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Adult third culture kids: HRD

challenges and opportunities
a
Denise A. Bonebright
a
University of Minnesota , 1261 Dale St. N, St. Paul, MN, 55117,
USA
Published online: 23 Jun 2010.

To cite this article: Denise A. Bonebright (2010) Adult third culture kids: HRD challenges
and opportunities, Human Resource Development International, 13:3, 351-359, DOI:
10.1080/13678861003746822

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 Human Resource Development International
Vol. 13, No. 3, July 2010, 351–359

PERSPECTIVES
Adult third culture kids: HRD challenges and opportunities
Denise A. Bonebright*

University of Minnesota, 1261 Dale St. N, St. Paul, MN 55117, USA

(Received 10 December 2009; final version received 21 December 2009)

Third Culture Kids (TCKs) are children who travel with expatriate parents and
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spend significant portions of their growing years in cultures other than their
passport cultures. Such children internalize portions of both the home culture and
the host culture, building a new cultural identity that reflects all their experiences
without developing a sense of belonging to any single culture. TCKs often have
more in common with each other than with peers raised in either their home or
host cultures. As they mature and enter higher education systems and the
workforce, TCKs present both challenges and opportunities for human resource
development (HRD) professionals. This paper reviews the literature on TCKs,
focusing on implications for HRD teaching, research, and practice.
Keywords: third culture kids; global nomads; international organizations;
expatriate work assignments

For most young adults, it is easy to answer the question ‘Where are you from?’ They
talk about the town where they grew up, or the part of the world where they lived as
children. But for some people this is not an easy question. While many human
resource development (HRD) professionals are not familiar with the term ‘Third
Culture Kids’, we get a sense of the concept when someone says ‘I was an Army
brat’, or ‘I was a missionary kid’. This typically means that the person lived in at
least two different countries, was globally mobile, and was not fully part of any one
culture.
The term Third Culture Kid (TCK) refers to children who travel with
expatriate parents and spend significant portions of their growing years in
cultures other than their passport culture. TCKs internalize portions of both their
home culture and the host culture, building a new cultural identity that reflects all
their experiences without developing a sense of belonging to any single culture.
As these children mature and enter higher education systems and the workforce,
they present both challenges and opportunities for HRD professionals. This paper
will explore the concept in more detail. First, it will provide a brief overview of
TCK literature. Next it will review research on the common life experiences of
TCKs. Finally, it will discuss implications for HRD teaching, research, and
practice.

*Email: d-bone@umn.edu

ISSN 1367-8868 print/ISSN 1469-8374 online

Ó 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13678861003746822
http://www.informaworld.com
 352 D.A. Bonebright

Literature review
The term ‘Third Culture’ was coined by sociologists John and Ruth Hill Useem
during the early 1960s. In an analysis of cross-culture training programmes, Useem,
Useem, and Donoghue (1963, 169) defined the first culture as the non-Western
culture in which an individual was living, the second culture as the American culture,
and the third culture as ‘the behavior patterns created, shared, and learned by men of
different societies who are in the process of relating their societies, or portions
thereof, to each other’. Useem and Cottrell (2001) explained that the concept as
applied to TCKs initially grew out of Useem and Useem’s work with children on
Native American reservations and was developed during subsequent field study
research of Americans living and working in India.
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Pollock and Van Reken (2001) revisited the concept of TCK and expanded it to
reflect what they identified as an increasingly mobile and cross-cultural world. They
observed that the number of TCKs has increased with the number of international
careers and proposed that the Useem definition should be expanded to include
contemporary situations such as children born to parents from two different
cultures. However, the authors agreed that the TCK experience continues to present
unique challenges.

