Evidence for a Life-Span Theory of Socioemotional Selectivity

Author(s): Laura L. Carstensen

Source: Current Directions in Psychological Science, Vol. 4, No. 5 (Oct., 1995), pp. 151-156
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 CURRENTDIRECTIONS INPSYCHOLOGICALSCIENCE 151

3. R. Fendrich, CM. Wessinger, and M.S. Gaz- I visual discrimination with damage to the visual cor- I damage to the immature visual cortex, Trends in
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Parameters affecting conscious versus unconscious I 13; B.R. Payne, System-wide repercussions of I keys, Nature, Lond., 373, 247 (1995).

self-awareness and social with

Evidence for a Life-Span Theory of drawal. Grounded in psychodynam
ic ideas about conflict and defenses,
Socioemotional Selectivity this view represents social inactivity
Laura L. Carstensen as a normal adaptive process. Thus,
_ I emotional quiescence, pensive self
reflection, and a turning away from
the social world are considered to be
The importance of social involve a natural part of aging.
ment goes unquestioned by social THEORIESABOUT Dominant as these theories have
scientists. Social interaction pro CHANGE IN
AGE-RELATED been, they are not without their crit
|
vides the context for a broad array of SOCIALBEHAVIOR ics. Although each model enjoys
basic human and goals, rang
needs some empirical support, none pro
ing from the transmission of culture Most theoretical explanations for vides a cogent explanation for the
to feelings of emotional embedded the age-related reduction in social body of empirical findings that has
ness. Indeed, it iswithin the context contact have focused on relatively accrued in recent years. A growing
of social relationships that the self macro-level influences. Activity the literature shows that opportunities to
emerges. Because it is widely as ory, which has been the dominant pursue contact are regularly by
sumed that humans are, by their paradigm in social gerontology, passed by older people and that
very nature, social creatures, the fact views inactivity as a societally in when health status is held constant,
that social contact declines with duced problem. Proponents of this there is no relationship between
age provokes questions about the view argue that the causes of inac level of social activity and psycho
antecedent conditions and conse tivity are rooted in social ills, such as logical well-being. Disengagement
quences of this aging phenomenon mandatory retirement, which more theory, although intriguing, has
as well as fundamental theoretical reflect an indigenous age been challenged by recent empirical
diffusely
questions about the function and ism in our sociopolitical structures. evidence about emotion in late life.
meaning of social interaction. Stressing that societal change is Specifically, emotional quiescence
needed to remedy the problem, ad and the active avoidance of emo
vocates of this view have exerted tional experience do not appear to
Laura L. Carstensen is Associate great influence on social programs typify late life. Older people experi
Professor of Psychology at Stanford and federal policies. ence emotions subjectively at levels
University. Address correspon Drawing on both structural soci comparable to those of younger peo
dence to Laura L. Carstensen, De to regulate their
etal and intrapsychic processes, dis ple2 and appear
partment of Psychology, Building engagement that emotions well.3 That is, although
theory1 suggests
420, Jordan Hall, Stanford Univer awareness of the imi the mercurial of emotion
preconscious quality
sity, Stanford, CA 94305-2130. nence of death instigates increased may decline with age, at the same

Copyright ? 1995 American Psychological Society

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 152 VOLUME 4, NUMBER 5, OCTOBER 1995

