Philippine Elections as Ritualized Gambling

Betting on Democracy: Electoral Ritual in the Philippine Presidential Campaign
Author(s): Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.

Source: Philippine Studies, Vol. 53, No. 1, Representations (2005), pp. 91-118
Published by: Ateneo de Manila University
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Betting on Democracy: Electoral Ritual
in the Philippine Presidential Campaign
Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.
Thisarticleoffers an analysisoftheritualcharacter ofPhilippine elec-

tionsfornational positions,
particularly the It is
for presidency. argued
thatthestructuring oftheelectoral
complex is akintoa ritual, specifi-
cally,a ritualized
gambleorgameofchance.Thecultural figuration of
electionsis tracedtolong-term historical
processes. Thebroadinsights
on Filipino culture
political aresupported as wellas expanded bydata
collectedby theInstitute
ofPhilippineCulture (IPC), Ateneode Manila
University,fromsixteen focusgroupdiscussions conductednationwide
beforenational elections
wereheldon 10 May2004.
KEYWORDS : ritual,elections, culture,
political focusgroupdiscussion,
Institute
ofPhilippine Culture
Elections, at theirface value, are institutionalizedcontests for public

positions.For quite some timenow and in manyplaces across theworld,
the outcome is believed to rest upon a mass of electorswho express
the people's "sovereignwill." These contests are governed by formal
and compliancewithset proceduresestablishesthe legitimacy
legislation,
of a victor'sclaim to the post. However, elections are more than just
exercisesin fillingup vacancies in the stateapparatusthatgive winning
individualsa rightto rule. In liberal democracies,the privilegeof an
individualto have a say throughthe ballot and the apparentequalityof
all individualsin doing so accords legitimacyto a social systemother-
wise deeplymarkedby social inequalities.In Gramscianterms,consent
to be governedis willingly produced and the hegemonyof the political-
PHILIPPINE
STUDIES
53, no. 1 (2005):91-118

92 PHILIPPINE 53,no.1 (2005)
STUDIES
economicorderis stabilized.An internally valid electiongrantslegitimacy

not onlyto the winnerbut to the social structure as a whole. Moreover,
electionscan be seen as a ritualized
socialpractice,witheach electionfilled
with ritualperformancesthat may be engagingor off-putting depend-
ing on the sociopoliticalcontext,the candidatesrunningfor office,the
participating voters,and the audience at large.As arguedin this article,
thewhole electoralprocess conformsto the structureof a ritual.In the
unfoldingof thisritualmay be founda basis of legitimacyand consent
to hegemony,in additionto, or even ratherthan,formalrules and pro-
ceduralequalityper se.
In Hanoverian England elections for members of parliamentwere
repletewithrituals,fromthe nominationprocessionsto the chairingof
thevictor.These ritualswere "secular,popular,processionalevents,often
boisterous,noisyand musical.They were intendedto put people on the
streetsin large numbers" (O'Gorman 1992, 82). Electoral ritualsalso
frameda world of symbolsand meaningsthat stood in dialecticalre-
lationshipto hard social realities.Electoral reforms,such as the secret
ballot,and the generalembourgeoisementof societyled to the decline
of English ritualpracticesin the mid-nineteenth century.But notwith-
standingthe general erasureof old electoralritualsin Westernliberal
democracies,new electoralpracticeshave been inventedand institution-
alized. Electionshave remaineddeeplyritualistic, as evincedby the tele-
vised nominationconventionsof the Democraticand Republicanparties
in the UnitedStates.Geertz (1983, 144-46) hintsthat,despitethedeploy-
ment of a differentset of idioms compared with ancient rulersand
wieldersof charisma,modernpoliticsretainsritualismat its core,indica-
tive of "the inherentsacrednessof centralauthority."
Philippine experiences suggest an alternativereading of elections.
Elections can be seen as a time of tensionbetweenthe sacred and the
profane,the ideal and the expedient.It is a momentof inversion,but
also of affirming social hierarchy.It is free,but totallyconstrained.It is
participatory frombelow,yetengineeredfromthe top. It is meaningful,
yet meaninglessat the same time. Amid this contradictorycharacter,
Philippineelections are hugelypopular, are taken seriously,and draw
veryhighparticipationrates.

AGUILAR
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This perspectiveis elucidatedin this article,which offersan analysis

of the ritualcharacterof Philippine elections for national positions,
mainlyfor the post of president,but also for that of vice-president
and senators.The messagesin thesecampaignsare foreveryone,includ-
ing nonelectors,who undergoa generalfeelingof mass excitementnot
witnessedon a dailybasis. The electoraltextsand structuresare under-
standableby the generalpublic and constitutethe popular,indeed folk,
culture of elections. The field is one of an internaldiscourse, and
requiresone to enterthis milieu to appreciateits culturalcomplexity.
One way of interpretingthis field is to see the electoral complex as
structuredlike a ritual, specifically,a ritualized gamble or game of
chance. It is argued that this culturalfigurationof electionsis a prod-
uct of historicalprocesses.
The broad insightson Filipinopoliticalcultureare buttressedby data
collectedby the Instituteof PhilippineCulture(IPC) of the Ateneo de
Manila Universityfromsixteenfocus group discussions(FGDs) held in
late March and earlyApril 2004, duringthe campaign period leading
up to the polls on 10 May 2004. The IPC Ateneo researchinvolved
ten FGDs in urban communitiesand six in ruralcommunities,in sites
spread throughoutthe country(IPC 2005). Some of the findingsof
that study are presented here. The notion of elections as a ritual
process promptsconcludingreflectionson the nonclosureof Philippine
elections,particularlyin relationto May 2004.
Ritualized Electoral Contests
Viewed fromthe perspectiveof Philippinehistory, ritualshave suffused

electionsstartingin the late nineteenthcenturyunder Spanish colonial
rule when local notables gathered to "elect" the local magistrate -
although,strictlyspeaking,it was to nominatea shortlist fromwhich
the Spanish governor-general made his choice of town magistrate(May
1989). During the Americancolonial regime,the 1906 electionsfor the
National Assemblyinauguratedthe Congressionalsystemthathas been
followedsince then.Direct electionsfor the presidencycommencedin
1935 underAmericantutelage.It should be noted that specificaspects

