Pacific Sociological Association

Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position

Author(s): Herbert Blumer
Source: The Pacific Sociological Review, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Spring, 1958), pp. 3-7
Published by: University of California Press
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Volume 1
Number1
3e Revulew
pacicSocitoOgcat Spring
1958
OfficialJournalof the PacificSociologicalSociety

RACE PREJUDICEAS A SENSE OF GROUP POSITION*

HERBERT BLUMER
ofCalifornia,
University Berkeley

In thispaper I am proposingan approachto thestudy ogists,and tendsto be predominantly thecase in thework

of raceprejudicedifferent fromthatwhichdominatescon- of sociologists.
temporary scholarly thought on thistopic.Mythesisis that Unfortunately, thiscustomary wayofviewingraceprej-
race prejudiceexistsbasicallyin a senseof groupposition udiceoverlooksand obscuresthefactthatraceprejudiceis
ratherthanin a setoffeelings whichmembers ofone racial fundamentally a matterof relationshipbetween racial
group have toward the members of another racial group. groups.A littlereflective thoughtshouldmakethisvery
This different of
way viewing race prejudice shifts study clear. Race prejudicepresupposes, necessarily, thatracially
and analysis from a with as
preoccupation feelings lodged prejudiced individuals think of themselves as belongingto
in individuals to a concern with the relationship of racial a given racial It
group. means,also, that theyassign to
groups. It also shifts scholarlytreatment away from indi- other racial groups those against whom theyare preju-
viduallinesofexperience andfocusesinterest onthecollec- diced.Thus,logicallyand actually,a schemeofracialiden-
tiveprocessby whicha racial groupcomesto defineand tification is necessaryas a framework forracialprejudice.
redefineanotherracial group.Such shifts,I believe,will Moreover,suchidentification involvestheformation ofan
yield a more realistic and penetrating of
understanding image or a conception of one's own racial group and of an-
race prejudice. other racial group,inevitably in terms of the relationship
Therecan be littlequestionthattherathervastliterature of such groups.To fail to see thatracial prejudiceis a
on raceprejudiceis dominated bytheidea thatsuchpreju- matter(a) oftheracialidentification madeof oneselfand
dice existsfundamentally as a feelingor set of feelings ofothers,and (b) ofthewayinwhichtheidentified groups
lodgedin theindividual.It is usuallydepictedas consisting are conceivedin relationto each other,is to misswhatis
offeelingssuchas antipathy, hostility, hatred,intolerance, logicallyand actuallybasic. One shouldkeep clearlyin
and aggressiveness. Accordingly, the task of scientific in- mindthatpeoplenecessarilycometo identify themselves
quiry becomes two-fold. On one hand, there is a need to as belonging to a racial group; such identification is not
the
identify feelings which make up race prejudice--to see spontaneous or inevitable but a result of experience.Fur-
howtheyfittogether and howtheyare supported by other ther, one must realize that the kind of picturewhicha ra-
psychologicalelements, such as mythical beliefs. On the cial group forms of itself and the kind ofpicturewhichit
otherhand,thereis needof showinghowthefeelingcom- may formof othersare similarlyproductsof experience.
plex has come intobeing.Thus, some scholarstracethe Hence,suchpicturesare variable,just as thelinesofexpe-
complexfeelingsback chieflyto innatedispositions;some riencewhichproducethemare variable.
traceit to personality composition, such as authoritarian The body of feelingswhichscholars,today,are so in-
personality; and others regard the feelingsof prejudice clinedto regardas constituting thesubstanceofracepreju-
as beingformedthroughsocial experience.Howeverdif- dice is actuallya resultant ofthewayin whichgivenracial
ferentmay be the contentions regardingthe make-upof groupsconceiveof themselves and of others.A basic un-
racial prejudiceand the way in whichit may come into derstanding of race prejudicemustbe soughtin theproc-
existence, thesecontentions are alikein locatingprejudice ess by whichracialgroupsformimagesofthemselves and
in the realmof individualfeeling.This is clearlytrueof ofothers.Thisprocess,as I hopeto show,is fundamentally
theworkofpsychologists, psychiatrists,and socialpsychol- a collectiveprocess.It operateschieflythroughthepublic
* Read at thededicationof theRobertE. Park Building,Fisk mediain whichindividuals whoare acceptedas thespokes-
University,March, 1956. men of a racial group characterize publiclyanotherracial
Spring1958 3

