LANKA ee 4 GUARDIAN July 15, 1996 : Price Fs. 10.00. sue Registered at the GPO, Sri » Lanka ag IS THE P. A. LOSING ITS GRIP? MERVYN DE SILVA 4 THE DEVOLUTION DEBATE GL. PIERIS vs. THE COLOMBO BUREAUCRACY pee ‘A. J. WILSON & i Ee RELIGION AND INJUSTICE — a Christian View TISSA BALASURIYA INDIA’S DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM NEERAJ KAUSHAL JAPAN AND THE RarAs CONNECTION NIHONJIN RTY PREMADASA: WAR ON POVE c, MAHENDRAN THOMAS MERTON: DISCOVERING BUDDHISM JEANNE THWAITES COLOMBO COLLAGE CARL MULLERNEW FROM ICES IDEOLOGY AND THE CONSTITUTION: ESSAYS ON CONSTITUTIONAL JURISPRUDENCE by Radhika Coomaraswamy The collection of essays on Constitutional Jurisprudence is an attempt to understand the process of constitutional decision-making and political action from a framework of human rights, democracy and social justice. Contents The Uses and Usurpation of Constitutional [deology The Constitution and Constitutional Reform The Civil Libertics and Human Rights Perspective Legitimacy and the Sri Lankan Constitution To Bellow Like a Cow — Women, Bthnicity and the Discourse of Rights Civil and Political Rights — Some Regional Issues Devolution, The Law and Judicial Construction Let Fools Contest — Parliamentary Democracy vs. Presidential System (ICES, May 1996. 178 pp.) Hardcover: Rs. 300 Paperback: Rs. 200 U.S. $20.00 (Hardcover) for SAARC countries (Airshipment) U.S. $25.00 (Hardcover) for other countries (Airshipment) U.S. $15.00 (Paperback) for SAARC countries (Airshipment) US. $20.00 (Paperback) for other countries (Airshipment) All orders to ICES, 2, Kynsey Terrace, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka Telephone 685085 /698048, Fax 696618NEWS BACKGROUND P. A: MOUNTING PRESSURES Mervyn de Silva Piss snes bate quick succession have increased the pressure on President Chandrika Kumeratunga's “Peoples Alliance” (PA) administration. In the heart of Jatina, capital of the island's northem province, a woman. suicide-bomber killed 27 but felled to assasinate her principal target, Mr. Nimal Siripala de Siva, the Housing Minister, who was on an officiel visit, He was injured, A senior army officer and several policeman were among the casualties. In December, the P.A. had boasted that the army had taken full control of the Northem Peninsula TV. in Colombo took pride in showing the Sn Lanken national “Lon” flag flying from the tallest building in Jafina, the bastion of the separatist “Tamil Tigers”. Jaffna had been liberated. The claim was tal. Not since the departure of an eighty thousard (80,000) strong. Indian Peace-keoping Force (.PKF.) 1990 did Colombo's writ run in the northern province, virtually LT.T.E, tenitory. President Kumaratunga had spe- dial reason to be proud. For several months alter she took office, first as prime minister and then as a popularly elected President in late 1994 she had made every effort to teach a negotiated settlement of Sti Lanke’s harrowing 13 year ethnic conflict and LT.TE. insurgency. In doing so, she had won the admiration of the Tami! community, the respect of the large Tamil population in neighbouring south India (the state of Tamilnadu), the Indian govern- ment and the U.S.led donor com- munity. So the investors who had been allracted by the free market policies of the conservative ULN.P. ‘would now remain. President Jaya- wardene’s UN.P. was the first South Asan goverment to abandon “so- cialism” and pin its faith in private enterprise and foraign investment The UNP however alienated the Tamils. All the Tamil partios which had abandoned the path of armed struggle and successfully contested the parliamentary polls in 1994, were ready to support the P.A. which could then ‘claim a stable majority in the National assembly. So, her tona fides were beyond question when she ordered the armed forces to fight the LIT.T.E., take control of the northem- province and re-establish a cvllan administration. ‘Somo two to three hundred thou- sand Tamils tled Jatina when the Sil Lankan army seized full control of the northern capital, and later the Northern Peninsula. But a massive publicity exercise (@ classic hearts-and-minds operation) saw thousands of Tamil refugees retum to their homes in Jafina, and its outskirts. An announcement that President Kumaratunga would make an official visit to “pacified” Jaffna was seen as the final blow to LT.T.E. morale. Jafina, the ary claimed in leaflets and radio broadcasts, was ‘sale and secure. Butnowitis unlikely thet President Kumaratunga would visit the north for sometime. Nor perhaps would many ministerial colleagues of Mr. Nimal Siipala de Silva, who was lucky to escape an attack by a LITE assasin. TRADE UNIONS ‘The P.A. leadership had: hardly recovered from the shock of the woman. suicide-bombor in Jafina when it received a bruising blow from a totaly unexpected quarter — the trade unlons. Since the Marxist Left has traditionally controlled the trade Unions and all the Leftist partias are now accommodated In the Peoples ‘GUARDIAN Vol. 19 No. § July 15, 1996 Price “Rs, 10.00 Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Ce. Ltd. No, 246, Union Place Colombo = 2 Eélitor. Mervyn de Siva Telephone: 447504 Printed by Ananda Press €25, Sir Retrajothi Saravanamutts Mawatha, Goiombo 13. Telephone: 495975 CONTENTS ‘The Great Devolution Detale 3 Jepan: The JA. Factor “The Public Disitution ‘System in aca 7 “Theologidl Bases of Soda Inuetico ° Premadasa’ ‘The Veion Thing 2 Books 6Alliance, the largor, long established companies [the foreign included] hhave looked forward to “peace” on the “labour front”. Right now the P.A. hhas locked home not with separatist Tamil insurgents but Sinhalese ‘workers in trade unions, at least one of which is affliated to a long ‘established political party the LSSP which is a conetituont mamber of the PA. What is more the leader of that party, isa Ministerin President Kumaratunga’s cabinet! An empioyer conversant with the Marxist theory on “the contradictions of capitalism” is now raising a few laughs in Colmbo's posher clubs by ‘identifying “the contradictions” in the socialist Peoples Alliance. The immediate outcome of the present dispute is the closure of Bartleet Microdevices Ltd, one of the few large-scale high-tech industries in tho Island. It specialises. in the Production of “electronic hardwaro". ‘A statement issued by the Presidential Secretariat accuses a U.P. member of partiament, Dr. Rajtha Senaratne of instigating the stike, Dr. Senaraine is Presidant of the Independent Employees Union, "Independent" meaning it is not affliated to any political party. twas not Dr. Senaratne but Mr. Vasudeva Nanayakara also an M.P., who chose to answer the government. “We have to protest against the secretly produced document on tho Bartleet dispute. ‘The Independent Employees Union led by Dr. Raltha Senaraine M.P. and the — Democratic United Employees Union led by us, jointly ‘conducted the strike at Barileots. The sirke was based on the legitimate demands of the workers and not out of any disruptive or vengeful motives". Almost casually, Mr. Nanayakara makes another remark which throws mora light on what's really wrong with the P.A. “After the dispute was referred to an arbitrator 2 by the Labour Department the employees went back to work as Js the usual labour practice. But tho aibitaior never appeared or took part in setting the issue!”