Birth of A Polymath - Yixing and His Geneology PDF

EDITOR
Paul W. Kroll
Department of East Asian Languages & Civilizations
279 DeB
University of Colorado, Boulder
Boulder, CO 80309-0279
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University of Colorado, Boulder
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ISSN 0737-5034
T ~NG STUDIES 18/19
ARTICLES
The Birth of a Polymath: The Genealogical Background

of the Tang Monk-Scientist Yixing {673-727) 1
JINHUACHEN
A Better View of Li Bai's IIlmitating the 'Fu on Resentment'" .41

MICHELLE SANS
Imperial Splendor in the Service of the Sacred:

Ihe Famen Tea Treasures 61
PATRICIA E. KARETZKY
The Significance of the fu in the History of l'ang Poetry 87

PAUL W. KROLL
BRIEF COMMUNICATION
The Last Year of the T'ang-907, Not 906 107

PAUL W. KROLL
REVIEW ARTICLE
l'ang Studies in Russia during the Past Fifteen Years 111

IRINA POPOVA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Western-Language Works on T'ang Studies, 1999-2000 131
SUPPLEMENT
Membership Directory 153

Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
The Birth of a Polymath: The Genealogical Background

of the Tang Manit-Scientist Yixing (673-727)
JINHUACHEN
UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
The Tang monk-scientist Yixing -1J (673-727)was by any

standard a polymath. As a monk, he is primarily remembered for
his role in propagating Esoteric Buddhism in China. He was per-
haps the most important disciple of Subhakarasin:ma (Shanwuwei
=gf~-N [637-735]),the chief transmitter of the Womb-matrix (Skt.
garbhadhatu, Ch. taizangjie §-EtiiiJl!.) line of Indian Esoteric Bud-
dhism in China. Yixing assisted Subhakarasin:ma in translating the
principal Esoteric Buddhist scripture, the Mahavairacana-sutra, into
Chinese under the title Dari jing *B*~ (Sutra afthe Great Sun), on
jing shu * B (or Darijing yishi *

which he also composed a voluminous commentary entitled Dari-
*~m B *~~~). As the only
commentary on the Darijing in East Asia, the Darijing shu exerted
a far-reaching and long-lasting influence on the formation of vari-
ous East Asian Esoteric Buddhist traditions.
Before his involvement in Esoteric Buddhism, Yixing had re-
ceived training in other Buddhist traditions including Vinaya,
Tiantai, and Chan. His instructor in meditation was none other
than Puji ~~ (651-739),who came to be recognized by most
Northern Chan followers as their seventh patriarch. What is even
more remarkable is that Yixing probably, as I shall argue, also
studied under Shenxiu ffr$%= (606?-706),Puji's teacher and the
most prominent Northern Chan master. As for Yixing's connec-
tion to Vinaya and Tiantai, he is known to have studied at the Yu-
quansi 3S:~~ (in present-day Hubei), which, though principally a
Tiantai center, was open to influence from a variety of Buddhist
traditions including Vinaya. Those who trained Yixing in Tiantai
and Vinaya included Huizhen rg~ (a.k.a. Wuzhen II~~,673-751),
Daoyi m~ (679-754),and Hongjing sb-jt (var. Hengjing 'IN*, 634-
1
Chen: Yixing's Genealogical Background
712),the last of whom was probably responsible for Yixing's deci-

sion to become a monk.1 Yixing's intense interest in and broad
knowledge of Vinaya and Tiantai are fully demonstrated in his
Darijing shu.2 In addition, he wrote a now missing vinaya work
titled Tiaofu zang ~%H{:*~ (Canon [of Vinaya for] Regulating and
Controlling [One's Mind]; in ten juan). His Darijing shu also attests
to his knowledge of Taoism. He was drawn to Taoism from his
youth, probably as a result of his enthusiasm for science, in which
area he has come to be known beyond the borders of China.3
By focusing on Yixing's genealogical background, this article
aims to study Yixing from a point of view which has, to the best of
my knowledge, so far eluded scholarly attention.4 This focus of
766?) epitaphs for the latter two monks; see Quan Tang wen ~~:x
**
Yixing's discipleship under Huizhen and Daoyi is recorded in Li Hua's (71O?-
(rpt. Beijing:
Zhonghua, 1987), 319.3236b-38a, 3233a-35a. The primary sources for Yixing's con-
nection to Hengjing are found in two historical works by the Japanese monk Saicho lfJi
~ (767-822) (see below).
2
who discussed this question in one of his polemical works; see Chen Jinhua ~*~.,
Yixing's extensive use of Tiantai ideas in his Darijing shu was noticed by Saicho,
Making and Remaking History: A Study of Tiantai Sectarian Historiography (Tokyo:

International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1999), 130-31.
3
ics, mathematics, and the calendar. See Li Di *~,

As a scientist, Yixing's achievements encompassed the areas of astronomy, mechan-
Tangdai tianwenxuejia Zhang Sui
m1-t7(:X~~5:&~ (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1964); Joseph Needham,
Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 3: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens
and the Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1959),37-38,270-71,282-83; An-
tonino Forte, Mingtang and Buddhist Utopias in the History of the Astronomical Clock:
The Tower, Statue and Armillary Sphere Constructed by Empress Wu (Rome and Paris:
Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Ecole fran9aise d'Extreme-Orient,
1988),246-49.
4 A number of significant studies have been made on Yixing's biographical sources.
The following are merely some of the most noteworthy. Shimizutani Kojun m7J<.~~
jlrw:, "Ichigyo Ajari den ko" -{jjTI'iJM~{t~, Eizan gakuho ~5ZW~¥~ 16 (1938): 1-16;
Yamagawa Chio w)l[~~, "ChOWni okeru Tendaishii to Ichigyo Ajari no homyaku"
r:p~I~})'t~7(El*t-fT~~~$Hfli, Gendai bukkyo:f/~{-t{~~ 72-73 (1930): 21-
2
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
study is based on the fact that throughout medieval China, the

great clans (shizu ~D'90 played a very important role in Chinese
society and that family background was often an important and l
sometimes a decisive factor that informed the ideas of medieval

l
men of letters.s
33; Kasuga no Reichi * BffiI~, "Ichigyo den no kenkyu-Shina kokon j inbutsu rya-
kuden (yon)" -iTf'-0)£JfJ'G-50J:~E~),Jm~ft( 12]), T8yoshi kenkyii *~~E1fJ'e 7
(1942): 31-44; Osabe Kazuo ~:gB~Dtl;1tIchigyo Zenshi no kenkyii -ff}~$gmO)Off3'1:
(Kobe: Kobe shoka daigaku gakujutsu kenkyukai, 1963), 1-49; Li Di, Tangdai tian-
wenxuejia Zhang Sui, 1-12; Ikeda Shuj6 ngE8*~, "Ichigy6 Zenshi S6ken Shogaku
Kaizenji kaidan: (san) Ichigyo den no kentei (Rissho Ichigyo) no hyoshutsu" -1jffi~gffi
gU9l~$~~~HX:f:I: (-) -iT{w:O)t~w r 1$[fr -iT J O)~te, in Okubo Ry8jun
Sensei sanju kinen ronbunshii *7-..
{5iU§~:.IIIJB'C~*~*'C:~~iB:)(~(Tokyo: Sankib6
busshorin, 1994), 207-23; and "Taizo engi to Kechimyakufu Ichigyo den" ijtmiH~II]
t nilH!ii~-f.f1$,Sanko bunka kenkyiisho nenp8 mx1tfi1fJ1:pfT£f.¥~29 (1998): 61-
93. However, no effort has yet been made to reconstruct Yixing's genealogy.
5 Chen Yinque ~JfU&'rir(1890-1969) is the historian who has attached perhaps the great-
est importance to the role played by the great clans in Tang history; see his Tangdai
zhengzhi shishu lungao ~{-f;il30il~~§Jfijfil'lj(rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe,
1982); some of Chen"s conclusions are confirmed and further developed by Mao Han-
guang =Bri:Yt, rnm~~~9~9~~~fH9G,
"Guanlong jituan hunyan quan zhi yanjiu"
Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lisM yuyan yanjiusuo jikan CP*Wf~~f.fl5!:~fl f=l tifF~.pfT~fU
(Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica) 61. I (1990): I 19-
92. See also two important articles by Denis Twitchett, "The Fan Clan's Charitable
Estate, 1050-1760," in Confucianism in Action, ed. David S. Nivison and Arthur F
Wright (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959),97-]33; "The Composition of the T'ang
Ruling Class: New Evidence from Tunhuang," in Perspectives on the Tang, ed. Arthur
F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, ] 973), 47-86. See also
the following three lengthy and detailed studies: David Johnson, "The Last Years of a
Great Clan: The Li Family of Chao ChOn in Late T'ang and Early Sung," Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 37 (1977): 5-102; Patricia Buckley Ebrey, The Aristocratic
Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts 'ui Family (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1978); Dusanka Dusana MiScevic, "Oligarchy or Social
Mobility? A Study of the Great Clans in Early Medieval China" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia
University, 1992), which has been published in Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern
Antiquities 65 (1993): 5-283.
3
I. CHIEF SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF YIXING'S LIFE
Before formally discussing Yixing's genealogy, let us make a

general survey of some of the most basic biographical sources for
Yixing:
(1) Shingon fuhoden ~~1i${.,one juan, compiled in 821 by

