Parenting in Single-Parent Families

Published in:
K. Lackovic-Grgin & Z. Penezic (Eds.), Parenthood and

parenting in Croatia: A developmental and socio-cultural perspective
(pp. 169-200). Hauppauge, New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.,
2015.
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Chapter
PARENTING IN SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES

IN CROATIA
Zora Raboteg-Šarić
Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar, Zagreb, Croatia
ABSTRACT
This literature review summarizes the key research findings on single-
parent families in Croatia. The goal is to describe the context of single
parenting in Croatian society, identify emerging main topics in studies on
single-parent families and suggest directions for future research. The first
part of the review gives a description of the macro forces in Croatian
society which are shaping the lives of single-parent families. Particular
focus is placed on demographic trends in family living arrangements, the
economics of single parenting, societal values concerning marriage and the
family and attitudes towards single parenthood. The review continues with
an overview of the main findings of published academic studies
specifically focused on single-parent families. Outcome studies have
mostly examined parents’ well-being and behavior, while fewer have
examined the effects which different family living arrangements have on
2 Zora Raboteg-Šarić
children. One- and two-parent families are compared on the basis of their
living standard, economic hardships, utilization of services for children,
parents’ well-being and parental behavior. The review examines the ways
in which family structure and family relations affect parents’ well-being
and child-rearing practices as well as children’s psychosocial adjustment.
We continue by exploring the role of perceived social support, types and
sources of support and parents’ satisfaction with informal and formal types
of support available to them. Finally, we discuss methodological
disadvantages and gaps in our knowledge on single parenthood and provide
suggestions for future research.
Keywords: single parents, parenting, socio-cultural context, family structure,

child outcomes
Research in Croatia has only just begun to shed light on the impact that
different family living arrangements have on parents and their children. Family
is highly valued in Croatian society and the diversification of family forms is a
frequent topic of public debate and focus of social policy reforms. However,
there has been scant research published in the last twenty five years which
focuses specifically on single-parent families, as a search of Croatian scientific
databases revealed. Therefore, in this review, I first identify the socio-cultural
context of single parenting in Croatia, based on published research and
comparison with international studies. The social context is a necessary starting
point for understanding the effects which different living arrangements have on
parents and children in Croatia. Next, I summarize the key research findings and
identify emerging main topics from studies on single parenting in Croatia,
focusing on the impact which living in single-parent families has on parents and
children. This review includes published academic studies and unpublished
master theses and dissertations. I mostly draw on our research findings from the
first large-scale empirical study in Croatia which compared one-parent and two-
parent families on a number of different indicators. Whenever possible,
differences between mothers and fathers as well as between different subgroups
of single-parent families are discussed. I conclude with a series of
recommendations for future research on single-parent families.
The literature review is organized into five general content areas: the social
context of single parenting in Croatia, challenges associated with single
parenting and their effects on parents’ well-being and behavior, the effects of
different family living arrangements on child outcomes, informal and formal
Parenting in Single-Parent Families in Croatia 3
sources of support for single-parent families and methodological considerations

and suggestions for future research.
THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF SINGLE PARENTING IN

CROATIA
Demographic Changes and the Family
Demographic changes show that Croatia’s population is in a long-term

aging process. The total population has decreased over the last century, and in
2011, according to the latest Census data, the country had 4.28 million
inhabitants. Since 1971, the age coefficient, i.e. the percentage of the population
aged 60 and over in the total population, has exceeded the critical value of 12%,
and in 2011 it was 24.1%. Over the last fifty years, the average age of the
population has increased by almost ten years (from 32.5 in 1961 to 41.7 in
2011). This change was caused by a long-term decrease in fertility on one hand
and an increase in life expectancy on the other (Croatian Bureau of Statistics,
2013a).
The social context of family life and children’s upbringing in Croatia can
be further described using statistics on households and families. Since the 1960s,
there has been a large shift in demographic trends in almost all European
countries: a decrease in fertility rates, a decrease in marriage rates, an increase
in divorce rates, prolonged age at first marriage and the postponement of the
birth of the first child (Puljiz & Zrinščak, 2002). Since 1991, Croatia has
experienced an ongoing process of negative population growth. In 2011, the
natural increase rate was negative at -2.2 and the vital index (live births per 100
deaths) was 80.7. Over the last four decades, the average number of household
members has decreased from 3.4 in 1971 to 2.8 in 2011, while in the same period
the share of single-person households increased from 15.5% to 24.6%. Out of
all European countries, Croatia has one of the lowest fertility rates. The average
number of children per woman of reproductive age has been below the level of
simple reproduction (2.1) for years, and in 2011 the total fertility rate was 1.41.
From a demographic point of view, marriage and family constitute the basis of
Croatian society: 86% of children born in 2011 were born to married parents
(Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2014a). However, the marriage rate (marriages
per 1,000 inhabitants) decreased from 9.9 in 1950 to 4.8 in 2012. In 2012, the
average age at first marriage was 30.4 for males and 27.6 for females, while in
1970 it was 25.5 for males and 21.6 for females. The average age of first-time
mothers increased from 22.8 in 1970 to 28.1 in 2012. The number of divorces
per 1,000 marriages increased from 83 in 1950 to 278 in 2012. The divorce rate
is still lower than in most other European countries. Approximately 60% of
divorces in 2012 involved dependent children. Following divorce, in most cases
children stayed with their mother (82.9%) while in 12% of cases the child’s
father was granted custody. In 3.9% of cases both the mother and father were
granted custody and in 1.2% of cases custody was transferred to other persons
or institutions (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2014b).
The structure of households has become increasingly diverse throughout
Europe, reflecting different types of lifestyles. A typical family nucleus in which
the father is employed and is the breadwinner and the mother is a housewife and
primarily responsible for raising the children is nowadays less common than
other family forms. Today’s typical family is characterized by both parents
being employed (two bread-winners), and there is also a significant percentage
of new family forms such as single-parent families, consensual unions, step-
families and childless couples. In Croatia, similar trends have been observed,
although they are less pronounced than in Western European countries (Puljiz
& Zrinščak, 2002).
A nuclear family, consisting of a couple and their child or children, is
predominant in the structure of Croatian families, followed by couples without
children and then single-parent families which are predominantly female-
headed. Over the course of the last four decades (1971-2011), the diversification
of family types can be observed. The share of families that is composed of
couples without children in the total number of families increased from 24.8%
in 1971 to 28.6% in 2011, while the share of couples with children decreased
from 63.8% to 54.3% in the same period. The percentage of single-parent
families increased from 11.4% in 1971 to 17.1% in 2011. It is important to note
that the proportion of father-only families has not substantially changed (2.1%
in 1971 and 2.7% in 2011) while mother-only families increased from 9.3% in
1971 to 14.4% in 2011 (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). It could be argued
that the deinstitutionalization of the family is slowly in progress, although this
process is not as noticeable as in other European countries, and the Croatian
family structure partially retains traditional features. The family as the basic unit
of the social community is still relatively stable. Compared to Western European
countries, as well as post-socialist transition countries, Croatia has a lower
divorce rate and a lower rate of children born out of wedlock. This is partly due
to the economic and social crisis, and partly to the preponderance of traditional
views on marriage and family (Zrinščak, 2008).
Family Values and Attitudes Toward Single Parents
The importance of family, marriage and children in Croatian society.

Despite changes in the traditional family structure in Croatia, family, marriage
and having children still dominate on the list of basic values of Croatian citizens.
However, research findings from the European Values Study (EVS) indicate
that these fundamental social values are gradually changing in Croatian society,
and their acceptance is increasingly conditional on individual criteria (Baloban,
2007). Nikodem, Aračić and Džinić (2010) compared the results of the two EVS
studies, carried out in Croatia in 1999 and 2008, regarding the importance of
marriage and family. Almost all respondents (98.2%) in the 2008 survey
reported that family means a lot in their life: for 77% it is very important and
for 21.2% important. The results were nearly identical to those from the
previous survey. Among other basic values (job, friends, acquaintances, free
time, politics, religion), family was ranked first. In addition, Croatian citizens
still highly value marriage, although compared to the results of the EVS–1999
the proportion of respondents who do not agree with the statement that marriage
is an outdated institution decreased slightly from 87.3% to 80.9%. The
proportion of citizens who consider marriage or a relationship similar to
marriage to be a necessary prerequisite for happiness also decreased (from
67.4% to 56.0%). Most respondents strongly agree and agree with the opinion
that people need to have children in order to have a meaningful life, although
their proportion has slightly decreased over the observed period (from 76.3% to
67.1%).
From the research, it is also obvious that respondents are particularly
concerned with successful and stable relationships between married partners.
Participants in the EVS–2008 were offered a list of 12 values which are
important for a successful marriage. The most important values, according to
the percentage of respondents who rated them as very important, are fidelity
(76.1%), willingness to discuss problems that arise between marital partners
(61.4%), children (59.8%) and a good sexual relationship (40.0%). When the
obtained responses of very important and important are summed up, it is clear
that the first three values are accepted by more than 90% of Croatian citizens.
Material values such as an adequate income and good housing conditions are
not considered important for a successful marriage. Similar results were
obtained in the 1999 survey, with the exception that two values which were not
offered as choices on the 2008 survey, the value of mutual respect and the value
of understanding and tolerance, were respectively first and the third in
importance in the 1999 survey. In both studies, the least important values for a
successful marriage were similar political views and the same social
background. Factor analyses of the importance ratings of values required for a
successful marriage showed that, in the Croatian sample, the value of having
children and values related to the bond with a partner significantly loaded on the
same factor, which indicates its importance to the perception of marital quality
and stability (Baloban & Črpić, 2005; Baloban, Šimunović, & Nikodem, 2010).
However, one study with 505 married partners showed that married couples who
have no children show a greater degree of intimacy and marital satisfaction than
couples who have one or two or more children. These differences remained
significant even with the control of the effects of the economic power of the
family and other relevant covariates (Obradović & Čudina Obradović, 2001).
Research findings on the importance of marriage and children are in accordance
with the generally traditional socio-cultural context of Croatian society.
However, at the same time, influences of (post)modern society are evident in
the trend of changing basic values and negative demographic trends, i.e. an
aging population, fewer marriages and more divorces. Attitudes towards
marriage and children indicate a certain gap between ideals and reality
(Baloban, 2007).
Concerning attitudes towards parenthood, a great majority of Croatian
citizens (89.6% in EVS–1999 and 85.9% in EVS–2008) think that parents are
obliged to work for the sake of their children, even if it means sacrificing their
own well-being (Rimac, 2010). Factor analysis of the EVS–1999 ratings of the
importance of various items on what children should learn at home revealed two
latent dimensions of desirable characteristics for children: traditional, collective
values (good manners, obedience, thriftiness, diligence, faith) and values related
to individual development and self-actualization (independence, imagination,
determination, tolerance and respect for others, a sense of responsibility,
selflessness). Although the results were very similar to those previously found
in other European countries, the relationship between different value
orientations was somewhat different. Specifically, Croatian results did not show
a negative correlation between values that emphasize individuality and values
of tolerance and selflessness. The authors conclude that among Croatian citizens
a traditional set of values coexists with the constitution of a modern, individual-
oriented upbringing, which also shows a high dose of solidarity (Hoblaj &
Črpić, 2000).
Other findings also indicate ambivalence and contradictions in the