. The P.A's whizz-kid, Professor GL. Pieris, the former Vice- Chancslor of the Colombo University, was largely responsible for the P.A.'s election manifesto, and probably, its more attractive slogans. Among these was “Accountability, Transparency and Good Govern ance’. IL is now transparenty clear that the P.A.'s utterly inexperienced top-brass has a serious problem with “governance’” Finally, a. devastating blow from an unlikely quarter, The S.LF-P.. the dominant force in the PA, was founded by Mr. §. W. R. D. Bandara- fake, President Kumaratungs's father, assasinated by a demented monk in 1959. His. widow, Mrs, Sirima Bandaranaike became the worid's first woman prime minister She is. President Kumaratunge's prime minister too. Right now she is in India on a gilgrimage. Accompanying her is Anura Bandaranaike M.P- her only son. Mr. Bandaranaike 1S a member of the U.N.P. and sits in the front row of the Opposition, While Sri Lankan polities gets curicusor and curiouser the P.A. seems to be losing its grip con national poitics. o LETTER A Cry For Sanity Volumes have been ‘written about the ethnic conte from various different angles 2s perceived by those writers. Politcians and media have lost no time in making capital out: of such wiitngs by quoting reference to them Ike the devil quoting tho scriptures. Yet, the National Question stil remains intractable. Rule of law, democracy “and human fights absolutely reject all forms of discrimination between man ‘and man irrespective of caste, creed, race, religion and ideology. However the framers of legislation and constitutions have been utlizing their talonts to find some sot of sulle but invisible, discrimination between man and man on the grounds of religion, caste and race in order to satisfy the vain glory of an articulate religious section (a small minority) at the expense of the vast majarity Of the people. They pretend to be bind that such beliet despite its transient nature, has promoted division and. produced cissoncion among the people resuiting in the unwanted and unavoidable war bringing death, destruction and ruin to the entire nation The present politcal package (iis timing and the nature ofits passage) Is the latest example of such an exercise. — Obscurantism and obsequious attitudes resulting from 450 years of colonial rule have obstructed. the creation of a healtry and Just constitution from the Donoughmors days. This instransigonce and obdurecy’ still persist in the minds of the: present framers. Unless we are all propared to rise above all peity, narrow and selfish consideration we will have no altemative but to perish. Religion is meant to be practised and realised and not used 2s an instrument to dominate or hatm those of other faiths. In this new era of transparency the legislators (framers of the basic law) should bo able to see and iscover their own faults and correct them as the last hope of devising solution based on unity in diversity. T. S. Kumaresan vatinaThe Great Devolution Debate A.J. Wilson ICES. Colombo needs to be warmly Ccongfatulated tor its’ consistently high qualty productions. thus ving up to more than the expectations of its benefactors, Ford and CIDA. The volume to be discussed here is Sri Lanka: The Devolution Debate put together by Neelan Tiruchelvam and fis colleagues with valuable contr butions from G. L. Peiris; Lakshman Maresinghe and thoughtful pieces: by Bertram Bastiampilal, Sumanasiri Lr yanage, Sunil Bastian and Sasanka Perere, a3 well as the insightful Fore: word by Regi Sirivardene. After such knowledge, what abysmal ignorance splayed by fringe groups o! the extreme Sinhala “intransigentsia”. The Vital question is. Is this "the great devolution debate” or “the Great devo- lution debacle”? If this does not pass, nothing wil pass and the island is destined to become a vast cemetery. G. L Peis has become the harbin- gor cf the decentralised stete structure. Drawing pointed attention to the reco- Mmmendations of India’s Sarkaria and Rajamannar Commissions or certre- state relations and the need for “the Powers of the Certrs to be circumscri- bed", he stated “it is our intontion in preparing this Constitution to go some ‘way further than india...“ (p. 9). In doing 80, Professor Peiris has anticipated the trond in most postindustial states, to distance themselves from an ovetco- centration and press the pedals on decentralisation thus stiking a blow at the powerful vested interest of the Colombe bureaucracy. Once thie fo- ttress of reaction is demolished i can ‘well be stated that Sri Lanka will be on iis way to becoming the truly democratic socialist. republic that it claims now to be. Peitis is also alive to tha methodology of decentralised ‘administration as practised in India and the Dominion of Canada. “We have no devolution at all’ deplores: this modem day Abbe Sieyas, “decertrall- sation yes, local government no...” thus upholding what John Stuart Mil avowed in: the heyday of utilitarian philosophy when he stated that “good goverment is no substitute for self government. It lacks the genius. of place” etc., etc. Are we going to be tho witnesses to tho fall of the Colombo “baste, the destruction of that redou- table citadel of bureaucratic reaction, the tentacles of the Colombo octopus. it bodes well for the legates of universal adult franchiso. Lakshman Marasinghe's. informed teflections on “"Some Thoughts on the Devolution Package” contain valuable insights into what alls our body politic A longtime student of federalizing exercises, Merasinghe has studied the whole gamut from the Bantustans of South Alrica to the more sophisticated Units in @ modern federal constitutions where power is shared and therefore makes sense to share sovereignty with regions of units. Therefore Marasingho concludes that ~ it is diffeult to perceive thet ethnic conflicts could be rescived only by war, At the end. of the conflict tha government is well advised to prov- de a constitutional seltlement which ‘would provide the Tami! Community the social and political and economic ‘pals which they tried to achieve through war (p. 19) ‘Sumanasiri Liyanage in a concilla- toy essay "Towards @ Compromise Solution” urges the need for moderes, ficrand a middle path solution to thet conilicting demands of each comm nityS intransigentsia. Liyanaga sig} gesis_very sensible questions that} might be asked instead of what can only be called the prosent scl-stut- fying ones, Thys he states “Instead ‘of posing the question whether there wasis a Taril homeland let us ask the question where do the Tami majority lve in continuty? What is the geographical space that the Tamils ‘ecoupy today." (p. 48) Liyanage sug gests various pragmatic constructive ‘pproaches. Some ot Liyanage's sug- gestions are eminently reasonable but polically they may rot be feasible. Bastian’s analysis of the land quostion is more an extrapolation af how this ‘complex problem can be resolved. Sesarka Perera’s examination of te education question is. full. of rich insights. He places his fingo* right on the: spot wnere trouble lies ahead. The essays by Bastiempilla, Thini- chelvam, Uyenage, Guhan, Bastian ‘end Perera deal with a host of sensitive issues. Bastian and Porera deel with the dificult subjects of state land, the structure and content of education, etc. They suggest ways and means of ‘varcoming or by-pessing the elmost entrenched position in these ereas. It is possible that if the obstacles are ‘overcome, the isiand state is well on the way to being an ordered polly, Thiruchelvem and Guhan really deat bristly with spacitics and how impodi ments can be removed. In effect the Debate Is a guids to restoring sanity ‘and @ welcome vace mecum for all ‘men of goodwill The burning question Is whetner,tne ‘Chandrika Proposals