time, emotion appears to grow in selectivity theory.5 This theory fo turn to their adult children for emo
creasingly ubiquitous and salient. cuses on psychological processes tional comfort.
One recent study, for example, that mediate observed changes in In contrast, when information
demonstrated that older people? social preferences and social behav seeking is the goal, novel, unfamiliar
relative to younger people?remem ior. According to socioemotional se people are often the best sources.
ber emotional material better than lectivity theory, social contact ismo Thus, when a person isexploring the
neutral material from story narra tivated by a variety of goals. Specific world, trying to understand how it
tives.4 goals or functions of interaction works, what the culture is like, how
Further, these theories tacitly (or range from basic survival (such as he or she compares with other peo
explicitly) take social changes as ev protection from physical danger) to ple, and what other people are like,
idence of reactive processes associ psychological goals (such as devel interactions with novel social part
ated uniquely with old age and pre opment of self-concept and regula ners have greater potential to fulfill
sume that the principal organizer of tion of emotion). The theory holds this goal than would interactions
changed social patterns is loss. In that similar sets of social goals oper with familiar social partners. The pe
contrast, life-span
developmental ate throughout life, but that the sa riod from adolescence to young
theory speaks against a search for lience of specific goals fluctuates de adulthood likely represents the peak
age-specific explanations for behav pending on place in the life cycle. In emphasis on the goal of information
ioral and psychological phenom particular, the regulation of emotion seeking and, consistent with the the
ena, as well as against implicit as becomes increasingly salient over ory, is a time when people are es
sumptions that observed age-related the life course, while the acquisition tablishing theirindependence from
changes are caused by age. Rather of information, and the desire to af long-time family and friends and
than stemming from the passage of filiate with unfamiliar people, de seeking out new social contacts.
time, age-related changes more creases.
Figure 1 provides an idealized
likely follow from a complex net Changes in the salience of certain illustration of the life-span trajec
work of interactions representing the goals at different life stages result in tory, as predicted by socioemotional
person's past, present, and future changes in preferences for social selectivity theory, of three primary
percepts, as well as opportunities af partners. For example, when emo social motives: emotion regulation,
forded in the environment to satisfy tion regulation is the goal, people development and maintenance of
basic human needs. Such a theoret are highly selective in their choice of self-concept, andinformation seek
ical framework suggests that itmay social partners, nearly always prefer ing. The theory acknowledges the
be fruitful to conceptualize old age ring social partners who are familiar presence of each motive throughout
as providing a set of conditions that to them. Infancy and old age are the life; it is only the relative salience
frequently alter behavioral, cogni two life stages that probably repre that changes.
tive, and emotional goals and bring sent the peak emphasis on emotion Experience, for which age is a
to the fore basic human processes regulation. Whereas babies turn to reasonable proxy, accounts for some
that are present throughout life. their mothers, very old people often of the change in the salience of spe

High
SOCIOEMOTIONAL
THEORY
SELECTIVITY

Several years ago, along with my

students, I embarked on a program
of research aimed at exploring the
mechanisms poten Salience of J/ Self concept
psychological social motives
tially involved in reduced social
contact. In research designed to test
we Information
existing gerontological theories,
seeking
found evidence for a developmental
phenomenon that has considerable
con Low ^L
adaptive value. The organizing
Infancy Adolescence Middle Age Old Age
ceptual framework that has alter
nately evolved from and guided this Fig. 1. Idealized model of socioemotional selectivity theory's conception of the sa
research program is socioemotional lience of three social motives across the life span.