Kfrai ~mJ (774-835).6
(2) Taizo engi ijEt~~Jlli (one juan) and Naisho buppo sojo kechim-
yakufu pg~~{~$1frrnJ:&~
(one juan), both attributed to Saichoi&
m: (767-822).7
6 See Dainihon bukkyo zenshu *B*{~fX~~, 67.248-49. In addition to a brief ac-

count of Yixing's life, this short work contains an epitaph that Tang Xuanzong }g"5!:*
(r. 712-56) is supposed to have written for the pagoda erected in Yixing's memory. The
stele bearing the epitaph did not survive. Kiikai's work is the only source containing a
full record of this epitaph. It is not clear when and how the stele and the epitaph were
lost in China. Zanning lt$ (919?-100 I?) seems to have quoted from the epitaph when
he wrote a biography for Yixing (see below; Zanning's dates are still open to question;
the dates adopted here are those proposed by Chou Vi-liang }EfJ-ffil, "Tantrism in
China," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 8 [1945]: 248). This demonstrates that the
epitaph was still known in China at Zanning's time (around two centuries after Yixing
and Xuanzong). Some Chinese epigraphic sources, like Baoke congbian .~Uii*~,
give the title of this inscription as "Tang Yixing chanshi tahei" ,fg-1:S:jjiYf!§rjj:l::&~ and
date it to Kaiyuan 16 (728), one year after Yixing's death; see Shike shiliao xinbian E
~J3t:~HfJT*1(Taibei: Xinwenfeng ff3t~, 1977), ser. 1, 24: 1822. This epitaph, if au-
thentic, must be accepted as the earliest account ofYixing's life.
7The two works can be found in the collected works of Saicho, Dengyo Daishi zenshu.
f$~*gffl~~ (Hieizan: Tosho kankokai fI]:wfUf:s:tf, 1927-28),4.387-94, 1.211-13. I
have argued previously that the Naisho buppo sojo kechimyakufu resulted from a work
with a similar title that Saicho prepared towards the end of his life and that some parts
of this text (mainly those promoting the authenticity of the Tendai form of Esoteric
Buddhism) were completed at least several decades after Saicho's death in 822; see
Chen Jinhua, "The Formation of Early Esoteric Buddhism in Japan: A Study of Three
Japanese Esoteric Apocrypha" (Ph.D diss., McMaster University, 1997), 82-92. How-
ever, it seems that the portion which concerns us here, i.e., that narrating Yixing's life,
was from Saicho's original version. In the Naisho buppo soja kechimyakufu, Saicho
4
T' ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
(3) Minghuang zalu B)l¥m~,three juan, compiled by Zheng

Chuhui ~~~Dij in the mid-ninth century.8
(4) Youyang zazu g§1Wi*l1iL twenty juan, completed in 860 by
Duan Chengshi ~~MJ:t (d. 863).9
(5) Da Tang xinyu *~~JT~.g, thirteen juan, by Liu Su ~UMfH(date
of compilation unknown))O
(6) Jiu Tang shu ij~W, completed in 945 under the direction of
Liu XU ~U8~ (887-946).11
quotes an account of Yixing's life from a now missing text called "Shishi yaolu" t'¥.lX;
~~. Osabe suggests that this was the Shim en yaolu ~r'~~, which was very likely a
Tang text and and is recorded in the bibliographic monograph of the Songshi *9: (Bei-
jing: Zhonghua, 1973),205.5184; Osabe, Ichigyo Zenshi no kenkyii, 12. The Taizo engi
contains another version of Yixing's biography, which, when compared with Yixing's
biography as quoted in the Naish8 buppo sosh8 kechimyakufu, turns out to be a more
detailed version of the latter. In other words, the Naisho buppi5 soshi5 kechimyakufit
version seems to be an abridged version of the Taizi5 engi version. It is very likely that
the Taizo engi version is identical with the Shishi yaolu (or Shimen yaolu) version of
Yixing's biography. For this reason, in this article I will refer to Yixing's biography
contained in these two works by Saicho by the title "Shishi yaolu."
8 The Minghuang zalu contains a long biography of Yixing, which is composed of the
following seven stories: (1) Xuanzong's amazement at Yixing's extraordinary memory;
(2) the meeting of Yixing and the Taoist hermit Lu Hong lli1~~ (a.k.a. Lu Hongyi l;ij~~
-); (3) Yixing studying mathematics under a Guoqingsi ~~~ monk; (4) Xing
Hepu's *~~D:E~ comment on Yixing's astronomic achievements; (5) Yixing's rescue of
Madame Wang's indicted son; (6) Yixing's association with Yin Chong J'T~t and
(7) Yixing (or his spirit), on the eve of his own death, going to Mount Song to bid final
farewell to Puji. See Tangdai biji xiaoshuo ~1~~~c/J\~ (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu
chubanshe, 1994),391-93.
9 The Youyang zazu divides Yixing's biography in the Minghuang zalu into two pieces;
see Youyang zazu "@"1Wi~113.(Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981),9-10, 58-59. In addition, You-
yang zazu includes two new stories (pp. 40, 115) about Yixing not found in the Ming-
huang zalu: one about how Yixing prayed for rain and the other about Yixing's talents
for playing chess.
10 Siku quanshu edition. It is mainly based on the Minghuang zalu.
5
(7) Song gaoseng zhuan *~{~ft, thirty juan, completed in 988

by Zanning ~~ (919? -1001?).12
(8) Shimen zhengtong f~r~lE*ft,eight juan, completed in 1257 by
" 7l'::ffi:-
Z ongJIan ~~ 13
11Jiu Tang shu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1975; hereafter JTS), 191. 5111-13. The JTS is the
only dynastic history that accords Yixing a biography, and it draws on three stories of
Yixing that are found in Minghuang zalu: Yixing's association with Yin Chong, Yixing
studying mathematics with a Guoqingsi monk, and Xing Hepu's comments on Yixing's
achievements in astronomy.
12The Song gaoseng zhuan is included in the Taisho canon (hereafter 1), vol. 50, no.
2061. The sources for Yixing's Song gaoseng zhuan biography are mainly the Ming-
huang zalu, Youyang zaZll, and Xuanzong:s epitaph. All of the Minghllang zalll anec-
dotes, except for that about Yixing's association with Yin Chong, are quoted, almost
verbatim, in the Song gaoseng zhuan biography: (1) the anecdote about Yixing and Lu
Hong is found at T 50: 2061.732c13-23; (2) Yixing studying mathematics at the Guo-
qingsi, at 732c27-733a4; (3) Xuanzong's amazement at Yixing's extraordinary mem-
ory, at 733a5-9; (4) Xing Hepu's comments on Yixing's achievements in astronomy, at
733all-15; (5) Yixing's rescue of Madame Wang's indicted son, at 733a23-bI5;
(6) Yixing bidding final farewell to Puji at the eve of his death, at 733c7-19. The You-
yang zazu story about Yixing's praying for rain is found at 733b15-19.
The Song gaoseng zhuan quotes heavily from Xuanzong's epitaph: (1) 732c24-25
(IZSJtt~~{I{1it~~fflG~iUF; corresponding sentence in the epitaph found at Dai-
nihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248b24-25: gt~~{tif~~fflG$~); (2) 733a15-18 (x1i$:fiz.
~tl-~~Wf:mm~EIJ, ~IW{~±.I, ~$±'. ~~~N-.~'mI1i~]j:IH~M~,
1m 0
1&{~~; corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248cl-3); (3) 723cl-5

(~~+li~ft~~•• ~~.,~~mAm,ffiOO~~o~*~~~.~g,
~.*,~~Im~,~w.~,-~m.,~~*~~~~*m~.ff~~,
*mzmt; corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248c8~11); (4) 723c5-
7 (+ n
R)\ B, ~1m*-ftl:::Iml
P.IJ:!.~~~)I...s:::L,
Er.4Hf:§~~
~J,\,o-aJ~"',
D1HE~-r=:t, JD'J,\'\1tf~t=r7J\.1~j...',
J~\'
o/J?'X.:;"7f<: ,J.,..-ft7tt7b !;I±/.IA-;-C~
~A±...lLJI.::j"
'113 ~ 7G ~; corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67. 248c13-14);

(5) 723cl9-21 (7J{9ii1$~C~~ EH~1Z$,fU~- -t;B, .m;a:/f~, 1~~JU1!:N;
0
corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248c14-17).

13The Shimen zhengtong is included in the Wanzi xuzangjing ~3f~*~, 130.713-925
(Yixing's biography at 923-24). Although basically identical with the Song gaoseng
zhuan version ofYixing's biography, this biography is remarkable for giving a different
6
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
(9) Fozu tongji 1~mll*1t5c, fifty-four juan, completed in 1269 by

Zh·Ipan -:::£::.-.flIQ-
Je..'~. 14
(10) Fozu lidai tongzai 1~ffL§'~{i:ili[~, twenty-two juan, com-
pleted in 1341 by Nianchang ~m (1282-after 1344);15
(11) Shenseng zhuan ffi$1~1JlIJ., nine juan, completed sometime be-
tween 1320 and 1367 by an anonymous author.16
In addition to these well-known sources, I would like to call
attention to the funeral epitaphs for Yixing's paternal aunt, uncle,
and his father's first cousin.17 Despite their value for understand-
ing Yixing's life and in particular his genealogical background, no
scholar working on Yixing has so far discussed these three epi-
taphs:18
age for Yixing than the rest of Yixing's main biographical sources. It also includes the
Youyang zazu story about Yixing's talent for chess.
14 This biography (T 49:2035.296b7-c5) is mostly based on Song gaoseng zhuan.
15The Fozu lidai tongzai, mainly based on Yixing's biographies in Song gaoseng zhuan
and iTS, records Yixing's stories under the years 710 (T 49: 2038.588aI8-b9), 717
(589b3-15), 721 (590c2-11), and 729 (591cI1-592c29).
16T 50:2064.995b22-996blO, virtually a reproduction of the Song gaoseng zhuan biog-
raphy.
17The three epitaphs (for Zhang Wuliang, Zhang Chen, and Zhang Xuan, respectively)
can be found in the following four easily accessible epigraphic collections: Tangdai
muzhi11!inghuibian lu kao m-{~g;G;~Ri*i~j~ (Taibei: Yongyu yinshuachang,
1984), 8.97-8, 12.405-7, 13.101-3; Sui Tang Wudai muzhi huibian: Luoyangjuan ~~
1i1~~~tfii*i:¥@-~~ (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1991), 5.112,7.63,7.116;
Beijing Tushuguan cang Zhongguo lidai shike taben huibian ~t*lIIw~g~tpmID~{i;
E~U1,fj*!HU,§i (Luoyang: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe r:J:31Ht!J*ltf:H,&ffr±, 1989-91),
15.146, 18.71, 18.120; and Tangdai muzhi huibian ,W{~£~tltiml* (Shanghai: Shanghai
guji chubanshe, 1992),533,879,915.
18 One scholar has recently resorted to one of these epitaphs (i.e., that for Zhang Chen,
see below) in discussing the Dunhuang Zhang clan. However, he made no effort to cor-
relate Zhang Chen to Yixing; see Guo Feng ¥13~, "Jin Tang shizu de junwang yu shizu
dengji de panding biaozhun: yi Wujun Qinghe Fanyang Dunhuang Zhang shi junwang
7
(A) "Gu Jingzhou Da Dudu Tanxiang Gong Sunnii Zhang mu-

zhiming bing xu" i&jffJ'lH7"Jm~~~~0I~ttz:51t~~~MU¥ (An
epitaph, with preface, for Madame Zhang, granddaughter of
the late Area Commander-in-chief of Jingzhou, Duke Tan with
the posthumous title Xiang) (dated 4 Jtme 671 [Xianheng
2.iv.22]) for a woman called Zhang Wuliang ~~£ (565?-571),
who had Zhang Gongjin 5.&0~i(584-63219) and Zhang Daxiang
~*~20 as grandfather and father. As Yixing's father also had
Gongjin and Daxiang as his grandfather and father (see below),
zhi xingcheng weili" ~m±~B-:JW~!JiJ±fl*~*&f¥J*U7Et~{f:: t/C~BBm1DHQ:1l~~