evaluation of the family among Croatian citizens. Although the majority of
citizens in two EVS surveys agreed that having both a father and mother are key
to the child’s happiness while growing up (86.1% in 1999 and 79.3% in 2008),
at the same time two-thirds of the population (65.2% in 1999 and 66.2% in 2008)
approve of the woman’s desire to have a child as a single mother, without a
stable relationship with a man. In the EVS–1999 survey, Croatian citizens
approved of single motherhood to a greater extent than most European
countries. Out of the 33 European countries which participated in this study,
41.3% respondents on average were in favor of single motherhood as a woman’s
choice (Nikodem et al., 2010).
Attitudes towards single parents. Single parents have become the target of
family policy concerns in Croatia only in the last fifteen years. Once regular
monitoring of poverty indicators was introduced, they became more visible as a
vulnerable group that is exposed to a higher risk of poverty. Researchers have
only just begun to consider variables which are associated with the single-parent
family lifestyle and socioeconomic conditions. Therefore, most of the data that
is presented in this review comes from our research carried out in 2002, which
was the first comprehensive research on single-parent families in Croatia. The
results were published in a book on single-parent families in Croatia (Raboteg-
Šarić, Pećnik, & Josipović, 2003) and scientific papers that further explored
parents’ attitudes, economic hardship and perceived social support. In this
section we briefly describe the sample and methodology of the study and the
results regarding societal attitudes towards single parenthood, while other
research findings are described later in this chapter. The term single parent in
our research is used for parents who are caring for a child independently,
without help from the other parent. The reason for this may be divorce, death of
the other parent or having a child out of wedlock. The main goal of the study
was to investigate and explain in detail the position of single-parent families in
Croatia, as well as the personal experience of single parenting, and to suggest
measures to improve the quality of life for one-parent families (Raboteg-Šarić
et al., 2003). We used a combination of quantitative (field survey research) and
qualitative (the half-structured interview) methods in this research. An extensive
questionnaire was created, enabling a comparison of different types of families
based on their living standard, family relations, parents’ well-being, social
support, childcare and utilization of services for children, required forms of help
and parents’ preferences concerning the most important measures for the
improvement of their families’ quality of life. Research was conducted in four
Croatian cities, and a total of 812 parents were interviewed, 405 from single-
parent families (343 females and 62 males) and 407 from two-parent families
(319 females and 88 males). Forty percent of parents in both samples were
parents of preschoolers, forty percent of elementary school pupils, and twenty
percent of high school students. Interviewers selected respondents using their
own networks of personal acquaintances and through educational institutions.
In order to locate single parents, the snow-ball method was used, as well as, to
a certain extent, data from single parents’ associations and social welfare
centers. The average age of parents is 38 years old. Most parents are divorced
(64%), followed by unmarried parents (21%), and finally widows and widowers
(15%). Approximately half of single parents completed high school, and a third
of them have a college degree. Almost three quarters of parents are employed.
Samples of one-parent and two-parent families are very similar regarding age,
sex and working status, while single parents, on average, have lower incomes
and somewhat lower levels of education. It should be noted, however, that this
study includes an urban population and respondents who are, on average, in their
late thirties. Therefore, in both subsamples the proportion of parents with a
higher level of education is higher than in the general population.
As a part of this research project, Raboteg-Šarić, Pećnik and Josipović
(2003) examined parents’ perception of societal attitudes towards different
forms of single-parent families. Respondents indicated on a 5-point scale (1 -
very negative; 5 - very positive) how positively or negatively society treats
widows or widowers, divorced parents and parents of children born out of
wedlock. We also assessed parents’ perception of societal attitudes towards
these types of families depending on whether they are headed by single mothers
or single fathers. Evaluations of the way society treats one-parent families have
shown that cultural expectations related to family structure and gender roles are
expressed in more traditional societal attitudes towards women and towards
some types of one-parent families. Mothers of extramarital children have the
least favorable position, followed by divorced mothers. More than half of single
parents (59.7%) and parents from two-parent families (52.1%) evaluate societal
attitudes towards unmarried mothers as predominantly negative (i.e. mostly
negative and very negative). On the other hand, a considerably lower number of
respondents (38% in both types of families) state that the prevailing attitude of
society towards fathers of extramarital children is negative. Judging by the
opinion of 45.5% of single parents and 32.4% of other parents, societal attitudes
towards divorced mothers are predominantly negative. However, only one-
quarter of single parents (25.5%) and every fifth parent from two-parent families
(20.9%) consider societal attitudes towards divorced fathers to be
predominantly negative. Raboteg-Šarić et al. found that, compared to parents
from two-parent families, single parents evaluate societal attitudes towards

divorced and unmarried mothers as significantly more negative. Parents from
both types of families agree with the opinion that societal attitudes towards
widows and widowers are generally favorable probably because they are not
perceived to be responsible for their situation. Only 12%-14% of parents from
both types of families consider societal attitudes towards this category of single
parents as predominantly negative. Similar results were obtained in other
studies. According to Song (1996), general attitudes towards single-parent
families in Great Britain in the past were negative, especially towards divorced
and unmarried mothers. While social assistance for widows was generous, with
fewer conditions attached, social assistance for other types of single mothers
was more often called into question concerning whether or not those mothers
deserved such assistance. Ganong and Coleman (1995) showed that societal
stereotypes of divorced and never-married mothers include fewer positive and
more negative features than those of married mothers and of women in general.
Similarly, Bennett and Jamieson (1999) found that never married and divorced
parents are described as having poorer family relationships and weaker
parenting skills than parents who are married. Ganong, Coleman and Mapes
(1990) conducted a meta-analysis of 26 studies in which they examined
stereotypes with regard to family structure. They found that the families of
adults who are married are more positively evaluated than the families of
unmarried adults. Furthermore, parents are rated more favorably than
nonparents, and children whose parents are married are evaluated more
favorably than children whose parents are not married.
Raboteg-Šarić and Pećnik (2010) investigated single parents’ personal
attitudes towards single parenthood and compared their perspectives with those
of married parents. Gender differences in attitudes towards single parenthood
were also examined. In order to maximize the comparability of the samples,
cohabiting parents were not included, which left a sample of 384 married
biological parents and 376 single parents (divorced, unmarried and widowed).
For the purpose of this study, the Attitudes Toward Single Parenthood Scale was
formed which includes ten items describing single parents (e.g. ‘Single parents
are usually nervous, tense and tired’) and their children (e.g. ‘Sooner or later
living with only one parent will have adverse repercussions on a child’).
Participants rated their agreement or disagreement on a 5-point scale (1 -
strongly agree; 5 - strongly disagree). Principal component analysis revealed a
one-factor structure, and item analysis showed high internal consistency (α =
.88). Results showed that parents in general have a positive attitude towards
single parents and they mostly agree that single parenthood need not have
adverse consequences for children. A two-way analysis of covariance of the

