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Editorial

WITH the last two animals relocated to their new home, the curtain falls on the
Islamabad Zoo. This week, Bubloo and Suzie — two Himalayan brown bears
native to Pakistan — were transported to a sanctuary in Jordan. According to
reports, before their arrival at the Islamabad Zoo, the two were trained to be
‘dancing bears’ and spent most of their lives in human bondage. The bears had
nearly all their teeth removed to prevent them from attacking their caretakers,
and they consequently suffered from malnourishment, along with other medical
complications. Two weeks earlier, Kaavan, the (former) ‘loneliest elephant in the
world’, was transferred to a sanctuary in Cambodia, and received a hero’s
welcome on his arrival. The gentle giant has since shown rapid signs of
improvement. His morbid back and forth swaying, a sign of deep mental
distress, has ceased, and he has already made new friends at the sanctuary. In
May, the Islamabad High Court had ordered the transfer of all animals from the
zoo to better-equipped environments, but two lions and an ostrich died before
they could reach their new homes, during the transfer process, which signalled
callousness and deep incompetence on the part of the authorities and their
caretakers. A video recording of the lions being ‘smoked’ out, with a fire lit
inside their cages, shocked many people, and raised a number of questions
about the ‘methods’ that were being employed to ‘tame’ the wild animals at the
zoo.

The Islamabad Zoo was built over four decades ago, but it has been plagued by
bad publicity in recent years. According to Four Paws International, over two
dozen animals died at the zoo in the past four years alone, while many others
went ‘missing’. Now, there are plans to create a sanctuary and animal
conservation centre on the ruins of that zoo, which is the right way to go. The
conversation on the ethics of keeping zoos alive in the 21st century must not
end with the closure of one.

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

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LoC aggression

Total impunity

Heavily in debt

On DawnNews

‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮐﻮوڈ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻓﺮد ﮐﻮ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎد ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﮐﺎ‬10 ‫ﮨﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻧﮑﺸﺎف‬
‫’ﻓﻄﺮت دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺰا ﮨﻤﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮور ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ!‘‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‪ :‬ﻋﺮوج و زوال ﮐﯽ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﮭﺮﭘﻮر داﺳﺘﺎن!‬

‫‪Viewed using Just Read‬‬

20 Dec 2020 Editorial

Total impunity
Total impunity
Editorial

A LOVED one forcibly disappeared and the family running from pillar to post to
glean information of their whereabouts — it has sadly become an all-too-
familiar story, differing only in the particulars. If the family is fortunate, the
missing individual is returned soon, within a few hours or days. But for some,
the ordeal lasts for years, with no signs of hope. Such was the account that
came to light at the Islamabad High Court earlier this week. According to a
petition filed by a lawyer, her husband, a Hizb-ut-Tahrir spokesperson, went
missing almost a decade ago. As per the FIR, Naveed Butt was abducted by
intelligence personnel on May 11, 2012, from outside his residence in Lahore.
The chairman of the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances,
retired Justice Javed Iqbal, said in 2018 that he may have been picked up by
“personnel of the secret establishment and is being held in their illegal
confinement”. The petition was filed almost three years later, during which the
commission was unable to force compliance with its order that the missing
man be produced before it without delay. On Monday, the court was informed
that Mr Butt was not in the custody of either the ISI or MI.

One wonders what recourse is left to the family of the missing man whose
rights to security of person and due process were violated so brazenly. No
civilised country should inflict such suffering on its people. And impunity of the
kind that the alleged perpetrators of such a crime enjoy is the hallmark of some
of the most despotic regimes in history. It speaks to the utter failure of the
commission in one critical aspect of its mandate — to hold to account those
who have forcibly disappeared people — even though it has managed to trace
the whereabouts of many of the missing individuals. When that is done, the
case is considered ‘clarified’. While this has brought immense relief and, in
some cases, closure to the families, no one has been brought to book for these
abductions — thereby virtually ensuring that such depredations will continue to
take place. A few months ago, the International Commission of Jurists issued a
scathing review of the commission’s working and recommended that its tenure
not be extended any longer. However, its tenure was extended, and the lip
service to tackling enforced disappearances continues.