The difference with TCKs is that they not only deal with cultural differences in a
particular location, but the entire cultural world they live in can change overnight with a
single airplane ride. Relationships are subject to equally dramatic changes as they or
others around them constantly come and go. When non-TCK children move within the
same culture, they miss old friends and need to go through grief at losing familiar people
and places, but they don’t have to relearn basic cultural rules and practices when they
unpack in the next city. The language remains the same, the currency still works, and
they already know who the president is. When people first go to another culture as
adults, they experience culture shock and need a period of adjustment, but their value
system, sense of identity, and the establishment of core relationships with family and
friends have already developed in the home culture . . . . Their basic sense of who they
are and where they belong is intact. (Pollock and Van Reken 2001, 39)

McCaig (2001) cautioned in her introduction to Pollock and Van Reken that the
original intent of the term TCK, as used by Useem, referred to children who were
living abroad due to their parents’ work. While it may be useful to expand the term
to include other subgroups, such as temporary refugees from civil strife or children
of immigrants, ‘the term risks being diluted beyond use for both researchers and
TCKs themselves’ (McCaig 2001, xv).
Perhaps in response to this caution, Van Reken and Bethel (2005) proposed the
term ‘Cross-Cultural Kids’ to include traditional TCKs along with other subgroups
such as international adoptees, children of multicultural parents, and children of
immigrants. Since more research has been done with the ‘traditional’ TCKs, they
argue that TCK research can provide a prototype for understanding other cross-
cultural children.
Langford (1998, 29) noted that ‘although Useem has focused on American TCKs
there is literature emerging that indicates that the same characteristics and qualities
can be ascribed to young people of other nationalities who share a similar experience
of a childhood abroad’. For example, Lam and Selmer (2003) and Selmer and Lam
(2004) studied British TCKs living in Hong Kong and found patterns similar to
those reported in the US.
 Human Resource Development International 353

An interesting line of research was proposed by Kano Podolsky (2005) who

developed a comparison between TCK research and the Japanese concept of
‘Kaigai/Kikokushijo’ or oversees/returnee children. Kano Podolsky described ‘two
bodies of research which have grown quite independently from each other, while
dealing with essentially the same subject matter’ (Kano Podolsky 2005, 67). While
much about the experiences of both groups is similar, the differing degree of
government involvement in Japan and the US created a different public perception
about the issue. In Japan, the phenomenon is better known and has resulted in a
variety of government programmes to support returning children, which have been
seen both as supportive of a disadvantaged group and providing special privileges to
an undeserving minority, depending on the viewpoint of the speaker. Kano Podolsky
noted that ‘the TCK field seems to be more focused, at least at this stage, on reaching
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out to the people who are still unaware that TCKs are a distinctive social/
psychological phenomenon, whereas in the case of Japan, Kaigai/Kikokushijos have
long been recognized as a problem/challenge/blessing worthy of study’ (Kano
Podolsky 2001, 76).

Common experiences of adult TCKs

TCKs, sometimes referred to as ‘global nomads’, are often classified into four
subgroups according to the reasons their parents live abroad (Hervey 2009): (1)
children whose parents are in the military; (2) children of diplomats; (3) children
whose parents live abroad for business; and (4) children whose parents are in
missionary or nonprofit work. Van Reken and Bethel (2005) included additional
subgroups such as media representatives and technical aid workers. While each
subgroup shows different patterns in terms of length of residence, degree of
interaction with the local culture, and degree of exposure to Western norms, Pollock
and Van Reken (2001) found that common experiences include: being physically
distinct from those around them; an expectation that they will eventually return to
their parents’ home countries; a privileged lifestyle as compared to many local
citizens; and systems identity connected to the ‘greater good’ represented by the
values of the sponsoring agency. Hervey (2009, 3) noted that, in addition to the
cross-cultural elements of their upbringing, TCKs find change to be ‘an ironic
constant’ due to moves by their own families and others around them.
These common experiences enable researchers to talk about TCKs in terms of
culture. Pollock and Van Recken (2001, 31) noted that for many TCKs ‘the sense
of belonging is in relation to others of similar background’. The US Department of
State (2008) also observed that ‘third-culture kids . . . experience a sense of not
belonging to their passport country when they return to it’ and ‘feel most at home in
the ‘‘third culture’’ which they have created’. Adult TCKs have recognized this
common culture and created organizations for networking and social support. In the
1980s Norma McCaig founded Global Nomads International. This was followed by
other organizations, such as Global Nomads Washington Area (GNWA). According
to its website, GNWA offers education and networking activities in the Washington,
DC area ‘to foster and support the local community of global nomads and TCKs’.
Early life experiences of TCKs can have great value in adulthood, providing skills
for handling change, relating to other cultures, and communicating across
differences. However, the TCK experience can also bring problems in adjusting to
adult life. Hervey (2009, 3) reported that ‘mixed influences of cultures can bring
 354 D.A. Bonebright

questions and challenges in the development of identity and a sense of belonging’.