results on the Attitudes Toward Single Parenthood Scale, controlling for the
differences in the number of children, education, and family income between
single and married parents, showed a significant main effect of marital status
and parents’ gender. Single parents and women had significantly more positive
attitudes towards single parenthood than married parents and men. Raboteg-
Šarić and Pećnik (2010) also examined the extent to which the relationships
between several demographic variables (gender, age, level of education, number
of children, income) and attitudes toward single parenthood differ between one-
and two-parent families. The results of multiple regression analyses showed that
significant predictors of less favorable attitudes toward single parenthood in
both samples were gender (being male) and a lower family income. Similar
results were obtained in the study on divorced mothers’ attitudes towards single
parenting. Among various predictors, including social support, self-esteem and
different demographic variables, economic well-being was the best predictor of
a positive attitude towards single parenting (Katz, 1998).
Petrović (2010) examined the relationship between gender-role
egalitarianism and attitudes towards single mothers and single fathers. The
sample was comprised of 387 participants (56% females and 44% males) with
a mean age of 39 years: 63% of them are urban residents and 37% rural
residents, most participants (61%) are married, 30% are not married and 9% are
widowed or divorced. For research purposes, scales that measure positive and
negative stereotypes towards single mothers and single fathers were devised.
Significant differences on all scales were found according to the respondents’
gender, place of residence, and level of education. Women, urban residents, and
more educated participants expressed less stereotypical views towards single
mothers and single fathers than men, rural residents and less educated
participants. In addition, younger participants were less likely to agree with
positive stereotypes about single mothers and negative stereotypes about single
fathers than older participants. Differences in attitudes towards single parents
with regard to participants’ marital status were not significant. Attitudes towards
equality between women and men were measured with the short form of the
Sex-Role Egalitarianism Scale (King & King, 1993). Gender differences on this
scale showed a similar pattern, i.e. women, urban residents and participants with
a higher level of education have more egalitarian attitudes toward gender roles.
The hypothesis that participants with more egalitarian attitudes towards gender
roles will have less stereotypical views of single mothers and single fathers was
confirmed. Significant negative correlations were found between positive and
negative stereotyping of single mothers and single fathers and egalitarian
attitudes towards gender roles. These results indicate that in our still quite
traditional society, promoting gender equality should be prioritized. A broader
acceptance of gender equality would likely help decrease instances of gender
discrimination against single-parent families.
A more recent study from 2009, with a representative sample of Croatian
citizens (N=1362), questioned respondents’ perception of discrimination against
a person simply for belonging to one of twelve groups, each distinguished by a
certain characteristic (Ajduković, 2011). Participants stated that being
handicapped, one’s sexual orientation and one’s economic status are the
characteristics which to the largest degree provoke unequal treatment in society.
They perceived marital and family status, regional roots, and an urban vs. rural
background to be the least important causes for discrimination in society.
However, 33% of participants stated that one’s marital and family status are
often causes for unequal treatment in society. Significant differences between
men’s and women’s perceptions were shown in seven of the given twelve
groups (also including marital status): women more often thought members of
those groups were discriminated against in society. Participants also rated to
what degree different groups of women are discriminated against in society. Out
of the possible nine categories, single mothers ranked sixth: 20% of respondents
consider them to often be the object of discrimination. Men and women almost
completely agree on the order of vulnerability of certain groups of women who
are discriminated against for the majority of these groups. However, women
state to a significantly greater extent that these groups of women are
discriminated against. This data indicates women’s generally greater sensitivity
for the problems of inequality in society. Women are more aware of gender
discrimination because they experience it more often: almost twice as many men
as women in this study think that women’s equality has been achieved in
society. Results from the EVS from 1999 also showed that men have more
traditional attitudes about the roles of women in society (Črpić, Bišćan, &
Aračić, 2005).
Overall, the results of the studies on attitudes towards single-parent families
indicate that single parents may encounter difficulties in establishing their
credibility as parents, which may be a result of negative attitudes and stereotypes
about them. If social service providers are contributing to such views, we can
speak of the psychological obstacles imposed by social service providers in
single parents’ realization of their social rights. From a policy perspective, it is
important to ascertain whether a stigma associated with being a single parent
exists, since negative stereotypes towards unconventional families could be
reflected in social work practice and social policy measures (Raboteg-Šarić &
Pećnik, 2010).
The Economics of Single-Parent Family Life
Economic hardship. One of the disadvantages of single-parent homes is the

likelihood that they will struggle more to achieve economic security. A recent
European study shows that the economic crisis has led to the deterioration of
living conditions in many European Union member states. Growing inequality
is also apparent among families. The position of certain groups, which were
already disadvantaged in 2007 when the crisis started, has deteriorated at a
faster-than-average rate. Although middle-income families with children have
been adversely affected by the crisis, those with the lowest incomes seem to be
the hardest hit, as are large families and single parents (Eurofound, 2014). In
2012, the rate of relative poverty in Croatia (20.5%) was above the European
Union average (17%). The at-risk-of-poverty rate for households consisting of
a single parent with one or more dependent children was 40.4%, twice as high
as for the population as a whole (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2013b).
Although single-parent families appear to be particularly at risk of poverty
and social exclusion, too little research and policy focus has concentrated on
this group. Our survey with parents showed that single-parent families have a
lower quality of life in general than two-parent families (Raboteg-Šarić et al.,
2003). Significant differences were found between one-parent families and two-
parent families on several indicators of a family’s economic situation.
According to parents’ statements, single parents have a significantly lower
average monthly income per household member, and they rate their standard of
living as significantly lower compared to two-parent families. Data showing that
more than a third of all single parents (36%) and only 8.6% of parents from two-
parent families evaluate the financial situation of their family as much worse
and worse compared to most other families points to a low level of satisfaction
concerning single-parent families’ material needs. In addition, single parents are
exposed to significantly higher financial strain than dual-parent families: more
than half of single parents (55.8%) could hardly make ends meet from one
month to the next, while a little over a quarter of parents from two-parent
families (27.8%) stated that they were in the same situation. Respondents also
marked, on a list of eleven items, all financial difficulties and economic
adjustments they had experienced in the last twelve months. Items were adapted
from the Economic Pressure Scale (Simons, 1996). The rank-list of economic
adjustments the family had to cope with is similar in both samples (one-parent
and two-parent families), with all financial difficulties being more profound in
the one-parent family sample. The most common difficulties, stated by
approximately half or more than half of the single parents were: postponing
shopping for themselves in order to buy something for their child (84%), being
late in paying bills (66.4%), giving up going away on vacation (56.3%) and
reducing consumption of overhead expenses due to a lack of money (48.6%).
Considering the fact that the economic crisis has in the meantime seriously
affected all families, it could be presumed that single-parent families are
currently experiencing even greater economic hardship. A more recent
nationally representative study with thirteen-year-old adolescents and their
parents found that single parents reported a significantly lower family income
and worse housing conditions than parents from two-parent families (Pećnik &
Tokić, 2011).
Recent data from the European Quality of Life Survey shows that the
proportion of Croatian households with children living with three or more adults
is the second highest in Europe: 43% of households with children or 15% of all
households include extended families (Eurofound, 2014). In Southern Europe,
extended family households make up to 40% of single-parent households
(Chambaz, 2001). Raboteg-Šarić et al. (2003) showed that more single-parent
families (33.8%) than two-parent families (16.7%) live in extended, three
generation households. Apart from a lower economic standing, the reason for
this living arrangement may be single parents’ poorer housing status when
compared to other parents, i.e. less than half of single parents live in their own
house or apartment. Extended family in general may provide some protection in
terms of income. However, when income and employment status are controlled
for, single parents living alone and single parents living with their own parents
remain less satisfied with life than parents who are part of a couple and living
in multigenerational households. These findings suggest that support from
extended family in itself is not enough to improve single parents’ subjective
well-being (Eurofound, 2014).
Child support from the noncustodial parent would substantially improve the
living standard of single-parent families. Since mothers retain custody in the
majority of cases, fathers are typically ordered to pay child support. Raboteg-
Šarić et al. (2003) analyzed the responses of divorced custodial parents (217
mothers and 39 fathers) and unmarried mothers (n = 83) on the question of how
regularly they receive child support payments from the noncustodial parent.
Almost half of single parents (48.7%) do not receive child support at all from
the noncustodial parent, less than a third of them (30.7%) receive it regularly,
and 16.5% of them receive child support on an irregular basis (others did not
answer the question). The differences in the regularity of income in the form of
child support when comparing unmarried mothers and divorced parents are
statistically significant. For example, two-thirds of unmarried mothers (66.3%)
do not receive any child support, and alimony is a regular source of income for
only 16.9% of them. The proportion of divorced parents who do not receive
child support at all is lower (43%), and more than one-third of divorced parents
receive child support regularly (35.2%). A considerable percentage of parents
(36%) consider that, even when child support is received, children are being
unfairly deprived and think that the other parent’s income is larger or much
larger than he or she has stated. Raboteg-Šarić et al. also found significant
positive correlations between the frequency of the child’s contact with the
noncustodial parent and the regularity of child support payments, as well as the
extent of support given. These findings are generally consistent with research
results on nonresident fathers’ financial provision for their children. Other
research also points to the difficulties single mothers experience in achieving
the right to child support and in receiving the full amount they are entitled to
(Meyer, 1999). Fathers of children born out of wedlock are exposed to fewer
formal pressures to pay child support than divorced fathers and they pay it to a
lesser extent (Seltzer, 2000).
Work-family conflict and childcare. Family policy in Croatia relies on the
employment of both parents, but family services that provide support for
employed parents are poorly developed. Parents’ main concerns relate to a lack
of flexible working arrangements and a lack of access to affordable, quality
early childhood education and care. Preschool provision is funded entirely by
municipalities so there are great regional differences in the availability of
preschool institutions (Stubbs & Zrinščak, 2014). In 2011, the average
enrollment rate for three to six year olds in institutions for preschool education
was 61%, while the enrollment rate for children aged 0 to 2 years old in daycare
was only 18.8% (Dobrotić, 2013). Parents’ decisions on what type of care is
appropriate for their child depend not only on their financial means and the
availability of preschool programs in their community, but also on the
availability of informal care provision as well as prevailing norms and beliefs
about child-rearing. A survey conducted in 2012 on a representative national
sample of parents of children aged six months to six years old showed that
parents of young children, especially parents of toddlers, largely rely on
informal (usually unpaid) sources of care for children. These informal sources
of care are most often grandparents, while other forms of care (e.g., relatives,
other close persons, nannies) are less frequently used (Dobrotić, 2013).
A recent survey on the quality of life of European citizens showed that the
conflict of work and family life has increased in all types of households with
children. Single parents working full-time experience work-life conflicts most
often. However, while most mothers who are part of a couple in which both
parents are employed full-time would prefer to work less, most single mothers
working part-time would like to increase their working hours (Eurofound,
2014). Raboteg-Šarić et al.’s (2003) study with parents from one- and two-
parent families showed that a considerable number of parents employed full-
time from both samples had to work in the afternoon (half of them), and they
stated that the inflexible working hours of most daycare and preschool
institutions do not adequately meet their needs. Single parents experience more
financial difficulties and have more demands placed on them in balancing their
work and family roles than parents from two-parent families. Significant
differences were found between parents from one- and two-parent families on
several measures. Compared to other parents, single parents consider the cost of
daycare to be less affordable and the working hours of preschool institutions
less adequate for their needs. Single parents are also more likely to have an
additional paid job and they more frequently work on Saturdays and Sundays.
Almost half of single parents have to work on Saturdays (occasionally or
regularly), while one-quarter of single parents have to work on Sundays and
holidays. As a result, they often feel tired and overworked. Since their biggest
problem is of a financial nature, almost half of the single parents in this study
would like more financial support (child allowances, employment) as well as
more flexible working hours.
THE CONSEQUENCES OF SINGLE PARENTHOOD