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

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LoC aggression

Zoo closure

Heavily in debt

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‫ ﻣﯿﮟ ﺳﮯ اﯾﮏ ﮐﻮوڈ ﺳﮯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻓﺮد ﮐﻮ ﻃﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎد ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﮐﺎ‬10 ‫ﮨﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮨﻮﻧﮯ ﮐﺎ اﻧﮑﺸﺎف‬
‫’ﻓﻄﺮت دﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﮐﯽ ﺳﺰا ﮨﻤﯿﮟ ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮور ﻣﻠﮯ ﮔﯽ!‘‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‪ :‬ﻋﺮوج و زوال ﮐﯽ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﮭﺮﭘﻮر داﺳﺘﺎن!‬

‫‪Viewed using Just Read‬‬

Multimedia Editorial

LoC aggression
THE targeting of a UN vehicle by Indian forces along the Line of Control as well
as revelations by Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi that New Delhi is
planning a surgical strike in this country do not bode well for peace in the
subcontinent. Clearly, the hard-line BJP government is engaging in
brinksmanship, though such adventurism can easily spiral out of control and is
best avoided. The vehicle belonging to the UN Military Observer Group in India
and Pakistan appeared to have been deliberately targeted on Friday in AJK,
ironically while its occupants were on their way to inquire into ceasefire
violations. While no one was hurt, images show the vehicle — clearly
identifiable by its UN insignia — with bullet holes. The UN says it is investigating
the incident, while Pakistan has summoned India’s charge d’affaires to protest
this flagrant violation of international norms. This is not the first time Indian
forces have indulged in aggression across the LoC. According to the Foreign
Office, India has reportedly committed nearly 3,000 ceasefire violations this
year alone, resulting in at least 27 deaths. The cross-LoC violence has
intensified since Narendra Modi became prime minister of India.

Linked to the LoC disturbances are reports of India’s planned strike in Pakistan.
According to Foreign Minister Qureshi, the reports were picked up by Pakistani
intelligence, and India is apparently trying to seek the approval of its ‘partners’
for this foolhardy act. No one must be under any illusions regarding the
proposed strike; such a move will surely inflame tensions in the region, and
Pakistan will have no option but to strike back in order to defend itself. From
there onwards, the situation will be difficult to control. India tried a similar stunt
in 2019 after the Pulwama affair, and Pakistan’s response was mature but firm.
However, Mr Modi and his cohorts will be well advised not to repeat such
adventurism. Moreover, New Delhi’s ‘partners’ must also be aware that such
adventurism especially cannot be allowed in a region with nuclear powers.
Pakistan has time and again extended the hand of peace towards India, but
these gestures have been rebuffed by the ultra-nationalist Modi government,
which seeks to isolate this country. Progressive thinking is needed in South
Asia that should let go of the demons of the past and work towards building
peace in the region. However, such thinking cannot be expected from the
warped minds that the Hindutva ideology has produced, that see South Asia’s —
including India’s own — Muslims as eternal ‘outsiders’ and ‘enemies’. The world
community must speak up against the targeting of UN peacekeepers, as well as
innocent civilians, along the LoC by India. Moreover, at a time when the world is
grappling with multiple crises the message to India must be clear: any
aggression against Pakistan will not be tolerated, and this country will defend
itself fully.

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

Viewed using Just Read

Multimedia Dr Noman Ahmed

Civic agencies
ACCORDING to press reports, the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation has
accumulated post-retirement liabilities of its employees to the tune of Rs4.2
billion. KMC’s annual budget for this year is about Rs24bn. Under judicial
advice, the Sindh government is exploring options such as auctioning some of
KMC’s lands and properties. The Karachi Development Authority is facing a
similar situation.

Both these principal civic agencies performed reasonably well about half a
century ago but now face a financial crisis and performance decay. Some other
institutions are headed in the same direction. Civic agencies looking after mass
transit, water and sewerage or solid waste management have fared no better
and survive on provincial handouts. While the largesse available to the Sindh
government after the 18th Amendment is substantial, it is insufficient to
continuously fund unsustainable civic agencies, with their myriad
administrative problems, financial liabilities and staff disputes.

Karachi’s civic agencies are functioning under the tutelage of the provincial
government, barring a few federal entities such as the cantonment boards.
Provincial authorities, it seems, wish to keep local institutions financially
crippled but announce grand schemes anyway. An expressway that will only
favour the propertied elite is being built along the left bank of the Malir River;
the cost assessment is Rs27bn, more than the KMC’s total annual budget.

