Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction
Moving the UN in the light of a US perspective
Arguments for movement to other locations
Arguments based on moving the UN HQ to the Baghdad Green Zone
Earlier proposals for relocation
Moving the United Nations into cyberspace and into virtual reality
Revisiting an argument variously presented previously (Merits of Moving the UN HQ to Baghdad, April 2003;
Build the Wall -- Move the UN HQ? United Nations principles are not consistent with "America First", January 2017).
Aspects of the argument have subsequently been further developed (Jerusalem as a Symbolic Singularity, 2017).
Introduction
The recently elected President of the United States of America, Donald Trump, has made the historic decision to move the US Embassy
in Israel to Jerusalem. This highly controversial initiative offers an unprecedented opportunity to reframe the Middle East peace process
and the highly problematic relations between Israel and Palestine, originally engendered by the United Nations in envisaging its own
administration of Jerusalem as a corpus separatum. These relations have a particular focus in the symbolic status of Jerusalem for the
Abrahamic religions. Provision for such a relocation had originally been made by the Jerusalem Embassy Act passed by the 104th
Congress of the US (23 October 1995).
The controversial implications of the Judeo-Christian recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel -- highly contested by those of
Muslim faith around the world -- can be fruitfully reframed by a counter-intuitive balancing strategy with its own symbolic significance.
It is of course impractical to move the United Nations Headquarters to Jerusalem itself. The spatial, political and logistic issues are
already far too complex.
It is however possible to move the UN Secretariat to a location in the immediate vicinity of Jerusalem -- effectively to a "suburb" on
its periphery in the West Bank, or even in Jordan -- enabling various access corridors consistent with the geopolitical situation. Much of
that area is now under Israeli control, or else under joint Israeli-Palestinian Authority control -- with the final status yet to be determined
by the parties concerned. Although seemingly with their own challenges, any such location would have particular advantages as variously
perceived by Israelis, Palestinians or Jordanians -- whether or not these perceptions are in contradiction with one another. For the
Abrahamic religions, for example, it is through the promise of the land to Abraham that "all the nations of the earth shall be blessed"
(Genesis 22:18). Given the symbolic role claimed for Jerusalem, the association of such a relocation of the UN with "Next year in
Jerusalem" (L'Shana Haba'ah) is consistent with a common theme in Jewish culture -- the desire to return to a rebuilt Jerusalem.
In contrast with the rapidly escalating security and logistical challenges of reaching the UN via New York airports, the new Amman
Airport has been recognized by the Airport Council as the best airport in the Middle East. The distance between Jerusalem and Amman is
only 72 km. The proposed location of the UN HQ could well be closer to the centre of Jerusalem than will prove to be feasible for the
relocation of the US Embassy to "Jerusalem". Monorail links could be readily envisaged in order to reframe territorial issues.
For the United Nations, as a symbol of world peace, where does the UN HQ need to be? Where does it need not to be? Where does
it need to be in the light of what it stands for -- now and in the future? Can the UN afford to be perceived as a "back-seat driver" when
the challenges are elsewhere? Is the UN Security Council to be seen as cultivating the legitimacy and resolution of drone pilots
courageously directing their social transformation projects from afar -- irrespective of any collateral damage?
In the earlier argument, made prior to the full implications of the UN-sanctioned intervention in Iraq, it was speculatively suggested that
the HQ of the UN should be moved to the Green Zone in Baghdad (Merits of Moving the UN HQ to Baghdad (April 2003). With minor
amendments, the text of that argument has been included below, since many of the associated points remain of relevance.
It has been alleged that the United Nations could be asked to move its headquarters out of New York within two years if the new
Republican-dominated Congress has its way (Masood Haider, US Congress bill proposes relocation of UN HQ, Dawn, 25 January 2017).
Where might the UN HQ be more appropriately located -- given that the Green Zone argument is no longer relevant? Should it be
reintegrated with the HQ of its predecessor in Geneva -- the Palace of Nations of the League of Nations? This has served as the home of
the United Nations Office at Geneva since 1946. The UN continues to hold meetings there and has a range of secretariat functions there.
In 2012 alone, the Palace of Nations hosted more than 10,000 intergovernmental meetings. However the UN may also choose to move
from there (Aliyah Esmail, The UN in Geneva: will they stay or will they go? Devex, 25 August 2015).
A number of advantages of relocating the UN HQ are noted below. Beyond the symbolic advantage, matching the Judeo-Christian
recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, is the particular advantage of the location on the outskirts of Jerusalem given the
relatively soluble logistic and political issues. Insights have been provided by experience in other divided cities. The fact that a proportion
of the personnel of the UN Regional HQ in Geneva travel daily from France is an indication of possibilities.