~*£.um~~~p.xmf9U,
Tang yanjiu ~m~ 2 (1996): 245-64, see esp. 256-68 and
263 n. 38.
19 Zhang Gongjin is given a biography in each of the two Tang official histories, which
also provide some biographical notes on three of his sons and some of his third-
generation offspring. See JTS, 68.2506-8; Xin Tang shu ~~~ (Beijing: Zhonghua,
1975; hereafter XTS), 89.3755-56. Neither of the two official Tang histories specifies
when Zhang Gongjin died, merely observing that in Zhenguan 13 (639) he was ac-
corded a posthumous title, which means that he died before that year. In addition, JTS
andXTS contradict each other on Gongjin's age at death, with the former saying that he
died at 39, the latter at 49 (JTS, 68.2507; XTS, 89.3756). Zizhi tongjian ~¥2iillH!i (rpt.
Beijing: Zhonghua, 1976), 194.6096, gives the exact date of Gongjin's death as the
xinmao -$9P day of the fourth month of Zhenguan 6 (2 May 632). Accordingly, Gong-
jin's dates can be set as 594-632 or 584-632 depending on whether he died at 39 or 49.
According to JTS, in Wude 1 (618) Gongjin defected to Li Yuan ITom Wang Shichong,
under whom he served as the executive governor (zhangshi ~se) of Weizhou 1~1;1'l.
Supposing he was born in 594, he would have been twenty-four in 618, probably too
young for that job. For this reason, the age given by XTS (49) appears more likely,
which leaves Gongjin's dates as 584-632.
20 In Wuliang"s epitaph the two characters that are supposed to be the name of Wuli-
ang's father are missing (p:g~~~c:p ~~:ft). Of the three sons of Gongjin men-
tioned at the end of Gongjin's biography in the two Tang histories, Daxiang was the
only one who is known to have served as a director in the Revenue Ministry (hubu
langzhong F:g~~~cp)(see below). For this reason, Wuliang"s father can be established
as Daxiang.
8
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Wuliang was thus a sister of Yixing's father and a paternal aunt

of Yixing.21
(B) uZhou gu Luzhou Lucheng Xianling Zhang Fujun muzhi-
ming bing xu" )EJ1~50~1H~~t~~*%~R1;g£it~MU~ (An epi-
taph, with preface, for Master Zhang, the late Magistrate of the
subprefecture of Lucheng, prefecture of Luzhou during the
[Great] Zhou dynasty) (dated 22 September 694 [Tiance wansui
l.x.28]) for Zhang Chen ~tt (644-94), who, having the same
grandfather and father as Wuliang and Yixing's father, was
their brother and Yixing's paternal uncle.22
(C) uDa Zhou gu Chaosandafu xing Yizhou dudufu Pixian ling
Zhang jun muzhiming" *)EJ~!jfJlij!{*:f(fT£t1'r'[~tfM-'~~*%~
:~r~~~ (An epitaph for Master Zhang, the late Gentleman of
Court Discussion, Magistrate of Pixian sub-prefecture in Area
Command of Yizhou during the [Great] Zhou dynasty) (dated
12 November 705 [Shenlong l.x.22]) for Zhang Xuan ~J["§ (645-
96), who, with Gongjin as grandfather, must be recognized as a
21 From the observation in the epitaph that "the high platform has become desolate
since she no longer plays there" (r.:D§lEZ~ ' ~~~!JID;) and the fact that no husband is
mentioned in her epitaph, I infer that Wuliang died in her adolescence (she could not
have been under ten when she died, as she was said to have read broadly ~~Mt!f). As
the epitaph records her death in 671, her dates can be tentatively established as 656?-71,
supposing she died at fifteen.
22A member of the Institute for the Advancement of Literature (Hongwenguan 5LY:..
~g), Zhang Chen was conferred a prestige title of "Gentleman for Closing Court" (chao-
sanlang ~)j1f)[~~) and was made an adjutant (canjunshi ~.$) in the Superior Area
Command (da dudufu *11m>~Jff) of Bingzhou Mz~'f'I.After that, he successively served
as an adjutant in the Mounts Section (qicao ,~l~n of the Left Militant Guard (zuowuwei
~~f1IT) and as director of granaries (sicang ~~) of Huaizhou '1~~H(present-day Qin-
yang, Anhui). Finally, with a new prestige title of "Gentleman for Court Discussion"
(chaoyilang ¥JJ~ji~~), he became a magistrate, first of Junyi ¥~{i in Bianzhou T~'f'I
(present-day Kaifeng, He'nan) and then Lucheng ijij:lj£ of Luzhou ijij~'I)1(in present-day
Shanxi). Zhang Chen left two sons, Zan 1~and Fu w.
9
first cousin of Zhang Wuliang, Zhang Chen and Yixing's father

as well.
II. YIXING'S GENEALOGICAL BACKGROUND
Having identified the main sources regarding Yixing's life

and his family, we are now ready to attempt a reconstruction of
Yixing's genealogy. We should begin with a clarification of Yix-
ing's relationship with Zhang Gongjin, a remarkable early Tang
politician.
Formerly a subordinate of Wang Shichong .=Et!t3lS (?-621),
who was a chief rival of Li Yuan *mM
(the future Tang Gaozu mrSJ
ffi'§' [r. 618-26])in the competition for imperial power triggered by
the collapse of the Sui in 616 and 617, Zhang Gongjin defected to
Li Yuan in 618. On the recommendation of Li Ji *JW (?-669) and
Yuchi Gong ~1~1A: (585-658),two of the most important generals
under Li Shimin *t!t~ (599-649),Li Yuan's second son and the
future Tang Taizong m/t5F (r. 626-49),Gongjin gradually gained
Li Shimin's trust and became one of his chief confidants. In 626,
when plotting the coup d'etat against the heir apparent Li Ji-
ancheng $~fflG (589-626)(the so-called "Xuanwu Gate Incident"
z:Lt.tr~~~), Li Shimin, uncertain of the outcome, was about to
resort to consulting an oracle. Gongjin is said to have stopped him
by throwing away the tortoise-shell used for divination, saying,
"One divines when and if he feels uncertain of something. In your
case, there is absolutely no doubt that you must follow through.
What is the necessity of divining in your circumstance? What if
the divination leads to a negative conclusion?"23Li Shimin then
resolutely carried out the coup d'etat, which led to his enthrone-
ment in 626. Gongjin was also one of the masterminds behind a
Tang expedition against the Tujue ~J9tt (Turks), then a dominant
power in central Asia. Earlier the Tujue had been so powerful that
23 See Zhang Gongjin's biographies at iTS, 68.2506;XTS, 89.3755.
10
rang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Li Yuan, when pre-occupied with solidifying his new empire, had

been forced to pledge allegiance to them. Thus, the victory over
the Tujue came as a source of great pride and relief for the Tang
rulers. In recognition of his key role in the "Xuanwu Gate Inci-
dent" and the war against the Tujue, the Tang government en-
feoffed him as Duke of Zouguo I~~. Subsequently, Zhang Gong-
jin was appointed commander-in-chief of the Xiangzhou fY! 1\f'[
Command (in present-day Hubei) and Duke of Tanguo !R~~.24 He
was acknowledged as one of the twenty-two "meritorious states-
men" (gongchen JirbD whose pictures were kept in the Lingyan
Gallery ~~M, a pantheon of the great figures of the Tang dy-
nasty.25
As for Yixing's relationship with Zhang Gongjin, except for
the Tiu Tang shu, which states that Yixingwas a grandson of Gong-
jin, all of Yixing's biographical sources mentioned above confirm
that he was a great-grandson of Gongjin.26 Given that Gongjin
(584-632) and Yixing (673-727)27 were born nine decades apart, it
seems more likely that the former was the latter's great-grand-
father. This is corroborated by both textual and epigraphic
24 JTS, 191.5111.
25A memorial composition by Lil Wen §?.EA (772-811) contains eulogies for each of
the twenty-two "'meritorious statesmen" commemorated in the Lingyan'ge (Quan Tang
wen, 629.6348). The eulogy for Zhang Gongjin, who is listed fifteenth among the he-
roes, is found in Quan Tang wen, 629.6347a1b.
26Yixing's JTS biography contains two contradictory statements: that he was a grand M
son of Zhang Gongjin and that Yixing had one of Gongjin's sons, Zhang Taisu, as his
grand-uncle (congzu fJEWIfi); see JTS, 191.5111, 5113. This contradiction has led Qu
Lindong -M*** to question Yixing's status as a grandson of Zhang Gongjin; see his
brief discussion in "Seng Yixing fei Zhing Gongjin zhi sun" {tf-1j?~5:&0§lz1%,
Wenshi 3t5I:. (1982): 210.
27According with most of Yixing's biographical sources, scholars generally give Yix-
ing's dates as 683-727. As I shall suggest below, the date 673 seems to be a more likely
date for his year of birth.
11
sources. Yixing's Jiu Tang shu biography itself identifies Zhang