Karachi has a road network exceeding 10,000 kilometres, much of it

dilapidated. It is difficult to justify funding an expressway that will serve a few
when repair and maintenance of existing roads can help millions. Besides,
proper service can only be assured if civic agencies are financially solvent,
competent and well monitored. Institutional reforms are urgently needed in all
civic agencies assigned important urban functions. The provincial government
must focus on shoring up the capacity of Karachi’s moribund agencies.
 Creative ways of generating revenue must be worked
out for Karachi.

Our civic agencies need to be financially revived. Presently, the sources of

revenue for the city are largely under federal and provincial control. Over time,
Karachi has lost its local potential of revenue generation because of centralised
approaches. During Nawaz Sharif’s tenure, the octroi tax was abolished which
had been a substantial source of revenue for the city. It was replaced by federal
transfers. Presently, the provincial government foots salary and pension bills,
keeping local agencies dependent. Civic bodies are dependent upon ‘prime
minister’s packages’ or combined funding from the federal or provincial
governments to manage routine affairs and development projects. Financial
subordination ultimately results in administrative subordination.

Creative ways of independent revenue generation and tax sharing must be

worked out. The options may include revised version of property tax after
studies under a donor-supported initiative, motor vehicle tax, environmental
levies and logistics taxation. For instance, about Rs2bn are collected for
property tax in Karachi. It is very low when compared to other cities like
Mumbai where billions more are generated.

Civic agencies now work as procurement managers. Whether it is a simple task

of minor repairs or a mega assignment, contractors rule the roost. Donor
agencies, which exercise considerable influence in urban management affairs,
have lobbied strongly in favour of private sector participation. Increase in
private investment, reductions in government liability, promotion of a free-
market economy, provision of goods and services at competitive prices,
enhancement of local and national-level entrepreneurship and creating
employment are some reasons cited to justify the mounting numbers of
contracts. But service remains shoddy.

Solid waste management in much of Karachi is contracted out. Despite

spending billions of rupees, the metropolis has been turned into a garbage
mess. A Supreme Court-led commission expressed its serious displeasure on
the status of waste management practices in Karachi and elsewhere in Sindh.

Stronger and institutionalised public oversight, rigorous training and capacity

b ilding of respecti e officers as ell as diligent performance monitoring can
lead to improvement. Realignment of functions, roles and responsibilities of
civic agencies must be done through an open, consultative process.

Improvement requires internal political will. The first step is to limit the award of
contracts. Instead, the government can strengthen existing civic agencies by
allowing them to function as autonomous outfits. Halting political interference,
encouraging competent professionals to join such outfits, promoting self-
governance, developing neutral regulatory statutes, and resolving conflicts of
an inter-organisational nature are possibilities that can help.

The writer is chairman, Department of Architecture & Planning, NED University,

Karachi.

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

Viewed using Just Read

Multimedia Shahzad Sharjeel

Peekaboo from K2
IN a country that boasts five of the 14 mountains above 8,000 metres high, we
play cricket and very few take up mountaineering. No surprise that we have to
make do with molehills for role models rather than mountains.

The uniqueness of a feat or the difficulties faced in its achievement are easier
to explain through analogies; so, here is a cricketing analogy for a man who
climbs mountains. The record of hitting sixers on six consecutive deliveries in
first-class cricket was created by Sir Garfield Sobers. It was later equalled by
Ravi Shastri. Quite a feat, eh? Now imagine sixers on every delivery for two
consecutive overs. It has not happened yet. How about sixers on every delivery
for the entire innings or 10 wickets falling in 10 consecutive deliveries;
‘possible, but never likely to happen’, is how most people would react to such a
proposition. This is how incredible summiting Nanga Parbat, the ‘killer
mountain’, is in winter. Muhammad Ali Sadpara did it in 2016 for the first time in
recorded history. He was accompanied by Alex Txikon, a Spaniard, and Simone
Moro from Italy. He is set to achieve another first in the recorded history of
mankind — ascending K2 in winter this year. The 44-year-old mountaineer will
be accompanied by his son Sajid Ali, 22, and John Snorri, 47, from Iceland.

Let us meet the man from a small village named Sadpara, near Skardu in GB
who is bringing these magnificent laurels to Pakistan. For lack of training
schools for mountaineering, Ali Sadpara had no other option but to start as a
porter. From 1995 to 2003, he worked first as a low- and then high-altitude
porter. One can say ‘nothing better than on-the-job training’ but keep in mind, a
porter can only go as high as the expedition allows, he can be within 50m of the
summit, but cannot push for the peak unless permitted by the expedition leader.
Imagine, to spend years of your peak physical condition carrying others’ stuff
and waiting for that elusive nod from the employer to go for the summit.