Especially interesting would be exploring feasibility for those living in Israel, Jordan or Palestine in travelling to offices located in the
West Bank or Jordan -- however close to Jerusalem proves feasible. There is even the symbolically significant possibility of locating UN
offices on a contested border with entrances from several sides. Located where the Swiss, French and German borders meet, the city of
Basel also has suburbs in France and Germany. The organization of the central railway station addresses a number of issues relevant to
3-way travel and border control.
Whilst any suggestion to move the UN HQ is in many respects "outrageous", it should not be forgotten that the current period is one of
outrage -- whether as articulated by Donald Trump, by those who oppose him. Similar concerns have been articulated by the Occupy
Movement -- as an international sociopolitical movement against social inequality and lack of "real democracy" around the world, with the
primary goal being to advance social and economic justice and new forms of democracy. Its preoccupations were remarkably framed by
Stéphane Hessel (Time for Outrage! 2010).
It could be said that Donald Trump has succeeded to date through being "outrageous" -- as with the proposal to recognize Jerusalem as
the capital of Israel . The Occupy Movement could be accused of "not being outrageous enough" -- as with the massive "movement of
resistance" in opposition to the policies he has articulated. Ironically the US Ambassador to the UN declared during an emergency
meeting of the Security Council following the decision to move the US embassy to Jerusalem that that organization "has outrageously
been one of the world's foremost centres of hostility towards Israel" (Jerusalem: Trump's envoy Haley berates 'outrageous UN hostility',
BBC News, 8 December 2017). Moving the UN could be one example of appropriate initiatives in response to those in process of
implementation by the USA. Others could be considered, as discussed separately (Responding outrageously to the outrageous, 2017).
In terms of political credibility, those critical of the current US proposal to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel are likely to favour
relocation of the UN to its immediate neighbourhood -- despite having been previously indifferent to any such move at all.
In a time of great stress, suspicion and uncertainty, it would constitute a visible manifestation of the concrete commitment to the
challenges of the Middle East and the regional peace process
It would shift the centre of gravity of the international community from the North and help to provide a bridging function to the
impoverished populations of Africa and Asia
For the most representative body of "We the Peoples...", Baghdad and the Tigris-Euphrates region is a natural symbolic location,
embodying a deep cultural heritage as the cradle of human civilization
It would help focus the reconstruction of Iraq and prevent the conflict from becoming a long-lasting symbol of the failures of the
international community and the UN itself
It would creatively position the UN in relation to nation-building in the post-Saddam era in Iraq and offer a stabilizing focus for the
Middle East
It would provide a catalytic role for new thinking in the Arab world
It would reduce the infrastructure costs of a UN administration already faced with budgetary challenges at its current location in
New York
The many costly public buildings and complexes constructed by the Saddam regime in Baghdad should offer many possibilities
for a UN Secretariat, which might even benefit significantly from a lateral rather than vertical disposition of offices, especially
when interspersed by gardens; their use by the UN would help to justify the resources devoted to such sumptuous buildings
It would shift the UN from a country whose government has publicly expressed little regard for it, and has no need of it, to a
region where its potential can be more effectively explored through other cultural frameworks
The possibilities of participation in UN processes from the South, and from transition countries, would be increased by the shift in
geographic location, which would also reduce the travel expenses for many
It would require the UN to adopt a more networked organizational style, more in keeping with the requirements of the 21st
century
It would constitute a real challenge to those Secretariat personnel who may have become overly habituated to the comforts of the
Manhattan setting and a "developed-world" mindset
It would increase the representativity at UN meetings, notably of civil society bodies from the South, especially by reducing the air
travel security constraints requiring invasive body searching of suspects on entry to the USA
It would reduce the strain on the security systems of the USA currently faced with the challenge of so many dubious visitors
from countries acknowledged to be hotbeds of terrorist sympathizers
It would offer a construction opportunity to multinational corporations desiring to contribute prestigiously to participation in the
Iraqi nation-building process, and perhaps frustrated by the priority given to contractors from countries more closely associated
with the USA
At a time when the reputation and role of the UN is being called into question, such a move would position the UN more centrally
and visibly in relation to the challenges of a developing world that still looks to it for hope
It would reduce the security threat to UN delegates and personnel, given the authoritative indications of US intelligence agencies,
that the USA (and New York in particular) is under increasing threat of terrorist attack
The Secretariat building is in need of major renovation and is severely constrained for space, notably to house civil society bodies
(see below). It is also a major cause of traffic problems in New York City. The UN's Capital Master Plan could usefully envisage
construction of a new complex in Baghdad rather than having to envisage alternative space whilst renovation takes place.