ON PARENTS
Studies from the United States that have compared married and divorced
adults on various dimensions of well-being show that divorced individuals,
compared with married individuals, report less happiness, more symptoms of
depression, more social isolation, more negative life events, and more health
problems. These associations are partly mediated by economic hardship,
difficulties associated with solo parenting, discord with the former spouse and
other divorce-related, stressful events. In addition, the selection perspective
assumes that poorly adjusted individuals either never marry or transmit their
problematic traits to their relationships with marriage partners (Amato, 2000).
European research also shows that divorced individuals have lower levels of
health and well-being than married individuals (Amato, 2014).
Most of the results on what consequences living in different family
arrangements have on adults and children were obtained in the USA and other
western industrialized countries. The Croatian family represents a mixture of
traditional and modern values, where strong family ties and mutual help among
relatives exist simultaneously with the acceptance of an individualistic value
orientation (Čudina & Obradović, 2001). Due to a lack of resources, the effects
that changes in the Croatian family have on adults and children have not been
studied exhaustively. The results of a few studies that have compared single-
and dual-parent families on various measures of well-being are generally in
accordance with results from other countries.
The Experience of Single Parenthood–Challenges and Benefits
Qualitative data disclose the specific experience of parenting in families

where only one parent is taking most or full responsibility for a child. Raboteg-
Šarić et al. (2003) analyzed data on the difficulties and the advantages of single
parenthood, collected through semi-structured interviews with single parents
(79 females and 18 males). Half of the parents stated in the interview that the
greatest difficulty of single parenting is of a financial nature. Another difficulty,
for every fifth parent, is that they feel tired and overworked. For every sixth
parent the greatest difficulty is that they have to take responsibility for raising
the children on their own, and equally challenging is the permanent concern
about their children’s future and the right way to raise their children.
Furthermore, the child’s lack of contact or a poor relationship with the other
parent, unemployment or unsteady employment, being alone and loneliness also
represent problems. Parents have also stated that they have difficulties
coordinating their working hours with childcare options as well as having to
explain to the child where the other parent is and why he or she doesn’t live with
them. Compared to fathers, the proportion of mothers who mention financial
difficulties is significantly higher. Regarding the experience of other challenges
of single parenthood, mothers and fathers are no different. Solutions suggested
by single parents themselves to address the greatest difficulties they face are
mostly related to the improvement of finances and living conditions and better
employment opportunities, more effective laws for determining and collecting
alimony and establishing paternity, improvement of services for children and
parents and raising social awareness of the problems single parents face.
Since the difficulties and problems single parents experience are often the
sole focus of the scientific literature, in our research we have tried to find out
the causes of single parents’ satisfaction (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003). More than
a third of respondents stated the lack of negative marital experiences as an
advantage of single parenting. Approximately one third of parents experience
personal satisfaction with the fact that they can make decisions regarding their
life and the lives of their children freely and independently. This is the only
answer where significant gender differences were found, with a higher
proportion of single mothers than single fathers mentioning this advantage of
single parenthood. Other advantages of single parenthood, stated by every fifth
parent, include the pleasure of seeing their children develop into happy and good
people, the intimacy between children and parents and the satisfaction of being
a parent and having children. Every sixth respondent stated that the support from
people who are close to them is a great source of satisfaction. When answering
questions about sources of satisfaction and concern in relation to children,
parents cited a wide range of worries and fears. They are very worried for their
children’s financial safety and further education. Parents also fear that children
might find friends who have a bad influence on them and are concerned with
their future personal development, as well as for the health and safety of their
adolescent children. Parents have also stated some other specific concerns, for
example whether they are too emotionally tied to their children or their children
to them and what will happen when their children enter puberty, especially if
they have children of the opposite sex. Thus fathers are concerned that their
daughters may greatly miss a mother’s advice and counsel, and mothers worry
whether they will have enough authority to raise their sons. The proportion of
mothers and fathers who mention various sources of worries in their
relationships with their children does not differ across previously described
content categories. Almost every tenth single parent fears that she or he will get
sick or die before the children will be able to care for themselves, with
significantly more fathers mentioning this specific concern than mothers. Most
of the parents, almost two-thirds of them, stated closeness, trust and a friendly
relationship as a source of satisfaction in relation to their children. Almost one
third of parents finds pleasure in joint activities with children, and one in five
parents is satisfied because his or her children are good and obedient. Other
sources of satisfaction include children being happy, healthy and successful in
school, as well as showing no problems related to divorce and the absence of
the other parent. Mothers and fathers do not differ in the frequency of
mentioning various sources of satisfaction in their relationships with their
children.
Parents’ Well-Being, Parental Competence and Parent-Child

Relationships
The importance of the parent’s and the child’s individual characteristics, as

well as the social-contextual sources of stress and support on parental
functioning are emphasized in Belsky’s model (1984) of the determinants of
parental behavior. In order to successfully fulfill the parental role, the quality of
the parent-child relationship is crucial, and it is dependent on the emotional and
physical well-being of the parent.
The experience of parenting is related to subjective parental assessment of
one’s own success in fulfilling the socially set parenting norms and the
satisfaction the individual experiences in the parenting role. Findings of a study
with 416 mothers from two-parent families and 52 single mothers point to the
importance of the parenting experience for quality interaction with preschool
aged children (Reić Ercegovac, Ljubetić, & Peričić, 2013). Maternal perception
of self-competence and satisfaction in her relationship with the child is
significantly positively related to the quality of the mother-child interaction, i.e.
parental acceptance of the child and democratic conflict resolution strategies.
This research also showed that the mother’s marital status is an important
determinant of parenting experience and mother-child interaction. Single
mothers report a lower sense of competence, a lower level of satisfaction and a
lower quality interaction with their preschool aged child regarding conflict
resolution. However, they do not differ from mothers in two-parent families
regarding warmth and acceptance of the child. According to the authors, family
structure differences in mothering experience and interaction with the child
could be explained by the lower subjective sense of well-being of single mothers
and a lack of support from the marital partner. However, these variables were
not the focus of the research and their potential mediating and protective effects
need further empirical verification. Pećnik and Tokić (2011) found no
significant differences between single and married mothers of adolescent
children in their perceived self-competence in the parental role.
Raboteg-Šarić et al. (2003) found significant differences in various
measures of parental well-being (life satisfaction, subjective health, parental
stress, depression) based on parents’ living arrangements. Parents assessed their
general life satisfaction on a one-item scale. Over two thirds (68.3%) of parents
from two-parent families are mostly satisfied (satisfied and very satisfied) with
their lives, and only one in ten (10.5%) parents is mostly dissatisfied
(dissatisfied and very dissatisfied). In contrast, only slightly more than a third
(38.5%) of single parents are mostly satisfied with their lives, and one in five is
mostly dissatisfied (21.2%). Similar results were obtained in a more recent
study, with married parents being significantly more satisfied with their lives
than single parents (Pećnik & Tokić, 2011). Raboteg-Šarić et al. also found that
single parents rate their physical health as poorer than parents from two-parent
families and they experience symptoms of depression considerably more often
than parents who live together. Parents’ depressive moods and physical
symptoms of depression were measured by items from the SCL-90-R
(Derogatis, 1983; cited in Simons, 1996). In general, these findings agree with
the results from other studies which show that married women and men are
healthier and experience fewer emotional problems than divorced people
(Amato, 2000; Bogenschneider, 2000; Simons, 1996). Results on the adapted
Parental Stress Scale (Gottlieb, 1997), which measures the frequency of
experiencing negative emotions related to parenting, show that parents from
both family types have experienced a similar degree of parenting stress.
However, in dual-parent families, fathers have experienced significantly less
parental stress than mothers. Interestingly, single mothers and single fathers
have experienced the same degree of parenting stress, and their results are
similar to those of mothers from two-parent families. These differences reflect
differences in mothers’ and fathers’ involvement in child-rearing in different
types of families (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003).
Financial problems often cause the onset of depression among single
parents, inadvertently compromising their children’s quality of life. Studies
indicate that it is economic pressure, rather than low income per se, that has a
disruptive influence on individuals and families (Amato, 2000; Simons, 1996).
According to the model of economic stress (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, &
Simons, 1994), subjective experience of economic pressure affects the
psychosocial adjustment of children through the emotional stress of parents,
their marital relationships and parenting capacity. Raboteg-Šarić and Pećnik
(2006) examined the effects of economic hardship on parents’ psychological
well-being and child-rearing practices for parents living in single- versus two-
parent families. Data on sociodemographic variables (parents’ gender and age,
parents’ education, family income, number of children), family economic stress,
parents’ depressive symptoms and child-rearing practices (acceptance or
support, monitoring, involvement and joint decision-making or autonomy
granting) were collected from 287 married and 283 single parents. With regard
to parental child-rearing practices that were examined, the sample included only
parents with at least one child of school age. The number of financial difficulties
experienced was used as a material needs indicator of economic pressure. Items