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 CURRENTDIRECTIONS INPSYCHOLOGICAL
SCIENCE 153

cific social motives. As people's sistent with life-span theory, espe 17 or 18, 30, 40, and, finally, 50
stores of information increase, for cially notions about the nonlinearity years old. Assessed were the fre
example, there are increasingly of development and the importance quency of contact, satisfaction, and
fewer people who can provide novel of social context. emotional closeness in six different
information. Thus, social interaction types of relationships (i.e., acquain
in the service of obtaining informa tances, children, parents, spouses,
tion becomes less effective over siblings, and close friends). Findings
EMPIRICALEVIDENCEFOR
time, while other less social means showed that reductions in contact
THETHEORY
of obtaining information, such as over time were most prominent in
reading, become more effective. acquaintance relationships, which
However, according
to socio Socioemotional selectivity theory according to socioemotional selec
emotional selectivity theory, experi leads to a number of testable hy tivity theory are largely infor
ence accounts for only part of the potheses. First, it suggests that the mational sources. Yet contact
story. The salience of specific social age-related reduction in social con frequency in the most intimate rela
motives is also influenced by the tact does not begin suddenly in old tionships (i.e., spouse and children)
construal of future, for which
the age, but rather represents a gradual remained stable or increased across
chronological age is also a good in (perhaps lifelong) phenomenon. the same time period. Emotional
dex. When the future is perceived as Second, it suggests that conditions closeness was maintained or in
limited, attention shifts to the other than old age, such as geo creased in all close relationships,
present; immediate needs, such graphical relocation or other exter even in sibling relationships, for
as emotional states, become most nally imposed constraints on time, which interaction frequency de
salient. When the future is perceived will also influence the salience of clined.
as largely open-ended, long-term different goals and, subsequently, More recently, Lang and Iwere
goals
assume greater importance. the choice of social partners. There able to explore the generalizability
Thus, early in adulthood, much so fore, younger people who hold per of these findings in a cross-sectional
cial behavior is geared toward the ceptions of the future similar to those analysis of a representative group of
acquisition of information, even to of older people should make the old and very old people who had
the neglect of emotional states. The same kinds of social choices as those participated in the Berlin Aging
ambitious graduate student tolerates typically made by older people. Study.7 We reasoned that if, on the
the crotchety professor because the Third, the theory suggests?in stark one hand, drops in social contacts
long-term gains outweigh the short contrast to disengagement theory? were due exclusively to deaths or
term losses. In contrast, in late life, that emotion will become more sa other barriers to contact, they would
emotion regulation assumes pri lient, not less so, inold age or when occur evenly across different types
macy, in part because of the implicit ever the future is limited. To state it of relationships.8 If, on the other
irrelevance of the future that age im most simply, socioemotional selec hand, older people played a role in
poses. The theory predicts that, rel tivity theory argues that the social limiting contact to their closest so
ative to younger people, older peo changes that are reliably seen in old cial partners, reductions would be
ple will be less motivated to engage age are not determined by a set of unevenly distributed. Thus, we hy
in emotionally meaningless (but per biological changes and decrements pothesized that the size of social net
haps otherwise functional) social that are unique to old age, but rather works would be significantly smaller
contact, and will make social that these social changes reflect cog for people in their 90s than for peo
choices based on the potential for nitive and motivational processes ple in their 80s. However, we also
emotional rewards derived from so that have their roots early in devel hypothesized that, consistent with
cial interactions. Thus, when that opment, and that operate to influ socioemotional selectivity theory,
same
graduate student is a 90-year ence social behavior in all stages of reductions would occur primarily in
old chemist, such trade-offs between life. more peripheral relationships. The
the long and short term will no In an effort to explore further the data supported both hypotheses. Al
longer be tolerated; the crotchety life-span context of reductions in so though the oldest people had far
neighbor will be avoided even if he cial interaction, as well as their sub fewer acquaintances in their social
or she is a former professor who is jective concomitants, I reanalyzed a networks, they had roughly the same
highly knowledgeable about some subset of data from a longitudinal number of emotionally close social
subject. Although inconsistent with study initiated by Jean Mcfarlane partners as their younger counter
traditional models of social aging, roughly 60 years ago.6 Participants parts. Just as in the American longi
the view that reductions in social in this research were interviewed tudinal sample, the size of social
contacts are adaptive iswholly con four times as adults, when they were networks decreased with age pri

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 154 VOLUME 4, NUMBER 5, OCTOBER 1995