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group.To characterize anotherracialgroupis, by opposi- claimsis exceedingly strongin raceprejudice.Again,how-
tion,to defineone's owngroup.This is equivalentto plac- ever,thisfeelingevenin combination withthe feelingof
ing thetwo groupsin relationto each other,or defining superiority and thefeelingof distinctiveness does notex-
theirpositionsvis-d-vis each other.It is thesenseofsocial plain race prejudice.Thesethreefeelingsare presentfre-
positionemergingfromthiscollectiveprocessof charac- quentlyin societiesshowingno prejudice,as in certain
terizationwhichprovidesthebasis of race prejudice.The formsoffeudalism, in casterelations, in societiesofchiefs
following discussionwillconsiderimportant facetsofthis and commoners, and undermanysettledrelationsof con-
matter. querorsand conquered.Whereclaimsare solidified intoa
I wouldliketo beginby discussing severaloftheimpor- structure whichis acceptedor respected byall,thereseems
tantfeelingsthatenterintoraceprejudice.This discussion to be no groupprejudice.
willrevealhowfundamentally racial feelingspointto and The remainingfeelingessentialto race prejudiceis a
dependon a positionalarrangement of theracial groups. fearor apprehension thatthesubordinate racial groupis
In thisdiscussionI willconfinemyself to suchfeelingsin threatening, or willthreaten, thepositionofthedominant
thecase of a dominantracialgroup. group.Thus,actsor suspectedactsthatare interpreted as
There are fourbasic typesof feelingthatseemto be an attackonthenaturalsuperiority ofthedominantgroup,
alwayspresentin race prejudicein the dominantgroup. or an intrusion intotheirsphereofgroupexclusiveness, or
Theyare (1) a feelingof superiority, (2) a feelingthat an encroachment on theirarea of proprietary claim are
the subordinaterace is intrinsically different and alien, crucialin arousingand fashioning race prejudice.These
(3) a feelingofproprietary claimto certainareas ofpriv- actsmean"gettingoutofplace."
ilegeand advantage,and (4) a fearand suspicionthatthe It shouldbe clearthatthesefourbasic feelingsof race
subordinaterace harborsdesignson the prerogatives of prejudicedefinitely referto a positionalarrangement of
thedominantrace. A fewwordsabouteach of thesefour theracialgroups.The feelingofsuperiority placesthesub-
feelingswillsuffice. ordinatepeoplebelow;thefeelingofalienationplacesthem
In race prejudicethereis a self-assured feelingon the beyond; the feelingof proprietary claim excludesthem
partofthedominantracialgroupof beingnaturally supe- fromtheprerogatives ofposition;andthefearofencroach-
rioror better.Thisis commonly shownin a disparagement mentis an emotionalrecoilfromtheendangering ofgroup
ofthequalitiesofthesubordinate racialgroup.Condemna- position.As these featuressuggest,the positionalrela-
toryor debasingtraits,suchas laziness,dishonesty, greedi- tion of the two racial groups is crucial in race preju-
ness, unreliability,stupidity, deceitand immorality, are dice. The dominantgroupis not concernedwiththesub-
usuallyimputedto it.The secondfeeling, thatthesubordi- ordinategroupas suchbutit is deeplyconcernedwithits
naterace is an alien and fundamentally different stock,is positionvis-a-vis thesubordinate group.Thisis epitomized
likewisealwayspresent."Theyare not of our kind"is a in thekeyand universalexpression thata givenraceis all
commonway in whichthisis likelyto be expressed.It is right "itsplace."The senseofgrouppositionis thevery
in
thisfeelingthatreflects, justifies,and promotesthesocial heartof the relationof the dominantto the subordinate
exclusionofthesubordinate racialgroup.The combination group.It suppliesthedominantgroupwithitsframework
of thesetwofeelingsof superiority and of distinctivenessof perception,its standardof judgment,its patternsof
can easilygiveriseto feelingsof aversionand evenantip- sensitivity, and its emotionalproclivities.
athy.But in themselves theydo not formprejudice.We It is important to recognizethatthissenseofgroupposi-
haveto introduce thethirdandfourth typesoffeeling. tion transcends the feelingsof theindividualmembersof
The thirdfeeling,the senseof proprietary claim,is of the dominant group,givingsuchmembersa commonori-
crucial importance.It is the feelingon the part of the entation thatis nototherwise to be foundin separatefeel-
dominantgroup of being entitledto eitherexclusiveor ings and views. There is likelyto be considerable difference
in
priorrights manyimportant areas of life.The range of between theways in which the individual members of the
such exclusiveor priorclaimsmaybe wide,coveringthe dominantgroup thinkand feel about the subordinate
ownership of property suchas choicelands and sites; the group.Somemayfeelbitterand hostile,withstrongantip-
rightto certainjobs, occupationsor professions; theclaim athies,withan exaltedsenseof superiority and witha lot
to certainkindsof industry or linesofbusiness;theclaim of spite; othersmay have charitableand protective feel-
to certainpositionsof controland decision-making as in ings,markedby a senseofpietyand tinctured bybenevol-
government and law; therightto exclusivemembership in ence; othersmaybe condescending and reflect mildcon-
given institutionssuch as schools, churches and recrea- tempt; and others may disposed politenessand con-
be to
tionalinstitutions; theclaimto certainpositionsof social siderateness withno feelingsoftruculence. Theseare only
prestige and to the display of the symbols and accoutre- a few of many different patterns feelingto be found
of
mentsofthesepositions;and theclaimto certainareas of amongmembersofthedominantracialgroup.Whatgives
intimacyand privacy.The feelingof such proprietary a commondimension to themis a senseofthesocialposi-
4 Pacific Sociological Review