Pollock and Van Recken (2001, 30) observe that TCKs often experience ‘lack of full
ownership’ in any one culture, frequently leading to feelings of rootlessness and
restlessness as adults.
Useem, Useem, Cottrell and FinnJordan conducted a study on the long-term
effects of a TCK childhood. Useem and Cottrell (2001, 4) reported on the study’s
initial findings and observed that ‘we must have tapped a largely unrecognized and
unexamined sector of American life’ because while the researchers hoped to get 100
people to complete the ‘unconscionably long’ questionnaire, the response rate was
eventually 680 people, ranging in age from 25 to 84. This return rate reflects Pollock
and Van Recken’s (2001) finding that many TCKs find great benefit in being able to
name their experiences and share personal stories with others who have a similar
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background.

Participation in higher education

There is a significant body of research on TCKs and international schools. Langford
(1998) observed that international schools share several common characteristics: the
student and staff body have a multinational composition, the schools have significant
student turnover, and it is unlikely that the students will complete their secondary
schooling or attend higher education in the country where the school is located.
While this research is outside the scope of this paper, it is worth noting that
experiences in international schools affects the higher education and career choices of
TCKs who attend them.
Adult TCKs participate in higher education at a very high rate. Ender’s (2000)
study of adult military children found that slightly more than 95% had completed at
least some college and 29% had an advanced degree. Useem and Cottrell (2001)
reported similar results with nearly 90% of adult TCK survey respondents having
completed at least some post-secondary education, 80% having earned a bachelor’s
degree, and over 40% having completed a graduate degree. Cottrell (2002) attributed
the high level of achievement to cultural resources such as parents with high levels of
education and high educational expectations, access to typically excellent interna-
tional schools, and breadth of experience gained through living and travelling
abroad.
In spite of the high achievements, adult TCKs tend to have unconventional
educational paths. Thirty-eight percent of participants in the Useem and Cottrell
(2001) study did not receive a degree from the first college they attended, and nearly
half attended three or more colleges. Many also reported dropping out to travel or
take advantage of other opportunities. Of participants who earned bachelor’s
degrees, almost half finished the degree after the age of 22.

Sense of belonging
A common theme in TCK literature is the difficulties that can arise in socialization
and finding a sense of belonging to their passport culture (Magna Publications 2005;
Pollock and Van Recken 2001; Useem and Cottrell 2001). Useem and Cottrell (2001)
reported that only 10% of the adult TCK study participants felt completely attuned
to everyday life in the US. The feeling of being disconnected is often stronger in the
passport culture because TCKs don’t appear physically different from their peers.
 Human Resource Development International 355