Moving the United Nations into cyberspace and into virtual reality
There is a case for recognizing the opportunities offered by augmented reality and virtual reality now that widespread release of virtual
reality headsets and smartglasses is expected within a year or so, if not in the coming months. The technology is predicted to develop
very rapidly thereafter and will naturally be integrated into the so-called internet of things (Blake J. Harris, How the United Nations is
using Virtual Reality to tackle Real-World Problems, Fast Company, December 2015)
Denial of the relevance of cyberspace? Consideration of any movement of the HQ of the UN to another physical location on the globe
may now be seen as a denial of the global nature of that organization -- given the remarkable developments in information technology
fundamental to a knowledge-based civilization.
There is clearly a case for a new approach to the issues of physical location in relation to the issues of physical access -- especially in the
light of controversial issues of travel bans, visas, security, and the associated costs. In addition to those considerations there is a strong
case for a review of the efficiencies and inefficiencies of assembly for both statutory purposes and for debate on substantive issues --
especially those relating to communication between representatives of large numbers of countries. At what stage do the inefficiencies
outweigh the value of such events -- as is frequently asked with respect to UN and other "summits"?
Necessity of face-to-face interaction? Of further concern are the highly sensitive issues associated with protocol, precedence and
status, and the value variously attached to face-to-face contact -- especially by some cultures and as an essential feature of diplomacy.
These issues are compounded by those of participation by those recognized as observers, of non-UN bodies, or by representatives of
civil society bodies (or their exclusion). The situation and the possibilities have been extensively reframed by the role of social media in
bypassing procedures previously required by the United Nations.
Reform of the UN reframed by developments in information technology: Clearly there is a case for exploring the feasibility of
relocating many UN functions into cyberspace, since many already depend to a high degree on internet communication and web
conferencing, notably as a means of reducing the cost of access and increasing the feasibility of participation of remote parties. It is far
from clear how assiduously such possibilities have been explored in relation to the decades-long, fruitless debate on reform of the United
Nations (General Analysis on UN Reform: key documents, articles, Global Policy Forum; Security Council Reform, Center for UN
Reform Education; The United States Doesn't Want to Reform the U.N. Security Council, Foreign Policy, 29 September 2015).
Over that period the use of information technology within meetings, including statutory meetings, has increased to the point at which it
would be unusual for participants not to be making use of such facilities -- if only for voting.
With respect to the problematic issue of statutory meetings, many aspects were previously highlighted (The Challenge of Cyber-
Parliaments and Statutory Virtual Assemblies, 1998). Curiously the central issue relates to the perceived need for physical co-presence,
however this is rationalized. The question is how to balance that need -- to see and be seen -- against the highly problematic inefficiencies
of such gatherings in an increasingly problematic sociopolitical environment.
Clearly the technology enabling virtual gatherings in cyberspace has developed considerably over the past decade with respect to:
virtual worlds, most notably as massively multiplayer online world (MMOW), namely as computer-based simulated environment
populated by many users variously able to develop it individually or collectively
command centres and situation rooms, most notably to centralize communications for complex strategic decision-making
(especially for military purposes as "war rooms")
web conferencing (as mentioned above), most notably as web casting and webinars.
immersive virtual reality, and its increasingly widespread availability
transformation from text-based (and spreadsheet) social and knowledge organization to forms increasingly oriented to visual
effects and sonification
Transformation: The last of these suggests that "reform" of the UN might be better explored as a "transformation" with implications for
variable geometry involving alternation between a variety of variously comprehensible forms. Indications of possibilities include:
Alternation between Variable Geometries: a brokership style for the United Nations as a guarantee of its requisite variety (1985)
A Singable Earth Charter, EU Constitution or Global Ethic? (2006)
Spherical Accounting: using geometry to embody developmental integrity (2004)
Towards Polyhedral Global Governance: complexifying oversimplistic strategic metaphors (2008)
Dynamic Transformation of Static Reporting of Global Processes: suggestions for process-oriented titles of global issue reports
(2013)
However these are enabled in cyberspace and virtual reality, they constitute a transition from the planar thinking associated with
architecture on 2D real estate to an embodiment of multidimensionality consistent with global thinking, as may be variously argued
(Irresponsible Dependence on a Flat Earth Mentality -- in response to global governance challenges, 2008; Adhering to God's Plan in a
Global Society, 2014). Arguably it is such a transformation which would enable the UN to engage meaningfully and comprehensibly with
the complexities and paradoxes of increasing surreality epitomized by the strategic changes heralded by Donald Trump.