Qia 5.[1fr (d. after 717) as Yixing's zushu ~*~
(i.e., the paternal
younger male cousin of Yixing's father). Zhang Qia was commis-
sioned by Xuanzong in Kaiyuan 5 (717) to bring Yixing to the
capital from Mount Dangyang &'~ (in present-day Dangyang,
Hubei), where he was then studying under Huizhen.28 Yixing
must have been one generation younger than Qia, whom the Xin
Tang shu lists as a grandson of Gongjin.29 In other words, Yixing
was a third generation descendant of Gongjin. Furthermore, the
epitaphs for Zhang Chen and Zhang Fei, two of Gongjin's grand-
sons, establish their dates as 644-94 and 645-96, respectively.
Nearly thirty years older than Yixing, neither of them is likely to
have been of the same generation as Yixing. Rather, they must
have been one generation senior to Yixing. This would also
confirm Yixingas a great-grandson of Gongjin.
After identifying Zhang Gongjin as Yixing's great-grand-
father, we are now in a position to identify Yixing's grandfather.
The two Tang official histories report three sons of Gongjin:
Daxiang *~,
Dasu **1
and Daan **,
all of whom were nota-
ble bureaucrats and scholars,3o
Succeeding his father as the Duke of Tanguo, Daxiang held
various positions in both the central and local governments,3! He
28 JTS, 191.5112.
29 XTS, 72.2720.
30The JTS entry for Gongjin lists his three sons in the following order: first Daxiang,
who is indicated as the eldest son, then Dasu, and finally Daan, suggesting that they
were first, second and third sons of Gongi in. As for XTS, although Daxiang, Dasu, and
Daan are named as Gongjin's sons, Daxiang's name is absent"from Gongjin's biogra-
phy itself, in which Dasu and Daan are called zi T (son) and cizi ~-=f (second son) (of
Gongiin), which proves that Dasu was indeed senior to Daan.
31Daxiang served as commandant of the Right Defense Guard Command of the Heir-
(zuoyijun zongguan tc-4itffil1if) in Liaodong ~*,

Apparent (taizi youweishuai *-T:ibm~), commander-in-chief of the Left First Army
minister of revenue (siyuan tai-
12
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
achieved an honorific designation of great prestige, "Supreme Pil-

lar of State" (shangzhuguo J:.tf~),during his life. Dasu distin-
guished himself as a learned historian and prolific author.32 In
addition to his service in local government, he played a leading
role in compiling dynastic histories, imperial diaries, and manag-
ing the imperiallibrary.33 Of the three Zhang brothers, Daan was
changbo "§']JC:t:m{B), in addition to his position in the Ministry of Revenue which was
mentioned before. The JTS only reports that Daxiang became a director in the Ministry
of Revenue. Thanks to Zhang Chen's epitaph, we know that he was eventually pro-
moted to be minister of revenue.
32 The bibliographic monographs in the two official Tang histories attribute to Dasu the
following nine works:
(1) Zhang Dasuji 5N**~, lOjuan (JTS, 47.2075) (or 15juan, XTS, 60.1599);
(2) Wensi boyao 3tJfJt~~, 1313 juan (JTS, 47.2046), along with many other
scholars who contributed to this encyclopedia;
(3) Shuolin ~)t**,20 juan (JTS, 47.2033; XTS, 59.1536);
(4) Pingtai baiyiyuyan ZP:§B-~l=l' 3 juan (JTS, 47.2026) (XTS [59.1512J at-
tributes the same work to Zhang Daxuan ~*:Z, which might be an error for Zhang
Dasu~**);
(5) Dunhuang Zhangshi jiazhuan ¥J:~5:&~~{., 20 juan (JTS, 46.2013; XTS,
58.1483);
(6) Bei Qi shu it~~, 20juan (JTS, 46.1990);
(7) Sui houlue [)tJ1£~,10juan (JTS, 46.1992; JTS, 58.1460);
(8) Hou Wei shu f&~i!f, 100juan (JTS, 58.1457);
(9) Cefu miff, 582juan (XTS, 59.1563).
Of these works, the voluminous Wensi boyao and Cefu were encyclopedic works which
were compiled by many scholars working together. Even after excluding these two
works, however, there still remain 183 (or 188) juan of works attributed to Dasu.
33Except for one (Left Personal Guard [zuo qianniu ft=fL:t-]), all the positions Dasu is
reported by Zhang Chen's epitaph to have held in the court were related to the imperial
diaries and library: editor in the palace library (bishu jiaochou fftSiiiU!i:), assistant
editorial director (zhuzuo zuolang ~1'FjIJ~~)and editorial director (siwenlang I§]3tN~)
of the palace library, imperial diarist in the Chancellery (zuoshi ::tr:~),supervising sec-
retary of the Chancellery (dongtai sheren *ii:~ A) with the prestige title of "Grand
Master for Closing Court" (chaosan dafu !j!J3~X*~). The JTS and XTS inform us that
after becoming supervising secretary of the Chancellery during the Longshuo era (661-
13
Chen: Yixing' 5 Genealogical Background
perhaps the most prominent bureaucrat. He was one of seventeen

ministers of state that the Zhang family produced during the Tang
dynasty whose names are recorded in the Xin Tang ShU.34 How-
ever, as he was a mentor of the then Crown Prince Zhanghuai *
,[~(651-84),who also commissioned him to participate in the huge
project of preparing a commentary on the Hou Han shu 1&~~:W by
Fan Ye ml$ (398-445),he must have also been a very learned
scholar.35 Daan's political career was closely tied to the fate of
Crown Prince Zhanghuai, who was deposed on suspicion of trea-
son in Yonglong 1 (680). In the eighth month of the same year,
Daan was demoted to a post in far-off Puzhou ~1H (present-day
Anyue, Sichuan), where he served as prefect and probably also
died.36
In addition to these three sons of Gongjin, a fourth, named
Daya *~1tbecomes known to us through Zhang Chen's epi-
64), Dasu was assigned a concurrent job of compiling the state history (JTS, 69.2507;
XTS, 89.3756). Dasu's positions in some local governments include record keeper (jishi
gC~ID and adjutant (canjunshi) in the establishment of Prince Shu (Shuwangfu IJ.:EJff),
adjutant in the revenue section (hucao canjunshi p'W~iJ[~) in Yuezhou ~1H Com-
mand, assistant prefect (sima l'SJ,~) of Binzhou rm11H, and executive prefect (zhangshi)
of Huaizhou '[~1H.
34 XTS, 72. 2722. In the fourth month of Yifeng 2 (677), Daan, who was then the Left
Mentor of the Heir-Apparent (taizi zuoshuzi :*-=f-tcnt-=f-), was allowed to participate
with the high ("third grade") officials of the Secretariat-Chancellery (zhongshu menxia
$~r9r) in administrative conferences. This promotion marked his first appointment
as a minister of state (XTS, 3.73, 61.1647).
JTS, 86.2832. Started sometime during the Shangyuan era (674-76), the commentary
3S
was completed at the end ofYifeng 1 (676).
36XTS, 3.75; JTS, 5.106; the edict proclaiming this demotion was issued on thejisi day
of the eighth month of Yonglong 1 (25 September 680) (XTS, 61.1648). The Quan
Tang shi iE:mw: (rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua,1987), 44.541, preserves a poem attributed to
Zhang Daan, "Fenghe bie Vue Wang" ~;fDJjU~3:.. Prince Vue must have been Li
Zhen *~ (before 631-688), the eighth son of Taizong, whose official biographies are
found at JTS 76.2661-64 and XTS 80.3575-77.
14
T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
taph.37 However, Yixing's grandfather could only be one of the

first three sons of Gongjin, as Daya died without offspring. Ap-
parently, neither Daan nor Dasu could have been Yixing's grand-
father, as one (Daan) had a son (Qia) who was not a brother, but a
first cousin, of Yixing's father, while the other (Dasu) is identified
as Yixing's congzu ff£.Wd3. (paternal grand-uncle).38Thus, insofar as
these four persons are the only sons of Gongjin known to us, we
have to accept Daxiang, Gongjin's eldest son and heir, as Yixing's
grandfather.
Next, we come to Yixing's father, for whom different names
are given in the sources. While Yixing's Jiu Tang shu biography
informs us that his father was named Shan t~, other sources, in-
cluding the Shishi yaolu and Shingon fuh6den, give the name as Lin
J[•• As one of Daxiang's sons, Chen tt, who was Yixing's father's
brother, as well as two of Yixing's father's first cousins, Xuan J[-g
and Fei '11F,39 were all given names with the xin IG\ (heart) signific, I
37According to the epitaph, Zhang Chen's father, Daxiang, had a younger brother, who
was ajifu :'¥5Z (paternal uncle) for Chen, called Daya. Daya seems to have been a pro-
mising young official, serving as he did the General of the Left Personal Guard. Unfor-
tunately, he died young, without leaving an heir. Zhang Chen was designated as his
son.
38This identification is made in Yixing's JTS biography (191.5113), according to which
Yixing finished the section of astronomy in the one-hundred-juan Hou Weishu, which
was left uncompleted by Zhang Taisu (i.e., Dasu).
39 The JTS biography identifies Zhang Fei as a son of Daan, while in the XTS he is
noted as a son of Dasu. The same biography states that Fei, who served as assistant
administrator (panguan tUg') of the Academy of Scholarly Worthies (Jixianyuan ~H
~) during the reign of Xuanzong, was ordered by the emperor to submit to the court
the Weishu and Shuo/in then in the possession of his family so that they could be used
in collating the histories currently under official compilation (XTS, 89.3756). As Dasu
was the compiler of the Weishu and Shuolin, it makes more sense to consider Fei as a
son of Dasu than of Daan. Li Di (Tangdai tianwenxuejia Zhang Sui, 4) believes that
Zhang Fei was Zhang Zui. However, according to the "Zaixiang shixi" *tEft!t* sec-
tion in the XTS (72.2721), Zui was a son of Daan and he served as the regional inspec-
15
assume that Lin J[~ is more likely to be the correct name of Yi-
xing's father. As for the status of Yixing's40father, the sources
identify him as magistrate of Wugong JitJjJ sub-prefecture (in pre-
sent-day Shaanxi) (Jiu Tang shu) or an aide in the office of the
Chamberlain for the Imperial Stud (taipu cheng :k{~7F;) (Shishi
yaolu, Shingon juhoden).
As for the family background of Yixing's mother, it is worth
noting that she was a member of the Longxi Li ~@*
clan, from
which the ruling Li family claimed descent. In spite of (or because
of) the probably falsified ties between the Tang rulers and the
Longxi Li clan, the high esteem that the Li royal family held for
this great clan is in little doubt.41
tor of Tongzhou ~'lH (present-day Dali, Shaanxi). I see no reason to identify them as
one person.
40 As a general rule, in medieval China, brothers, or even the whole generation of the
male members of a clan, shared one character for their names (assuming that their
names were of two characters-as in the case ofGongjin's four sons, who shared da *-
as the first of the two characters in their names), or, if their names happened to be of
one character, they were named with characters that had the same signific. It seems that
the sons of Daxiang and Dasu had names with the signific xin, while the sons of Daan
(Qia 18-, Shui ~~, and Jun i*) were, on the other hand, given characters with the sig-
nific shui 7]( (water). The XTS "Zaixiang shixi" gives the status of Daan"s three sons as
general in the Left Imperial Insignia Guard (zuojinwu ::0:iz-g), regional inspector of
Tongzhou, and attendant censor (shiyushi {:fjf.iEPf~). Yixing's JTS biography refers to
Qia as director of a bureau under the Ministry of Rites (libu langzhong ~.g.~N~CP)in
Kaiyuan 5 (717) when he went to Jingzhou to take Yixing to court at imperial com-
mand.
41 It is Chen Yinque's opinion that the ruling Li family of the Tang dynasty actually
came from a different, much less prominent Li family (viz., the Zhaojun Li m~~$)
with no direct connection to the Longxi Li clan, which had been a dominant power in
the Guanzhong rnmcp area since the time of Yuwen Tai f~)C*(507-56), the de facto
ruler of the Western Wei (535-56) government based in Chang'an. The ruling Li
claimed a connection to the Longxi Li with an eye to solidifying their power base in the
area (Tangdai zhengzhi shishu lungao, ]-49).
16
T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
The sources about Yixing in the Buddhist and officialhistories