were adapted from the Economic Pressure Scale (Simons, 1996). Parental
practices scales were adapted in our research with children (Raboteg-Šarić,
Sakoman, & Brajša-Žganec, 2002) from scales that were used in previous
research studies (Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, &Steinberg, 1993; Lamborn,
Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991). The results showed that single parents
have experienced significantly higher economic pressure and depressive moods.
Financial hardship is significantly associated with parental depression and the
effects of family structure on parents’ well-being are no longer significant when
differences in family economic pressure are controlled. A lower family income
has indirect effects on parents’ depression through the higher economic stress
experienced by single parents. However, family structure is not related to
parental behavior. The results of regression analyses showed that economic
hardship is the main predictor of parental depression and parents’ depression is
significantly associated with a lower quality of parenting, i.e. child-rearing
practices in which parents are less involved in children’s lives, know less about
children’s daily activities and provide children with less support. The findings
also indicate that economic pressure in both family types has direct effects on
parental monitoring and indirect effects on parental support, through its
association with parents’ depressive moods. These results are consistent with
the predictions of theoretical models of the effects of economic stress on
parents’ well-being and in accordance with the study of Simons and associates
(1996), with the exception that single parents in our study did not engage in less
effective parenting. Although we found differences between married and single
parents in the level of economic pressure experienced by their families, these
differences were relatively small. Our sample included an urban population and
most parents had completed secondary or higher education. Further research
should include more parents from economically and socially disadvantaged
groups. It should be also noted that in this study parents rated their own child-
rearing practices. Other studies show that adolescents, on average, evaluate the
same parenting behaviors less favorably than their parents (Pećnik & Tokić,
2011; Raboteg-Šarić, Franc, & Brajša-Žganec, 2001). Parents from one- and
two- parent families do not differ in the assessment of their families’ cohesion
and, on average, evaluate it as high (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003).
Raboteg-Šarić and Pećnik (2006) also examined gender differences in
parental behaviors among parents from different family types. Significant
differences were found in the child-rearing practices of mothers and fathers from
two-parent families. Compared to fathers, mothers feel that they have more
control, provide greater support to their children and discuss decisions regarding
their children’s lives or family matters with them to a greater extent. The
differences in child-rearing practices between single mothers and single fathers
are not statistically significant. In addition, no significant differences in
parenting practices were found among divorced, widowed and unmarried
parents. While differences in mothers’ and fathers’ child-rearing practices in
two-parent families are in accordance with traditional gender roles, it seems that
single fathers accept more flexible, i.e. expressive and instrumental roles in the
upbringing of children. According to the findings from the qualitative part of
our research with parents, single fathers sometimes describe their experience of
single parenthood as having to be a mother and a father to their children
(Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003).
Results of the study conducted by Keresteš (2001) indicate that single
mothers perceive that they have less control over the behavior of their
adolescent children than mothers from dual-parent families. This study
examined the differences in mothers’ parental behavior and overall family
climate in one-parent and two-parent families from both children’s and mothers’
perspectives. The sample consisted of 795 children of an early adolescent age,
98 of them being children of single mothers, and 553 mothers, 66 of them being
single mothers. The child’s assessment of family climate (cohesion and support
among family members) and different dimensions of mother’s parental behavior
(acceptance, psychological control and behavioral control) did not differ with
respect to the structure of the family. Family structure did not have an
independent significant effect on mothers’ assessments of the family climate,
but the interaction effect of family structure and the child’s gender was
significant. In single-parent families, mothers of boys perceived their family’s
climate as less favorable than mothers of girls. In addition, significant family
structure differences were found in the mothers’ perception of their behavioral
control, with single mothers reporting less control over the behavior of their
adolescent children than mothers from two-parent families.
In general, it can be concluded that Croatian studies about the impact of
family structure and family processes on the well-being of parents indicate that
single parents have a reduced well-being compared to parents from two-parent
families. Studies have also pointed to the importance of a favorable economic
situation for families and good mental health for parents for the quality of
parent-child relationships. Concerning the impact of family structure on the
general climate in the family, parental self-efficacy and parental behaviors, data
is somewhat contradictory. Since few studies exist in the first place, it is difficult
to draw firm conclusions. The methodological differences in different studies
also make a comparison difficult, specifically differences in the
operationalization of family processes, in the control of the effects of variables

which are associated with family structure, as well as differences in the structure
and number of single-parent families and the age of the children. In addition,
studies with parents from single-parent families were carried out on samples of
urban families and with parents who have predominantly completed secondary
or higher education, and there is a lack of research with parents from lower
educated, socially and economically disadvantaged and non-urban social
classes.
THE EFFECTS OF FAMILY STRUCTURE AND FAMILY

FUNCTIONING ON THE CHILD’S ADJUSTMENT
Meta-analyses based on studies conducted during the 1990s in the United
States, along with studies conducted in earlier decades, found that children
growing up with two continuously married parents scored, on average,
significantly higher on measures of academic achievement, conduct,
psychological adjustment, self-concept, and social relations than children who
grow up with divorced parents (Amato & Keith, 1991; Amato, 2001, cited in
Amato, 2000, 2005). A recent meta-analysis of European research on children
and divorce is generally in agreement with studies conducted in the United
States and other English-speaking countries. The average estimated effects of
divorce on children from American and European studies are very similar and
moderate in magnitude, rather than strong (Amato, 2014). Research generally
shows that the death of a parent during childhood puts children at risk for a
number of problems, but not as much as divorce or out-of-wedlock birth does.
Similar to adults who experience divorce, children with divorced parents appear
to be disadvantaged partly because their parents brought risky traits to their
marriages (selection effect) and partly due to a lower standard of living, less
effective parenting and co-parenting resources and other stressful divorce
related events (Amato, 2005). The findings of Croatian studies, although very
small in number, are generally in agreement with studies conducted in other
countries. However, in this phase of research, these findings do not allow for
conclusions to be drawn about the effects of different living arrangements on
children and only point to some directions for future research.
Family Structure Differences in Family Relationships and the

Child’s Adjustment
Some research studies carried out in Croatia indicate that the quality of
family functioning, rather than family structure per se, affects children’s
adaptation and well-being. Čudina and Obradović (2001) examined how
parental marriage stability affects children’s emotional well-being. The study
was carried out with 770 couples with children under the age of 18. The couples
were divided into three groups: those who had just officially divorced and two
groups of married couples who were classified based on their results on the
measure of marriage relationships into either an intact or a distressed group.
Dependent variables included measures of child’s mood instability and
depressive symptoms collected from mothers. Parents’ education and age and
child’s age were controlled as covariates. Data analyses yielded significant
differences between children from intact marriages and children from distressed
and divorced marriages, with children whose parents have stable, harmonious
marriage relationships experiencing fewer depressive symptoms and less mood
instability. The difference between children from divorced and distressed
marriages was not statistically significant. This study indicates that distressed
families are as harmful to the child’s emotional well-being as divorce itself.
Findings from a study on high school students’ attitudes towards divorce
and marriage also point to the vulnerable position of children from two-parent
families who perceive that their parents have a low quality marriage and
difficulties in marriage (classified as poorly functioning families). They have
more negative attitudes towards marriage than their peers from well-functioning
two-parent families and families with divorced parents. In addition, adolescents
from poorly functioning families do not differ in their attitudes towards divorce
from children of divorced parents, and both groups have a more positive attitude
towards divorce than children from well-functioning two-parent families
(Delač, 2007).
Data on the quality of family functioning from a child’s perspective is
scarce and somewhat contradictory due to differences in sample sizes and
instruments used. Grozdanić (2000) carried out a study with 266 adolescents
who lived with both parents, divorced single parents or widowed single parents.
No significant differences were found in adolescents’ ratings of various aspects
of their families’ functioning on the Family Assessment Device (Epstein,
Baldwin, & Bishop, 1983; cited in Grozdanić, 2000). Findings of a study with a
national sample of Croatian high school students show that female adolescents
from one-parent families rate their families’ cohesion as lower, and male
adolescents from one-parent families engage less in unstructured leisure time