Key issues: Given such developments, the questions are:
which UN functions could be more appropriately relocated to cyberspace, in order to be more fruitfully enabled in that
environment
how any need for face-to-face plenary assembly by UN bodies could be considered on an ad hoc basis, given the extensive
conference environments in cities around the world. Use of multiple locations could address criticism of bias relating to assembly
at a single location (as at present with respect to New York).
how UN plenary communications could achieve wider appreciation through web casting
how UN secretariat functions could be appropriately dispersed, given the possibility of using multiple locations for distinctive
purposes, however communications between them are enabled and integrated by internet communications and web conferencing
Lack of critical self-reference: In considering such possibilities, it is appropriate to note how they are neglected in relation to the
active involvement of the UN in discussions of cybersecurity (most notably under pressure from the USA):
The UN, Cyberspace and International Peace and Security (UNIDIR, 5 October 2016)
Cyber Security and the Coming Failure of the UN's Group of Governmental Experts (Relations International: global politics,
security, 31 August 2016)
The UN and Cyberspace Governance (Observer Research Foundation, 1 February 2014)
U.S. makes new push for global rules in cyberspace (Politico, 5 May 2015)
U.N. body agrees to U.S. norms in cyberspace (Politico, 7 September 2015)
The 2015 GGE Report: What Next for Norms in Cyberspace? (Lawfare, 23 September 2015)
The United Nations and Cyberwarfare (Global Risk Advisors, 28 September 2016)
There would seem to be an extensive effort to apply modalities of the past to cyberspace governance, without considering how global
governance might itself be informed by the technologies in question (Vigorous Application of Derivative Thinking to Derivative
Problems, 2013). Such failure may be central to the process whereby the UN renders itself irrelevant to the future. Other possibilities are
implied by such as:
UN chief takes to cyberspace for global conversation with public (UN News Center, 13 September 2011)
How Cyberspace Is at the Leading Edge of Global Change: what can cyberspace teach us about managing the world's political
crises? (The Diplomat, 25 February 2016)
The United Nations -- ripe for reform under Antonio Guterres (Euronews, 13 October 2016)
Net Politics: can UN peacekeeping enter the Digital Age? (Council on Foreign Relations, 2 July 2015)
Law of War 2.0: Cyberwar and the Limits of the UN Charter (Global Policy, 4 October 2011)
Jan-Frederik Kremer and Benedikt Müller: Cyberspace and International Relations: theory, prospects and challenges (Springer,
2013)
The latter notes:
That politics have been moved from closed rooms and assemblies to social media is a challenge not just for states but also for the
UN and other multilateral organizations (p. 155)
By contrast no mention is made of the enabling possibilities of cyberspace for the UN in the argument of Jeffrey Sachs (3 reforms the
UN needs as it turns 70, World Economic Forum, 24 August 2015).
Relocating the UN to Jerusalem? The cyberspace possibilities of United Nations "relocation" acquire considerable relevance following
the recent executive order of Donald Trump banning the travel of citizens of some Muslim countries to the USA and his declared
intention to transfer the US embassy to Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem -- a holy city for Muslims. Both measures are recognized as
likely to provoke a mobilization of Arab countries (Pinhas Inbari, Can the Palestinians Mobilize the Arab World on the U.S. Embassy
Issue? Jerusalem Issue Brief, 1 February 2017; Muslim-majority countries show anger at Trump travel ban, The Guardian, 30 January
2017).
Given the nature of the controversy and the associated symbolism, there is then a case for a cyberspace reframing of the proposals for
the relocation of the United Nations HQ to Jerusalem, as indicated above (Eugene Bird, The UN can bring peace to Jerusalem by moving
its headquarters there Mondoweiss, 3 November 2014; Paco Underhill, A Modest Proposal: Move the UN from NY to Jerusalem,
WritersReps; Americans Thrilled as United Nations Headquarters to be Moved to Israel, The MidEast Beast, 2017).
Clearly any such "relocation" in cyberspace terms would be quite distinct from that which might be imagined with respect to physical
architecture and real estate. There are however multiple possibilities to be explored in terms of distributed institutional, communication
and knowledge "architectures" -- irrespective of the physical implications which could well be of a purely symbolic nature.
Time for the UN to be relocated "into the cloud" ? "Virtual reality" may indeed enable unsuspected "virtues" in engaging with the
dynamics of geopolitical "reality".
Two-state negotiation? Reality, realpolitik, surreality, hyperreality and quantum superposition
Following the decisions by the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly (December 2017) regarding the status of Jerusalem,
this section has been transferred to a separate document where the argument has been further developed (Jerusalem as a Symbolic
Singularity: comprehending the dynamics of hyperreality as a challenge to conventional two-state reality, 2017).
Revisiting "death ground" strategy?
As noted above, the argument has been further developed (Jerusalem as a Symbolic Singularity: comprehending the dynamics of
hyperreality as a challenge to conventional two-state reality, 2017).
References
As noted above, the references are presented separately (Jerusalem as a Symbolic Singularity: comprehending the dynamics of
hyperreality as a challenge to conventional two-state reality, 2017).
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
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