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tion of theirgroup.Whetherthemembersbe humaneor given individualsof the subordinaterace. The sense of
callous,culturedor unlettered, liberalor reactionary, pow- grouppositionrefersto thepositionofgroupto group,not
erfulor impotent, arrogantor humble,richor poor,hon- to thatof individualto individual.Thus,vis-a-vis thesub-
orable or dishonorable-allare led, by virtueof sharing ordinateracial groupthe unlettered individualwithlow
thesenseofgroupposition,to similarindividualpositions. statusin the dominantracial grouphas a senseof group
The senseofgrouppositionis a generalkindof orienta- positioncommonto thatoftheeliteofhisgroup.Byvirtue
tion.It is a generalfeelingwithoutbeingreducibleto spe- ofsharingthissenseofpositionsuchan individual,despite
cificfeelingslikehatred,hostility or antipathy. It is also a hislowstatus,feelsthatmembers ofthesubordinate group,
generalunderstanding withoutbeingcomposedof anyset howeverdistinguished and accomplished, are somehowin-
of specificbeliefs.On thesocial psychological side it can- ferior,alien,and properlyrestricted in thearea of claims.
notbe equatedto a senseofsocialstatusas ordinarily con- He formshis conceptionas a representative ofthedomin-
ceived,forit refersnotmerelyto verticalpositioningbut antgroup;he treatsindividualmembers ofthesubordinate
to manyotherlinesofpositionindependent ofthevertical groupas representative ofthatgroup.
dimension.Sociologicallyit is nota merereflection ofthe An analysisofhowthesenseofgrouppositionis formed
objectiverelationsbetweenracialgroups.Rather,it stands shouldstartwitha clearrecognition thatit is an historical
for"whatoughtto be" ratherthanfor"whatis." It is a product.It is setoriginally by conditionsofinitialcontact.
senseofwherethetworacialgroupsbelong. Prestige,power,possessionofskill,numbers, originalself-
In its own way,the sense of grouppositionis a norm conceptions, aims,designsand opportunities are a fewof
and imperative-indeeda verypowerfulone. It guides, the factorsthatmay fashionthe originalsense of group
incites,cows,and coerces.It shouldbe bornein mindthat position.Subsequentexperiencein the relationof the
thissenseof grouppositionstandsforand involvesa fun- two racial groups,especiallyin the area of claims,op-
damentalkindof groupaffiliation forthemembersof the portunities and advantages,maymouldthesenseof group
dominantracialgroup.To theextenttheyrecognizeor feel positionin manydiverseways.Further, thesenseofgroup
themselves as belongingto thatgrouptheywillautomati- positionmaybe intensified or weakened,broughtto sharp
callycomeundertheinfluence ofthesenseofpositionheld focusor dulled.It maybe deeplyentrenched and tenacious-
by thatgroup.Thus, eventhoughgivenindividualmem- ly resistchangeforlongperiodsof time.Or it maynever
bers mayhave personalviewsand feelingsdifferent from takeroot.It mayundergoquickgrowthand vigorousex-
thesenseof groupposition,theywillhaveto conjurewith pansion,or itmaydwindleawaythrough slow-moving ero-
thesenseof grouppositionheld by theirracial group.If sion. It may be firmor soft,acute or dull,continuousor
thesense of positionis strong,to act contraryto it is to intermittent. In short,viewedcomparatively, thesenseof
riska feelingof self-alienation and to facethepossibility grouppositionis veryvariable.
of ostracism.I am tryingto suggest,accordingly, thatthe Howevervariableitsparticular career,thesenseofgroup
locusofraceprejudiceis notin thearea ofindividualfeel- positionis clearlyformedby a runningprocessin which
ing but in the definition of therespective positionsof the thedominantracialgroupis led to defineand redefine the
racial groups. subordinateracial groupand the relationsbetweenthem.
The sourceof race prejudicelies in a feltchallengeto Thereare twoimportant aspectsof thisprocessof defini-
thissenseof groupposition.The challenge,one mustrec- tionthatI wishto singleoutforconsideration.
ognize,maycomein manydifferent ways.It maybe in the First,theprocessofdefinition occursobviouslythrough
formofan affront to feelingsof groupsuperiority; it may complexinteraction and communication betweenthemem-
be in theformof attempts at familiarity or transgressingbers of the dominantgroup. Leaders, prestigebearers,
theboundarylineofgroupexclusiveness;it maybe in the officials, groupagents,dominant individualsand ordinary
formof encroachment at countlesspointsof proprietary laymenpresentto one anothercharacterizations of the
claim; itmaybe a challengeto powerandprivilege;itmay subordinategroup and expresstheirfeelingsand ideas
taketheformofeconomiccompetition. Race prejudiceis a on therelations.Throughtalk,tales,stories,gossip,anec-
defensive reactionto suchchallenging ofthesenseofgroup dotes,messages,pronouncements, newsaccounts,orations,
position.It consistsof the disturbedfeelings,usuallyof sermons, preachments andthelikedefinitions arepresented
markedhostility, thatare therebyaroused.As such,race and feelingsare expressed.In thisusuallyvast and com-
prejudiceis a protectivedevice.It functions, howevershort- plex interaction separateviewsrun againstone another,
sightedly, to preservetheintegrity and thepositionof the influenceone another,modifyeach other,inciteone an-
dominantgroup. otherand fusetogetherin new forms.Correspondingly,
It is cruciallyimportant to recognizethatthe sense of feelingswhichare expressedmeet,stimulateeach other,
grouppositionis nota meresummation ofthefeelingsof feedon each other,intensify each otherand emergein new
positionsuchas mightbe developedindependently by sep- patterns.Currentsof view and currentsof feelingcome
arateindividualsas theycometo comparethemselves with intobeing; sweepingalongto positionsof dominanceand