One participant who grew up in India was quoted as observing that ‘There I am a
partial outsider and they know I live a different life in the United States. If I make a
mistake, they just say that is because I am a crazy American. In the US I don’t
appear to be different, so if I openly deviate from my friends in attitudes, opinions,
ambitions, or even leisure pursuits, they don’t say that it is because I am a crazy
TCK who grew up in India, they just say I’m nuts’ (7). Useem and Cottrell (2001)
noted that ‘throughout their lifetimes there are subtle differences between them and
the American generation that came into adulthood in the same historical period’ (5).
They argued that while there are numerous examples of re-orientation programmes
designed to assist young adult TCKs in the transition, ‘the answer to the question of
how long it takes them to adjust to American life is: they never adjust’ (5).
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Occupational choices
For many TCKs, having an international component to their lives continues to be
important into adulthood (Cottrell 2002; Eakin 1998; Ender 2000). Useem and
Cottrell (2001) indicated that most of the adult TCKs who responded to the survey
expressed a desire to travel again, and maintained international connections by
speaking and studying foreign languages, hosting international visitors, keeping their
passports current, and working or volunteering for internationally related
organizations. Ender’s (2000) study found that about half of the respondents
travelled outside the US at least once a year for leisure, and 13% did so for business.
Selmer and Lam (2004; Lam and Selmer 2003) proposed that past experiences
and an international focus prepare adult TCKs to be well-suited for expatriate
assignments with multinational businesses. While noting that desires for interna-
tional mobility may restrict their interest in domestic careers, they stated that
international organizations may be able to attract adult TCKs to corporate positions
requiring global assignments. Gerner and Perry (2000) found a similar interest in
international careers, modified by gender and parental occupation. Cottrell (2002)
further reported that, when choosing a college major, many TCKs reported selecting
a major that could lead to work abroad. Examples included Teaching English as a
Second Language, business, and nursing.
The concern about factors that limit interest in corporate careers may be justified.
Cottrell (2002) found that adult TCKs typically sought careers in which they could
exercise expertise, leadership, and independence, and their most frequently chosen
work setting was in human service fields. Useem and Cottrell (2001) reported that
only a small number of respondents worked in government or in large corporations.
More common occupational choices for the study group included education, with
25% of the respondents working as teachers, professors, or educational adminis-
trators, while 17% worked as professionals such as medicine and law, and an
additional 17% reported being self-employed with many owning their own
companies. Ender (2000) reported similar results, with 29.5% of the former military
children working as professionals, 16% working in business management, and 11%
identifying themselves as full time students. Only a small number chose to follow a
career military path.
There appears to be little research specifically focused on the HRD implications
of career choices for adult TCKs. Ender (2000) and others have proposed that career
choices are based on a desire to be internationally mobile. However, this may not
fully explain the small number of TCKs who work in corporate and military careers.
 356 D.A. Bonebright

Another explanation worth exploring is the perception of organizational culture held

by young adult TCKs entering the job market. There appears to be a preference for
organizations which allow more independence and are potentially perceived as more
tolerant of personal differences. Eakin (1998) described the frustration and loneliness
that can be experienced by TCK college students who are unable to fit in with their
peer groups. Living in countries with different sports heroes, pop stars, fashion
trends, and ‘where football is played with a round ball’ can make it difficult to relate
to concerns of fellow college students. Such experiences may be reflected in career
choices favouring less collectivist organizational cultures where ability to fit in
around the water cooler is perceived to be of less significance.

Constructive marginality
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As TCKs attain young adulthood, they typically return to their passport country for
higher education. This often triggers a sense of grief, loss, and loneliness, along with
a reverse culture shock caused by trying to adjust to a ‘home’ culture where they
have spent little time (Eakin 1998; Fail, Thompson, and Walker 2004; Hervey 2009;
Huff 2001). Many experience a sense of marginality – not being fully part of their
home culture and not ‘fitting in’ with other college students, even though they may
share the same physical appearance. Marginality can result in loneliness and
difficulty adjusting to the college situation.
However, Fail, Thompson, and Walker (2004, 333) found that other adult TCKs
experience ‘constructive marginality’ and appear positive and enthusiastic about
their ability to ‘feel at home in different places and relate to people like themselves’.
These individuals are able to integrate various cultural frames of reference into a
whole and productive sense of self. Lam and Selmer (2003) describe constructive
marginality as the ability to develop wholeness among conflicting frames of reference
and compare it to the Japanese concept of ‘dynamic in-betweenness’. Eakin (1998,
101) identified a common perception of TCKs who demonstrate constructive
marginality: ‘When I’m asked how I can stand to move around so much, I reply I
couldn’t imagine life any other way’.

Implications for teaching

According to a newsletter for college recruiters, young adult TCKs ‘make up a
generally desirable group of prospective students’ (Magna Publications 2005).
However, the newsletter noted that the group is also difficult to recruit and retain. In
addition, this population is more mobile and likely to take non-traditional routes to
degree completion (Ender 2000; Useem and Cottrell 2001). Eakin (1998) observed
that TCKs often select academic majors that could support an international lifestyle,
such as international relations, international business, teaching, and languages.
HRD programmes, particularly graduate programmes with a strong international
focus, could be attractive to TCK college students. One outreach strategy is to invite
TCKs to participate in international student orientation and involve them
international organizations. Another strategy for recruiting and retaining TCKs is
to provide a supportive peer group and work with admissions counsellors, advisors,
and faculty to help them understand the issues this group may be facing.
Eakin (1998) noted that one difficulty for TCKs choosing a college is the inability
to conduct a ‘proper search’ due to travel constraints and the inability to conduct
 Human Resource Development International 357