are a throw-amay to fedoralsm. The answer is definitely in the negative. A fundamental quo- 'S which branch of government supreme, the Centre or the Regions? The Centre is definitely at an advan- tage. It is possible for the Centre to bypass the regions and deprive the tatter of theit powers. To achieve this, the Colombo Parlament (the Centre) would doublless ‘have to secure a two-thirds. majaiity in Parliament and a‘oF win @ referendum. The Regions wil in no way be @ component of the amending process 30 that they could lose all their autonomy if two-thirds of Pariement and @ majotty of voters In @ referendum vote for such a ‘change. Likewise there are the two important controling mechanisms, the Constitutional Council and the Devolu- tion Commission. i sovareignty is to be located in his what mightbe defined 8 2 new species of constitution, it ‘might be sald that it resides in those Iwo new institutions. The Centre is ‘ested with the responsibilty of consti Auting the Consttutional Council. t is tis body which in the uttimate instance is vested with the final responsibilty. ‘The whole exercise is reduced to a ‘hulity if ina biracial country, the Centie which has always acted ethni- cally is empowered to choose the majority of the Counci's members. As things siand this is the position and Its against this kind ot clawing back, that the Tamil people have been fighting for 18 years egainst Sinhala majoritarianism. These samo. argu- ments apply to the ccmposition of the Devolution Commission and the co- struction. and compostion of the Supreme Court which at the worst of limes. wil be the handmaiden of the executive, Thus the Chandrika Propo- sels ab Jatio are devoid ot any content of federalism. Neither tha Tamil people nor their leaders can be expected to lead the Tamil peoplo into a cul-de-sac Which gives them with one hand and takes away with the other. Sir Kenneth ‘Wheare might be the ultimate authority {0 give us @ working definition of the terms “federal” and “unitary”. Writing jn 1951 and subsequently reafiimning his views in 1966 in his Modern Consitutons, Sir Kenneth slated sdf @ federal Constitution the legila- tures both of the whoie country and of its parts are limited in their powers and independent ot each other. Consequently they must not be able, Acting alone, to alter the Consltution 0 far at any rate as the cistibution f powers between them is conce- med. They are not subordinate to each other but they must all be ‘subordinate to tho Constitution. If tho Congress of the United States, for ‘example, could alter the Constitution as it chose, it could Jncrease its Powers at the expense of the states, To that extont the statos would be subordinate to the Congress and the Constitution would be unitary, not federal. So also the Congress must not be subordinate to the states... {In the case of S1i Lanka, Parliament is cupreme and can uniaterelly alter the Constitution, So thers is no que- ston of tederalism arising for not merely Partlament but the Constitutio- ‘nal Council, the Devolution Comvris- sion and the Supreme Court are supreme and havo powor over the Regions. It is up to the leaders. of the Tamil people to either buy this Pig in @ poke and risk ell the conseque- noes therefrom or hope for the best and ty and work it-It is @-political decision that needs to be made. Elsewhere in his: Modorn Conatitu- ftons. Sit Kenneth grappled with the same question of determining when io @ Constitution federal and when is it not (p. 86). The principle of a federal gove- mment is: thet powers are divided between a government for the whole ‘country and governments for its parts and that these govemments. are independent of each other within thelr own spheres, It follows from this that the amending process must be -so-designed that neither the ‘central government acting alone nor ‘the constituent govemments alone can altar the division of pawor in the Constituion,ttis usually conside- ted best that some form of ame- ‘ident which involves joint action by the central governments and the constituent govemments. shouid be adopted... 3 Under the Chandrika Proposals, i is clear beyond all reasonable doubt that the Parliament of Sti Lanka is the supreme lecistature and that it can proceed to alter the entire structure ‘of government without the cooperation cf the Regions. making it absolutely lear that Sti Lanka is a unitary state ‘and thal the Recions need not be taken into consideration when the Constitu- tion is amendod. Then there are other provisions in the proposals which make it clear that the Centra is pre-eminent and has not taken regional sensitivitias into consi deration, ‘Subject 47 in the Reserved List (List 1) which is as follows: National Archives and Musouns, ancient and historical monuments, archaeolocical sites and records declared by. law to be of national importance vested in the Centre to the exclusion ‘of the region. As is well known, archaeological mattors have beon the Subject of controvarsy and have been sed as evidencs to affim the Sinhala Postulate that the Sinhalese were the ariginal settlers while the Tamils were the outsiders, interlopors and intruders. If the Centra is so insistent on having Control over this. subject there are altematives for a compromise. The ‘Subject can be placed in the charge of joint Commission comprising en equal number of represeniatives from the Northeast Region and Colombo. could be the only way to avoid {a doacleck on this sensitive question. Likewise Subject 22 In List 1 is a reserved subject. This relales to airports, harbours, ports with internalio- nial transportation, etc. On the face of it, this important subject is by and large in the control of the Centre in any federal system. But Sri Lenka has its-own peculiar problems. Ports for example like Kankasarturai, Palalyand Trincomalee can be declared free zones and be utlized es enother way for the peacaful penetration and colori- zation of Tamil areas with Sinhala labour. When this subject is teken in corjunction with Subject 62 in List 1 which s “industrial Development”, then the implications forthe free movement of labour are far-reaching and open enced. Again the device of Joint Commissions or joint control could be a way out. Paragraph Vil which deals with the subject of the Regional Attorney-Gene- ral leaves much to be dested. Why is this officer appointed by the Gover: ‘nor not even in consultation with the Chief Minister? Wil this officer be used by the Centre to interfere with the constitutionality and legality of regional administration and legislation? Why should not the appeintment be vested in'the Chief Minister and tha Board of Ministers? Is there not a limit to the Centre demanding insidious op- portunities for interfering in regional matters? I the new system is to work without friction or deadlock, it i best thet the flashpoints cited (above) be muted with acceptable compromises. It is better not to be wiser after the event then to think of the dargor points bolore the exercise gets moving. Thus there are four options available to the P.A. government (1) revieo the Chandrika proposals in the light of the enticisms made (2) remain with the same proposal ‘and expect hopefully that these will pass. through. Parliament and Ina referendum (8). aocept the Thondaman Propo- sal to cede control of the Northoast Provinas to the LTTE and work out the modaities (4) Utlse the text of a proposal drewn up by a fim of London solcitors, Bates Wells ard Brai- thwalt atthe request of a group ‘of concemed citizens for Si Lanka in Britain. The proposals