94 PHILIPPINE
STUDIES
53,no.1 (2005)
of the electoralsystem - such as the so-called AustralianBallot (with

officialballotsprovidedby the governmentratherthanby the parties) -
were introducedin the United States and its Asian colony at about the
same time;and thatfamiliarity withfraudulent practicesin the U.S. gave
colonial authoritiesin the Philippinesa typeof expertiseto intervenein
electionsin a way thatachievedAmericanends (Nakano 2004). During
the postwar period, until Ferdinand Marcos declared martiallaw in
1972, elections dominated by two parties were held, and the parties
alternatedin holding the presidency.Since the returnof procedural
democracy afterMarcos's downfallin 1986, a multipartysystemhas
come into place. Within this constitutionalframeworkthe national
elections of 2004 were held.
In the multiparty systemsince 1986 the specificritualsof electoral
contestshave not been stabilized,or perhapsit is safe to say thatthese
ritualsare in constantflux.Moreover,in the absence of genuinepoliti-
cal parties,a differentsort of coalition for national posts emergesin
each election,such as the "K-4" of the administration partyin 2004.
The officialrules of the game are also constandyshifting, based on the
interestsof the dominantparty.The different set of contendersin each
electionalso influenceshow the electoralcampaignunfolds.
But 2004 markedan importantchange in electioneering. Since 1986
politicaladvertisingduringelectionshad been banned. It was liftedin
the 2001 senatorialelections,in anticipationof the 2004 presidential
elections.The so-called Fair Elections Act now allows a "candidateor
registeredpoliticalpartyfor a national electiveoffice"a maximumof
120 minutesof televisionadvertisements; the supposed lobbyingby TV
stations resulted in a decision of the Commission on Election
(Comelec) thatthe 120 minutesmaximumwas applicable to each tele-
vision station(Hofileña2004, 51). Favoringthe establishment, the ruling
geometrically inflatedthe available time for politicalads on TV. Thus
were devised new procedures and the commodificationof candidates
to televisionviewers,TV ratherthan radio being the primarymedium
reliedupon by the public. The paradigmof corporateadvertisingwas
importedto politics."Advertisinghandlersregardedcandidates as no
differentfromshampoo or soap: They had to be sold to the market

AGUILAR
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throughads" (ibid.,66). Interestingly, the legalizationof politicaladver-

tisingallowed financialtransactions to surfaceas legitimatepaymentsto
TV corporations, replacing the illicit payments to individual media
personalitiesof the past (ibid., 52).
The 2004 electionsforthe presidency - withits fivecandidates - was
odd because, for the firsttime since 1986, the incumbentpresident
was runningfor office,made possible by the ascension to the presi-
dency of then Vice-PresidentGloria Macapagal-ArroyoafterPresident
Joseph Estrada was forcedout of officein January2001. The limitof
a one six-yeartermforthe presidentinstitutedsince Marcos's downfall
was breached,hence Arroyoessentiallystartedcampaigningthe day she
assumed officeextraconstitutionally, somethingnot seen since 1986. As
the incumbent,Arroyodeployedall resourcesat her disposal to win at
all costs. She was far from popular, and her campaign was rough-
going, but her savvy campaignboosted her popularity.
In this connection,political surveysas well as exit polls became a
major factorin the 2004 election,particularly afterthe accuracyof poll
predictions that Estrada would win in the 1998 elections. Surveys
became a basis for solicitingcampaign funds,and for losing potential
donors for those who trailedbehind in the numbersgame. The mass
mediawatchedthe surveytrendsclosely,particularly when Arroyobegan
to overtakethe widelypopular filmstar,FernandoPoe Jr.,dubbed "Da
King" of Philippine movies. It was like a horse overtaking the
frontrunner somewherenear mid-track, withall the excitementand dis-
beliefsuch an eventelicited.Not surprisingly, thepressreportedthisand
otheraspectsof the elections,as a respectedmediapractitioner putsit,as
a cockfight,a horserace,and a boxing match (Coronel 2004). Concern
fortelevisionratingsamid the electioncampaign,withall theirfinancial
and marketimplications, also embeddedthe race withinthe media itself.
The miting de avanceor finalrallyis an old ritualadapted to recent
times;it is the meetingof a candidateheld just beforeelectionday (or
on the evening of the last day of the officialcampaign period). The
speeches are conventionalized,with the usual attackson the opposing
candidate, often delivered in a manner that elicits laughterfrom the
crowd of supporters.

STUDIES
But with the "scientification"of the campaignstrategythatpointed

to regionalizedtrendsbased on sample surveys,Arroyodecided not to
hold a mitingde avance, with a few publicized"townhall"meetingsas
a substitute.Politicalads are now seen to have made politicalralliesthat
are veryexpensiveredundant.The convincingevidence adduced is the
way senatorialcandidateswho were near the bottom of the pile at the
startof the campaign shoot up to the top. Mar Roxas, for instance,
advertisedhimselfas "Mr. Palengke" (Mr. Public Market),which made
this then Secretaryof Trade a true "man of the masses." He was also
romantically linkedwith a TV newscasterpopular with the masses. All
told, Roxas jumped fromNo. 17 in the mid-January surveyto become
the No. 1 senatorin the finalcount (Hofileña2004, 38-39).
Going back to the mitingde avance, the othermajor contender,the
actorPoe stuckto the old-stylerallyin the heartof the financialcapital,
Makati. While Arroyo's nonrallywas unusual, Poe's holding of the
mitingin Makati was also unconventional, for such occasions are
normallyheld at the Luneta. Two otherpresidentialcandidates,Panfilo
Lacson and Raul Roco, did not hold similarrallies,but anothercandi-
date Eduardo Villanueva staged a huge event at the Luneta.
Anothernovel elementin the 2004 nationalelectionwas the partici-
pation of overseas Filipinos,made possible by two unprecedentedand
interrelatedlaws passed in 2003, one extending dual citizenship to
formerFilipino citizensand anotherstipulatingthat overseas Filipinos
can cast theirballot as absenteevoters.This eventofferedan interesting
subplotto the electionand electioneering narrativeof 2004; it deserves
a full storyin itself,but is mentionedhere only to indicate the many
peculiaritiesof the 2004 elections.
Despite the flux and the odd occurrencesthat 2004 witnessed for
the firsttime,some elementsof electoralritualscan be said to be un-
changing.The filingof candidacyat the last minuteat the Manila office
of the Comelec has often been staged with a little fanfare,as the
candidate'sarrivalis often accompanied by his or her crowd of sup-
porters.Akin to the "progress"of rulersof ancientrealms,candidates
fornationalpositionsare expectedto move around the countryduring
the campaign,visitingall the major regional capital cities,givingdue
importanceto the local as indispensableto the national,touchingthe

AGUILAR
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masses and being seen and heard. Frequently featuredin the mass
media,these visitationsare oftenreferredto as "sorties,"but a military
connotationis not implied.Rather,the physicalmovementaround the
countryof, say,a presidentialcandidatesignifiesa formof reconnais-
sance of the territory
one hopes to rule.
During the campaignperiod,the ubiquitousdisplayof placards and
streamers,the wall-paperingof fences with a candidate'sposters,and
the mass distributionof leaflets in every habitable place indicate a
period of filththat goes beyond the everydaydirt of the city and
metropolis.In additionto the visual,the auditorysenses are bombarded
with campaignslogans,jingles,and politicaladvertising. The campaign
period- some fourmonths in 2004- is one of excess.The
intentionally
chaos is toleratedand accepted,and transgressions become normative.
Indeed, one can argue thatwithoutthese excesses Filipinoswould not
recognizethe period as pertainingproperlyto an election campaign.
Elections and the Ritual Structure of a Gambling Match
Despite the instabilitiesof specificritualacts,the 2004 nationalelections