enable us to retrieve Yixing's genealogy only from his father Lin
(with Fei, Qia, Sui, and Jun as his first cousins) through his grand-
father Daxiang (with Dasu and Daan as his brothers) back to his
great-grandfather Zhang Gongjin. We would have known nothing
else about Yixing's genealogical background, were it not for the
epitaphs for three of Gongjin's grandchildren that we have men-
tioned above.
First of all, through these three epitaphs, we learn that
Gongjin's father, Yixing's great-great-grandfather, was Zhang
Shiru 5.&±{~,who was probably the person whom the two official
entitled Yan Xiaojing ij[ ¥ *~,

Tang histories mention as the author of an exegetical work
42 but about whose status and
connection to Gongjin they say nothing. Now, thanks to the three
epitaphs, we know that Shiru served as the regional inspector of
Shenzhou 1~1H(present-day Shenxian, Hebei) and was enfeoffed
as Duke of Dingyuan 5E~ Command (present-day Anhui). He
was also granted the posthumous title Zhao ffB.43 Judging from the
honors heaped upon him, Shiru must have been a significant
figure in his day.
Furthermore, Zhang Chen's epitaph reports that his great
great-grandfather was Ganzhi :E{1z~, the Minister of Education
(situ "§J1;E) and Minister of War (sima Pj/~) under the (Northern)
Qi dynasty (550-77).44 According to the Bei shi, Ganzhi was the
42 "Expounding the Xiaojing" ~*~,

12juan; JTS, 46.1981;XTS, 57.1442.
43While Shim's status as the Shenzhou governor and his fief title are reported by the
epitaphs for Zhang Wuliang, Chen, and Xuan, his status as a military official (zhujunshi
~~Jf!$)in Shenzhou and his posthumous title as well are only recorded in Xuan's epi~
taph.
44According to the Bet shi ~t!£:(Beijing: Zhonghua, 1974) 34.1266, Ganzhi inherited
Che's fiefdom (Duke of Xiping subprefecture) and served as Superior Grand Master of
the Palace (taizhong dafu j($*x) and regional inspector of Yueling ~I%t com-
mandery (present-day Yueling, Shandong).
17
eldest son of Che 1~, who, followed by Lin It Jian {~ and Feng [il,
was born to Tong ill[, grandson of Xian ~JE,the younger brother of
Zhan m(d. after 450).45 As a native of Shenquan ~~~ (i.e., Yuan-
quan rJ#t~, present-day Anxi, Gansu) in Dunhuang fJc~, Zhang
Zhan was a renowned scholar and an important official under the
Northern Liang ~tr*
dynasty (397-439).46 His biographies in the
Wei shu and Bei shi report that he gained his fame in the Northern
Liang at the early age of eighteen, mainly through his literary ac-
complishments. Juqu Mengxun ¥ii*~~ (r. 401-33),the Northern
45 Xian (style-name Huaiyi '~~), like his younger brother Zhan, also served under the
Northern Liang dynasty, although less prominently. First serving as the magistrate of
Jianchang 9t~ subprefecture (present-day Wenxian, Gansu), he was promoted to the
position of Adjutant-general Quelling the West (zhengxi cangjun 1iEi?s-*jfI). He was
famous for the extraordinarily devoted way in which he served his mother. See Wei shu
ftw (rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua, 1974),52.1154; Bei shi, 34.1265. Xian's grandson Tong
(style-name Yancho .$*J¥i) was well versed in the classics and histories. It seems that he
was a steadfast hermit, repeatedly turning down appointments offered by the Northern
Wei government (Bei shi, 34.1265). However, none of his four sons followed in his
footsteps, as each of them pursued a political career. Che (style-name Fangming :1JEA),
serving as Princely Attendant (shizhong f~CP), Chamberlain of the Court for the Palace
Garrison (weiweiqing frfltMPW), was enfeoffed as Duke of Xiping lZ3ZfS subprefecture
(present-day Xining, Gansu). When Xiaomingdi q:EA'iff of the Northern Wei (r. 515-
27) established in the early Zhengguang IE:W: era (519-25) the institution of lecturing
on Confucian texts in the Court for Education (guozisi I~Ff~), Che, among others,
was appointed as luyi ~~ (commentator?) (Wei shu, 82.1803; Bei shi, 42.1557). Lin
(style-name Jiaying ~ff!) served as the governor of Guangping jfi:z:p. (present-day Jize,
Hebei). Jian (style-name Yuanshen JC['.) served as regional inspector of Liangzhou 1*
1'1'1(in present-day Gansu). Feng (style-name Kongluan fLit) was a bureaucrat-scholar.
Serving as Erudite of the National University (guozi boshi ~TfW±), Gentleman
Cavalier Attendant (sanqi shifang 'if~~f~l1!~),he wrote the Wujing yitong ping 1i*~~
~WP (Comments on the differences and similarities between the five classics), which
was widely praised by contemporary scholars (Bei shi, 34.1266).
46This Zhang Zhan, whose prime of life was spent under the Northern Liang, is not to
be confused with the Jin Wi philosopher bearing the same name who is believed to have
been the commentator, if not author, of the apocryphal Liezi )iU-J- attributed to Lie
Yukou JUOO~ of the Warring States period.
18
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Liang ruler, appointed Zhan as his Minister of War (bingbu shang-

shu ~ff~fSjif). After the Northern Liang was destroyed in 439 by
the Northern Wei .itft army, he shifted his loyalty to the new
conqueror and was appointed General Pacifying the Distant Re-
gions $~n~lL with the designation "Marquis of Nanpu m~ffl."
Cui Hao it:1~(381-450),who controlled the Northern Wei gov-
ernment for over two decades as its prime minister, held Zhan in
high regard. In the preface to his commentary on the Yijing, Cui
Hao makes it clear that Zhang Zhan was one of the three scholars
who discussed Yijing philosophy with him and urged him to con-
tribute a commentary on the classic. This suggests Zhang Zhan's
expertise on Yijing and his possible co-authorship of this Yijing
commentary under Cui Hao's name. In admiration for Zhang
Zhan's talents, Cui Hao recommended him to be Vice-director of
the Secretariat (zhongshu shilang cpfi1~~~).Zhang Zhan, suppos-
edly foreseeing Cui Hao's political disgrace, declined that offer.
Probably thanks to the distance that he deliberately kept from Cui
Hao, Zhang Zhan was able to survive the political persecution
that Cui Hao's rivals waged against him and which led to Cui's
execution in 450.
In addition to the information about his father Zhi ~ and
grandfather Xian m,47 Zhang Zhan's entry in the Bei shi informs
us that he was a ninth-generation grandson of Zhang Gong ~~
(d. ca. 232), who is accorded a biography in the Sanguo zhi ~
;t.48 Zhang Gong was director of the personnel evaluation section
(gongcao :r;b V!J) in the local government of Dunhuang com-
mandery. When Governor Ma Ai 1~3t of Dunhuang died in office,
the central government failed to nominate a successor; to make
things worse, Ma Ai had died without an executive governor,
47Serving under the Northern Liang, Zhi was made governor of Jincheng siZ:~. Xian
was greatly trusted by Li Gao $i'i'i (r. 400-17), the founding ruler of the short-lived
Western Liang g§~JJ{ (400-21) dynasty. He once served as the Jiuquan governor.
48 Sanguo zhi (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959), 18.550-51.
19
who might have taken charge of local affairs in the absence of a

new governor. Zhang Gong, long respected for his virtue and
learning, was asked to administer Dunhuang in the capacity of
executive governor. He proved himself an exceptionally capable
administrator, attracting widespread trust and respect from the
locals. However, it seems that he had no political ambition, as he
later sent his son Jiu Jitt to see Cao Cao Wf* (155-220),who was
then the ruler of north China, asking for a new governor for Dun-
huang. At that time, Huang Hua N~ and Zhang Jin 5:&J]t, gover-
nors of Jiuquan ~iR and Zhangye *j{1L two neighboring com-
manderies of Dunhuang, rebelled against the central government.
Huang Hua arrested Zhang Jiu and held him as a hostage. Zhang
Jiu managed to send his father a letter, urging him to give priority
to the interest of the country, rather than the safety of his son.
Zhang Gong was thus able to make up his mind and dispatched
troops to suppress the rebels. Assisted by the central government,
he succeeded in quelling the rebellion and getting Zhang Jiu back
unhurt.49 The new governor of Dunhuang sent by the central gov-
ernment assumed his office smoothly. In 221 (presumably not too
long after this incident), an edict was issued in recognition of
Zhang Gong's loyalty and feat, enfeoffing him Marquis of Guan-
nei l#Jpg and nominating him Commandant of the Center (wuji
jiaowei LX;a~)f"f) of the Western Regions. Later, Zhang Gong was
repeatedly summoned to court, probably for consultation. Learn-
ing that the court intended to make him an official in attendance
(shichen {~§), he recommended his son Jiu to take the position.
He died in the Taihe :*5fD era (227-32),receiving the posthumous
prestige title "Chamberlain for the Imperial Insignia" (zhi jinwu ¥it
~~). Zhang Jiu later became governor of Jincheng (present-day
Gaolang, Gansu). In the ninth month of Qinglong 2 (236), in the
capacity of Commandant of the Western Regions (a position he
49For a similar account of this accident, see Zizhi tongjian, 69.2179, which is obviously
based on the Wei shu.
20
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
might have inherited from his father), he repelled the invading