marily because older people had know better. Younger people were whom they seemed to have much in
fewer acquaintances, not fewer con most likely to mention social part common, and the author of a book
fidants. Within a life-span context, ners they did not know well. Older they had read. The second scenario
the picture of social activity that people were most likely to identify was only slightly different. In this
emerges more closely resembles so social partners who were already case, subjects were asked to imagine
cial selection than social with well known to them. Only 5% of the that in a few weeks they would be
drawal. older, infirm individuals expressed moving across the country, unac
Still, the fact that selection occurs an interest in getting to know a novel companied by family or friends.
leaves unanswered questions about social partner. Then they were asked to choose
volitional aspects of the phenome More recently, we replicated the among the same three social partner
non. Reductions could occur be card-sortprocedure in a large sam options just described.
cause of external constraints of ple drawn from the San Francisco Results confirmed our hypothe
various sources, from competing de Bay area. The sample included ses: Under both unspecified and
mands to structural aspects of social African-American and Caucasian time-constrained circumstances,
networks. Another investigation, American blue- and white-collar older people preferred familiar so
however, provided evidence of age workers, ranging in age from 18 to cial partners. Under unspecified
differences inmentalrepresentations 88.10 The same dimensions?affect, conditions, younger people's choices
of and preferences for social part information seeking, and future con were evenly distributed across the
ners.9 Using a card-sort paradigm, tact?emerged as the principal di three options, but in the time-con
Fredrickson and Iexamined the cog mensions along which people clas strained condition, younger people's
nitive representations of social part sified prospective social partners. choices mimicked those of older
ners held by young and old adults And once again, older people clas people by favoring familiar social
ranging in age from 16 to 92. The sified prospective social partners partners over unfamiliar ones.
task required subjects to sort into based on the affective potential of Very recently, in research that has
piles a set of 18 cards, each of which interaction more than the other two not yet been published, Amy Lutz
described a prospective social part dimensions, whereas younger sub and I replicated and extended these
ner. The descriptions of the social jects weighted all three dimensions findings, showing that itwas possi
partners were sufficiently general similarly. ble to modify older adults' choices
(e.g., a close friend, a sibling, a new According to socioemotional se of social partners. In this study, the
neighbor) that all subjects could re lectivity theory, a limited future re first condition was the same as in the
late to each category. Subjects were sults in increased attention to and previous study, but in the second
instructed to sort the cards into as preferences for affectively rich inter condition, subjects were asked to
many or as few piles as they wished action. In another study,9 we tested imagine that they had recently
based on how similarly they would the hypothesis that anticipated end learned from their physician that a
feel interacting with the social part ings?as opposed to age per se? new medical advance could ensure
ners described. drive preferences for interaction; they would live 20 years longer than
Using multidimensional scaling that is, we predicted that when end they expected, in reasonably good
techniques, we identified three pri ings are anticipated, the affective health. In this study, older people
mary dimensions along which sub potential of interactions becomes changed their choices of social part
jects classified social partners: the the principal consideration in selec ners in favor of novel social partners.
potential for emotionally meaningful tion of social partners. People rang Thus, it appears that in old age,
contact, the potential for future con ing in age from 11 to 92 were con day-to-day choices are made with
tact, and the potential to gain infor tacted by telephone and asked to the conscious or unconscious
mation. As hypothesized, the impor respond to two scenarios. In the first, awareness that time is limited, and
tance of the dimensions varied by they were asked to imagine that they choices are based on the affective
age group. Older people placed had 30 min free, with no pressing potential of social interactions more
greatest emphasis on the affective commitments, and that they had de than more future-oriented goals. Of
potential of prospective social part cided to spend this time with an course, age and closeness to death
ners, whereas younger people other person. They were then asked are nearly always confounded.
placed comparable emphasis on all to choose among three prospective Sadly, however, there are excep
three dimensions. In an effort to as social partners, each of whom rep tions to this rule. Young people fac
sess preferences for social partners, resented one of the organizing di ing terminal illnesses also anticipate
we also asked subjects to identify mensions identified in our previous the end of their lives. In another
which of the persons described on work: a member of their immediate study, Fredrickson, Lutz, and Itested
the cards they would like to get to I family, a recent acquaintance with the hypothesis that young people liv

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 CURRENTDIRECTIONS INPSYCHOLOGICALSCIENCE 155

ing with a terminal illness would This research on marriage has mechanism, as opposed to an intrac
make choices similar to those made provided a first opportunity to test table deteriorative process, under
by older people in our studies.10 Us key tenets of socioemotional selec lies social changes associated with
ing the card-sort procedure already tivity theory in the context of inti chronological aging. Essentially,
described, we interviewed a rela mate relationships. Thus far, the re when future social opportunities are
tively young sample of gay men liv sults have been quite supportive of limited, the salience of emotion ap
ing in the San Francisco Bay area. Of the theory. For example, the theory pears to increase and the motivation
a total of 120 men, 40 tested nega predicts that, with emotion becom to pursue novel social contacts de
tive for HIV, 40 tested positive but ing more salient with age, older cou creases.