conformedto the general notion of an election as itself a protracted
ritualprocess.Electionscan be said to conformto the basic structure of
a ritualfamouslydiscussedby VictorTurner(1967). This ritualstructure,
I believe,is capable of encapsulating"ancient" sentimentsdespite the
"modernity" of elections. As soon as the campaign period begins,
liminality setsin. The usual structuralstatusof the contendersin an elec-
tion is suspended;one does not know who of the candidateswould be
victorious. In the meantime, they are neither ordinarycitizens nor
confirmedofficeholdersfor the termbeing contested.Election candi-
dates are betwixtand between,transitional beingsin a stateof ambiguity
and occupyinga structural positionof paradox.Beforethe end is reached
thereare manysacrificial acts- or,at least,acts thattestone's physicaland
emotionalendurance - thatcandidatesmustundergo.However,unlikethe
ritualsanalyzedby Turner,participantsin the electoralritualdo not all
end withan elevatedstatusat theritual'sconclusion,forinevitably onlythe
winning candidate assumes office.The ritual is thereforea contest of
weedingout otherliminalbeings.

STUDIES
The campaigningand sacrificesend just beforeelectionday,but the

ritualis not over yet.The act of castingone's vote is the ritualwithin
the ritual,with the customarypose for the cameras before dropping
one's ballot in the box. The canvassingof votes is a complicatedpro-
cess that,also subject to its own rituals,follows stipulatedprocedures
supposedlyto minimizefraud.The period of liminality ends only with
the declarationof the winningcandidate.
The ritualstructureof electionsis akin to thatof a game of chance.
Elsewhere(Aguilar1994, 1998), I have argued- and will rehearsesome
of it here- thatthe electoralcontestis intimately relatedto the notion
of gambling,both as a game and as a worldview,a culturalformation
that emerged in response to the exigencies of colonial rule. In the
wake of the Spanish conquest in the late sixteenthcentury,the natives
felttrappedbetweentwo collidingspirit-worlds, the indigenousand the
Hispanic, compellingthem to navigate between two worlds. Spanish
hegemonyplaced natives in the underdog position. Amid this power
collision and cultural entrapment, natives cultivated a gambling
worldviewthat sought to appease the demands of both worlds while
hoping that,while doing so, one would not be caughtby the other.It
was a formof wageringupon the odds of power. If one was pinned
down so thatthe equal appeasementof both realmswas not possible,
it became a case of sheerbad luck. Otherwise,the nativesmoved back
and forthbetween the overlappingworlds of the indigenous and the
colonial, submittingto and concomitandysubvertingcolonial domina-
tion. This strategyof simultaneousavoidance/acceptancewas graphi-
callyencoded in the various formsof gamblingthat flourishedunder
Spanish colonial rule, foremostof which was the cockfight - bulang,
-
sabong)or juego degallos which the colonial state used deliberatelyto
attractnativesto the center.
In the cockpit, the rule has been that only cocks of more-or-less
equal prowess (withan even fighting chance) are matchedin any fight,
and that opposing bets are equalized before the fightcan begin. This
assumptionof parityis reservedfor the liminalperiod thatstartsfrom
the matchingof fowlsand into the fight,when the idea of superiority/
hierarchyis both affirmedand disbelieved,only to be confirmedafter

/BETTING
AGUILAR ONDEMOCRACY 99
the fight.Despite theirliminalstatus,one cock is invariably perceivedas

the superiorone, while the otheris seen as the underdog.
In cockfighting the native could be entertainedby what was essen-
tially a cosmic battle, for the cocks were seen as standing for an
otherworldlyrealm. One of the birds would be identifiedwith the
colonizer, while the other with the native. Thus, as noted by many
observersin the nineteenthcentury,the shoutingin the cockpitwould
be ecstaticwheneverthe underdogwon- and the same behaviorholds
trueto the present,as if to say thatthe poor and subjugatedalso have
a chance. The cockpit'smessage is contradictory. On one hand, hierar-
chyand dominanceare omnipresentas the outcomevalidatedthe native
concept of power being the rule of the mighty, who must be spiritu-
ally favored.On the otherhand, the cockfightallows for the inversion
of hierarchyin society.It even allows the underdogsof societyto bet
on and championthe undergo.In the cockpit,historyand social struc-
turecan be momentarily suspended and phenomenologically forgotten,
even as ultimately historyis made and the social is
structure reaffirmed.
At the conclusionof a cockfight, the winnermust be generouswith
his winningsby sharingbalato , token portions of the bountythat are
distributedto one's circleof supportersand otherproximateindividu-
als. An integralaspect of winningin a cockfightor other games of
chance,the balato is foundedon the belief thatone's luck (swerte ) brings
victory, and to share this luck augments future chances of winning.In
contrast,being stingyinvitesbad luck.Thus, the balato is not meantto
be a levelingmechanismbut a recirculation of luck and the reinscription
of all withinthe world of gambling.
With the historicallyformedmindsetof a gambler,Filipinos have
respondedto politicalelections - particularlyto the two-party systemthat
prevailed for the most part of the twentieth century- as if it were a
cockfight. Elections encapsulate and demonstrate the gambling
worldview.It is evincedlinguistically by the termused to referto one's
preferredcandidateas one's manokor cock. Evidendy,the electordoes
not possess the fightingcock but,likethe spectatorin a cockpit,can place
a bet on a candidateand hope thatthe wagerwill be multipliedseveral
timesover withthe cock's victoryin the formof generousbalato. Not

STUDIES
in distinctively
coincidentally, PhilippineEnglish, candidatesare called
"bets."Also indicativeis the provisionin the Election Code that,in case
of a tie,the winningcandidateis determinedby the castingof lots.
In recentyears,contendersforthe presidencyhave become knownas
probablyindicatingthe timewhen,just afterthe down-
"présidentiables,"
fallof Marcos,it was not clearwho could possiblybe a replacementfor
such a strongman.Since no one seemed to match the talent,prowess,
and everythingelse about Marcos, the search for who could possibly
become presidentled to the inventionof the word "présidentiable."
Thus electionshave generatedtwo uniquelyPhilippineEnglish words.
Présidentiablesare bets on whichone can place a wager.
People Power and the MultipartySystem

In presidentialelections in the postwar and prior to the martiallaw
period, the binaryopposition between the two major candidateswas
stronglyevocativeof the cockfight:an equal match,a source of enter-
tainment,a cosmic battlebetween mightymen. The playingfieldwas
level,the outcome sortof unpredictable, as suggestedby the alternating
cycleof winningand losingbetweenthe two major contendingpolitical
parties.The patternwas cut in 1969 when Marcos became the first
incumbentpresidentto be reelected.
Since politicalpartieshad no significant ideologicaldifferences,turn-
coats proliferated,a social fact that would be popularlyknown since
1986 as balimbing. Elite politicalgamblersjockeyedforpositionsrelative
to the "bets" and the promised baiato in case of victory.People
wageredtheirbets on the candidatewho was expectedto distributethe
spoils. For the ordinarysupporteror campaign volunteer,a valuable
balato could come in the formof a job in the statebureaucracy. Vote
buyingwas like an advanced balato,while contributing to the electoral
campaign fund entitled a business entity to enormous postelection
advantages.Like the cockfight, electoralpoliticswas not meantor seen
as transforming social hierarchies.Indeed, with an electoratethatwas
largelyrural,manywere coerced or intimidatedby patronagenetworks
or by thugsto vote accordingto the demands of social hierarchy. For
many,electionswere a gamble thatallowed a few people to end up in