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servingas polarpointsfortheorganization ofthought and groupand is feltas thevoice and actionof thegroupas
sentiment. If theinteraction becomesincreasingly circular such.
and reinforcing, devoidof seriousinneropposition,such Second, the definitions that are forgedin the public
currents grow,fuseand becomestrengthened. It is through arena center,obviously,about mattersthatare feltto be
such a processthata collectiveimageof thesubordinate of major importance. Thus, we are led to recognizethe
groupis formedand a senseof grouppositionis set.The crucialroleof the"big event"in developinga conception
evidenceofsucha processis glaringwhenone reviewsthe of thesubordinate racialgroup.The happeningthatseems
historyofanyracialarrangement markedby prejudice. momentous, thattouchesdeep sentiments, thatseemsto
Such a complexprocessof mutualinteraction withits raisefundamental questionsaboutrelations, andthatawak-
differentlinesand degreesofformation givesthelie to the ensstrongfeelingsofidentification withone'sracialgroup
manyschemeswhichwouldlodgethecause of race preju- is thekindof eventthatis centralin theformation ofthe
dicein themake-upoftheindividual-whether in theform racial image.Here,again, we notethe relativeunimpor-
of innatedisposition, constitutionalmake-up,personality tanceof thehugebulkof experiencescomingfromdaily
structure, or directpersonalexperiencewithmembersof contactwithindividualsofthesubordinate group.It is the
the otherrace. The collectiveimage and feelingsin race eventsseemingly loaded withgreatcollectivesignificance
prejudiceare forgedout of a complicatedsocial process thatarethefocalpointsofthepublicdiscussion. The defini-
in whichtheindividualis himselfshapedand organized. tionof theseeventsis chieflyresponsible forthedevelop-
Thescheme,so populartoday,whichwouldtraceraceprej- mentof a racialimageand ofthesenseofgroupposition.
udicetoa so-calledauthoritarian personalityshowsa griev- Whenthispublicdiscussiontakestheformof a denuncia-
ous misunderstanding ofthesimpleessentialsofthecollec- tion of the subordinateracial group,signifying thatit is
tiveprocessthatleadsto a senseofgroupposition. unfitand a threat,thediscussionbecomesparticularly po-
The secondimportant aspectoftheprocessofgroupdef- tentin shapingthesenseofsocialposition.
initionis thatit is necessarilyconcernedwithan abstract Third,themajorinfluence in publicdiscussionis exer-
image of the subordinateracial group.The subordinate cised by individualsand groupswho have thepublicear
racialgroupis definedas ifitwerean entity or whole.This and whoare feltto have standing, prestige, authority and
entityor whole-like theNegrorace,or theJapanese,or power.Intellectual and socialelites,publicfigures ofprom-
theJews-is necessarily nevercomingwith- inence,and leadersofpowerful
an abstraction, organizations are likelyto
in theperception ofanyofthesenses.Whileactualencoun- be thekeyfiguresin theformation of the senseof group
tersare withindividuals, thepictureformedof theracial positionand in the characterization of the subordinate
groupis necessarily of a vastentitywhichspreadsoutfar group.It is wellto notethisin viewof thenotinfrequent
beyondsuch individualsand transcendsexperiencewith tendencyof studentsto regardrace prejudiceas growing
suchindividuals.The implications ofthefactthatthecol- out of themultiplicity of experiencesand attitudesof the
lectiveimageis of an abstractgroupare ofcrucialsignifi- bulkofthepeople.
cance.I wouldliketo notefourof theseimplications. Fourth,we also needto perceivetheappreciableoppor-
First,the buildingof the image of the abstractgroup tunitythatis givento stronginterest groupsin directing
takesplace in thearea of theremoteand notof thenear. thelinesof discussionand settingtheinterpretations that
It is nottheexperiencewithconcreteindividualsin daily arisein suchdiscussion. Theirself-interests maydictatethe
associationthatgivesrisetothedefinitions oftheextended, kind of positiontheywishthe dominantracial groupto
abstractgroup.Suchimmediate experienceis usuallyregu- enjoy.It maybe a positionwhichenablesthemto retain
latedand orderly.Even wheresuchimmediate experience certainadvantages,or evenmoreto gain stillgreaterad-
is disrupted thenewdefinitions whichare formedare lim- vantages.Hence,theymaybe vigorousin seekingto manu-
ited to the individualsinvolved.The collectiveimage of factureeventsto attractpublicattention and to setlinesof
theabstractgroupgrowsup notbygeneralizing fromexpe- issue in sucha way as to predetermine interpretations fa-
riencesgainedin close,first-hand contactsbutthrough the vorable to theirinterests. The role of stronglyorganized
transcending characterizationsthatare madeofthegroup groupsseekingto further specialinterest is usuallycentral
as an entity.Thus,onemustseekthecentralstreamofdefi- in the formation of collectiveimagesof abstractgroups.
nitionin thoseareas wherethedominantgroupas suchis Historicalrecordsof major instancesof race relations, as
characterizing thesubordinate groupas such.This occurs in our South,or in SouthAfrica,or in Europein thecase
in the "public arena" whereinthe spokesmenappear as oftheJew,or on theWestCoastin thecase oftheJapanese
representatives and agentsofthedominant group.The ex- showtheformidable partplayedby interest groupsin de-
tendedpublicarenais constituted by such as
things legisla- fining thesubordinate racial group.
tivesassemblies,publicmeetings,conventions, the press, I concludethishighlycondensedpaperwithtwofurther
and theprintedword.Whatgoes on in thispublicarena observations thatmaythrowadditionallighton therela-
attractsthe attentionof large numbersof the dominant tionofthesenseofgrouppositionto raceprejudice.Race
6 Pacific Sociological Review

