Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Farhad Khan
What this means is that when you’re building a state, the powers that be have to earn
some jurisdiction over small communities, like the government here does in the sense
that it is federal law to wear seat belts while you are driving. Such an issue isn’t decided
by the City of Westmount.
In Peru, 1931 marked a beginning. What essentially happened was that the country was
coming out of either Spanish or aristocratic rule. The Spanish elite and the indigenous
citizens held little bearing over the political process held the power. Peru’s nation-
building process started in 1931, and all of this changed.
In this era, the newly formed government’s methods of centralization was perceived as liberating
rather than coercive.
Before 1931, the state apparatus was controlled by the Civilista Party, which represented the
interests of select regional elite whether they be mine owners, north coast plantation owners
(sugar), and Lima industrialists and merchants.
In order to grow their political power, they had to maintain a connection with the elite. However,
the regional elite’s access to power was gradually denied, so that the regions could grow
autonomous.
The central government controlled the unrestricted use of armed force by regional elite,
particularly when they threatened the central government. In absorbing many of the elite powers
and privileges, the centralized government expanded its bureaucratic apparatus. In the process,
this bureaucratic structure increasingly undermined the position of these elites as mediators,
controlling the flow of local resources from region to centre and dominating subaltern classes
within their spheres of influence.
Secondly, by integrating communication and education into its agenda as a priority, the
government was able to extend the nation as a single community rather than several
regional communities.
Before 1930, the Chachapoyas were divided into three broad classes; landed elite, a remote
middle class (artisans, petty merchants, bar owners) and rural peasantry. Political hegemony
granted the ruling casta (breed) the powers to carry out administrative duties in the region. In
order to advance itself, the ruling casta had to maintain the regional area from threats of other
castas. The ruling casta would then appoint its own to virtually all of the administrative and
judicial posts available. They combined favouritism and intimidation to ensure the loyalty of the
population. They often served political favours to who were integral to extracting wealth and
maintaining order. All the important castas had exercised political hegemony at some time,
during which they had established clientele both in the town of Chachapoyas and throughout the
region's smaller towns and peasant communities. The fact that such hegemony was unstable and
shifting, however, meant that each coalition had only temporary control over the means of force
with which it could augment its tributary control over space, people, and goods for what were
often relatively brief periods.
In
1933,
what
allowed
the
native
underclass
to
thrive
was
the
fact
that
the
government
replaced
the
gendarmes
(militia)
of
the
elite
and
the
castas
with
a
new
peacekeeping
force
that
would
not
serve
in
the
interest
of
local
power
holders,
but
instead
serve
responsive
to
the
centre.
Due to the downfall of casta rule, and the surging flow of investment capital, the indigenous
people had prospered within this period of time.
The central government saw native development as a big deal, to such an extent that president
Ugarteche inauguranted the Bagua-Chiclayo highway by traveling its entire length, ending his
journey in Chachapoyas. From this point onward, for the first time in the history of the
department, the goods and labor of the Chachapoyas region were "free"to participate in markets
of more national scope, while food and manufactured goods of all kinds from outside the region
could likewise participate in the formerly limited, regional markets of Chachapoyas. People were
increasingly drawn into a national, exchange based economy.
Now to answer the question; by including the people (incl. indigenous) into the political and
nation building process, it didn’t matter that the people who held the power were Spanish
descendants, because the natives also benefitted as well.
The structure of power that military junta tried to enforce in many rural
communities resembled a pre-1930 casta rule. Under the new regime, a prefect,
appointed by the leader, was given control over the entire political apparatus,
therefore undoing half a century’s worth of precedent, and starting a new phase
of state centralization.
The failure of the second phase of centralization was a result of the state’s
coercive capabilities. Rather, in both pre 1968 and post 1968 times, the use of
force had a inverse relationship with the state’s successes at centralizing.
The best case to confirm the feelings of the Chachapoyas is a sentiment felt by
indigenous citizens in Bagua, when they peacefully demonstrated against free
trade policies in 2009. In response, President Alan Garcia ordered the military to
retaliate. This demonstration and the government’s reaction gained immediate
international attention because of the very nature of the demonstration.
The free trade policies that the demonstrators objected to involved exploiting
their lands for gold. This policy would also affect indigenous people living in the
Amazon, where oil is a hot commodity and a lot of mineral rich northern Peru.
Sendero Luminoso has actually effectively organized indigenous peasantry in the countryside, however the
organization rejects demands or agendas emanating from an indigenous identity.
Rondas Campesinas is an organization that has emerged. These are peasant organizations that play a role in
the adjudication and enforcement of justice as well as the oversight of public works. However, they have
remained localized in nature, and do not focus specifically on indigenous concerns.
AIDESEP is an Amazonian based indigenous interests organization that operates at the national level, but
nonetheless, it is marginalized at that level.
This goes back to the very issue of state centralization and nation building. While
these movements started to emerge in the ‘80s. The military reform government
passed land reforms and encouraged peasant organizing. However, the
subsequent junta of 1975 undermined these accomplishments in their policies.
The “state” and”community” represent opposite essences. The state-building is based predominately on
force because states and local communities have opposing interests, and therefore, what benefits the former
must somehow do hard to the latter. The states are most fundamentally committed to the elimination of
local and regional cultural identities, which stand in the way of state centralization by interfering with the
formation of a national conscious.
Centralization and development was a success when central concerns complimented an important set of
emergent social relations in the region. Centralization failed, however, when such policies could find no
such relations with which to articulate.
The failure of the second phase of centralization was a result of the state’s coercive capabilities. Rather, in
both pre 1968 and post 1968 times, the use of force had a inverse relationship with the state’s successes at
centralizing.
Bonilla, O. (2009, June 3). President García's popularity drops after clashes in
Peruvian Amazon. InfoSur Hoy. Retrieved January 19, 2011, from http://
infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en/features/saii/features/2009/06/23/
feature-02
Nugent, D. (1994). Building the State, Making the Nation: The Bases and Limits
of State Centralization in "Modern" Peru. American Anthropologist, 96(2),
333-369.