AGUILAR
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a differentstructurallocation fromwhere even biggergambles could

be waged.
By the cockpit'srule of equal match,the elections held under the
Marcos dictatorshipwere a sham preciselybecause Marcos had no
credibleopponent,a "holdup fight"in cockfighting argot.Nevertheless,
Marcos himselfwas a genuineand shrewdgamblerwho testedhis fate
to the limit.He enjoyeda highmarginof credibility - untilthe moment
the "superiorpowers" were seen to have irrevocablywithdrawntheir
favor,untilMarcos's magic itselfhad vanished.Thus, Marcos could not
foreverbe withouta challengerwho would seek to restore,especially
for the old elite whom he deprived of the arena, theirconditions of
fairplay vis-à-visthe state apparatus.
Marcos's biggestand most miscalculatedgamble was the decision to
hold the "snap" election in 1986. It had no legal basis, but was in-
tended to assert to the United States that he remainedthe legitimate
ruler.Aftermanyyears,the countryhad its firstcrediblematchinvolv-
ing two worthycontenders.Marcos was the "red" cock fighting against
the "yellow" hen thatwas Cory Aquino. Obviously,the latterwas the
favoriteunderdog,and many citizensmade a concertedeffortto pre-
vent a fraudulent result.When it became apparentthatthe electionhad
been stolen (in conjunctionwith a complex set of other factors,not
least beingthe intervention of politicalentrepreneurs),
the extremefrus-
trationover an imminentunderdog victoryfuelledthe popular senti-
mentthatcrystallized into People Power.The spectatorsin the cockpit,
as it were, became so fed up that theyleftthe bleachersand mobbed
the arena, hence becoming primaryparticipantsin an unprecedented
gamble.
The Philippine Constitution promulgated in 1987 was largely
designed as a returnto the electoral politics prior to the martiallaw
period. But it had one importantnew feature:a multipartysystem.
Thus, when the presidentialelection of 1992 was held, the firstunder
this system,therewere eight presidentialcandidates.Voters found it
extremelyconfusing.Financiers were forced to hedge their bets by
givingfinancialsupportto more than one candidate.The electionwas
akin to a carambola,
, a rare kind of fightwith manycocks released into
the pit at the same time,withthe lone survivorwinning;the victorious

STUDIES
cock owner collects all bets and takes home all the dead roosters.But
somehow the playingfieldwas narrowedto two candidates - at least in
the minds of manyvoters and in the discourse of newspaper colum-
nists and radio commentators.The winnerin 1992 was Fidel Ramos.
Since then,two more presidentialelectionshave been held,one in 1998,
won by Estrada, and another in 2004, won by Arroyo. In all these
conteststhe multiplicity of presidentialaspirantsattestedto the political
fragmentation Philippineelites.
of
It should be noted that electionsunder the multiparty systemhave
been held in a context that diverged significantlyfrom that of the
premartiallaw years.As a rule, as alreadymentioned,the incumbent
presidentis not entidedto run for reelectiondue to the constitutional
limitof one six-yearterm.The electionfor nationalpositionsalso oc-
curs simultaneously with that for regional,district,and city/municipal
positions, in a contest for over 17,000 seats, requiringa voter to filla
ballot with a long list of names. Simultaneousnationaland local elec-
tions overload the capacityof politicalmachineries,and oftenresultsin
local partybosses payingmore attentionto local than national candi-
dates. Moreover,demographicchange and urbanizationhave increased
the ratio of urban to ruralvoters,with the proportionsnow roughly
equal. The role of ruralpatronage systemshas been diminishedas a
result.Although techniques of intimidationin urban areas are being
inventedand reinvented, the fearsomedays of ruralelectionsare found
only in some places labeled as "hot spots." Since vigilanceof the citi-
zenryreaped its rewardsin 1986, a heightenedlevel of vigilanceand
activeparticipationhas become evidentin the polls.
These contestshave also become extremely expensiveaffairs,requir-
ing enormous and mainlyillicitfinancialcontributionsfromcorporate
sponsorsand otherbettors,and the consequendyhuge paybackrequired
once winnersare installedin office.In 1998 the campaignspendingof
each of the main presidentialcandidateswas said to have rangedfrom
PI. 5 billionto P3 billion.In 2004 the estimatesrangedfroma low of
P5 billion to a high of PIO billion, with about P750 million to as
much as PI .25 billion being spent on politicaladvertisingin the mass
media (Hofileña 2004, 6).

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Metaphors of the Poor

The IPC Ateneo studyconductedjust beforethe 10 May 2004 national
and local electionprovidedempiricalsupportto the view thatelectoral
contestsare regardedby people as an analogue of a cockfightand, in
general,of a gamblingmatch. But the FGD data enrich this view by
illuminingtheideationaland pragmatictensionsinherentin elections.The
sections that follow present selected data fromthat studyof sixteen
focus group discussionsinvolvingordinaryFilipinosbelongingto poor
urban and ruralcommunities.
A Time of Extremes
The FGD participantsgenerallyheld idealisticnotions of leadership,

comparingelected leaders to righteousparents,for instance,but the
topic of electionselicitedoverwhelmingly negativeresponses.The poor
see elections as markingan unusual time in the life of the nation, a
period of excess as indicated earlier.But more than just the physical
dirtand the bombardmentof the senses, ordinaryFilipinos point to
the undesirablecharactertraitsthatbecome preponderantat this time.
Elections for them signifya time of discord, pretense,mudslinging,
gambling,and opportunism.It is a time when the level of violence
increases;it is a timeof war and intimidation, accordingto some youth.
The poor are aware of the tricksdeployed duringelections,and they
see throughthe strategies of politicians.It is a timeforchoosingleaders,
but it is also an ugly time. They recognize that it is a time when the
poor benefitfromthe increasedmoney and goods in circulation - the
advanced balato, as it were. In theirwords,electionssignifya time of:
Peraat higasna binibigay

ngmgakandidato
[Cash and rice given away
by candidates](ruralfemale)
Masisirana namanangrelasy on ngmgatao.Halimbaiva, magkakaaway ang
magkapatid.[Social relations
will be strained.For example,even sib-
lingsengagein a fight.](urbanmale)
Maramingnabubuhay -
napatay[Manydead are broughtback to life]
voters,
flying (urbanmale)

STUDIES
Nagpapabango;sinasamantala
angpanahon,naglalabasngmgapondopara
sa mgaprojects[Candidatesmakethemselves"smellgood"; theytake
advantage of the occasion and release public funds to support
projects](youth)
Takutan[A timeof threats](youth)
Dayaanna namanl[Cheatingtimeagain] (youth)

