in the world and created the conditions for
codex-style vase K1607 (Robicsek and Hales 1981, human life. Thus, the myth justified and explained the
Vessel 108), the spotted twin presents a crocodile tree socially established practice of warfare.
served on a plate, not to the Maize God, but to God D. The triumph of the stellar beings in the primordial
This may represent yet another passage in the story, or war against Zipacna provides a plausible explanation for
their key role in the ideology of Classic Maya warfare.
The stars themselves were warriors in this mythical
14. Taube (n.d.) points to the close relationship between the Maize
conflict, and provided models for the comportment of
God andthe crocodile, evident from the association of the god's head
with crocodile heads on jade pectorals and on examples of the god's
name clause. 15. Translation by the author.
their earthly counterparts. The stellar dwarves who the limited data set available for the study of ancient
witness the sacrifice of a captive on Yaxchilan Maya stellariconography.
Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 are no casual onlookers, nor This study draws on iconography and myth to explain
are the constellations at Bonampak merely displaying the relationship between cosmic beings and warfare in
the aspect of the sky on the date of the battle. Most Classic Maya thought. The interpretations offered above
likely, they have come to witness the reenactment of the may complement current views that focus mainly on the
primordial heavenly war by the victorious kings of both influence of the planet Venus. Considering its
cities. The role of the Jaguar God as a divine patron of importance inwarfare beliefs, it is pertinent to ask
warfare also acquires new meaning from his key role in whether any of the supernaturals on the vase may
this celestial war. By placing his image atop the Jaguar personify the planet. As mentioned, Seler (1901:177)
Stairway, the Copan rulers let the god oversee their associated the Jaguar God with Venus. More recently,
fulfillment of the proper conduct of warfare ritual, as set Coe (1989:179-180) identified the planet with the
forth by him and other stellar gods in primeval wars. spotted twin, Hunahpu. Elsewhere, students characterize
The notion of a primeval heavenly conflict as a as "Venus" such diverse creatures as the front head of
prototype for earthly warfare is not strange to the Cosmic Monster (Schele and Miller 1986:45), and
Mesoamerican cosmogony. In Central Mexican the young man with scorpion tail on the sculptured
mythology, warfare and human sacrifice were instituted bench of Group 8N-11 at Copan (Webster et al. 1998;
in order to provide sustenance for the gods (Nicholson Bricker and Bricker 1999). The multiplicity of
1971:402-403). The first wars were fought around the interpretations reflects the complexity and possible
time of the creation of the sun, and involved the killing diversity of ancient Maya beliefs concerning the planet,
of four hundred beings, whose very number suggests the but it also reflects the perplexity of modern researchers
countless stars in the sky. In one version, the four regarding Venus symbolism and iconography. Clearly,
hundred Mimixcoa, "cloud serpents," failed to fulfill much work is still necessary to unravel the complexities
their duty of providing sustenance for the sun, spent of Venus iconography inMaya art. The multiplicity of
their time frivolously, and drank pulque. Five more celestial beings that appear inwarfare-related scenes
Mimixcoa, headed by the god Mixcoatl, defeated them such as the Vase of the Stars and the Bonampak murals
and thus provided the first sacrificial blood for the sun. suggest that the planet shared his role as a celestial
Mixcoatl later became the father of Ce Acatl, the patron of war with other stellar gods. Explanations of the
morning star. Seler (1996:45-53) showed that the relationship between cosmos and warfare in Classic
fighters in this primeval war were stellar beings, and Maya thought that depend strictly on the planet Venus
Mixcoatl himself may be identified with the Milky Way may oversimplify what appears to be a very complex set
(Miller and Taube 1993:115). As noted by Burr of myths and beliefs.
Cartwright Brundage (1979:77, 131): "The outstanding The representation of the Zipacna myth on the Vase
theme of this cycle is heroic war as an ultimate of the Stars is significant in several ways. The vase shows
command from the heavens. The personages are that the essential elements of the myth were present in
modeled on astral prototypes; warfare is thus a main the Maya area since the Classic period, and probably
activity of the stars." The parallel with the four hundred much earlier, as indicated by representations of the earth
boys killed by Zipacna in the Popol Vuh is apparent, crocodile that go back to the Late Preclassic sculpture of
including their drunkenness. The Vase of the Stars Izapa (e.g. Hellmuth 1987: fig. 595-602). This counters
suggests that the Classic Maya had analogous versions of suggestions of a late, Mexican origin for the Popol Vuh
these myths to explain the stellar origin of warfare. myth (Edmonson 1985:111; Van Akkeren 2000:
259-261). Moreover, the antiquity of this myth in the
Maya Lowlands is significant for current discussion of
Concluding remarks
Classic Maya warfare. Freidel and Schele (1990:147)
Our knowledge of the variety of supernatural that argued that during the Early Classic period, the Maya
populated the Classic Maya heavens is extremely small. borrowed from Teotihuacan the costume, and probably
We are only beginning to understand the conventions the rituals associated with "Tlaloc-Venus war." While
for representing celestial beings, and the significance of they may have borrowed costumes from Teotihuacan
attributes such as theT510 sign and the scorpion tail. warriors, there is no convincing evidence that they also
Beyond specific interpretations, this study aims to borrowed from them the association of warfare with
present the Vase of the Stars as a significant addition to celestial bodies. The antiquity of the mythological cycle
of the Hero Twins and the Maize God in the Maya area Bricker, Harvey M., and Victoria R. Bricker
1992 "Zodiacal References in the Maya Codices/' In The
suggest that the related myth of heavenly warfare
and Mayan Literature, ed. Anthony F. Aveni, pp.
presented on the Vase of the Stars is equally ancient.
Sky
148-183. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
An explanation of warfare as a component of Classic
1999 "Astronomical Orientation of the Skyband Bench at
Maya and politics must account for the
culture
Copan." Journal of Field Archaeology 26:435-442.
ideological background that justified war and prescribed
its handling. David Webster (2002:340) explains: Gordon
Brotherston,
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military feats and from the subjection, and InWorld
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internal opposition." Classic Maya kings achieved these
themselves as akin to the celestial Robert D., Carlos U. Robles, and
ends by presenting Bruce, Enriqueta
in primeval conflicts, and by Ramos Chao