was tiled “A Proposal for Pea- ‘ce with a Framework for the Constituiion of the Union of Ceylon”. Dated 20 December 1985 it was delivered to Pres- dent Kumaratunga around this date by @ Mr. Peirs. Nothing further has so far been heard and the assumption is. that it is being considered. The sigrif- cant advance in this proposal is that it has the okay from the Tiger High Command and it could well be a basis for nago- tiations. The Proposal Cortains provisions for a confederel structure cor prising “two states cach being internally autonomous. exter ding to the adoption by each slate ofits own internal constitu: lion as @. g, size and structure of the legisiature, frequency of elections @ (8) fora Contral Council consisting of an equal number of repre- serlatives {rom each state to serve as a channol of communi- cation and coordination be- ween the two Slates. This Council will deal vith foreign affairs, extemal defence and seauily of the Union, monetary policies including maintenance of a common currency and a Central Banik In Shon, the propesal is for a ‘confederated union of two nearly inde pendent states where the most import- ant powers of government, foreign policy, defence and monetary polices are vested in a supra-sovareign Coun- «il. tis such a subsiituts fora sovereign state of Tamil Eelam that the Tiger “High Command has postulated. ‘The Chandrika Proposals and that of Bates, Wells and Braithwaite could well provide the basis for negotiation. In the end, once a constitution is ‘adopted, it will gather a life and ‘momentum cf its own and may indeed transform itself into an institution which its framers never intended it to be. {In Sti Lanka it has become an axiom f polties that neither Sinhalese man nor Temil man tusts the other so thal constitutional framework dosignad to provide autonomy and devolution could well adapt itself to. the prevalent political culture and end up as a tightly knit and centralised instrument. Goo ‘and richly insightful es the Devolution Debate might be, it is a matter for regret that no attempt was made to 100k into the implications of the Consti tutional’ Council, Devolution Com mission and the Supreme Court SUBSCRIPTION RATES Air Mail Canada/USA. USS 65/ for 1 year USS 45/ for 6 months U.K., Germany, New Zealand, Australia, Netherlands, France, Japan, Holland, Phillippines, Austria, Norway, Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland, Nigeria, Belglum, Denmark, Paris, London. USS 55/ for 1 year US$ 85/ for 6 months Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharin, Arabian Gull, ‘Syria, Singapore. USS 45/ for 1 year USS 25/ for 6 months India, Paldstan. US$ 40/ for 1 year USS 22/ for 6 months Local Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs, 150/- for 6 monthsJAPAN : The J R Factor By Nihonjin “Nati verena varani — ‘Sammanti' dha Kuclocanam, Averena ca sammanti— esa dhammo sanalano”. Hatred never cease through hatred in this world; through love alone they cease. This is an elemal law. I Tokihiko, President Japan Si Lanka Business Cooperation Comr- mittoo roforred to tho "historic tative advocating the renunciation of war repa= rations by Japan aiter second world war", H.E.J.R, Jayawardene in 1952 at the Sen Fransico Peace conference quoted the words of the Buddha as above, and ‘appealed to the victors to treat the Japa- ‘nese nation magnanimously. Nordditfall ‘on ceat ears. Thie Incident was referred to many a time during Her Excellancy’s vist to Japan. The unfortunate partis thal our delegation had straight faces, and main- taneda siocesience, when our Japanese friends referred to H. E. J. R. dayawar- dene’ s plaa in 1962. In Confucian circles ‘our attitude would hava been considered ‘iese majesto. The President's visi was aimed at att- racting investment andincreasedassista- ‘nos from Japan. A gesture in the direction ‘of aceapting the noble sentiments ox- pressed in 1858 would have gone along wayinbreaking theice with the Japanese. Japan since 1976 has given Sri Larka the highest per capita aid disbursement in Asia. This is the result of Sri Lanka's historic renunciation of reparation pay- ‘ment at tho San Fransico paace confere- ‘ice. When President Kumaratunga vist ted Japan, and had her Foreign Mirisier ‘sign grant aid and loan ald agreements worth 2,245 milion Yen and 38,438 mik lion Yen the ect on the part of Japan was ‘2 continuation of the positive effort made since 1978. In 1994 when the UNP was in fico, the lan package was 36,415milion Yen. At that time the exchange rate was 80 Yen to the Dollar. To day itis 105 Yen to the Dolla, Therefore Japanese ald fort hes boon consistent. Infact if one Were to look at the Jayawardenepura Hospital grant aid in 1978 to Sri Lanka, when H.E.J.A. Jayawardenopaidactato visit 1o Japan the grant was 8,500 milion ‘Yen, four times the cost of the denial hospital in Kandy. This is not in any way ‘a comparativa study in what Prasident Kumaratunga was abie to get a5 com- pared to PresidentJ. A. Jayawardono, but ‘0 emphasise that Japan has always had at the back of her mind the attitude a small couniry such as Sti Lanka had in 1962, ‘when one of her leaders pleaded win ‘suparpowers to be lenient on a dofeated ration, and at tha same tme waived all claims to reparations, despite being attacked by Japanese war planos. This lack of acknowledgement by the PA leadars of an important landmark in ‘Sri Lanka-Japen relations, would have bbaen noted in Tokyo. Japaneso eociaty fe. govemment, business, cultural sector, work-as an organic whole. Japanese culture demands a closing of ranks when, itcomes to the outside world, Unless one Understands the word "gaiin” in Japano- 88, and the message it conveys to a Japanese mind then one would not get to terms with Japan. The lack of an ‘appreciation of “Nemawashl", the need ‘0 propare the ground, before a plan is broached, was cerlainly claarin the inte- raction between Japanese leaders and ‘our side. Thi is what happened recontiy. ‘Ata time when Si Lankans were playing ducks and drakes with Japanese Compa- Nes that had loaned money or projects here, and to be hauled before courts of law, is one aspect of an adversarial so- ety, the Japanese certainly do not Understand, nor appreciale it. In Japan ‘a dispute is settled behind closed doors, round a table, far from the judiciary, pant culary commercial disputes. Therolore when Endo the Parliamentary Vice Mini- sler of MITI in his speech at the Business Cooperation meeting told our Presidant, “further etfon may be required on the Sri LLanlaa side, and hoped that the Sri Lanka: ‘side would attempt to improve the inva- ‘iment clmale in our Gouniry®, this ‘speaks vounies as far as the Japanese ate concemed in regard to Investment in Sri Lanka. To begin with the Hilton dispute, then the effort by the PA government to hand ‘over to P&O, a Brilish firm paris of the Port of Colombo, which ever since the OE ‘quay was built, was corsistenty financed and built with Japenese sid. | am sure tha Japanese would have appreciated some discussions with them, before we went for Fortune 500 companies, with oss than favourable terms. ‘The Vice Minister would certainly have ‘hadin mind the powercrunchin SriLanka, Ikada tho Chairman of Nippon Koei in 1993 wamed Sr Lanka of the impending power crisis, and advised the bulking of ‘coal fred thermal generation pant, Tho labour scene Is far ftom salsfactory for Japanese investors, On the one hand a Minisier promises to pass as law the workers charter, and on the oiler BO! sources contracict this. Thesa diccardant voices {rom the governmental