, maygulo[War,the peace is disturbed](youth)
Giyera
Kumukuha ngmgagoonsangmgakandidato
[Candidateshiregoons] (urbanmale)
MetaphorsforElections
The metaphorsof participantsconcerningelections indicate a certain
worldviewthatcolorstheirparticipation in thispoliticalexercise.It is also
a sensibility
thatenables themto survivethe uncertainties and overcome
of thisprocess.A recurrent
the deceitfulness themerefersto electionsas
a game of chance,a race,and, forthose in ruralareas,a cockfight. As in
anyothergame withwhichpeople are familiar, cheatingbecomes almost
put it,electionsare like:
inevitable.As the participants
Paranglarona maynananaloat natatalo

[A game withwinnersand losers] (ruralfemale)
Parehaug sugaiadunaymakadaug, adunausaymapilde
[A gamble where some will win and otherswill lose] (urbanmale)
I sangmaguióat maruming laro
[A chaotic and dirtygame] (urbanmale)
Katuladngbaraha,maypatayat buhay
[A card game, some alive,othersdead] (urbanmale)
ninpupustahan
Garosarongbolangna nagpipili
and
[A cockfight, one must choose (a cock) to place a bet] (rural
male)
Muragsabongnaymapildiug magdaog
withwinnersand losers] (ruralfemale)
[A cockfight

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ONDEMOCRACY 105
lsangboxing na maraming na kandidato[A boxing match

nasusuntok
wheremanycandidatesreceiveblows] (youth)
lsangchess game na malalaman

langkungsinoangpanalosa huling
tira
[A game of chess wherethe winnercan be knownonly at the last
move] (youth)
lsangkarerangkabayona maysiguradong mananalo
[A horseracethatwill surelyhave a winner](youth)
lsanglotto na maaaring
magingmayaman angmananalo
[A lottowherethe winnercan become veryrich](youth)
The element of deception is capturedin metaphorsthat allude to

courtship,duringwhich sweet words and grand promises abound.
Garo sa sarong na tugasanagtuga

pag-ilusyon
[A courtshipwithendlesspromises](ruralmale)
Muragdalagangadiinmagpiniliay
[A woman who has to choose among manysuitors](ruralmale)
The courtshipmetaphorsare indicativeof social inversionduringthe

liminalperiod of the campaign.They suggestthat,for once, the poor
are being courtedby the rich,who findthemselvesin the exceptional
positionof being on the asking,ratherthanreceiving,end. But theyare
also fullycognizant that courtship is an idealized moment, when
extravagantpromises are made, only for these to be forgottenlater.
Closely allied to the courtship metaphor of elections is that of a
fashion show or beauty contest,when people make a show of them-
selves thathighlight the externalfaçadebut conceal the real characterof
people, particularlythe candidates:
lsangfashionshow na angmgapulitikoay nagpapagandanganyo

[A fashion show involvingpoliticians who prettifythemselves]
(youth)
pasiklaban[A race forthe most handsome,a timefor
Paguwapuhan,
showingoff](youth)
Other metaphors,most of which come from the youth,speak of

the conflicts,filth,noise, disease, and dishonestyof elections:

STUDIES
; dapatpumilingpinunona gagawa
Tulad ngisangbasurana dapat linisin
ngpagbabago[Filthygarbagethatneeds to be cleaned; thereis need
to choose a leaderwho can introducechange] (urbanmale)
[An illnessthatcan be fatal](youth)

Isangsakitna nakamamatay
IsangOrocan na plastic[A plasticcontainer](youth)
Tulad ngradyona maingay
[A noisyradio] (youth)
But othermetaphors,althoughnot frequendymentioned,referto the

festiveatmosphere of elections, remindingus of the European ana-
logue of electionsas a carnival:
Parehaug sinulogdaghankaayoang mgatawongamudugok [Like the

festivalthatdrawsso manypeople (spectators)](urbanmale)
sinulog
Usa ka drama,ngadaghanug dramaturgoo artista[A drama thatin-
and artists](urbanmale)
volves manyperformers
In sum, the metaphorsthe poor use for elections suggest the ele-
mentof spectatorship. A possible exceptionis the courtshipmetaphor,
in which the focus is on the electoratethatis being wooed and must
decide based on the unreliableand eventuallyemptywords of suitor-
candidates.In most cases, electionsare viewed as a gamble,a game of
chance,among politicianswhom the poor watch and observe,and, on
occasion, fromwhom theyobtain some benefit.But the public's role
as spectatorsis far frombeing passive, for thereis active engagement.
Whethermovie personalitiesare runningforofficeor not, electionsthat
simulatea cockpit, racetrack,or card game are inherendya form of
entertainment. The entertainment forthe non-
is activeand participatory,
active option would be for the public to leave the cockpit,racetrack,
or bettingstationaltogether.The people appear bent on stayingon in-
side the ring.
Participationin Elections
What is fascinatingabout the poor's attitudetoward elections is that,
despite its flaws,the whole process is regardedas legitimate.Most of
the FGD participantssaid theywould vote on election day, 10 May

/BETTING
2004. They considercastingone's ballot as an obligation,even if by law

it is not mandatory.This sense of dutyis pervasive,and is associated
with a notion of citizenshipin a "civilized"human polity.
May kasabihanna ang hindibumoto,walangkarapatangmagreklamo

[Thereis a sayingthatsomeonewho does not vote has no rightto
complain](urbanmale)
Despite the negativeimageof elections,theyare importantbecause
votingis an obligationof each person (urbanfemale)
Tungodkay kungdili ta mobotar, dili kita tawosa goby
erno,muratag
[Becauseif we do not vote,we are not people of govern-
tagalasang
ment.We are like men of the jungle](ruralfemale)
The poor consider elections as the opportunityto remove from

officethe politiciansin whom theyhave lost confidence,and to put
into office those whom they prefer to be their leaders. No other
mechanismcan be imagined as providingthis mechanismof change.
Moreover,the change in officeholdersis not merelyfor the moment,
for many realize the broad and long-termimplicationsof elections.
They know thatwhen theycast theirballots the futureof the country
is at stake.
Dito nakasalalayangkinabukasanngmgamamamayan
[On it depends the futureof the people] (youth)
Kinahanglan kay nag-agadsa atongbotoangkaugma-on sa atongnasud
[It is important
because the futureof the nationdependson us vot-
ers] (urbanmale)
Tsansaupangmatanggal
angtiwalinglider
to
[Opportunity remove a crooked leader] (ruralfemale)
Para mailuklok
angmabuting kandidato
a
[To place good leader] (ruralfemale)
The futility
of elections was expressed by a handfulof the partici-
pants.An urbanyouthnotes the futilityof the whole exercise,while an
urban femaleparticipantlamentsthattheircandidate(possiblyreferring