activities with their family. Both male and female adolescents from one-parent
families perceive that they receive less social support from their parents than
their peers of the same gender from two-parent families (Brajša-Žganec,
Raboteg-Šarić, & Glavak, 2002).
Children in single-parent families experience disturbed family relations
partly due to conflicts between custodial parents and their former partners.
Compared to married mothers, single mothers experience significantly more
conflicts and less cooperation with the child’s father (Pećnik & Tokić, 2011).
Raboteg-Šarić et al. (2003) found that divorced parents and parents of
extramarital children are much more dissatisfied with the way the other parent
cares for the child as well as how much time he or she spends with the child than
respondents from two-parent families. Children raised by unmarried mothers or
in divorced families (which in most cases means with single mothers) have very
little opportunity to spend time with their noncustodial parent. Every fourth
noncustodial parent has not seen their children for a whole year and roughly
only one in every four noncustodial parents sees their children at least once a
week or on a daily basis. This lack of contact is especially explicit for fathers of
extramarital children. Every other father of an out-of-wedlock child has not seen
his child for a whole year, while the same is true for every fifth divorced father.
Divorce can be extremely stressful for children if they are brought into conflicts
of loyalty and are unable to realize their right to a continuous relationship with
both parents after divorce or the parents’ separation. An analysis of cases
reported to the Children’s Ombudsman shows that attempts to exclude the other
parent from the child’s life occur quite often as well as estrangement of the child
from the other parent, even though the relationship between the child and other
parent itself gives no cause for this to happen. In such cases, manipulative
behavior can be noticed from the parent the child lives with as well as from the
parent whom the child visits (Filipović & Osmak Franjić, 2010). Although the
divorce rate is on the rise in Croatia and experts who work as practitioners are
issuing more and more warnings about the problems of children in disputed
divorces, these problems still have not captured enough attention from
researchers.
Attachment Security and Romantic Relationships
In recent times, several unpublished studies were conducted within the

scope of a project which dealt with examining differences in attachment style
towards one’s partner and family members among participants whose parents
had divorced, those whose parents had had a high quality marriage and those
whose parents had had a poor quality relationship. In accordance with
attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969), it was expected that the quality of the
parents’ relationship with the child and the structure of the family would to some
degree determine the child’s attachment style and the quality of his or her later
close relationships. Kamenov, Jelić and Lotar Rihtarić (2014), in a review about
the role of attachment in close relationships, summarize the findings of these
studies, conducted with different groups of respondents (432 high school
students, 529 college students and 424 adults). They found that people who were
raised in families in which parents had a poor quality marriage develop an
undesirable attachment style, specifically they are significantly more likely to
avoid closeness with their parents and show more anxiousness in their later
romantic relationships when compared to respondents whose parents were
divorced and those whose parents had a high quality marriage. The results
generally suggest that the quality of the parents’ relationship determines the
future close relationships of an individual to a greater degree than the
completeness of the primary family’s structure (Kamenov, Jelić, Delač
Horvatinčić, Ivanković, & Rajić Stojanović, 2010; cited in Kamenov et al.,
2014).
Family Structure and Children’s Self-Concept and Educational

Attainment
In Croatia, social inequalities in education have barely been explored for

the entire transitional period. A study based on Labor Force Survey micro data
for the 1999–2008 period showed that early school leaving is relatively rare:
about 4.5% of the population in a 15 to19 age group are early school leavers
(Matković, 2010). Higher risk of early school leaving is significantly associated
with a lower level of parental education and a lower household income. In
addition, analyses showed that, when mother’s education and household income
were controlled, children from single-parent families, multigenerational
families and families with more children were at a higher risk for early school
leaving. Similar results were obtained in a study that examined the predictors of
school achievement for more than forty thousand eighth graders at the end of
their primary schooling (Babarović, Burušić, & Šakić, 2009). School
achievement was measured by objective exams in seven school subjects and
explored for each subject separately. Students from two-parent families
achieved higher results for all subjects except for the foreign language study of
English. The results of multiple regression analyses showed that family structure
explained a significant, but very low, proportion of variance of knowledge in
different subjects, while higher education levels of the father and mother and
students’ gender (female) were better predictors of students’ educational
achievement.
When considering the effects of single parenthood on children’s cognitive
development and educational achievement, it is necessary, along with
differences in educational and economic status, to consider the quality of the
socialization process in single-parent and dual-parent families. A follow-up
study with children of preschool age and their mothers showed that there are no
differences in the results in verbal and nonverbal intelligence tests and in the
test of school readiness among children from single-parent and dual-parent
families when mediating variables such as children’s home environment, family
financial difficulties, mother’s education, mother’s involvement and life
satisfaction are controlled. Children’s home environment was also equally
stimulating in families with different family structures. This study also did not
find differences in children’s school achievement one year later, when they were
in first grade. Differences in children’s cognitive outcomes were more related
to differences in home environment and mother’s socio-economic status than to
family structure (Miljević-Riđički, 2004). Miljević-Riđički and Pavin Ivanec
(2009) further examined family structure differences in achievement on
cognitive tests for 147 preschool children aged 6 to 7 years old. The sample was
divided into three categories: children living with both biological parents from
birth, children living with a single-mother for at least three years, and children
in an institutional placement. There were no significant differences in cognitive
outcomes for children growing up with single mothers or with both parents.
Children who grow up in children’s homes, compared to children from two-
parent families, achieved significantly lower results on measures of verbal and
nonverbal intelligence and all subscales of a school readiness test. Compared to
children from single-parent families, they also had lower results on a verbal
reasoning test and measures of factual knowledge and graphomotorics. The
results from the same research project (Miljević-Riđički & Pavin Ivanec, 2008)
also show that there are no differences in children’s cognitive outcomes and
school achievement with regard to the type of single-mother family (divorced,
widowed and never married). It should be noted, however, that this study
included a small (N=42) and homogeneous sample of employed single mothers
of preschoolers living in a big city. It is surprising that there have not been more
studies with fatherless children, especially if we take into consideration that
casualties in the 1990s war in Croatia left many families without a father. One
such study, according to our knowledge, was carried out at the end of the 1980s
(Lacković-Grgin, Opačić, & Žitnik, 1988). That study was conducted with high
school students between the ages of 16 and 19. Data from a subsample of
fatherless adolescents who live with their widowed mothers (N=93) was
compared with data from adolescents who live with both parents (N=103), both
groups being equal according to gender, birth year, place of residence and
mother’s occupation. Significant differences were found between these two
groups on various dimensions of self-concept. Specifically, adolescents from
fatherless families had a more positive self-concept: their feeling of a lack of
competence was smaller, they were less afraid of negative evaluation and had a
higher feeling of self-efficacy. Adolescents from fatherless families also felt less
lonely compared to adolescents from two-parent families. Adolescents’ gender
and the duration of the father’s absence were not significantly related to any of
the self-concept dimensions. The authors explain the positive effects of growing
up in a family with a widowed mother on the basis of Weiss’s hypothesis that
the imbalance in the family hierarchy which appears after the father’s death is
overcome by the children growing up a little faster. Children assume more
responsibility but also receive more rights which accelerates the development
of their independence (Weiss, 1979; cited in Lacković-Grgin et al., 1988).
PERCEIVED SOCIAL SUPPORT AND AVAILABILITY OF