were not experiencing symptoms, ples will utilize strategies that ensure Socioemotional selectivity theory
and 40 were HIV positive and symp a positive and well-regulated emo offers an explanation for the same
tomatic of AIDS. Although compara tional climate. This turns out to phenomenon that prompted earlier
ble in age, the three groups had be the case. Compared with mid gerontological theories about social
quite different life expectancies. We dle-aged couples, older couples re aging, namely, a reliable, age
hypothesized that the HIV-negative ported experiencing lower levels of related decrease in social interac
group would perform similarly to an conflict in a wide range of areas and tion. The theory differs from previ
age-matched group of healthy peers deriving greater pleasure in a num ous models in important ways. It is a
from the general population, the ber of areas of marital life.11 When life-spantheory based on goals and
HIV-positive, asymptomatic group discussing a conflict in their relation premised on the assumption that
would perform similarly to our ship, older couples reported feeling similar sets of social goals motivate
middle-aged subjects, and the HIV more positive, displayed less nega social contact throughout life. Ac
positive, symptomatic group, fore tive emotion and more affection,12 cording to the theory, regardless of
seeing a
limited future, would per and became less physiologically age, the activation of a particular so
form similarly to our elderly subjects. aroused13 than did middle-aged cial goal is contingent on the social,
Once again, results confirmed the couples. Thus, even in the context of psychological, and cognitive condi
hypotheses. The healthy subsample discussing serious marital issues in tions the individual perceives. When
classified prospective social partners which spouses do express negative time is perceived as limited, the con
based on a mixture of future contact, emotion, older couples appear to stellation of goals is reorganized,
information seeking, and affective strive simultaneously toward a kind with short-term goals, such as how
potential, whereas among the infirm of emotional homeostasis. Older one feels, assuming greater impor
subsamples, affective potential as couples regulate emotion in a way tance than long-term goals, such as
sumed central prominence in cate that should help preserve what is a information acquisition. Although
gorizations of prospective social very important late-life relation old age represents the penultimate
partners. ship?marriage. social ending, other conditions also
Socioemotional selectivity theory conspire to limit the construal of
suggests that intimate relationships future time, and when they do,
will become increasingly important younger people evince behaviors
CONCLUSIONS
with age. For many people, mar and choices like those of older peo
riage is the most significant intimate ple. Thus, although socioemotional
relationship in adulthood, yet, re Although alternative explanations selectivity theory speaks to age, it is
grettably, most psychological re can be generated for any one of the not a theory of old age; rather, it
search on marriage has focused on studies described, the profile of re holds relevance for understanding
relatively young couples. Recently, sulting empirical findings suggests social preferences and social behav
Levenson, Gottman, and I com that people grow increasingly se ior across the life span. Itdoes sug
pleted a study of 156 long-term mar lective in their choices of social gest that in old age, the process of
riages in middle age and early old partners and that, in particular, the limiting social partners is highly
age, both unhappy and
representing construal of available future time adaptive. By molding social envi
happy couples.11 The centerpiece of changes preferences. Notably, simi ronments, constructing them in a
this research was a laboratory study lar social changes are evident in way that maximizes the potential for
of marital interaction inwhich cou younger people when limitations on positive affect and minimizes the po
ples discussed various issues related the future are imposed, and biases tential for negative affect, older peo
to their marriage while we obtained for familiar social partners are re ple increase the odds that they will
comprehensive measures of subjec versed in older people when they the emotional
regulate climate,
tive emotional experience, emo imagine that the future is expanded, which may, at the end of life, repre
tional behavior, and physiology. suggesting that a general selection sent the supreme social goal.

Copyright ? 1995 American Psychological Society

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 156 VOLUME 4, NUMBER 5, OCTOBER 1995