STUDIES
to Estrada) is maligned and unseated "even if he won fairly."The

urban female'scommentdoes not condemn electionsper se, but it is
an expressionof dismaythata legitimateelectoraloutcome is overruled
and disregarded. Her desire is for the rules of the game to be
respected.
This negativeview of elections,however,is not the dominantmode
of thinkingamong the FGD participants.Most consider theirpartici-
pation in elections as meaningful,and as an opportunityto effect
change.This idealismremainsdespitethe recognitionthatthe electoral
process is extremelyflawed.
The Reliabilityof Election Results
In response to the question of whetheror not the resultsof elections

are reliable and trustworthy, a few of the FGD participantsdid not
hesitateto say that the resultsare reliable,expressingabsolute faithin
the process. Most participants,however, qualifytheir comments. A
common view is that the resultsof local elections are reliable (which
may explain why their examples of good leaders are usually drawn
fromamong local officials).The outcomes of nationalelections,how-
ever,are farfromtrustworthy. The poor recognizethat nationalposts
are highlycontested,hence the recourseto massivecheatingin national
polls. "Sa nationalmaramiang kalokohan"(Much foolishnessoccurs at
the national level), as an urban male participantputs it. However,
despite the fraud,there appears to be a resignationto the realityof
cheatingin elections, which some consider as inevitablein, or even
endemicto, Philippinelife:
Ifthe Candidate One Voted forLoses
In case one's candidateloses in the election,theparticipants

saytheywill
feel sad, disappointed, and dismayed- matamlay , malungkot- but will
eventuallycome to termswith the results.Again, thereis a feelingof
resignation- wala ka nangmagagawa - eitherbecause none can be done
about the cheatingor because themajority's preferencemustbe accepted.
Some participantswill adopt a wait-and-seeattitudebased on the
performanceof the candidate who wins the election, regardless of

/BETTING
how elected. Perhaps,theysay,theymay stillbenefitfromthe person

who wins:
Ogma mangirarayta matabang mangiraray sindasamo[We will stillbe

happybecause they will stillhelp us] (ruralmale)
Para mayongribok,taposhalatonna langangsaiyang sa torno
nanginibohan
niya[To avoid we
trouble, will just wait forthe winner's
accomplish-
mentsin office](ruralfemale)
A few,however,say it will be verydifficult

for themto accept the loss
of theircandidate.
The elementof chance pervadeselections,fromthe campaignto the
actualvote, and even to how the actualwinnerperformsin office.The
poor are acutelyaware of systematicelectoralfraud,but the resignation
seems to ensue from a pragmaticattitude:"you win some, you lose
some." Afterall, for manyof them,theirlife chances will not be sub-
alteredby elections.
stantially
The Selection of Candidates
Factors in Choice of Candidate

Influential
The participantsin the studywere asked about the factorstheyconsider

as affectingtheirchoice of candidates.The most importantsources of
influencetheythemselvesacknowledgedare:
• Media
• Pamilya(Family)
• Simbahan(Church)
• Partido pulitikal(Politicalparty)
• S arililang/walang (Self,no outside influence)
nakakaimpluwensiya
• Surveys
The Media and Sources of Information
To arriveat an informedchoice, the participantsrecognize the mass

media as playinga most crucialrole. Only among ruralparticipantsdo

STUDIES
the media not figureas the most importantsource of influence;to

them,the familyand the churchare the more importantinfluences.
The urbanparticipants, includingtheyouth,widelyrecognizethe need
to gain access to information.They relyon the mass media to provide
trustworthy informationabout the candidates,and on televisionto show
images of candidates as a means of gettingto know them.They also
recognizethe value of the mass media in providinginformationabout
candidateseven priorto the campaignperiod,such as the accomplish-
ment of incumbentsor what bills theyhave proposed in Congress.
While participantsobtain informationfromnewspapers,radio, and
television,the youthalso relyon textmessagesand the Internet.Across
all groups,however,tsismis(gossip) was mentionedas a source of in-
formation.Discussions (pakikisalamuhà)with otherpersons,be theykin
or nonkin,are likewisesources of information. Urban participantsalso
look at leaflets,advertisements,and campaignstreamersto gain infor-
mation about candidates.
thatthe poor analyzethe images projectedby candi-
It is interesting
dates, whether theyare heard over the radio or seen on television,to
gauge the character(ugali)of a person.For instance,ruralwomen tryto
observehow a candidatespeaks,notingespeciallyif the person "speaks
withrespect."Ruralmales also assess a candidate'smannerof speaking;
theygaze at the candidate's face for clues on character,and observe
how that individual stands up, walks, and deals with people. Urban
participantssimilarlyobtain clues about characterby observing the
mannerof speakingand the person'sphysicalappearance.
Sa pananalitamalalamanmokungmabaito magaling [One can know if

a personis kind or capable based on how theytalk](youth)
Sa reaksyonniyasa mgatao habangnangangampanya[In a candidate's
reactionto people duringthe campaign](youth)
Although some youth say they cannot know a candidate's character

because "hindikamt(we are not) psychologists,"many claim that they
can glean a person's characterfromthe manner of speaking and re-
spondingto questionsduringan interviewor a debate. They also study
the temperof a candidate.

/BETTING
Local candidatesare scrutinizedat closer range than candidatesfor

national positions. Participantsdirectlyobserve the behavior of local
candidatesduringmeetings,and even duringseminarsand graduation
ceremonieswhen these individualsare invitedto speak.
Adequacy of Information
Althoughthe participantsrank media as the most influentialfactorin

theirchoice of candidates,the informationto which most have access
on candidatesrunningfornational
is consideredinadequate,particularly
positions.There is a desire to know candidatesup-close, and listento
them talk.As a youngperson said, "Althoughit is next to impossible,
we preferto personallyinterviewthe candidates."To an urban male,
actuallylisteningto the candidate is very important:"dapat marinig
magsalita,kahitnababasa ang mga plataporma" (Even if we can read
about theirplatform,we need to hear them speak).
Surveys
As a source of influenceon the choice of candidate,surveysrepresent
a primarilyurban phenomenon. For some, surveysindicate how one
should vote in relationto preventinganothercandidate fromwinning
office.In a situationwhere several candidates are vyingfor the same
office such as the presidency,voters choose not necessarilythe best
candidatein theiropinion but the one that would preventa detested
candidatefromemergingvictorious.In arrivingat these odds, surveys
can serve as a usefulguide. In thisrespectpoor votersare no different
frommiddleclass voters,who resortedto this strategyin regardto the
bitterlycontestedpresidentialcontestin 2004.
Other participantslook to surveysso theycan vote as part of the
biggest bloc of voters, and therebyfeel good that they are on the
winningside. Surveysalso provide informationon the underdog,and
allow one to vote for "someone who is behind (in the ranking)in
order that thatparticularcandidatecan gain a lead" (urban female).
Nonetheless,for most of the participantsand across all groups,the
definitiveansweris that surveysare irrelevantin theirchoice of candi-

