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Justified Morality
KURT BAIER
A. The Problem
My topic is Gert’s rich, probing, and brilliantly illuminating treatment of an
“evergreen” in moral theory, the question, “Why be moral?” (Call it “our”
question.) He offers three different reasons which, he claims, together consti-
tute an “adequate” and “satisfactory” as well as “the best possible” answer
(343-49). Here, it suffices to examine its gist: Acting morally is never irra-
tional, hence always rational, hence never rationally forbidden, sometimes
rationally required, and always rationally allowed. As he acknowledges, his
claim “that it is only rationally allowed to act morally may not be
strong enough for some philosophers, but that ...is the most that can be
shown” (343). He concedes “that in the important decisions about whether or
not to act morally, rationality does not provide a guide.... Disap-
pointing as this conclusion seems at first, any other conclusion would be
worse. Were rationality ever to prohibit acting morally, one would be
forced, in the case of conflict, to advocate either irrational or immoral behav-
ior. If rationality were always to require acting morally, one would be forced
to regard all immoral actions as irrational, including that which was
clearly in the self-interest of the agent. Contrasted with either of these alterna-
tives, the conclusion seems far less disappointing than before” (355;
emphasesadded).
Agreed, acting immorally is not always irrational. Still, I understand the
disappointment of those who expect an answer that can line up reason on the
side of morality against self-interest rather than taking no sides between
them. Surely, at least since Thrasymachus, many have suspected that exhorta-
tions always to act morally even when it is contrary to what one wants to do
or to what would be in one’s best interest, are hypocritical or misguided, and
following them is the mark of a sucker. Questioners who, like Glaucon and
Adeimantus (344), or Gert and most of his readers, take rationality as well as
morality seriously, want a justification of always acting morally that
provides adequate reason to think, not merely that reason never sides with
self-interest against morality, but that it always sides with morality
against self-interest when the two conflict. But that means showing either,
B. A Solution
One premise of this “disappointing conclusion” is Gert’s conception of ratio-
nality. It can be avoided by two modifications: acknowledging a larger range
than he does of what I call “rationality statuses”, and revising his conception
of the relation between morality and rationality.
1. Rationality as an Ability, as an EvaluativeMormative Status, or as a
Point of View. The first of these three uses ascribes a certain acquired abil-
ity-call it “ability rationality”-to a certain sort of being. In ascribing it to,
say, a normal human adult, we also ascribe an innate capacity-call it
“capacity-rationality”-(possesed also by, say, neonates but not mosquitoes)
to acquire that ability. The second use ascribes to several “things,” such as
I I use quotation marks to guard against being taken to accept Gert’s restricted use of this
term as he explains it in Chapter 2, entitled “Rationality and Irrationality”, i.e., the
“evaluative or normative sense of ‘rational”’ (29). the opposite of ‘irrational’. But, as I
hope the next section will make clear, there are other important senses of ‘rationality’ in
which it is not the opposite of ‘irrationality’and he himself, in his revised terminology that
replaces ‘allowed by reason’ with ‘rationally allowed’ (32). does not himself adhere to
his own restriction though he seems not to have noticed it.
430 KURTBAIER
justification for punishing (e.g., 101-3, Chapter 9, e.g., 223-25, 24245)
unjustified violations of what, in one respect-achieving a high level of
conformity by deterrence-is probably morality’s most important part, the
part he calls “the moral rules” (Ch. 5 ) , even though the practice or institution
of punishment plainly transcends the “informality” he ascribes to morality
(26). So it must (at least also?) belong to the mores. A further tie is the
process of socialization which can modify the genetic and environmental
effect on the developing members so as to achieve a higher level of confor-
mity with the society’s moral guidelines.
Why, though, should both these guidelines be regarded as superior to
those other sorts? The explanation is their special sort of end and the behavior
both systems are intended to govern. It is behavior that affects other people,
by “collective agents,” that is, by more than one person performing different
coordinated tasks to attain its end (e.g., three men carrying a piano), whose
end is not a “clockable” event (e.g., arriving somewhere) but a state of affairs
(i.e., a relatively stable system of interrelated changes and continuities, e.g.,
low inflation or a secure wildlife habitat). In a society’s mores or morality,
the collective guidelines have further peculiarities: their end is a state of
affairs all can in reason be assumed to have, if and when they recognize that
this agent’s compliance with such guidelines should be the only or the best
way of attaining it; the collective agent whom they are intended to guide is
constituted by all the members of all the classes (not only those subject to
them at some particular time). However, only some of these guidelines apply
to all, others only to one of the classes (e.g., parents) defined by the mores. I
cannot here examine exactly what this state of affairs must be, but one of the
important conditions it must satisfy is that the society’s institutions and
practices must not require of their members what would significantly reduce
their life prospects below what, without them, they could have been. Lastly,
the behavior in question is such that its patient is always different from its
agent, irrespective of whether he is an individual or a collective one, as when
I kill you, or a gang member does, or you are a gang member, too, or a
member of the same or another gang.
One, perhaps the most important factor, in making such guidelines effec-
tive would be their being widely regarded as superior to individual ones. This
is so although, notoriously, “individual” agents may often be able to attain
their overall “individual” ends, even those concerning their aims in life as a
whole, by actions violating such superior guidelines. Note, however, that
success in this depends very often, if not always, on whether enough “persons
of good will” (or “suckers”, if you prefer) comply with them often enough,
and their violation is hidden or tolerated.
Supposing, then, that the social order under consideration has progressed
beyond the level of Custom to that of law and morality, we can say that the
guidelines of both the mores and morality lay down what sorts of thing the
* But see Rawls’ influential discussion in A Theory of Justice of ,‘civil disobedience” or the
more recent survey and analysis of a broad range of nonconformist thought and action in
Garry Wills’ A Necessary Evil: A History of American Distrust of Government. Simon
and Schuster, helpfully reviewed by Edmund S. Morgan in The New York Review of
Bookr, v.xlvi. n.18, Nov. 18, 1999.