DIFFERENT SOURCES OF SUPPORT TO SINGLE PARENTS
The necessity of arranging childcare causes increased financial, material,
emotional and practical demands on single parents. They lack access to one
important source of social support–a marital partner. When the requirements of
the parental role and its reconciliation with other roles exceed the capabilities of
parents to meet the needs of the family, the family relies on informal social
networks in their environment and/or on the social welfare system. The
availability of sufficient material resources and supportive social networks is
key to ensuring that the single-parent household remains functional and does
not develop into a social problem.
There has been little research on how much social support single parents
receive. Other important questions include who are the members of single
parents’ informal support networks and what kinds of support they need from
communities and public services. Pećnik and Raboteg-Šarić (2005) examined
various features of informal and formal social support for families with children
with regard to the sources, type and perceived quality of support. In order to
control for differences in the availability of support from parents’ partners, the
single-parent subsample included only families where the other biological
parent of the child was alive, i.e. divorced and unmarried parents (284 females
and 33 males), and their results on various social support measures were
compared with the results of married parents (301 females and 83 males). The
respondents were asked four open-ended questions about who provided them
with the greatest financial support (e.g. giving or lending money), support in the
form of material gifts (e.g. food, clothing, furniture), practical support (e.g.
babysitting, help with household chores, household repairs), and emotional and
moral support (e.g. discussing problems, listening, giving advice). For each type
of support, respondents listed up to three people and described their relationship
to them. Their responses were then classified into different categories of the
sources of social support (e.g. the parents of respondents, friends and
acquaintances, extended family, etc.). Most single parents (61.8%) name their
parents as a source of financial support, followed by their siblings (22.1%) as
another common source of this form of support. In dual-parent families one’s
own parents are also the most common source of financial support (46.1%),
followed by the parents of one’s spouse (16.1%) and one’s own siblings
(14.6%). Single and married fathers received financial support equally often
from various sources, with the exception of the parents of the child’s mother,
who more often provide financial support to married fathers. Similarly,
significantly fewer single mothers received financial support from the parents
of the biological father of their child, as compared to married mothers. In
addition, significantly more single mothers, when compared to married mothers,
received financial assistance from various sources of help, i.e. their own parents,
siblings, friends and people categorized as ‘other’, which also points to a low
economic status of single mothers’ families. Similar data was obtained with the
analysis of support in the form of material gifts and practical support. One’s
own parents and siblings are the mainstay of single parents. In addition to these
sources of support, dual-parent families also receive help from the parents of a
spouse.
In cases in which other people are unable to help with the unmet material
needs of parents or solving their practical problems, they can still help them
cope more easily with their challenges and problems by providing advice,
listening to them, talking with them and similar forms of emotional and moral
support. Pećnik and Raboteg-Šarić (2005) found that, in contrast to the
dominance of one’s own parents as providers of most types of support, single
parents’ friends are their most important source of emotional support. More than
half of single parents (60.3%) have shared their problems with friends. One’s
own parents still remain a very important source of emotional and moral support
for a substantial portion of single parents (42.9%), followed by their siblings
(22.1%). In dual-parent families, the most common sources of encouragement
and understanding for parents are equally friends (34.6%) and their own parents
(33.3%). Apart from those sources of support, they received the most emotional
support from a spouse (19.5%) and their siblings (17.4%). As expected,
significantly more fathers from two-parent families, compared with single
fathers, have received emotional support from the child’s mother. On the other
hand, single fathers are more likely to receive emotional support from friends
and acquaintances than fathers in dual-parent families. Sources of emotional
support for mothers also differ with respect to the structure of the family. Single
mothers, as compared to married mothers, are less likely to receive emotional
support from the child’s father and his parents. In contrast, more single mothers,
when compared to married mothers, named their friends, parents, children,
neighbors and other people as sources of emotional support. In general, parents
consider their own parents to be the greatest source of all kinds of support,
except emotional support, where friends play a more important role. The results
of research in other European countries also show that the most important source
of support for parents are their own parents (Wall, Aboim, Cunha, &
Vasconcelos, 2001). After their own parents (and for two-parent families, also
the parents of a spouse), brothers and sisters are the next frequent source of
social support, while the role of the members of the extended family is less
significant. Among non-familial relationships, friends provided the most
support to parents. Single parents have generally received more support from
different sources than married parents, with the exception of support from
partners and their parents, which is a main source of support in two-parent
families. The weakening of the relationships with the other parent and his/her
family and the strengthening of single parents’ bonds with an informal social
network, primarily their own family and friends, was also found in research on
social support for one-parent and two-parent families in the United States and
Finland (Leinonen, Solantaus, & Punamaki, 2003; Simons, 1996).
Single parents must rely on multiple sources of support probably because
they need support more often than married parents. Their dissatisfaction with
the support received indicates that their needs for assistance are not being
sufficiently met. Pećnik and Raboteg-Šarić (2005) examined single parents’
satisfaction with the understanding and support they receive from different
informal and formal sources of social support. Factor analysis of parents’ ratings
revealed the dimensions of satisfaction with support from close persons

(primary family, children, and friends), from one’s partner and his or her family
and from the formal system of social support for families (experts in educational
institutions, centers for social welfare, non-governmental organizations and
government representatives). Single parents, like married parents, are most
satisfied with the understanding and support they receive from people they feel
close to. Compared with two-parent families, single parents are significantly
less satisfied with the support they receive from their partner and partner’s
family as well as the support from services and institutions of the formal social
system for family support. Apart from receiving different forms of social
support themselves, parents also provide others in their social environment with
support. Single parents provide emotional support more often than married
parents do, but because of their lower economic status, they provide financial
support to others rather infrequently (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003).
In our research we also applied the adapted version of the Perceived Social
Support Scale (Simons, 1996). Parents indicated on a five-point scale their
agreement with each of the eleven statements that describe the availability of
different kinds of social support. Based on the results of factor analysis, three
subscales were formed that measure different aspects of perceived social
support, i.e. belonging to a group of friends, tangible (instrumental) support and
informational support. The results showed that single parents and married
parents have equal access to supportive and close exchanges with a group of
friends they belong to. However, compared to married parents, single parents
perceive that practical and material help from others is less available and they
also feel that they receive less support in the form of advice from others
(Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; Raboteg-Šarić & Pećnik, 2006).
The research results point to the protective effects social support has on the
well-being of parents and parental behavior. Raboteg-Šarić and Pećnik (2006)
examined the effects of three types of perceived social support on parents’
depression. The results of regression analyses showed that being female and the
exposure to higher economic stress are risk factors for parents’ depression,
while support from friends has a protective effect to the benefit of all parents.
Parents’ perception that they belong to a group of friends who provide emotional
support significantly predicts their lower levels of depression, after controlling
for the effects of economic stress and relevant sociodemographic variables. In
this study there were no significant effects of the interaction of economic stress
and social support on parents’ depression. However, it turned out that certain
forms of social support moderate the negative effects of economic stress and
depression on parental behavior. Emotional support from friends moderates the
negative effects of parental depression on parental monitoring of their children’s

activities. Parental depression is more strongly related to poorer monitoring of
children’s behavior among parents who receive little support from friends than
among parents who are provided with high emotional support from friends.
Instrumental support for parents proved to be a significant moderator of the
negative influence of economic stress on parental monitoring. The correlation
between economic stress and parental monitoring is not significant at a high
level of instrumental support to parents. However, among parents who lack
instrumental support from their social network, the experience of economic
stress is significantly related to poorer parental monitoring of children’s
behavior. Other results of this study showed that family structure is not related
to parental behavior. Social support had independent protective effects on
certain forms of parental child-rearing practices. When controlling for the
effects of relevant sociodemographic variables, economic stress and parental
depression on different aspects of parental behavior, instrumental support to
parents significantly contributed to higher parental support, monitoring and
autonomy granting. In addition, emotional support from friends contributed to
parents’ higher involvement in child-rearing. In contrast to this, informational
support was significantly negatively associated with parental acceptance and the
support they give to their children as well as their involvement in child-rearing.
Parents who have more problems in the relationship with their children probably
seek more of this type of support in their social network and share similar
problems with people in their social network. Since the advice and problem-
solving support provided by close persons seems to be inefficient, parents
should be provided with greater access to professional counseling assistance. In
general, the findings of this study indicate that it is extremely important that all
parents have access to various sources of social support and that they receive
adequate support from their informal social network as well as from the formal
system responsible for providing family assistance. These supports are
especially important for single parents who are exposed to a higher risk of
economic stress and are more likely to experience depressive symptoms.
Raboteg-Šarić et al. (2003) also examined the response of the formal social
support system to parents’ needs. This includes social welfare system rights
(counseling, one-time financial help, assistance with material needs such as
food, clothes etc.), a child allowance, parental leave and subsidy services for
children. It was found that, in the context of the examined forms of help, a child
allowance is the main form in which the state is helping parents. The child
allowance is or was used by over three quarters of one-parent families and half
of two-parent families. Apart from the child allowance and maternity leave
compensation, other forms of family support are or were being used by less than
one quarter of parents. Parents from one-parent and two-parent families also
evaluated the importance of a series of measures or activities for the benefit of
the family. Nearly half of single parents consider measures that would ensure a
larger financial income for single-parent families, i.e. increasing the child
allowance and employment opportunities, as well as help with housing issues,
to be the most important. According to the opinion of one third of single parents,
in order to improve the quality of life of single-parent families, the government
should increase the amount of paid maternity leave compensation (from the
sixth to the twelfth month of the child’s age) and create a real (not just legal)
possibility of using parental leave benefits after the child’s first year of life.
More than a quarter of single parents stated that changing societal attitudes
towards single-parent families should be prioritized, as it would benefit them.
Measures which regulate working hours, schooling expenses and tax allowances
for families with children come next in terms of perceived importance. Analysis
of parents’ evaluations of the most important measures to improve the quality
of life of families shows great congruence between parents from one-parent and
two-parent families. In general, it could be stated that measures which parents
from two-parent families emphasize more serve the function of improving
families’ quality of life, i.e. they are related to spending more time with the
family than at work, while measures which single parents emphasize more are
related to helping them meet their basic needs for financial security (Raboteg-
Šarić et al., 2003).
Single-parent families are heterogeneous and are not necessarily all
disadvantaged in terms of having their needs met. For example, every fifth
single parent stated that he or she does not require any assistance. However, it
was also found that there are some unmet needs for help, i.e. a significantly
larger number of respondents stated that they require certain forms of support
which they are not receiving, such as legal counseling and information,
counseling related to raising children and one-time financial assistance. When
taking into consideration reasons why they do not receive support, we found
that every fourth single parent does not want to ask for help, but is trying to
manage on his/her own (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003). It is important for the
formal social support system to understand why single parents who need help
do not wish to be helped by the state. This could be related to the manner in
which assistance is being provided, which is indicated in data showing rather
low satisfaction with the support provided by social welfare centers, non-
governmental organizations, church and experts in daycare centers and schools.
On the other hand, the process of asking for and providing help, which puts the
person seeking help in an inferior and somewhat humiliating position, could be

the reason single parents are not seeking formal support more. Perhaps single
parents wish to prove that they are just as capable as other parents of looking
after their family, regardless of being in a harder situation. Both explanations
point to the importance of parents’ acceptance of the social rights concept as
well as its acceptance by all levels of the formal social support system which
make social rights accessible.
METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Research findings on single parenthood in Croatia generally show that life