ranks, will send signals to the Japanese, that al 's rot wall, and good strong govamance = ‘ot the strength of the Srl Lenka side, ‘Then above all, the NE conilict, would have been uppermos' in-theic minds. The Japanese people abhor violence, Alter ‘tha second world war, the peace lobby in Japan is very strong. Japanese bus ess man cautious as they are, wil wal. lf one observes how Japanese inve- ‘stments are pouring in to ASEAN cou nities, end today Vietnam, one ofthemain easons given by them s politcal stabity. Therefore a statamert that we will settle ‘our dspute ourselves, will not make the Japanese bucinossman to change his mind, and as Endo said “Japanese co- mperies gave @ priaily to a guarantee of profs, when planning ‘their inv stents". The instabilty both in gove- ‘tmment policy making, whore decisions ‘are chopped and chanced, and Ministers ‘contradict each other on policy positions, and ganeral inaction all around, with do blu! statistes on inflation, and a restive fabour market, can we expect Japanese investorstocome here. flwereaJapane- se, | would not come,ECONOMICS The Public Distribution System in India: A Few Key Issues Neeraj Kaushal Axcussion, fas son asked. ne jand again by policy makers and ‘social scientists: Ip the public distibution system (PDS} serving the objective for which it was set up? The question bacomes mora important at a time when foodgraine stacks in tho godowns of the Food Comoration of india (FCI) are swelling: with a record 31 milion tonnes in store ard more being procured. There are reports of stocks roting in the open 97 in stores. According to one estimate, over five milion tonnas of wheat and rice have either got rotten or stalon from the FCI godowns during 1891-92 and 1903-04, While the stocks aro cing, ration ‘shopkeeprs are iting much less trom the FCL godowns than belore. Of-take through the public dsirbution system has falen by atleast 92.3 per cent during 1991 to 1994. The irony is while the government has revamped and expa- ‘ded PDS to backward tribal areas cinco 1992, the demand for ration appears {to have fallen. Tho government has also allocated 3.12 million tonnes of foo- grains for these blocks. Assuming that tie revamped PDS is working and the ‘addiional allocations are acivaly being picked up, offtake by ration shops in the rest of the economy would be even lower; over 47 per cent less than in 1991 What Is even more ironical is that tha public is paying far mora for the reduced ‘quantity of raton in the form of direct ‘or indirect taxes. The food subsidy bill Of the government has increased by 82 per cent botween 1991-92 and 1994.95. This has raised two important issues. ‘One, why aren't people purchasing from raion shops? Why are they buying from the maikel at @ higher price, insted? Two, way is the government adding to the existing siocks, when the demand for PDS grains is deoiining? The present stock, witout ary adkitional procure- ment will meet tha next two and a half years of PDS requirements. So why does the govemment not rolaace the excess foodrains In the market, which will at least bring down carrying cost of food stocks? According to the government, the ‘offtake from ration shops has decined because the gap betvreen the ration end market price of foodgrains has narrowed. The explanation, howovar, ie rather weak. In nomal circumstances, the ‘consumer wil buy from ration shop so ‘ong as ration prce is even margnaly lower thon the open market price Unlass, of course, the quaity of ration grains is so poor that i is worth paying Some exira money te get better quality. The real explanation, perhaps, lies alsewhera. Narrowing down of the o2p between the two sels of prices closes ‘a major leak from the PDS. The ration shep ewnor, who is often accused of diverting PDS grains to the open market, fané pocketing the diflerence, may not find t worhwnie indulging in an legal activity ifthe difference between the two is low. ‘Another facior responsible forlow PDS off-ace is that last year, in several parts ‘of the country, the open market price ‘was lowerthan the PDS price, This often happons at harvesttime inthe rural aroas when the mandis are flooded with foodgrains. ut early this year in several urban markets too, including afew places in Delhi, the open market price of foodgralns fel below the PDS price. In ‘other words, far from providing food- grains at a low price to consumers, the Public distribution system artificially raised tho prico by hoarding huge ‘Quantities of wheat and rice and then roloasing thom in rationed quantities at higher prices. Several research studies have shown thet benefits from the PDS hardly ever reach the really poor. A study by Kirt Parikh shows that In the rural areas of four slates, Punjab, Origsa, Bihar and UP, the number of peopie who do not buy from the ration shops at all is as high as 98 per cent. That is, less than ‘two per cent of the people in the rural areas of these siates buy foodgrains from ration shops at al. In the rural ‘areas of Haryana, Madhya Pradosh and Rajasthan less than 10 per cent of the people buy foodgrains from ration shops. ‘The two groups together account for ‘around two thirds af the rural population in the country. The situation is only sighily better in the urban araas. In six states, Punjab, Bihar, UP, Haryana, Rejesthan and Manipur, the number of paople buying anything from ration shope ic lees than 10 per cent. According to Panikh’s study, which is based on information collacted from various National Sample surveys, two states most extensively covered oy tha PDS ate Delhi and Kerala. As many as 87 per cent of the people in Kerala buy part or the whole of their quota ‘fom ration shops. Seventy four per cent of the pamporod Dohiites elso avail of ‘the ration facilty, ‘wnat do the poor get trom POS? A study by 8. M, Jharwal shows that the public distrbution system accounted for only 17.5 per cent of the rice consum- plion ad 11.8 per cent of the wheat consumption of the poor. So who does the puble distibution system actualy serve apa trom a few fortunate people. in a couple of states? Is thero a noxue between the Food Corporation of Inda ‘and raion chop owners? Bosidos, providing food securiy at affordable prices to the consumer, the {goversmant cartes outrrassive procure- ment operaions to gve remuneralve relums to farmers. The huge procure- ment of foodgreins at pre-determined prices, alms! always above te open markt price, by tha goverment hoops the open market. price of foodarains anifcaly high. The biernial exercise of fixing procurement price of wheat ard 7fice has boon used as an important ‘weapon by most poliical parties in power 0 Woo farmers through hefty unwarran- ‘od increases, Thus, although a simall numberof poor get to buy cheap foodgrains from ration shops, the PDS indirectly hurts them by Keeping food- grain prices artifcialy high, This is yet another way to subsidise the farming ‘community, wha baing woll of, is expo- ted to motilise rural votes for the parly in power, Even among farmers, it is the rich Cultivators of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Predoch, the three surplus siates which ontribsle to over 85 per cent of the food procurement by the government, who get the real beneft, Most farmers in the rest of the country in any case have to sell thelr crop in the market It is true the that the policy of high procurement prices is panly responsitie for the conversion of Inda's food dafi- Gient economy to a surplus one. It Is also true that the existing pile of feod- grains with the government will get depleted in case of two successive years ‘of drought So there Is no scope for complacency. However, comfortable size of food reserves and reduced off-tako does provide an opportunity to reverp the public distribution, system, ‘The goverment hes made an attempt fo revamp POS cinco 1902. It has launched a massive programme to crea- {@ edditional infrastructure for the puble distibution system in 1775 Ulccks in Dackward and remote areas afficted by Poor infrastructure, The oficial mearing of fevemp 's an additional 60 paise subsidy per kilo for bot whoat and rice in the revamped blocks. 