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prejudicebecomesentrenched and tenaciousto theextent ning definition does not keep abreastof major shiftsin
theprevailingsocial orderis rootedin thesenseof social thesocialorder.Wheneventstouchingon relationsare not
position.This has been trueof the historicSouthin our treatedas "big events"and hencedo notsetcrucialissues
country.In sucha social orderrace prejudicetendsto be- in thearenaofpublicdiscussion;or whentheeliteleaders
comechronicand impermeable to change.In otherplaces or spokesmen do notdefinesuchbig eventsvehemently or
thesocial ordermaybe affected only to a limited
extentby adversely; or where they definethem in the direction
of
the sense of grouppositionheld by the dominantracial racialharmony;or whenthereis a paucityofstronginter-
group.ThisI thinkhas beentrueusuallyin thecase ofanti- est groupsseekingto buildup a strongadverseimagefor
Semitismin Europeand thiscountry.Underthesecondi- special advantage-undersuch conditionsthe sense of
tionsthe sense of grouppositiontendsto be weakerand grouppositionrecedesand raceprejudicedeclines.
morevulnerable.In turn,race prejudicehas a muchmore The clearimplication ofmydiscussionis thattheproper
variable and intermittentcareer,usuallybecomingpro- and the fruitful area in whichrace prejudiceshouldbe
nounced only as a consequenceof grave disorganizing studiedis thecollectiveprocessthroughwhicha senseof
eventsthatallow fortheformation of a scapegoat. grouppositionis formed. To seek,instead,to understandit
This leads me to myfinalobservation whichin a meas- or to handleit in thearenaofindividualfeelingand ofin-
ureis an indirect
summary. The senseofgrouppositiondis- dividualexperienceseemsto me to be clearlymisdirected.
solvesand raceprejudicedeclineswhentheprocessofrun-