Porters are not just an integral part of any expedition, but the lynchpin of high-
altitude climbing such as in the Karakorums or the Himalayas in our region.
Sherpa Tenzing is as famous as Sir Edmund Hillary for the first successful
summit of the Mount Everest. How many Pakistani porters do we know of,
other than a persistent few, who went on to become climbers? How many
accomplished climbers do we know of? Nazir Sabir, Hassan, and Ali Sadpara
and Samina Baig? That is only four. We should know at least five of them; one
each for the 8,000m mountains we have. Mountaineering is the only field where
Pakistan is solely represented by GB.

Imagine waiting for that elusive nod to go for the

summit.

The only time that mountains and climbing hit the news is when a tragedy
occurs — whether it is a terrorist attack as during a Nanga Parbat expedition in
2013, or an accident which is part and parcel of a high-risk activity like climbing.
Accidents too get reported from a particular angle to portray the ‘heroic’ rescue
operations, conveniently forgetting to mention that these are paid for in
advance by expeditions as one of the conditions for securing permission to
climb.

The moral and physical hazards involved in calling rescue services apart,
‘courage’ cannot supplant professional training. Tomaž Humar, a Slovenian
climber, was plucked off the Rupal Face of Nanga Parbat by a military
helicopter in August 2016 while still anchored to the mountain. Had the steel
screw not snapped, the helicopter could have smashed into the mountain.

Adventure tourism including activities like trekking and mountaineering can

earn big revenues but promoting Pakistan as ‘the land of mountains, rivers,
deserts and beaches’ is not enough. Infrastructure and trained human
resources are imperative for both foreign and domestic visitors. The need for
regulation of traffic cannot be stressed enough. Just like an unlimited number
of expeditions cannot be allowed up on a mountain without risking disaster,
unregulated access to tourist and adventure spots is also a sure recipe for
ecological catastrophe. Imagine the chaos if everyone who wished to and could
afford the airfare showed up at pilgrimage sites.

Most ministries and departments one would imagine responsible for running
tourism related affairs have scant, if any information available on their sites.
visitors from Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago do not require visas for visiting
Pakistan. Since it is too late to make V.S. Naipaul happy, one wonders who from
Pakistan benefits from this as these things are usually reciprocal.

When you read this, weather conditions permitting, Ali Sadpara and his team
may be making good progress in their ascent to K2’s peak. What could be a
more positive beginning of 2021 than New Year greetings from 8,611m above
sea level, -60 degrees Celsius hurricane-strength winds notwithstanding?

The writer is a poet and analyst.

shahzadsharjeel1@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

Viewed using Just Read

Multimedia Abbas Nasir

PDM rally takeaway

DEPENDING on which side of the divide you were on, you either saw the Dec 13
PDM Lahore rally as a bigger disaster for the opposition than the nation’s own
Dec 16, 1971, debacle, or you saw it as rivalling the Aug 14, 1947, win in the
shadow of the Pakistan resolution monument.

In the zero-sum-game of our deeply polarised politics, how could the PDM rally
be different? Prime Minister Imran Khan said it was a ‘flop’. His view was
echoed by his subordinates such as Shibli Faraz, Shahbaz Gill, Firdous Ashiq
Awan and Fayyaz Chohan, whose portfolio and cabinet status keeps changing.

The other end of opinion spectrum was represented by PML-N leader Maryam
Nawaz Sharif and her camp followers such as Marriyum Aurangzeb, Ahsan
Iqbal, Talal Chaudhry and a host of others enthusiastically endorsed the boss’s
point of view of a historic victory.

There was a time when journalists actually went to rallies to bring you
eyewitness accounts of such events and, for an old school hack like me, that is
the only way to do it if you really wish to have your finger on the pulse of the
crowd and events. Now most of the reporting happens off the TV screens.

No analyst actually looked at the impact that the

government restrictions may have had.

On-the-spot reporters are given a few minutes over hours-long live coverage
and it is left to the anchors to pronounce verdicts. That these verdicts are
mostly reached in, and aired from, the comfortable confines of their glitzy
studio sets and heated offices is never questioned, as long as they reflect the
narrative of the most potent player.
Till the stranglehold of the powers that be over the media is not broken, I am
afraid this will remain the norm, with most of the media probably hoping to
survive to tell the truth another day. In the bargain, its credibility will become
‘collateral damage’ as former spymaster Asad Durrani would say.