STUDIES
date. This trendis shown in the ratherlow overallrankingof surveys

as a source of votinginfluence.There are,in general,two main reasons
for the relativeunimportanceof surveys.The firstis that surveysare
distrusted:
Maaari iyanaypaniniralamang[(A candidate'spoor showingin sur-

veys) may be a demolitionjob only] (ruralfemale)
Even in a cockfight,
the winneris stillundetermined,
(ruralmale)
The last statementis evocative of the liminalityof the campaign- if

even in a cockfightone will not reallyknow the outcome untilthe very
end, how could surveys"know" the electoraloutcome?
The otherreason pertainsto the convictionthatvoterswill choose
candidatesaccordingto theircriteria,and will not allow themselvesto
be swayedby statistics.Many value theirindividualvote, seeing it as
makinga difference in the overallchances at victoryof theirrespective
candidates.Participants,for example,insistthat theywill vote for can-
didatesbased on qualificationsand trackrecord,regardlessof what the
surveyssay.
langsa iba na hindigusto[It will be a

Sayangdinangbotokungibibigay
to
waste give my vote to someone else I don't like] (youth)
Iboboto para sa akinat di makikinig
angkarapatdapat sa iba [I willvote
forwhom I thinkis the deservingcandidateand I won't listento
others](youth)
The relativeunimportanceof surveysamong the poor raises the

question: Are surveyssignificantprimarilyto the middle and upper
classes? The answerswill probablyvary,dependingon the exact con-
figurationof each election. Still,in the game of life,one can say that
perhaps the rich are used to winning,while the poor are accustomed
to losing. It would be ironic if, "as losers," the poor turn out to be
the more principledvoters when compared with the highlyeducated
middle and upper classes.

/BETTING
ConfusingElections
Many participantsare of the view that the then forthcoming elections

on 10 May 2004 are ratherconfusing,mainlybecause thereare many
candidatesvyingforthe same positionand multiplepositionsto fill.As
manyput it, "nakakalitodahil masyadongmaramingkandidato."
information
The confusionis also relatedto the lack of trustworthy
about the candidates.The spread of black propaganda leaves a voter
with no basis for making a good decision. In the words of a rural
female participant, "Maraming paninira ang lumalabas sa mga
kandidato, hindi mo alam kung ano ang totoo" (There's too much
mudslinginggoing on, and one can't know which one is true).
The buyingof votes also causes confusion.Traditionally,the accep-
tance of money froma candidate imposes an obligation on the part
of the voter to repaythe act by votingfor that candidate.But, as will
be mentionedshordy,manyreligiousleaders are encouragingpeople to
accept the moneybut vote accordingto theirconscience,thus creating
some sort of dilemma for voters.
The other source of confusionpertainsto the conduct of the elec-
tions itself, such as whether it will be computerized or not, and
whethertheyhave properlycompliedwith the proceduralrequirements
for registrationand validation. This apprehension expresses a keen
desire to vote on election day.
Vote-buying
All the participantsin the studyagree that vote-buyingis not right.
There is a sense thatthe public ultimately The
loses fromvote-buying.
moneygivenout to buy votes,theysay,will lateron be recuperatedby
a winner from public funds, fuelling corruption of a magnitude
exceedingthe money used to buy votes.
Hindi tamana mamigay, kasi kapagnanalobabamindinito,baka mas

malakipa [It's not rightto give money,because if theywin they'll
take it back, involvingeven largersums] (urbanmale)

STUDIES
nirikorapto[No, it will lead to corruption](rural

Dai, magkakaigwa
male)
Dai, masnganaan babamon[No, theywill take back much more in
return](ruralfemale)
A handfulwill absolutelynot accept money.One urban male partici-

pant even equated vote-buyingto the commodificationof the voter's
personhood.
Mali, kasiparangbinibili
angpagkataomo [It's wrong,because it's like
they'rebuyingyourhumanity](urbanmale)
However, most participantssay theywill accept money but will vote

according to theirown preferences,on condition that no checks on
theiractual vote are made. If thereis a way of findingout how they
will actuallyvote (such as througha "carbon copy" of the ballot),then
theywill not accept money.It is a case of outwittingthe other:"utakan
lang iyan" (youth). Those who will accept a candidate's money feel
justifiedbecause the money is said to come fromthe people anyway.
Yungperangpinamumudmod nilaaygalingdinsa tao [The moneythey're

doling out to people comes fromthe people in the firstplace]
(urbanmale)
Despite the relativelylow rank of the Catholic Church as an ac-

knowledgedsource of influenceon the choice of candidate,it is evi-
dent thatyears of advocacy by many church officialsand leaders not
to be intimatedby vote-buyingand to vote according to theircon-
science despite the acceptance of money have evidentlyborn fruitin
thispervasivethinkingamong the participants.
Apartfromvote-buying, Metro Manila participants additional
identify
sources of pressure on how they are to vote. Some employers or
managersare threatening theirworkersthattheywill lose theirjobs if
theywill not vote for the candidate preferredby their superiors at
work.Other employersadopt more subde techniques,such as conduct-
ing a "survey" of the workforce. In the latter case, workers tell
managementwhat the latterwants to hear.

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ONDEMOCRACY 115
Apart fromsuch intimidation, violence and thuggerywere not ma-

jor issues forthe FGD a resultthatis perhapsa functionof
participants,
the relativelysafe areas chosen for this study.So-called "hot spots" are
identifiedin everyelection.But fornationalpositionsfraudhas become
a complex and sophisticatedgame of manipulatingresultsfrombehind
the scenes throughschemes such as dagdag-bawas (shaving off votes
from one candidate to pad the votes of another). These are said to
involve huge pay-offs for election officials at various levels. Such
wholesale fraudhas minimizedthe crudest forms of violence, along
withotherfactorsdiscussedearlierthatspell changesin the conductof
elections.
What the IPC Ateneo Data Say
To summarize,data fromthe IPC Ateneo studyindicatethat elections

are widelyviewed as a game of chance, a gamble, althoughit is also
seen in otherways involvinga similarelementof spectatorship.Such
views are not peculiar to the poor. Viewing elections as a game of
chance allows voters to undergo the campaign period- a moment of
liminality- with serious engagementas well as a healthydose of fun
and skepticism.It also helps themto come to termswithelectionout-
comes without,in a sense, losing hope in the system.Any game of
chance entailsrisks - thereare onlytwo possibilitiesforone's candidate:
eitherwin or lose. And everygame of chance involves cheating.The
poor are resigned to such realities of life. Hence, regardless of the
outcome, life will go on.
Ordinaryvoters are fullycognizant of the deception and trickery
involvedin electoralcontests,particularly fornationalpositions.Despite
all of its flaws, elections are regarded as the only means to change
elected leaders and to seat new ones. Indeed, most of the poor
regardtheirparticipationin electionsas a duty,suggestingan apprecia-
tion of theirrole as citizensin a nation-state.People see the ballot as
crucialto a politicalsystemthat calls itselfdemocratic.
Voterscan be said, therefore, to approach electionswith a profound
feeling of ambivalence. To most of them,electionsare the only legiti-
mate means to effectchange, and its outcome must be respected.In