1! oficial stat- stics are to be believed, over 14,000 ew ration shops have been opened In these areas, As many as 38,64 lal now ralicn cards have been issued in tte tevamped blocks. Schemes to deliver ration at the doorstops of ration shops Ii these blocks have been inated, However, despite low price and ine $0 Called improved infrastructure, ofteke through ration has reduced. This raises an imporant sue: was it worthwhile spending co much on revamping the FOS? Although it is too soon io ciscard the revamped PDS a failure, evaluation work on the effectiveness of PDS In the selected blocks indicate that it ie Rot tco effeciive. A field report by Ngghura Swaminathan on the tavampad PDS in a backward village in Thane district shows that 20 per cent of the people survayed did not possess ration ‘cards. For most households purchases from the fair price shops were infvequent ‘and insufficient in ccmparison wih their needs. In the morth before the aurvey aly one seventh. of the people Dougnt fice or wheat fiom tation shop. The average purchase of foodgrains. par person in the revamped vilage was only ‘95 kg: far less than the siate's average of 24 kg per person. This is despa the substantial price diferance between the raton end the open market price in the vilage during the period. when the survey was undertaken, The main reason for the pocr olf-iake expressed by the consumers Was: insuffelent Supply, specially at a time when the manual daily workers had money. If this 'S the situation in @ block where the fevamped programme is in progress, one con imagine what the sialon would be in other areas, This shows that even the revamped pubic distribution system as & existe is not very effective. The relevance of the normal public distrbuton system also appear to be diminishing, Specially when @ mete 20 per cent of the subsdy for wheat and 19 per of the rice subsidy is actually passed on to the consumer, ‘The Fest of the monay gees inio storaga {and distribution of foodgrains, carried out rather inetticiently by the Food Corpora ion of, India. So PDS needs to be revamped, but not the way the gove- ‘mment has atiempted 10 do so, To bean with, the government should take the following steps: One , it should «allow privale sector to store foodgrains thus ending governmont monepoly over this importani economic activity. At pre- sent, under the Essential Commodities ‘Act the private sector is not allowed to ‘siore more than a certain level The government wil, therefore, have to amend the Act. ‘Two, as storing foodgrains costs mo- ney. the government should impose an Upper limit'on the amount of foodgrains it should store, which may be around 15 millon tonnes. Once the government ‘locks cross 15 milion tonnes, gove- fnment should start selling foodgraine in the open market. This will cut the ‘cod subsidy bill substantially and reduce damage of stored foodgrains. ‘Three, government should decentral- se PDS. Al present, ts entirely central sed. Thre are a few slates which actively parlicipate in PDS. Some even rocure foodgrains. The Centre shoud involve all state governments in this operation. More particularly, panchayats should be involved jn this programme. Panchayate can monitor the functioning of PDS and ensure that the leakage 'S minimal Four, there should be a closer monito- ting of the PDS. Consumer organisations should be asked to do the monitoring, Five, special emphasis should be placed on implementation of revamped POS iin the selected blocks. This would be a test case of whether targeting of PDS i feasible or not. Six, it Is mostly left to tne ration shopkeeper to lift foodgrains whenaver ‘convenient to him. Such an arrangement encourages him fo pick up fooodgrains at irregular periods so that the public have no alternative but buying foodgrains from the market. Tho ration shop owner then gels en easy opportunty to divert focdgrains to the open market and eam a tigher margin. Thee government should increase the commission of ration shop ‘owners, which is really a pittance at the morent, and. impos@ high penalty f he is caught diverting foocgrains to the ‘market. Also, foodarains must reach the shops on specified datos every month to. ensure regular delivery to card holders. Notes: 1. Dasa, Ashok A Dostaitsation policy, Business Stardare, Decomber 6 1934, 2. thas been pointed by several esenomisc, Including Daniwela that procurement tas the fect of risrg the marcet pice of wheat and rico. Soe: V.M. Rao: Beyond Surpluses: FFeod Secunty in Changing Context: Econo ime ard Polial Weekly, Janey 25, 1995. 2. Parlin, ran: Who gots how mich ram PDS? How eifectvaly doco reach the poor India Gani instiute ot Cevelopment leseerc Ail, 1933, 4. Jharwal, S. M: Pubic Distribution System in India: An Empire Study, Bret For Economic Eclters Conference 1996, Ministy of Chil Supates, Consumer ‘tials and Public Distrbuon, 6. Swaminathan, Machure: Revamped PUDKC Distrovton System: A Fleld Repor fram Maharashtra, Economie And” Polical ‘Weekly, Sepiomber 9, 1995. 7. Union Budget 1006-66.Theological bases of social Injustice Tissa Batasurlya Since Just World Trust (JUST) gives a lot of importance to religion in the struggle for a just world, we have decided to publish the following commentary which examines the question of general injustice from a Christian theological perspective. "0 euggest_ even the theme theological bases of social injustice would seein at first sight a contradicion toms, For theology being the study of the Givine-human relationship must necessaiily foster jusiice and loving care for all, as God in Jesus is love. Yet hisiory bears witness to a long unholy aliiance of religion and social injustice. Jesus is a most kind, loving and lovable of parsons, a prophet cructiied {for his stand for truth, justice and respect for the human person. How is it then that Christians, cleiming to be his dis- ciples and propagetors of Fis message, have been among the most intolerant, rapacious, unjust and cruel of peoples during the past 1500 years’ of human history? Asians and Afficans have witnessed ‘over 500 yoars of oxploltaon by the European and North American Chistian pecpies. They were conquered by arrns, ruled despoticaly, their wealth plunderec by Christian victors, their economies transiomed to further enrich the dori rant, their religions despised, their laces of worship destroyed — all inat with a feeling of tiumphant selfighteou- How did this sense of sal-ustfication and evangelizing mission come about? It wes duo to the epiritual motivation and sustenance by the prevalent theolo- gy of the times. Alter the 4ih century, Augustinian Christan anthropology taught that ali humanity was fallen due to the original sia of the universal first parents, Adam and Eve. Their sin, Communicated ty human generation, barred the gates of heaven to all except the baptised. Eternal salvation was possible only through Christ and by membership of the Church. The Christian mission was thus interpratod as-one: of saving the souls of fallen humanity. Tha Chistans (mosty Westerners) had therefore the sacred duty of going to all comers of the world and converting ‘others 10 Chrstianly, For this supreme purpose and service, ® was fiting that the pagens be ruled by Chyistians, if need be by conquest: Hence holy ware, crusaded. Other religions, considered faise, had no rights. Their kdols had to bo dostroyed. Thus, roligious intoloranco had a theological foundation and lar mation. Spirituality Supporting Injustice ‘As the salvation of souls was the supreme goal of tha Church, what was imporant in spitualty was the spread of the goepol. For this social injustice could be tolerated, sometimes even Denefted from. Since the poweril Chris= tians wore White, this meant a sanctified White domination of otner races. To racial oppression was added social and gender discrimination. Heliness of lle was in obedience tothe Churcn authority and laws. Thus feudalism and slavery were long tolerated. The injustices of ‘epitaiszm and coloniatsm were not seriously opposed for centuries by most thaologans and church leaders. ‘Since males were d8 facto dominant In eociety, they affirmed and confirmed their supariorty in the religious sphere too. Theology was developed in such a way thet the male was considered closer to the divine ‘than the female. Woman wes presentedas weeker, temp- tess andinferior to man. An androcentre and anthropocentric ew of the universe egected Nature that supports human. ‘existence on earth. ‘This paraciom of a domination theolo- ‘gy and spintuality prevailed end was ‘enforced in tho Christian churchos to ‘our times from the 4th century Constanti- nian conversion of the Church and the Roman empire to each other. Even in modern times the thinkers who tied to rethink Chdstianity in relation to the ceriginal massage of Jesus were repre- sed by the theclogical esiabishment of the Catholic Church. Thus, almost all the grat theologians who led in the renewal of the Church at Valican Il had previously boon cupprosced or silancod by the Roman authontias. Renewal Thanks to the initiative of good Pooe John XXil, the Second Vatican Counci (1962-1965) endeavoured to change this thinking and practice in the Catnollc Church towards @ more open, tolerant and participative communion ard co- ‘mmurity. The mission of the Church was ‘othought ae tho tranaformalion of human society 0 be more faithful to the values taught by Jesus. The goal of the Church was intorproted as the bringing about of the kingdom of God on earth by a ‘ule of righteousness. Social justice was deemed integral to the gospal of Jesus and the Ghuren’s mission, During the 1960s ard 1970s, efforts were made throughout the world te bring bout @ transtormation of the Church towards this renewed understanding of the gospel. Many Christians participated In the movements for social reform in all the continents, Theology itself was developed in Europa ard North America towards a more tolerant framework of fteadom and justica. Liberation theologies were developed ppaiticularly in the Southem Continents, Tho Blacks, boginning from North Ameri- a, retlected on the gospel in terms of Black liberation from White domination, a‘The women’s movements tock their struggle for equal dignity and rights to the theological sphere also. Asian theolo. 9Y searches fulther for inter-religous understanding and glebal justice. Allthese groups questioned the earlier dominant paracigm of theclogy and its ‘assumptions and consequencses. They ‘built up new synthases of Christian thinking that could be in open dialogue with other religions, and related actively to issues of gender and social justice Thus, Chiisianspanicipate aotwely in liboration movements as.in Nicaragua, South Africa and the Phiippinas, as well as in the liberation movements of Blacks and women. The spread of euch teaching and praxis was seen as a danger to the fuing establishment in sociely and the church. Hence from the mid-197¢s or 80 there has been a counter effort to Provent the spread of such trends. A ‘Sort of restoration was attemptod from the later years of Fope Paul VI (1963-1978). This trend gained ascende- ‘icyin the Catholic Church in some areas of Church lfe during the present pontit= ate, Pope Joan Paul Il took a stong stand agains Communism, especially in his native Poland, and supports justice in his universal massages. However, there ere conservatve trends being ‘tfirmed conceming the need to convert the whole world to Christianity. Some authorties in te Vatican ate trying to ‘stem the tide of reform in the Church, ‘Thay have the advantage of the appoi- ‘himent of bshops throughout the word, Changing Fortunes of Christianity In the Wester counties, the growth Of secularism is leading to a progressive lunchurching of people. The numbers who frequert the church services in mos! Of Europe is less than 10% of the Populaiion considered to be Christan, The clergy is aging; their number is declining rapidly; seminaries are being closed down or regrouped in clusters due fo @ severe drop in vocations. The ‘mainine churches have very few naw foreign missionaries trom Western coun- tries. Even traditionally Catholic Poland and ireland are manifesting that they no lenger take their pullics and even to ‘moral norms from the Church hicrarchy, as recent electoral trends and referenca show. On, the other and, the renewing churches or Christian groups are vibrant In several Asian and Afiican countries. They are developing theologies that are ‘more respectful of the. other religions, that inspire social justice and gender equality and the care of nature. They ‘work with peoples’ movements that want an alternative approach to economy that is presenty dominated by the TNCs and the interational agercies like the IMF, ‘World Bank and the World Trade Organi zation (WTO). Asian Chvistian dialogue wih the other religions is leading to a radical rethinking ‘of the presuppositions ‘0! the earler Excessive dependence on the State for every lead in development curtal- led initiatives of the people. Obses- 14 sive preoccupation with State and ‘organised Private. Sector capital avoumulation, as the driving torce in economic progress, resulted in neglecting the capacity of the poor themselvés contribute to the accu. mulation process directly. Concen- tration on. incustialisaton/moder- Fisation, as the dominant perackgm of development, created dualities in the systom and’ wide gaps batwoon, rural and urban levels of living as Well as further polarisation within these areas. The poor, wherever they lived, faced the worst conse- ‘quences of thess processes, In making an overall assessment of the results of the adaptations made to “conventional” develo- pment wisdom. by South Asian ‘countries, however, there is evide- ee of a positive side, albeita limited fone, a¢ far as the poor are concer- ed. These posiive effects are; a) some of the benelits did trickle down to the poor in areas where there was a systematic empha- ais on agricultural development and ood productions; ) Ina few South Asian countrios, oF States wilhin countries, where thete was consistent investment in social development programs, significant level of human dovolopment was achieved, even by the poor, at low levels of income; and 6) Where massive financial resou- feas were avaiable and the bureaucracy was committed ard efficient, poverty was ameliora- ted through the “delivery of inputs” to the poor in selected Sectors and areas. Hovrever, mere continuation of the conventional development pattem with marginal variations, greater