How many analysts on mainstream media did we watch/hear/read discussing

how many supporters would be considered enough at a rally in the heart of
Punjab, where the genesis of an establishment-backed hybrid system is being
questioned and challenged by the opposition?

No analyst actually looked at the impact that the government restrictions may
have had, for example, of the bar on anyone providing seating for the
assembled PDM supporters. Architects, town planners have software that
could easily have calculated whether rows of seated (against standing)
supporters give the appearance of a bigger/smaller crowd in the same space.

This is for those who base their ‘analyses’ on perceived numbers, as nobody
actually bothers to count them anyway. To me, any crowd that is in the
thousands and not in the hundreds is a big, effective crowd, especially if its
mood and tone and tenor are in sync with the leaders’.

A report or two on the inside pages of newspapers addressed this aspect and
the odd (and when I say odd I do mean the exception) column from the
journalist who put in the legwork and mingled with those heading from various
parts of Lahore to the jalsa venue and then within the venue itself.

I would happily name the handful of fellow journalists falling in that category
with great pride as they are the exceptions. But then worry that if they come
under the spotlight they may face the axe in the next round of cuts in the media
industry. This has happened before, so the fear is real.

You may wish to ask me about my takeaway from the PDM Lahore rally? As
part of a series in 2016, BBC Urdu Service reporter Sharjil Baloch walked around
Lahore with a microphone in hand and a cameraperson in tow and asked
dozens of people the same question.

Where is Balochistan? What do you know about Balochistan? What do you

know of the conflict there? Can you name three major cities/town of the largest
province? The answers were shocking. The vast majority knew next to nothing
The Lahoris who figured in the 10-minute report did not even seem
embarrassed at their lack of interest/awareness. Those interviewed included
seemingly educated people and students. That provides a useful backdrop
against which to see the PDM rally.

So, when BNP-M leader Akhtar Mengal took the microphone under the shadow
of the Minar-i-Pakistan to address the Lahore rally and started to list the
indignities suffered by the Baloch people, including enforced disappearances
and kill-and-dump policies, it was a win for me.

A win because Sardar Mengal is demanding the rights of his people within the
federation of Pakistan. It was a win because it was the PDM platform that
enabled him to warn that the Baloch are still keeping their faith in the country
but they want rights as equal citizens, to be treated on a par with other
Pakistanis. No less is acceptable.

Pakhtun leader Mahmood Khan Achakzai may have wholly unnecessarily

stirred up controversy with his possibly flawed reading of history, but that he
asked a mainstream leader from Punjab to lead the movement for change and
for equality of all provinces and ethnicities was also a win.

Despite facing an unparalleled assault on their rights, resources and freedoms,

it is not without significance that many leaders of smaller provinces are willing
to strive together and alongside the mainstream political parties for a new
social contract.

What unfolds on the national political stage over the coming weeks is
anybody’s guess. What I find brilliant is that even those who currently feel
deeply aggrieved by state policies are seeking solutions within the framework
of the federation. Lahore witnessed that at close quarters.

That, to me, is the win.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

Viewed using Just Read
Multimedia Tariq Khosa

Countering extremism
THE government’s decision to establish a commission “for implementation of
national narrative and development of structures against violent extremism and
radicalisation” is a significant move towards countering violent extremism
(CVE) and terrorism (CT) in the long term. In a meeting last month, the cabinet
approved the proposal submitted by the interior ministry and the draft legal
framework is currently under consideration by its sub-committee on legislation
headed by the law minister. This initiative requires debate and ownership by
state and society.

The primary objectives of the proposed commission include: (i) providing a

legal mechanism to curb violent extremism; (ii) enforcing national narratives
and policies in line with the National Action Plan (NAP); (iii) establishing a
policy review board under the commission to coordinate with ministries,
government departments and academia; (iv) establishing a centre of excellence
to conduct degree and diploma courses in CVE and CT; (v) establishing a
national facility to design and implement strategies in deradicalisation,
rehabilitation, and psychological and religious counselling of prisoners and
detainees involved in terrorism; (vi) prohibiting offences related to VE and
sectarianism; (vii) preparing deradicalisation modules, strategies and
vocational training programmes for suspected terrorists and extremists; and
(viii) promoting awareness through print and electronic media, publications,
seminars, conferences, etc.