Abishi [ffiJ_gjff army (a "barbarian" tribe based outside Liangzhou
~*1H)in Liangzhou.50 The Sanguo zhi author, Chen Shou (233- ~*~
97), observes that the reputation of father and son was wide-
spread in Xizhou ~1\1\1 (the area centered around present-day Tur-
fan in Xinjiang).
Quoting a work entitled Shiyu i!t~,51 the Sanguo zhi commen-
tator Pei Songzhi ~tlZ (372-451) reports the following informa-
tion about Zhang Jiu's son and grandson. The son of Zhang Jiu
was called Xiao ~ (or Bo W, style-name Zuwen fftEI.x). Xiao, who
served as the governor of Guanghan J.J: yJ; (in present-day Si-
chuan) under Jin Wudi ~it* (r. 266-89), was brave and right-
eous. He was eventually appointed "Leader of Court Gentlemen
in charge of the Xiongnu."52According to the Jinshu, while serving
as Coachman of the Heir-Apparent (taizipu *r{~), he proposed
to the court that Suo Jing *~N(239-303), who would later become
a remarkable politician and author during the reigns of Wudi :IitW
(r. 266-89) and Huidi f!W (r. 289-306), be assigned to a more im-
portant position in the court rather than being sent to the fron-
tier.53 Zhang Bo wrote the Wulu ~~, which, although no longer
50Jin shu 1f~ (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1975), 13.363; cf. Song shu
Zhonghua, 1959),23.684.
*~ (Beijing:
51The Shiyu referred to here is the Wei Jin shiyu ft1ftltmf by Guo Ban $I)$!. Pei
Songzhi is strongly critical of this text. I thank Paul W. Kroll for this identification.
52 This is short for Shi Xiongnu zhonglang j iang ~ {gjJyJ. cp E!~~ or Hu Xiongnu zhong-
langjiang 5!H~DY.J.t:p~~~, an old Han-dynasty title continued in the Nanbeichao period.
I thank Paul W. Kroll for this suggestion.
53Jinshu, 60.1648. As the Jinshu author here observes that Zhang Bo came from the
same commandery as did Suo Jing, who was a Dunhuang native, and that this Zhang
Bo also served under Jin Wudi, it is highly likely that he can be identical with our
Zhang Bo.
21
extant, is repeatedly quoted in the Song shu *tI.54 Bo's son was
called Gu I1!!J (style-name Yuanan JC32). Resembling his father in
character and manner, Gu once served as Gentleman of the Palace
Gate (huangmen lang Nr~S!B).He died young.
Thus, of the nine generations from Zhang Gong to Zhang
Zhan, we know the following seven: four from Gong through Jiu
and Bo to Gu, three from Zhi through Xian to Zhan. Two genera-
tions between Gu and Zhi remain unknown.
So far, on the basis of our sources, we have been able to trace
Yixing's genealogy back to Zhang Gong, of whom Yixing is to be
counted as the eighteenth-generation grandson ([1] Gong ~ ~ [2]
Jiu gt ~ [3] Xiao ~ [var. Bo tlJ] ~ [4] Gu lIiI ~ [5] ? ~ [6] ? ~ [7]
Zhi 1f ~ [8] Xian ~ ~ [9]Xian ~ ~ [10] ?~ [11] Tong Jm ~ [12]
~ [16] Daxiang *'* ~

Che 1ft{ ~ [13] Ganzhi £f}[Z~ [14] Shiru ±{~ ~ [15] Gongjin 0~1
[17] Lin tl ~ [18] Sui ~ [Yixing]). Is it
possible to push this genealogical reconstruction further? While
Zhang Chen's epigraph vaguely suggests that his remote ancestor
was one of the three persons who played key role in the estab-
lishment of the Han dynasty,55Zhang Xuan's epitaph specifies
Zhang Er 5:Rl} (d. 202 B.C.), King Zhao m±
under the Han dy-
nasty, as his ancestor. Han Gaozu 1~~W!fI. (r. 206-195 B.C.) ce-
mented a special tie with Zhang Er by marrying one of the daugh-
ters he had by Empress Li.i gf§ (d. 180 B.C.),to Zhang Er's eldest
son, Ao, who inherited Er's kingship in 202 Be. The Hou Han shu
provides the following genealogical connections: (1) Zhang Er (d.
54The Wu/u is recorded in the bibliographic monographs of the two Tang histories
(JTS, 46.1995; XTS, 58.1464). This apparently geographical work is quoted in Song
shu, 35.1032; 36.1092; 37.1119. In addition to the Wulu, the two Tang histories also
record a Wudiji 5,%j:iligC by Zhang Bo (JTS, 46.2014;XTS, 58.1504).
55 7dl*~ ' ~,~~~-~.
22
T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
202 B.C.) --+ (2) Ao JJ!x --+ (3) Yan 111 (fl. 179 B.C.)56--+ (4) Sheng ±
(d. before 129 B.C.) --+ (5) Guangguo J.J[~ (fl. 134 BC-129B.C.) --+
(6) Chang l§ (fl. 104-101B.C.) --+ ••••. --+ (?) Qingji !t}iS', (fl. 2).57 On
the basis of the foregoing discussion, I construct a tentative, in-
complete genealogical chart for Yixing (see appendix).
III. THE REGISTRY-PLACE OF YIXING'S CLAN AND HIS DATES
Let us now address two more problems, the registry-place of

Yixing's clan (ji ji or guan Jr)58 and his dates.
Yixing's biographical sources support two if not three possi-
bilities for the "registry place of Yixing's clan.//59His Jiu Tang shu
biography indicates Changle l§~ district, in Weizhou ft1H (pre-
sent-day Nanle, Hebei), and his Song gaoseng zhuan biography, fol-
lowing the Minghuang zalu (buyi) and in turn followed by the Shi-
men zhengtong, gives Ji.ilu ~eJm(present-day Pingxiang, Hebei) as
the registry-place of his clan.
Zhang Gongjin's biographies in the two Tang histories iden-
tify him as a native of Fanshui ~7J<.district, in Weizhou (in pre-
sent-day Nanle, Hebei). As Gongjin was Yixing's great-grand-
56Van had two half-brothers, Shou ==

and Chi {g;, whom Ao had with the woman he
married before Van's mother (i.e., the daughter of Han Gaozu and Empress Lli); see
Hau Han shu 1&rJ!~ (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1965),32.1843.
57 Hall Han shu, 32.1842-43. Jingji is here identified as Ao's xuansun zi%, which usu-
ally indicates a grandson of one's grandson (i.e., fifth-generation grandson). Zhang
Ao's fifth-generation grandsons fell in the generation of Chang. As Chang and Jingji
flourished in 104-101 B.C. and 2 A.D., respectively, I think it is impossible that they
could be of the same generation. There might have been three, four, or even five, gen-
erations between Jingji and Chang.
58In medieval China, one's ji or guan usually did not refer to one's own native place,
but rather the registry place of one's clan, which might or might not have been identical
with an individual's native place.
59 As we will see below, two of these three places were more or less identical.
23
father, this is tantamount to locating Yixing's registry-place in

Fanshui. However, as Fanshui was brought under the administra-
tive control of Changle in Zhenguan 18 (644),60 this remark re-
garding Zhang Gongjin's registry-place does not contradict the
assertation that it was Changle. But the same cannot be said of
Julu, which was different (although not too far) from Fanshui or
Changle.
To complicate things further, one tradition suggests that one
of Yixing's ancestors originally came from Dunhuang.61 Now,
since Dunhuang is quite distant from Fanshui (Changle), how
may we reconcile these two varying statements about Yixing's
registry-place? The answer lies in the epitaphs dedicated to Gong-
jin's three grandchildren. Although Zhang Wuliang and Zhang
Chen's epitaphs indicate the registry place of their clan as Dun-
huang,62Zhang Xuan's epitaph makes it clear that he was a native
of Changle subprefecture in Weizhou and that his ancestors had
lived in Dunhuang for many generations, as is corroborated by
the biographies we have summarized of Yixing's ancestors from
Ganzhi back to Gong. This confirms that Xuan, and by extension
all the members of his family including Gongjin, Daxiang, and
Yixing, had ancestors who lived in Dunhuang and whose off-
60 Li Di, Tangdai tianwenxuejia Zhang Sui, 3.