FILIPINO STEREOTYPES OF RACIAL AND NATIONALMINORITIES*

JOEL V. BERREMAN
University
of Oregon

This paperwillreportthefindings ofa researchproject The OriginalDesign.One hundredthirty studentsat the

carriedoutin thePhilippinesduringtheschoolyear1955- University of the Philippineswereasked to listthetraits
56. The studyis a partialreplication, in a different cultural theythoughttypicalof each of six groups,namely:Chi-
setting, of thestudiesby Katz and Braly,'and by Gilbert2 nese,Indians,Japanese,Spaniards,AmericanWhitesand
of theracialstereotypes heldby a groupof Princetonstu- AmericanNegroes.No traitswere suggestedto the re-
dents.The primarypurposeof the studywas to identify spondents.From thosemostfrequently listed,and some
thefactorsassociatedwithstereotype consistency.3 othersdrawnfrompopularwritingsor suggestedby Fili-
pino colleagues,a comprehensive checklistwas compiled.
TIHE RESEARCH DESIGN Finally,a numberoftraitsfromtheKatz and Bralystereo-
typeswereadded to thislist.4The resulting 96 descriptive
In orderto insurereplication oftheessentialfeaturesof termsor
phraseswerethenarrangedin alphabeticalorder.
thePrinceton study,theprocedures followedwerebasically This
procedureis believedto have the doubleadvantage
thesame as thoseof Katz and Braly.However,as willbe of
producinga checklistdrawnfromsourceswithinthe
noted,a refinement was introducedto overcomean un-
societybeingobservedand yetusingthe methodand in-
anticipateddifficulty. cludingthecrucialtermsfromtheAmericanstudyrequired
expanded versionof a paper read at the Annual Meeting fora validcomparison
* An ofthetwo.
of the AmericanSociological Society,August,1957. The masterlist of 96 traitswas thensubmitted to 480
1 Daniel Katz and K. Braly, "Racial Stereotypesof 100 College
Journal Abnormal and Social 28 students randomly selected fromall schools and depart-
Students," of Psychology, (Octo-
ber,1933), pp. 280-290; and Daniel Katz and K. Braly,"Racial Prej- mentsoftheUniversity ofthePhilippineswithinstructions
udice and Racial Stereotypes,"Journalof Abnormaland Social Psy- to read the entirelistand designate,in turn,the
through
chology,30 (July,1935), pp. 175-193. fivetraitsconsideredmosttypicalofeach ofthesix ethnic
2 G. M. Gilbert,"StereotypePersistenceand Change AmongCol-
lege Students," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,46 groups.The traitsthuscheckedforeach ethnicgroupwere
(April, 1951), pp. 245-254.Also of interestis the studyby JamesA. thentabulated.The procedureto thispointwas identical
Bayton,"Racial Stereotypesof Negro College Students,"Journalof
Abnormal and Social Psychology,36 (January,1941), pp. 97-103. 4 Katz and Braly traits were included for the four
stereotypes
3 The stereotypesreportedin this,as those in the Princetonin- included in both studies if theyappeared more than twice in the
vestigation,consist of descriptivetermsrepresentingthe ideas or original free descriptionsby the 130 students.It was assumed that
beliefsof the subject populationas to the characteristicsof specified those traitsin the Katz and Braly studynot listed more than twice
categoriesof persons.This is a departurefromthe popular defini- were not in the usual Filipino vocabularyor were not associated
tion of stereotypesas erroneousideas. with the designatedpeoples.

Spring 1958 7

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