Extremism must be addressed through policies that include strategies and

action plans, clarity on CVE laws, and national consensus on narratives. The
first-ever National Internal Security Policy (NISP 2014-18) suggested
“constructing a robust national narrative on extremism, sectarianism, terrorism,
and militancy as the cornerstone of an ideological response to non-traditional
threats”. Mere words, no action. An under-resourced Nacta could not achieve
this.
Also so far on paper alone, the NISP 2018-23 was nonetheless an improved
version adopted after extensive consultation with all political parties, and
contained an effective institutional mechanism designed in consultation with
all provinces. What is the use of making policies if they are not to be
implemented? Intriguingly, we still do not have a comprehensive national
security policy despite having established a national security division a few
years ago. A military doctrine has limited scope. An all-encompassing security
policy must prioritise socioeconomic and human development, supported by all
elements of national power.

What is the use of making policies if they are not to

be implemented?

Nacta drafted detailed CVE policy guidelines in January 2018 after extensive
stakeholder deliberations. These identified the drivers of extremism and
covered areas such as the rule of law, service delivery, media engagement,
education policy, promotion of culture and the four ‘R’s: reformation,
rehabilitation, reintegration and renunciation strategies. Extremism was broadly
defined as “having absolute belief in one’s truth with an ingrained sense of self-
righteousness”. Such a mindset was then “likely to be accompanied with
violence” to impose one’s belief system. The CVE guidelines should have been
adopted to reduce intolerance and violence in our society. Similarly, Nacta’s
policy review of NAP in 2019 found that actions were required in nine out of 20
points. The government should pay attention to the guidelines and policy
review.

The 22-point, 120-page Paigham-i-Pakistan, was launched in January 2018

through the joint efforts of the Council of Islamic Ideology and Higher
Education Commission. Currently, it has more than 5,000 signatories. It can be
the basis of a national narrative against religious extremism. Reportedly, the CII
is toying with the idea of converting it into law, thus criminalising any violations
of the decree. This would be a dangerous path to tread, as witnessed recently
with the Tahaffuz Bunyad-i-Islam bill in Punjab. The role of the state is that of
an enabler and facilitator, not an enforcer, in matters of faith and belief of
individual citizens.
Another recent development deserves attention. Extremism has been defined in
the Citizens’ Protection Rules (Against Online Harm), 2020, as “the violent, vocal
or active opposition to fundamental values of the State of Pakistan including
the security, integrity or defence of Pakistan, public order, decency or morality,
the rule of law, individual liberty and the mutual respect and tolerance of
different faiths and beliefs”. This definition is problematic, ambiguous and likely
to promote internal discord. It calls for serious review. It took more than two
decades to restrict and rationalise the definitional aspect of terrorism in the
Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997, when in 2019 a Supreme Court bench restricted its
scope by delinking acts of terror from personal enmity or private vendetta.
Similarly, defining extremism requires thorough deliberation.

In its report in 2013, the UK’s Prime Minister’s Task Force on Tackling
Radicalisation and Extremism quotes from the 2011 Prevent strategy in which
extremism is defined as “vocal or active opposition to fundamental British
values, including democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual
respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs”. The similarities between
the UK’s and Pakistan’s definitions may be a coincidence, but it is worth noting
that the British government has abandoned plans to define extremism in law
after being told it would criminalise legitimate political and religious activities.

Lord Anderson, former independent reviewer of UK’s terrorism legislation,

recently said, “The notion [of extremism] is far too broad to be suitable for
legislation. Coercive state powers should not be applied to ‘extremism’, but only
to specific types of violent, abusive and anti-social conduct that there is a
sufficiently strong reason to prohibit.” According to Sara Khan, appointed to
head the UK Counter-Extremism Commission in 2017, “Government cannot
tackle extremism alone. Extremism is complex and new laws may not result in
a reduction. Civil society and communities are vital partners,” and “Extremism is
a threat to our rich diversity and fundamental freedoms, and it requires a whole
society response.”

Setting up a CVE commission is a good idea. However, I urge policymakers to

pay heed to the words of Edith Wharton: “True originality consists not in a new
manner but in a new vision.”

The writer is director of the National Initiative against Organised Crime and author
of The Faltering State and Inconvenient Truths.
Published in Dawn, December 20th, 2020

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