efficlenay in achieving these limited gains and ad-hoe consultation with the poor in the name of perticpation would not be adequate to reverse tho process of poverty reproduc ‘The sheer magnitude and complex- 'y of tha task should not be undor- estimated. ‘A closer look into the exoeriences ‘on the ground points to a number of common and specific lessons on what has been achieved through ‘social mobilisation and participation of the poor in development. The lessons and achievements include the following; a) Building organisations of the oor is an essential prerequisite ‘or poverty alleviation. Through ‘these organisations, the poor ‘can save and invest efficiently. b) Empowerment of the poor is the means to poverty. eradication. Through empowerment, tha Poor can also assert the right 1 resources intended for tham and enhance thelr dignity end self respect. ©} Poor women can effectivaly ‘overcome: their double burden ‘through the same process. d) ‘Tho nood for sensitive suppor mechanisms to catalyse the process of social mobilisation. ‘Anew kind of animatorffaciitator who is identified with the poor ‘committed to poverty eredi- cation need to be a part of these support mechanisme. 8) Participatory monitoring and evaluation have to be built into the process, so that sall-correcti- ve ection can take place as the process evolves. Having read this document, Prema- dasa made it his own, and began a crusade in SAARC Sumi to appeirt an independent South Asia Commis- sion on poverty alleviation. Tho torms oF reference required the members of the commission, to clearly dagnose what went wrong with past etiempls at povery alleviation, draw the positive lessons from the giound, where the poor have been mobilised to contribute to eccnomic growth, and human dove: lopment, and finally to identify the Citical elements, in a coherent overall strategy of poverty alleviaiion in South Asia. There was a realisation that just 5 poverty eradication was a sine quo Fon to bud @ market in a country, the same held good for the SAARC region. Premadasa became the guiding light behind this program in SAARC dircles. While executing Janasaviya at home, ne coaxed nis South: Asian colleagues that th bilion mass market in South Asia would bea reality, ipoveny alleviation, in the way he had accepted it was implemented. At tho Dhaka Summit Promadasa had his colleagues accept the action plan. The SAARC Heads of State decision, made 8 mejor “politcal” commitment end established the “ownership” of a culturally relevant strategic. thrust for moving towards Growth, susanable human cevelop- Tent and greater equity in the South Asian Region. It was recognised that the two parallel strategies — the Pro Poor and the Open. Economy — which have shorter and longer time frames tespe- tively, would need to be harmonised a8 fat a8 possible right from the begining, as the two processes evo- Ive. Bolh ‘strategies would need to be equally vigorously pursued i these counties were to respond to the mullsfaceted crisis facing them. The implementation of these strate- gies would require drawing on the mary stocks of knowledge — traditio- nal ard modem — which was available to South Asian courtres and gave roster tachnological choice. A great deal of research support, using inntove- five interdisciplinary social science, giving modern’ sciantific validation to {radilonal technology, acon research methodologies, capacity building and the effectve ‘utlisation of existin research rasuits would be required, i the goals of growth, human develop ment _and poverty eracication are to be achieved within a reasonable time frame. This mor complex dovelop- ment response was also. pre-requisite for the rult-cutural and mutt-ethnic societies which are becoming unmana- geable, and for the consolidation. of the democratic transtomations which are underway in South Asia, Moro specially, the ation plan of, the SAARC Heads of State required that; + Each SAARC country craw up a national Pro-Poor Plan in_porallol wih the Open Economy Strategy at tha macro level and intiata.a Social Mobilisation process at the micro level, for eradication of the worst forms of poverty within a ten year period. This Pro-Poor Plan is based on the assumpton thet the poor are efficient and can contibute to growth. The greater part of the poor do not nead to he passive recipients of relief, wolfaro or social safety nels. ~ As the parallel Open Economy and Poverty Eradication strategies evol- Vo over diferont timo horizons th have to be harmorised, to permit mulual reinforcement and to prevent further sharpening of the cortra- dictions in Society. - The experience gained and _pro- grass achieved with Pro-Poor Pran- Tiing and the micto level Social Mobilisation that goes with it, should bo sharad among the SAARG coun- ties in a process of experimental leaming. Progress will be reviewed at subsequent SAARC sumrrits. - A new dialogue should be opened with ‘donor Organisations/Gove- mments, 50 that they could create an enabing inierrational. aimes- phere that is supportive of this overly eradication. strategy in South Asia. Premadasa was deeply troubed about tho way tho animators wore losing enthusiasm in the entite poverty alleviation program. The bureaucratiza- tion of the program, end the dominance of government in this pro-poor efforts, His vision was to create the exact ‘opposite, where the poor would be the subject, and not the government, Thus by 1893 he wos wrestling with ideas, ‘on bringing back the early enthusiasm that animated the Million Houses Pro- gram. He thought of invoving SAARC jn our national program would be a way out. But he had to contend with the establishment, used as it was to aceapted norms of behaviour oblivious ‘of Premadase’s phrase “What we need is not 0 much answers to our old question, we must stand to question Our dd answer’. Just as he found out that there were superhuman hurdles in the poltical field, to have his ways of thinking, and Govemance accepted, he found that the well to do in society Were not commited. in. making. the proper pdliey work It was useless faking of big investor, smell producer, unless the small producer, produced a product that wes saleable, packaged and presented for a market. That ingut was lacking. The man who had masto- red the art of selling a politcal. product was being stumped by inflexible atttu- des, and material mores, How does one hamess the collective gerius of a people. If wo do, wo will Blow the competition way. BOOKS Colombo: A Novel By Carl Muller. Delhi: Penguin Books, 1995, 481 pp. Reviewed by Robert Siegle Deparenen of Engh, Univers of Peden. ‘ari Mullers big novel about the city of Golembo lives a life akin lo that of iis frst chapter's protagonists, a pait_of strugaling young pecple vino meet “Under the Umbrella” to kiss: and pet. The hawkers, porverts, children, and miscelanecus passers-by see them in their very public porch on Gallo Face Green, each thirking a different ju- cegment, no doubt, 25 they maintain the CGouble focus upon each other and upon ‘the world watching them. And | imag ‘Muller siting on these pages, very publically “under the umbrella” with the Gity he clearly loves aware that those who pass through its pages as readers will have ary number of say about his Passionate collage of Colombo's past and present realities, ‘And | mean “passionate” in both ts sexual registers — Muller insists his city has a sex tlle even if t Isnt always preity 10 poctray — and its metaphoric ‘sense, Muller has raided the storahouse ‘Of BOOKS, cards, posters, and advertising 6