campus visits. Schools with effective strategies for recruiting and advising
international students might do well to consider extending these efforts to TCKs
through networking with international high schools and sponsoring agencies.
Making information available about the number of international students and
support resources provided could also help make the school more attractive to
TCKs, as could the development of global nomad student organizations. Some
colleges, such as Lewis & Clark in Portland, Oregon, have developed special
recruiting strategies aimed at TCKs (Lewis & Clark College 2009).

Implications for research

There is limited scholarly research on the HRD implications of adult TCKs in the
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workforce. Kano Podolsky (2005, 76) observed that much of the TCK research has
been conducted by individuals who are adult TCKs, and ‘are about personal
experiences of grief or emancipation, identity, and culture shock . . . an approach to
the issue that is individual rather than social-systematic’. As organizations become
increasingly global and seek to expand their international workforce, research on the
extent to which adult TCKs are successful as business expatriates could provide
valuable knowledge for research and practice. In addition, international businesses
are increasingly welcoming expatriates from other countries to work in the home
offices. As Van Reken and Bethel (2005) observed, understanding TCKs could help
expand knowledge of other patterns of cross-cultural children and families.

Implications for HRD practice

Researchers have theorized a set of strengths that are often associated with young
adults raised as TCKs. These include ability to speak several languages, an
international world view, cross cultural skills, and an increased maturity reflected in
high levels of independence and ability to cope with crises (Gerner and Perry 2000;
Langford 1998; Selmer and Lam 2004). Since it appears that limited numbers of
adult TCKs work in global corporations, this could present a recruitment
opportunity. Useem and Cottrell (2001) indicated that most of the adult TCKs
who responded to the survey believed they had a strong foundation of international
skills and abilities, but many felt they had limited opportunities to exercise them.
International organizations could leverage this potentially well qualified workforce
by providing an environment that welcomes adult TCKs and promotes their
engagement by providing opportunities to exercise their international skills.
An additional benefit arises for HRD practitioners who are aware of TCK
challenges and opportunities. Given the high cost of unsuccessful expatriate
assignments, organizations focus significant energy on helping newly assigned
employees to be successful. Waxin and Panaccio (2005, 51) observed that ‘it is now
widely accepted, by both academic researchers and human resources (HR)
practitioners, that pre-move training and cross-cultural briefings can help expatriate
staff adapt to living and working in new environments’. Even so, they further
observed that ‘the cross-cultural training, provided by most multinationals in
insufficient, incomplete, or simply non-existent’. One area of training that has
significantly increased is preparation for children and families. Bennett, Aston, and
Colquhoun (2000) cited a 2000 organizational survey finding that 47% of companies
offer programmes to the entire family, 33% to the employee and spouse, and 20%
 358 D.A. Bonebright

offer programmes only to the employee. Organizations that are able to prepare
families for the TCK experience and provide supportive resources before, during,
and after the assignment will increase the potential for success.

Conclusion
The concept of TCKs appears to provide a rich opportunity for research and
practice in HRD. For those seeking to develop successful business expatriates, adult
TCKs could represent an under-tapped source of high quality employees. While
providing potential challenges for recruitment and retention, successful TCK hires
would be able to approach international assignments with a well-developed global
skill set and a desire to experience an internationally mobile lifestyle. In addition,
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adult TCKs have generated research and resources that would be helpful in training
expatriate families who are facing the challenge of a TCK lifestyle for the first time.
For HRD researchers, there are many questions that could be answered by
academic research on TCK experiences. What factors, if any, make adult TCKs
good international employees? How can an organization attract and retain them? Do
experiences of TCKs whose parents are from the US share commonalities with
TCKs from other countries, such as Japan? Opening a conversation on these
questions could allow the field to draw on complementary literature from education,
business, and psychology, adding to the HRD knowledge base.

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