STUDIES
case the outcome is not to theirliking,thereis a feelingof resignation

among poor voters who feel their room for efficacious action is
severelylimited.But thereis also a pervasivesense thatthe outcome is
the outcome, and it must come to pass. Everyone has played his or
her role in the game and, exceptingthe originalPeople Power in 1986,
the people are preparedto abide by the results.That is how the game
is played,and one must not be a sore loser. Thus, theyrecognize the
imperfectionsof the electoralprocess, and stillremainwillingpartici-
pants. The notion of a game of chance capturesthe feelingof belief
in and ambivalencetoward an accepted social practicethathas an in-
nate entertainment value,an inherentvalidity,
and the unavoidablecheats,
risks, and twists of fortune.
Interestingly, most are not swayedby surveyresults,despite the po-
liticalelite'sincreasingpreferenceforthe scientification
of elections.The
poor loathe emptypromises and commonlysee vote-buyingas wrong
and improper.But, giventheirmaterialneeds,theywill also take advan-
tage of the money and goods thatcirculatewidelyat this time,if they
can somehow escape the consequences. But theywould reallylike to
elect someone whom theyknow has the traitsof a good leader,espe-
ciallyone with vision, intelligence,and a heart for the poor. But how
are theyto "know" the candidates?Try them like shampoo or soap?
The conflictsin societyat electiontimeare mirroredat variouslevels
of society.Yet electionsare also a time of momentaryinversion.The
poor are fullyaware that the electoral campaign period is a time of
inversionand excess. But theyare also realisticenough to know that
elections are not meant to change and overhaul the social structure.
They cast theirvotes as a dutyand as integralmembersof the body
politic,but are also fullparticipants
in the process of gamblingon can-
didates,hoping for change, and then moving on.
The 2004 Elections: Closure by Death?
But how do people collectivelymove on afterelections? Elsewhere

electionsachieve properclosurewhen the losing candidateritualistically
concedes to the winningcandidate and accepts the so-called people's
mandatebased on simplearithmetic. Also to effectclosure are norma-

AGUILAR
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ONDEMOCRACY 117
tive statementsmade that,afterall of the acrimonyof the campaign,

the people of opposing sides will have to live together,and must there-
foreburytheirdifferences. In the Philippines,thisritualclosureis hard
to come by.
Nonclosure of the electoralritualhas become acute in the Philippine
multiparty system,an inevitablefeatureof which is thatwhoeverwins
the presidentialcontestwill not be the choice of a majorityof the elec-
tors.The multiplicity of candidatesfragments the vote, and the winner
has at best a (tenuous)plurality.Only in the case of Estrada'svictoryin
1998 was the outcome not subject to a dispute.But the seemingclo-
sure did not last for long. As people say, "Look what they did to
him." The winningmarginof Ramos in 1992 was perilouslysmall,al-
thougheventuallyhe governedwith legitimacybecause he held a firm
grip on power and was widely perceived to have performedwell in
office. In the 2004 election Arroyo's margin over Poe was rather
slim- just over a millionvotes, with the officialtallyshowingArroyo
received12,905,808votes againstPoe's 11,782,232.A case was filedin
courtto protestthe results,attestingto the old adage thatno one ever
loses a Philippineelection:the loser alwayscries,"I was cheated!"
The death of Poe on 14 December 2004 from natural causes
would seem to have put the case to rest,only because the main com-
plainantis gone. However, his innumerableloyal followersrefuse to
accept the legitimacy of Arroyoas president.Since her husband'sdeath,
Susan Roces has also become a politicalvoice. Overall, however,the
passing of Poe has given the 2004 nationalelectionsome sort of clo-
sure.Stillan air of liminality
lingers,withendlesstalkof disenchantment
withArroyoand of oustingher frompower.The ritualis finished,but
the ritualcontinues.
Note
Thisarticle
is basedon a paperpresented at a conference-workshop
on "Political
Elections
as PopularCulture," bytheAsianResearch
organized National
Institute,
of Singapore,
University 17 to 19 February2005.I thank
theconferenceparticipants
fortheircomments and questions.The papersin thatconference, includinga
somewhat expanded version of thisarticle,
willappearin a bookeditedbyChua

STUDIES
BengHuat.Eventssincetherevelation of the"Garcitapes"in earlyJune2005

haveraisedseriousdoubtsaboutArroyo's electoralvictory,turning the"airof
mentioned
liminality" at theendofthearticle
intoa generalizedstate
of liminality
thathas stalemated
thewholecountry,as thisissuegoes to press.
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Philippine Elections as Ritualized Gambling

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Philippine Elections as Ritualized Gambling

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Betting on Democracy: Electoral Ritual in the Philippine Presidential Campaign

Author(s): Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr.

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Thisarticleoffers an analysisoftheritualcharacter ofPhilippine elec-

Elections, at theirface value, are institutionalizedcontests for public

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economicorderis stabilized.An internally valid electiongrantslegitimacy

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This perspectiveis elucidatedin this article,which offersan analysis

Ritualized Electoral Contests

Viewed fromthe perspectiveof Philippinehistory, ritualshave suffused

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of the electoralsystem - such as the so-called AustralianBallot (with

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throughads" (ibid.,66). Interestingly, the legalizationof politicaladver-

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But with the "scientification"of the campaignstrategythatpointed

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Elections and the Ritual Structure of a Gambling Match

Despite the instabilitiesof specificritualacts,the 2004 nationalelections

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The campaigningand sacrificesend just beforeelectionday,but the

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the fight.Despite theirliminalstatus,one cock is invariably perceivedas

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People Power and the MultipartySystem

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a differentstructurallocation fromwhere even biggergambles could

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Metaphors of the Poor

The FGD participantsgenerallyheld idealisticnotions of leadership,

Peraat higasna binibigay

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Dayaanna namanl[Cheatingtimeagain] (youth)

Paranglarona maynananaloat natatalo

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lsangboxing na maraming na kandidato[A boxing match

lsangchess game na malalaman

The element of deception is capturedin metaphorsthat allude to

Garo sa sarong na tugasanagtuga

The courtshipmetaphorsare indicativeof social inversionduringthe

lsangfashionshow na angmgapulitikoay nagpapagandanganyo

Other metaphors,most of which come from the youth,speak of

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[An illnessthatcan be fatal](youth)

But othermetaphors,althoughnot frequendymentioned,referto the

Parehaug sinulogdaghankaayoang mgatawongamudugok [Like the

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2004. They considercastingone's ballot as an obligation,even if by law

May kasabihanna ang hindibumoto,walangkarapatangmagreklamo

The poor consider elections as the opportunityto remove from

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to Estrada) is maligned and unseated "even if he won fairly."The

The Reliabilityof Election Results

In response to the question of whetheror not the resultsof elections

Ifthe Candidate One Voted forLoses

In case one's candidateloses in the election,theparticipants

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how elected. Perhaps,theysay,theymay stillbenefitfromthe person

Ogma mangirarayta matabang mangiraray sindasamo[We will stillbe

A few,however,say it will be verydifficult