in single-parent families may have negative effects on both parents’ and
children’s psychosocial well-being and behavior. They also indicate that
parents’ and children’s well-being is more closely tied to family relations than
to family structure. Furthermore, research points to the importance of studying
the impact of the social context, particularly financial hardship, on family
relations in single-parent families.
Studies with single parents and their children in Croatia have largely been
based on small, non-representative samples, and it is difficult to generalize these
findings to the whole population of children living in one-parent families. In
addition, participants were predominantly middle-class parents with relatively
high levels of education from urban areas, and we do not know much about
single-parent families who are economically deprived and socially excluded.
The studies also used different theoretical approaches, methods of data
collection and outcome choices, which sometimes leads to divergent results.
Societal values provide a context for single parenting and for the acceptance of
single parenthood. Therefore, findings of studies carried out in different socio-
cultural contexts might not be as relevant to the Croatian social context.
Nevertheless, psychological research on parenting, the modern family, marriage
and partnership in our society is generally in line with theoretical models and
research in the United States and Western European countries (for example, see
Čudina-Obradović & Obradović, 2006; Brajša-Žganec, Lopižić, & Penezić,
2014). Similarly, results of Croatian research on the social status and living
situation of single parents and their children, though limited, are generally in
accordance with results of studies carried out in other countries.
In Croatia, there has been more systematic research on marital relations,

marital stability and parenting in two-parent families than research focused on
diverse family types and their effects on parents and children, which partly
reflects the demographics of our society and prevailing societal attitudes about
the family. One particular problem is a lack of standard, longitudinal studies on
representative samples of families nationwide. Although the interest of
researchers and policy makers has recently been more focused on family
diversity and its effects, limited research funds hinder the development of
research in this area, since similar studies are usually complex and demanding.
Croatian studies have not adequately explored the effects of family structure on
parents’ and children’s outcomes. Some studies discussed in this review used
models of parenting (e.g. Belsky, 1984; Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons,
1994; Simons, 1996) as a theoretical basis or a broader theory in developmental
psychology, such as attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969), and examine processes
that could explain the effects different living arrangements have on parents and
children. However, most studies are exploratory and based on the class-
theoretical design that does not specify the mechanisms or processes through
which the course and consequences of development are determined
(Bronfenbrenner, 1988). Thus, studies have predominantly used the social
address model, which involves the comparison of children and adults living in
different family arrangements. Other studies have improved this design by
adding groups that differ in some personal characteristics, for example the
parent’s and the child’s gender (person-context model). In these studies,
observed family structure differences in developmental outcomes are explained
by mechanisms and processes that are only presumed and not directly examined.
However, they are useful in identifying relevant aspects of the social context,
the person, or their combination that are promising for exploration in more
theoretically oriented investigations.
There is no longitudinal data examining the influence of non-normative life
transitions such as divorce or the death of a parent and there is little research
with children in various stages of development. Hence, we still know very little
about what consequences living in a single-parent family may have for children.
Among single-parent families, families with divorced parents are the most
represented in research studies. The development of children born out of
wedlock or children living in families of widowed parents has been less
investigated. Taking into account that, as a result of the 1990s war in Croatia,
there are more widows among younger sections of the population, it is surprising
that there are almost no studies focused on their well-being and the outcomes of
the loss of the father on children. Future research should be more focused on
examining whether factors such as the cause of the family’s structure (divorce,
desertion or death) and the duration of single parenthood make a difference for
parents’ and children’s well-being. For example, the experience of children who
never knew their fathers is different from the experience of children who have
frequent contact and a good relationship with the nonresident father. Of special
concern are children who experience conflict between the custodial and
noncustodial parents. Differences in the level of paternal involvement in single-
parent families headed by divorced and unmarried mothers and the effects on
the well-being of single mothers and their children have not been examined.
Since paternal involvement affects children’s social, emotional and cognitive
development, it is important to identify conditions and policies that promote
positive co-parental relationships and shared custody arrangements (Lamb,
Chuang, & Cabrera, 2005).
Some researchers collected data from both parents and children, which not
only increases the validity of findings but also gives insight into the perceptions
of different actors. Qualitative data analysis can give a more in-depth
understanding of family dynamics. Therefore, this methodological approach
should be expanded and used in combination with a quantitative approach.
Since the vast majority of single parents are mothers, most of the research
focuses on female-headed families. Further understanding is needed of the
variation in ways in which single-mother and single-father families cope with
the challenges of providing care and financial security for the members of their
families. Some findings suggest that single mothers and single fathers share
similar problems and challenges, although they seem to be more pronounced in
families headed by single mothers, due to their lower socioeconomic status.
However, single mothers perceive that they have more sources of informal
social support available to them. Single fathers, on the other hand, might be
more reluctant to seek help and advice, which fits their traditional gender role.
The formal social support system’s responses to mother-only and father-only
families should be explored more thoroughly, considering societal attitudes
towards single mothers are less favorable than towards single fathers.
Studies are increasingly exploring the moderating effects of children’s and
parents’ gender on parenting practices and children’s psychosocial adjustment.
Current research has also started differentiating between women’s and men’s
experiences, but we need more detailed information about the experiences of
single fathers and single mothers according to their age and socioeconomic
group. In general, more research is needed that will investigate parenting with
respect to the developmental characteristics of parents and children. Research
indicates, for example, that the experience and practice of parenting while still
in adolescence differs from parenting while in early adulthood. Caring for

children interferes with the process of adolescents’ identity development and
individuation from parents. Therefore, young people lack internal resources
which would enable the salience of the parental role as well as parental
commitment. In addition, the transition to parenthood might be more difficult
for unmarried parents since in most societies having children is a normative
expectation for married couples or couples in long-term consensual unions
(Lacković-Grgin, 2011). However, adolescent parents, as well as unmarried
mothers and their children, have not been the focus of recent research in our
society.
Previous research has largely focused on the negative consequences single-
parent households have for parents and children but some studies have found
advantages to these living arrangements. In the interest of gaining a more
comprehensive picture of single parenthood, more research is needed on
positive psychosocial outcomes for parents and children and resilience in high-
risk circumstances. This research is useful for designing interventions that foster
positive development in both parents and children.
Less research has been done on the impact of work-family issues on single
parents and their children, which is one of the greatest concerns single parents
have, especially those with small children. Considering its practical
significance, more research should be devoted to the effects of social support,
both at home and in the workplace, on parents’ well-being. In addition, there are
too few studies on the impact that community support, availability of family
services or changes in social policy has on families. Such studies are currently
extremely important, considering the fact that Croatian society has undergone a
process of substantial political, social and economic change over the last two
decades. Recent research and demographic trends indicate that future Croatian
research will place more focus on issues related to single parenthood.
AUTHOR NOTE
Correspondence concerning this paper should be addressed to Zora
Raboteg-Šarić, Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar, Marulićev trg 19, 10000
Zagreb, Croatia. Email: Zora.Raboteg-Saric@pilar.hr, Phone: +385 1 48 86 818,
Fax: +385 1 48 28 296
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K. Lackovic-Grgin & Z. Penezic (Eds.), Parenthood and

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PARENTING IN SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES

Keywords: single parents, parenting, socio-cultural context, family structure,

sources of support for single-parent families and methodological considerations

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF SINGLE PARENTING IN

Demographic changes show that Croatia’s population is in a long-term

Family Values and Attitudes Toward Single Parents

The importance of family, marriage and children in Croatian society.

Other findings also indicate ambivalence and contradictions in the

from two-parent families, single parents evaluate societal attitudes towards

adverse consequences for children. A two-way analysis of covariance of the

The Economics of Single-Parent Family Life

Economic hardship. One of the disadvantages of single-parent homes is the

THE CONSEQUENCES OF SINGLE PARENTHOOD

The Experience of Single Parenthood–Challenges and Benefits

Qualitative data disclose the specific experience of parenting in families

Parents’ Well-Being, Parental Competence and Parent-Child

The importance of the parent’s and the child’s individual characteristics, as

experienced was used as a material needs indicator of economic pressure. Items

operationalization of family processes, in the control of the effects of variables

THE EFFECTS OF FAMILY STRUCTURE AND FAMILY

Family Structure Differences in Family Relationships and the

adolescents from one-parent families engage less in unstructured leisure time

Attachment Security and Romantic Relationships

In recent times, several unpublished studies were conducted within the

Family Structure and Children’s Self-Concept and Educational

In Croatia, social inequalities in education have barely been explored for

PERCEIVED SOCIAL SUPPORT AND AVAILABILITY OF

revealed the dimensions of satisfaction with support from close persons

negative effects of parental depression on parental monitoring of their children’s

person seeking help in an inferior and somewhat humiliating position, could be

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

Research findings on single parenthood in Croatia generally show that life

In Croatia, there has been more systematic research on marital relations,

in adolescence differs from parenting while in early adulthood. Caring for

Bogenschneider, K. (2000.) Has family policy come of age? A decade of the

Komparativna studija vrednota: Hrvatska i Europa (pp. 207-231). Zagreb,

Grozdanić, S. (2000). Kvaliteta odnosa među članovima jednoroditeljskih

The role of family structure and parental gender. Journal of Family

support to one-parent and two-parent families]. Revija za socijalnu politiku,

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