pression inold age, Psychology and Aging, 6, 28-35 relationships in late life: Further support for proac
Acknowledgments?This article was writ (1991). tive aging in the social domain, Psychology and Ag
ten while the author was a Visiting Scien 3. M.P. Lawton, M.H. Kleban, D. Rajagopal, ing, 9, 315-324(1994).
tist at the Center for Psychology at the and J. Dean, Dimensions of affective experience in 9. B.L. Fredrickson and L.L. Carstensen, Choos
three age groups, Psychology and Aging, 7, 171?
Max Planck Institute for Human Develop ing social partners: How old age and anticipated
ment in Berlin. 184(1992). endings make people more selective, Psychology
The research described
4. L.L. Carstensen and S. Turk-Charles, The sa and Aging, 5, 335-347
was supported (1990).
by Grants R01-8816 and
lience of emotion across the adult life span, Psychol
R01-7476 from the National Institute on 10. L.L. Carstensen and B.F. Fredrickson, Ag
ogy of Aging, 9, 259-264 (1994).
thanks to Paul Baltes and ing, illness and social preferences, paper presented
Aging. Many 5. L.L. Carstensen, Motivation for social contact
at the International Congress of Psychology, Brus
Frieder Lang for their helpful comments across the life span: A theory of socioemotional se
sels, Belgium (July 1992).
on an earlier draft. lectivity, in Nebraska Symposium on Motivation: 11. R.W. Levenson, L.L. Carstensen, and J.M.
Vol. 40. Developmental Perspectives on Motivation,
Gottman, Long-term marriage: Age, gender and sat
J. Jacobs, Ed. (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln,
isfaction, Psychology and Aging, 8, 301-313
1993).
6. L.L. Carstensen, Social and emotional pat (1993).
terns in adulthood: Support for socioemotional se 12. L.L. Carstensen, J.M. Gottman, and R.W.
Notes lectivity theory, Psychology and Aging, 7, 331-338 Levenson, Emotional behavior in long-term mar
(1992). riage, Psychology and Aging, 10, 140-149 (1995).
1. E.dimming and W.E. Henry, Growing Old: 7. P.B. Baltes, K.U. Mayer, H. Helmchen, and 13. R.W. Levenson, L.L. Carstensen, and J.M.
The Process of Disengagement (Basic Books, New E. Steinhagen-Thiessen, The Berlin Aging Study Gottman, Marital interaction in old and middle
York, 1961). (BASE):Overview and design, Ageing and Society, aged long-term marriages: Physiology, affect and
2. R.W. Levenson, L.L. Carstensen, W.V. Frie 73,483-515(1993). their interrelations, Journal of Personality and Social
sen, and P. Ekman, Emotion, physiology, and ex 8. F. Lang and L.L. Carstensen, Close emotional Psychology, 67, 56-68 (1994).

pie antecedents are presented, fol

Behavioral Families and Multiple Causes: lowed by a nonempirical example

Matching the Complexity of Responses to illustrating this approach in the area

of indirect self-destructive tenden
the Complexity of Antecedents cies.

Kathy A. Hanisch
BEHAVIORALFAMILIES

Individuals rarely enact isolated, all domains, but have received little Behavioralfamilies, or behavioral
single responses to stimuli. Rather, attention and have not often been constructs, are aggregates of related
they enact multiple, structured re analyzed rigorously by investigators. behaviors or tendencies that are
sponses either sequentially over ex Social scientists, across most re partially substitutable and, in some
tended periods of time or nearly si | search domains, almost exclusively cases, functionally similar; they
multaneously within short time examine single, specific behaviors serve the same or similar purposes,

periods. These behavioral responses or tendencies and their relations to in varying degrees, for individuals.
result from a complex set of multiple one or two antecedents in a single These composites encompass spe
antecedents, such as attitudes, cog study. Because individuals likely re cific behaviors or tendencies each
nitions, required role behaviors, and act to external and internal stimuli assessing an important and different
past experiences. These multiple be by using an entire repertoire of re aspect of the general construct of in
havioral responses are scientifically sponses, evaluating an individual's terest.1 Each item in the measure
and practically important in virtually specific response will result in lim contributes unique information to
ited, and potentially flawed, under the constructs assessment, resulting
standing. This article describes the in an improvement in validity,
Kathy A. Hanisch is an Assistant
Professor of Psychology at Iowa rationale for and benefits of studying breadth of coverage, and the useful
State University. Her research in multiple behavioral responses and ness of the scale relative to a homo
terests include employees' and re multiple antecedents within one geneous measure that focuses on
tirees' multiple and patterned be study, focusing on empirical re similar items that all measure similar
haviors resulting from their attitudes. search investigating organizational aspects of the construct. Behavioral
Address correspondence to Kathy A. and general work atti families summarize
withdrawal general behav
Hanisch, Iowa State University, De tudes. Theoretical and practical, sta ioral tendencies and take advantage
partment of Psychology, W212 and reasons of the fact that certain
tistical, psychometric responses
Lagomarcino Hall, Ames, IA 50011 ;
for the scientific usefulness of exam share similar features in that they are
e-mail: kathann@iastate.edu.
ining multiple behaviors and multi partially substitutable, serve the

Published by Cambridge University Press

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