61 In his Shitong 5t:im (SKQS), 685.46a/b, the Tang historian Uu Zhiji ~U:'KD~ (661-
721) refers to Zhang Taisu (i.e., Zhang Dasu), one ofYixing's granduncles, as a native
of Dunhuang. This accounts for the fact that Zhang Dasu was said to have composed a
genealogy for the Dunhuang Zhang clan (Dunhuang Zhangshi jiazhuan), as is recorded
in the bibliographic monographs in the JTS andXTS (see note 32). Yang Jidong t~W*
("Zhang Yichao and Dunhuang in the Ninth Century," Journal of Asian History 32.2
[1998]: 104), unaware of Dasu's direct genealogical ties to the Dunghuang Zhang clan,
suspects Oasu's authorship of the Dunhuang Zhangshi jia zhuan. As a matter of fact,
with Oasu's genealogical background taken into account, his authorship of the Dun-
huang Zhangshi jiazhuan is to be accepted.
62 Zhang Chen's epitaph specifies it as Jiuquan in Dunhuang.
24
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
spring moved to Fanshui (Changle), where they settled. As Gan-

zhi served as regional inspector of Shenzhou (present-day Hebei)
under the Northern Qi dynasty (with Ye ,~ [present-day Anyang,
Hebei] as its capital), Yixing's ancestors must have moved to
Fanshui (Changle) by the time of Ganzhi's generation.
Now, let us turn to Yixing's dates. All of Yixing's biographical
sources, except for the Shimen zhengtong, which observes that Yix-
ing died in 727 at the age of fifty-five sui (673-727), give Yixing's
dates as equivalent to 683-727.63 While the dates 683-727 are
widely accepted by scholars, Chen Yuan ~tt8(1880-1971)uses the
dates given by the Shimen zhengtong.64 I find it hard to follow
Chen Yuan's reasoning,65but one piece of evidence still makes me
believe that the Shim en zhengtong dating may be correct.
63 See Wanzi xuzangjing, 130.924.
64 Shishi yin ian lu ~~~i:f.ifk (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1963), 114. Other scholars who
follow Chen Yuan in accepting the Shimen zhengtong dating include Ren Jiyu ff:mHrm,
et aI., eds., Zongjiao cidian *f!(~I:ij!li!(Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1981), 1;
Forte, Mingtang and Buddhist Utopias, 331; and Silvio Vita, "Li Hua and Buddhism,"
in Tang China and Beyond, ed. Antonino Forte (Kyoto: Istituto Italiano di Cultura,
1988), 109.
65 Chen Yuan's reasoning is as follows. According to Yixing's Jiu Tangshu biography,

Wu Sansi :tt\-IiS', (d. 707) once tried to establish a connection with Yixing. If Yixing
died in 727 at 45, he would have been born in 683, one year before Empress Wu be-
came de facto ruler. However, by that time, Wu Sansi was already the Minister of War
(xiaguan shangshu Jl,§fJrr~). Then, probably on the tacit assumption that Wu Sansi
must have pursued his rapport with Yixing sometime in the decade following, Chen
Yuan argues that had Yixing been born one year before Empress Wu began to rule as
the regent to her son-emperor Zhongzong (r. 683-690, 705-10), Wu Sansi would have
been seeking friendship with a child. Thus, Chen Yuan, following the Shimen zheng-
tong, suggests that Yixing's birth be dated to 673. I see no reason why Wu Sansi must
have pursued an association with Yixing in the decade following Empress Wu's ascen-
dancy in 684. Rather, I believe that he could have turned to Yixing for friendship any-
time before his own death in 707; at the time Yixing, had he been born in 683, would
have already reached 25.
25
The Jiu Tang shu biography for Lu Xiangxian ~~~5t; (a.k.a. Lu

Jingchu ~~j(fJ], 665-736) and his four brothers reports that they
were befriended by Yixing in their childhood and youth.66 There
must have been some age gap between the eldest and the young-
est of the five Lu brothers, even though they had different moth-
ers.67 However, it seems that the age difference between the five
brothers (at least among the first three) might not have been large.
We are told that Jingrong tried to intervene when his mother,
Xiangxian's stepmother, wanted to whip Xiangxian while he was
a boy. When his mother ignored his objection, Jingrong tried to
change her mind by whipping himself! His mother had to give in.
Judging from the fact that while Xiangxian was himself still a
child (a stepmother was not likely to whip a grown-up step-child),
Jingrong was already sophisticated enough to resort to this at-
tempt to change his mother's mind, I assume that the two brothers
were not far separated in age. In other words, at least the first
three of the Lu brothers (Xiangxian, Jingqian, and Jingrong) were
close in age (probably born between 665 and 670).As Yixing was a
close friend of the Lu brothers from his youth or even childhood,
there could not have been too great an age gap between Yixing
and most of the five brothers. In view of the age frame of the Lu
brothers, I am inclined to believe that 673, rather than 683, ap-
pears more likely for the date of Yixing's birth.
The dating of Yixing's birth to 673 is rendered even more
likely when we turn to a textual source supporting Yixing's disci-
pleship under the eminent monk Shenxiu. As is amply recorded
in almost all of Yixing's biographical sources, his discipleship un-
der Puji is well known. In view of this, it comes as a surprise to
66 JTS 88. 2877. The JTS mentions Xiangxian's four brothers in the following order,
Jingqian *{~, Jingrong jt1M!,Jingxian j£~, and Jingyi *IW, which is probably also
the order of seniority among them.
67The XTS biography (116.4238) of Lu Xiangxian makes it clear that Jingrong was
Xiangxian's half-brother.
26
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
find that one source suggests that Yixing was also a disciple of
Shenxiu, Puji's master.
The Quan Tang wen compilers attribute to Yixinga letter to the
important official Zhang Yue ~~ (667-731).68Judging by the
opening sentence in this letter, it was written on behalf of four
Buddhist monks-Sengche {j~, Tanzhen !!:tM, Damo ~~, and
Yixing himself, all of them residents of the Dumensi 15tF5=B=- Actu-
ally an invitation for Zhang Yue to attend a dharma-assembly at
the Dumensi, this letter carries the important information that it
had been over ten years since the Ulateteacher" of the four died.
As this letter states that Zhang Yue was then just taking up the
position of prefect of Yuezhou -ffi 1'1'[ (present-day Yueyang,
Hu'nan), it must have been written sometime between the fourth
month of Kaiyuan 3 (715), when Zhang Vue took office in Yuey-
ang, and the second month of Kaiyuan 5 (717),when he was trans-
ferred from Yueyang to Jingzhou JflJ1H.69 Therefore, the master of
these four Dumensi monks, who had been dead for over ten years
by the time the letter was written, died sometime in the late 690s
or at the very beginning of the eighth century. Then who was this
Buddhist monk who, with Zhang Yue as a close friend and these
four Dumensi monks as disciples, died within this period? As the
Dumensi was established by Empress Wu for Shenxiu, who was
highly respected by Zhang Yue and who died in 706,Shenxiu was
very likely the "late teacher" in question.70 The fact that Damo,
68"Da Zhang Yangong shu" ~~~0-:;:, Quan Tang wen 914.9525b~26a. Zhang Vue
was an important minister during the early reign of Xuanzong. In addition to his politi-
cal reputation, he has a prominent position in the history of Chinese literature not only
by virtue of his own literary accomplishment but also for his patronage of a number of
younger poets and writers. See his biographies at JTS, 97.3049-59 and XTS, 125.4404-
12.
69Chen Zuyan ~ffr'§' I==l, Zhang Yue nianpu 7.RB5t4~~(Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue
chubanshe, 1984), 38-40.
70On the establishment of the Dumensi for the sake of Shenxiu, see John R. McRae,
The Northern School and the Formation of Early Ch Jan Buddhism (Honolulu: Univ. of
27
Chen: Yixing' 5 Genealogical Background
one of these four Dumensi monks, is known as Shenxiu's disciple,

further confirms this impression.
The Song gaoseng zhuan records a monk called Huixiu !i*,71
under whom there was a disciple called Damo:
In addition, when Xuanzong was still a prince, he once paid a
visit [to Huixiu] with other princes. After receiving instruction
in the dharma from Huixiu, Xuanzong left a flute for him as a
present. After the prince left, Huixiu summoned his disciples to
tell them, "Keep this flute carefully! You are to submit it to the
court in the future when necessary." It was not until Xuanzong
ascended the throne following Ruizong's abdication that [Hui-
xiu's] disciples, including Damo, understood the purport of his
words. They submitted the flute to Xuanzong, who was
pleased by [the reminiscence of] his previous association [with
Huixiu] and donated generously to the monks.72
Although this Huixiu is placed in the section on "Thaumaturges"

(gantong ~5m), the biographical data in his Song gaoseng zhuan en-
try strongly suggests that he was none other than Shenxiu, who is
accorded a biography elsewhere in the same work.73 First, they
shared the same surname, Li ~\ and the same native place, Wei-
Hawaii Press, 1986), 50-51. On Zhang Yue' s high respect for Shenxiu, see the passage
in the Song gaoseng zhuan biography ofShenxiu, T50: 2061.756a18-20.
71A slightly curtailed version of Huixiu's biography in Song gaoseng zhuan is found in
Shenseng zhuan (T 50: 2061.993b), in which the Shenseng zhuan compiler, probably
uncertain of whether the subject was the renowned Chan master or a different monk,
ambiguously presents him as Shi Xiu f~*.
72 T50: 2061.835c8-12.
73For Shenxiu's Song gaoseng zhuan biography, see ibid., 755c-756b. Among Chan
scholars, Vi Hakuju ~#18;;'(Zenshushi kenkyu ffr~'!7*~liff~ [Tokyo: Iwanami sho-
ten, 1966], 292-93) takes Huixiu as Shenxiu's disciple, while McRae (The Northern
School, 46) recognizes that Shenxiu has actually been given two biographical entries.
28
Tang Studies 18-19(2000-01)
shi 1M~ district in Chenliu ~*

rn,
close to Luoyang.74 Second,
Huixiu, who was preoccupied with training in vinaya before fi-
nally concentrating on meditation, studied in the areas of Jing ]fIJ
and Ying ~~, both in present-day Hubei. After achieving a solid
understanding of Buddhism, he returned to and re-affiliated him-
self with the Tiangongsi ~'§~ in Luoyang.75 As for Shenxiu, his
biography tells us that he also studied with Hongren "5L?J (600-74)
at Mount Shuangfeng ~~ (in present-day Huangmei, Hubei).76
More importantly, Shenxiu was ordained at the same Tiangongsi,
where he is also said to have died,77Third, both Huixiu and
Shenxiu commanded high respect from Zhang Yue and Empress
Wu. As for Zhang Yue, we have already remarked on his high re-
spect for Shenxiu. Huixiu was also said to have been befriended
by Zhang Yue, who relied on him as a religious mentor. When
Huixiu died, Zhang Yue personally accompanied his body to
Mount Longmen, where it was buried.78 As for Empress Wu,
Huixiu is said to have attracted her attention during her long stay
in Luoyang and was often summoned to the court.79This reminds
one of the great esteem that the empress allegedly held for
74Compare 835b25 and 755c27. Zhang Yue's epitaph for Shenxiu makes it clear that
Shenxiu's native place was in Weishi district, Chenliu (Quan Tang wen, 231.2334b8-
9); see also Yanagida Seizan tppEE~LlJ, Shoki zenshii shisho no kenkyii :fJJMffrft!*.'£:tf
O)ltJf~ (Kyoto: H5z5kan, 1967),498.
75 T 50: 2061.835b26-28.
76 T50: 2061.755c29-736aI2.
77Shenxiu's connection to the Tiangongsi is indicated in Zhang Vue's epitaph; see