gods that triumphed
1971 Los Lacandones: Cosmovisi?n Maya. Departamento
reenacting the war rituals that these gods conducted in
de Investigaciones Antropol?gicas, publication 26.
mythical narratives. Far from a serene firmament, the
Instituto Nacional de Antropolog?a e Historia,
Classic Maya cosmos was a veritable
battlefield, where
Mexico.
gods waged war and savored triumph or defeat, just as
men did along their mountains and valleys.
Brundage, Burr Cartwright
1979 The Fifth Sun: Aztec Gods, Aztec World. University of
Texas Press, Austin.
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Classic Maya vase depicts cosmic warfare myth featuring celestial beings

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Classic Maya vase depicts cosmic warfare myth featuring celestial beings

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President and Fellows of Harvard College

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology

Cosmos and Warfare on a Classic Maya Vase

Warfare, its political,

Celestial bodies and warfare in Classic Maya art

Figure 1. The T510 "star" sign.

Figure 4. Series of celestial beings, probably representing zodiacal constellations.

Figure 6. Rollout photograph of the Vase of

Popol Vuh, Universidad Francisco Marroquin.

Figure 7. Painted designs on the Vase

Figure 9. Scorpion-tailed characters with stellar associations.

6. Van Akkeren (2000:261-273) offers an extensive discussion of

Figure 10. God N and the Turtle constellation.

(c) Probable Turtle constellation. Madrid Codex, page 71a.

This grotesque, red-eyed, dark-skinned character with

8. I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that the

position of Personages 2 and 3 parallels the zodiacal series of the Paris

jaguar ear and faint traces of a white

Figure 12. The JaguarGod.

mouth with upturned snout and very long, red fangs

Comfortably seated on the floor, the naturalistic deer

Figure 14. The JaguarGod with T510 sign on headdress, as captor

Personage 10 complemented with jewels hanging in front of the

Figure 15. Stellar deer pulling a leg through a T510 sign,

Figure 17. The Tonsured Maize God.

Pad Headdress Monster" (fig. 19), especially since the

Figure 19. The Lily Pad Headdress Monster.

Figure 20. Presentation of captives.

(a) Piedras Negras Stela 12.

in primeval conflicts, and by Ramos Chao

1980 Skywatchers of Ancient Mexico. University of Texas

Columbian Art Research Institute, Palenque/Monterey. Coe, Michael D.

Zantwijk, R. de Ridder and E. Braakhuis, pp. Princeton.

Associates, New York.

Coto, Thomas de Houston, Stephen D.

Edmonson, Munro S. Houston, D., and Karl Taube

Freidel, David, and Linda Schele Ichon, Alain

Jones, Christopher, and Linton Satterthwaite

Hellmuth, Nicholas M. Martin, Simon, and Nikolai Grube

Miller, Mary Ellen Reents-Budet, Dorie

Setting." RES 14:46-65.

Valenciana/Ministerio de Educaci?n y Cultura, University, Cambridge, Mass.

16(1):6-10. Republik Guatemala. Verlag von Dietrich Reimer

Nicholson, Henry B. 1904a "Venus Period in the PictureWritings of the Borgian

Pendergast, David M. 1904b "TheWall Paintings of Mitla." InMexican and Central

Museum, Toronto. American Ethnology Bulletin 28. Smithsonian

1963 Comentarios al C?dice Borgia. 3 vols. Fondo de Thompson, J. Eric S.

Ted lock, Dennis, ed.

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