Quan Tang wen, 231.2335b 1-2; also Yanagida, Shaki zenshii shisho no kenkyii, 499. It
was in Wude 8 (625) that Shenxiu was ordained at the Tiangongsi; he died there in 706,
eighty years later.
78 T50: 2061.835cI3-14.
79 T 50: 2061.835b28-29.
29
Shenxiu.80 Fourth, Huixiu is reported to have died at the remark-

able age of one hundred years, while Shenxiuwas also believed to
have enjoyed a life-span over a hundred years.S!
As it is thus almost certain that Huixiu and Shenxiu are the
same person, Damo, who was identified as a disciple of Huixiu,
must be recognized as a disciple of Shenxiu. This establishes that
the "late teacher" of Damo and the other three monks was Shen-
xiu. Accordingly, we must regard Yixing as a disciple of
Shenxiu.82 Then, our question is, "Was this discipleship possible
in view of the time-frame for the activities of these two renowned
monks?" It turns out that this depends on how we date Yixing's
birth.
80Both Song gaoseng zhuan and Zhang Vue's epitaph have very detailed descriptions
of the extraordinary respect the empress paid to Shenxiu. See T 50:2061. 756aI4-16;
Quan Tang wen, 231.2335a9-11; also Yanagida, Shoki zenshii. shisho no kenkyii., 499.
For an English summary of these descriptions, see McRae, The Northern School, 51-52.
81 50: 2061.835c13. Zhang Yue says in his epitaph that Shenxiu was born toward the
T
end of the Sui (589-618) and lived a life of over one hundred years. As Shenxiu never
spoke openly of it, people had no idea of his actual age. See Quan Tang wen, 231.
2335b3; Yanagida, Shoki zenshzl shisho no kenkyii.,499-500.
82 In addition to "late teacher," xianshi can also denote a "former patriarch" of one's
sectarian filiation. For example, Dugu Ii 1m1IDl.&. (725-77) wrote on the occasion of im-
perial conferment of a title on the third Chan patriarch, Sengcan, that some Northern
Chan masters referred to Sengcan as their xianshi. As these monks lived more than a
century after Sengcan, the term xianshi obviously cannot be understood in this case as
"late teacher." See Quan Tang wen, 390. 3972-74 (the relevant passage is found at
3973aI2-17). I have discussed this inscription and the usage of xianshi in, "One Name,
Three Monks: Two Northern Chan Masters Emerge from the Shadow of Their Contem-
porary, the Tiantai Master Zhanran m~ (711-782)," Journal a/the International Asso-
ciation of Buddhist Studies 22.1 (1999): 1-91. Is it possible that Yixing here uses the
term xianshi for "former patriarch," rather than "late teacher"? The answer seems to be
negative, as the letter was co-signed by four monks, one of whom (Damo) was defi-
nitely Shenxiu's disciple. Otherwise, we have to assume that the term was used for two
different meanings in the same sentence and at the same time.
30
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Let us see what happens if we assume that Yixing was born in

683. As Yixing did not become a monk until he turned twenty-
one,83his birth in 683 would have him enter the sa~gha in 703,
barely three years before Shenxiu's death. Although it is not im-
possible that Yixing, after becoming a monk in 703, could once
have studied with Shenxiu, who divided his last six years be-
tween the two capitals Chang'an and Luoyang,84the following
fact makes this unlikely. We know that after becoming a monk,
Yixing had studied at the Huagansi 1t~~ in Chang'an with the
otherwise unknown Facheng 1t~ until the latter's death some-
time in Jinglong 1 (707), that is, one year after Shenxiu's death,
when he then moved to Luoyang.85 Shenxiu is known to have re-
sided at the Zishengsi Jt~~ in Chang'an during the Chang'an
era (701-5), and he died in 706. This leaves a very limited window
of opportunity for Yixing to have studied under Shenxiu, had he
indeed been born in 683 and become a monk in 703.
On the other hand, if we suppose Yixing was born in 673, he
would have become a monk in 693 and therefore would have had
a much greater chance of studying under Shenxiu during the pe-
riod from 701 to 705. Hence, if we accept Yixing as a disciple of
Shenxiu, which seems clearly indicated by Yixing's letter to Zhang
Yue, Yixing was more likely to have been born in 673 than in 683.
In connection with the possibility of his being a disciple of
Shenxiu, we should consider the possibility that Yixing may also
be recognized under the name Jingxian :fl&jt, a Northern Chan
master who was, according to some sources, one of Shenxiu's four
leading disciples.
83This is reported in the Shishi yaolu as quoted in the Naisho buppo soja kechimyakufu
(Dengyo Daishi zenshil, 1. 239).
84The Song gaoseng zhuan (T50:2061. 835cl-2) reports that in the Chang' an era (701-
5) Huixiu resided at the Zishengsi in Chang'an, where he enjoyed great success in
proselytizing.
85 Dengyo Daishi zenshii, 4:389.
31
The Song writer Li Shi *-E

states clearly in his Xu Bowu zhi
tW~m~ that, after becoming a monk, Yixing took the dharma-
*'
name Jingxian ~W.86 Jingxian, whom the Lengqie shizi ji ;f~{jjDgffijj
~G lists as one of the four major disciples of Shenxiu,87had a dia-
logue with Subhakarasi~a, which resulted in a text quite popu-
lar among later Japanese Esoteric Buddhist monks.ss At the begin-
ning of this text, Jingxian is introduced as a resident of the Hui-
shansi Wf=t!~ on Mount Song.
Scholars are unanimous in identifying Jingxian ~Jt with
Jingxian -il-R (660-723), whose funeral epitaph is still extant,89as-
suming that Jing ~ and Jing it were interchangeable.90 This is
probably right and is supported by the following two facts. Jing-
xian 1iRH was recognized as one of the four leading disciples of
Shenxiu, while Jingxian's j{R epitaph claims that he received the
dharma-transmission from Shenxiu, which demonstrates his out-
standing status among his fellow disciples.91 Also, Jingxian 1;&R
and Jingxian ~il were both affiliated with the Huishansi.92 I have
no intention of totally disapproving the traditional view that Jing-
xian and Jingxian were actually one and the same monk. How-
Xu Bowu zhi (SKQS), 1047.936a14-15. Li Shi's comment is approvingly quoted in a

*- *~
86
Japanese subcommentary on Yixing's Darijing shu, Dainichi kyo sho ennosho B

~iE~~ty by Goho *W
(1306-66), who wrongly identifies Li Shi as a Tang author (T
59: 2216.112b14).
87 Yanagida, Shaki no zenshi tJJMO)j1f!f!§t: 1: Ryoga shiji ki {lJf1Jogffi~~-a:Den 'hoboki

wrt:W*c (Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1971), 79.
88 This text is now preserved in the Taisho canon under the title Wuwei sanzang chan-
yao ~~=~ffr'~ (T 18:917).
89 Quan Tang wen, 362.3676-77a.
90 Yanagida, Shoki zenshii shisho no kenkyii, 98; McRae, The Northern School, 63-64.
91 Quan Tang wen, 362.3676b4-5; McRae, The Northern School, 64.
92 The title of lingxian's ilW epitaph identifies him clearly as a monk affiliated with
this temple.
32
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
ever, as jing ~ was not a taboo character to be avoided in imperial

China, I see no compelling reason to assume that the name
Jingxian~.R had to be presented as Jingxian ~Jl. In view of this,
we should consider the possibility that Jingxian and Jingxian were
separate persons, although both of them were Shenxiu's disciples
and belonged to the same temple on Songshan.93 Jingxian ~ii
would then be the monk who died in 723,while Jingxian i!iJ.ff, al-
ternately known as Yixing, died in 727-If this hypothesis is true, it
would make it perfectly possible that Yixing should identify him-
self as a disciple of Shenxiu when he wrote to Zhang Yue in 715-
17. However, as the statement that Jingxian was Yixing is re-
corded only in the Xu Bowu zhi, which is a rather late text, I think
it premature to claim Yixing's identity with Jingxian. More re-
search is needed before anything certain can be said about this in-
triguing possibility-
CONCLUSION: YIXING RECONSIDERED IN TERMS OF HIS GENEA-

LOGICAL BACKGROUND
Yixing's genealogy as reconstructed in this article impresses

us as an extended history of a prestigious clan which was first ac-
tive in the Dunhuang area and later made a new home in Chan-
gle, Hebei. It is not clear when the Zhang clan found their home in
Dunhuang, which, though remote from the center of Chinese civi-
lization, was important-politically, militarily, diplomatically,
and religiously-in medieval China. It seems that as early as the
late Eastern Han (25-220)some inland clans, including the Zhang,
93It seems that Yixing also resided at the Huishansi for a while, as is confirmed by the
record that he, referred to as a Meditation Master of the Huishansi, assisted the Vinaya
Master Xuantong 1':~(or Yuantong 7Crq]) in establishing a precept-platform at the
temple. See Shiina Koyii ffE.:3~L1Ll,"HokushO-zen ni okeru kairitsu no mondai" iG* ift!\!
'~Btt 0~1$O)r[:l'm, Shukyo kenkyu *~1i1f~ 11 (1969): 181; Ikeda Shuj6, "Ichigyo
Zenshi S6ken Sh6gaku Kaizenji kaidan: (ichi) Kaizenji kaidan shiH -fIffr!\!§fIjgU ~~m
~~;J:MiI: (-H3;:&~Mf:i§t:, Sanko bunka kenkyiisho nenpo 21 (1988): 107-50.
33
had already begun to emerge from there to become influential.

From then on, the Zhang clan was rather successful in maintain-
ing its influence in Dunhuang. One of the independent states
emerging around the Dunhuang area in the wake of the collapse
of the Eastern Jin dynasty (317-420),the so-called Former Liang 1W
rJ}{ (313-76),was ruled by members of the Zhang clan.94 The glory
of the Dunhuang Zhang clan reached its apogee at the time of
Zhang Yichao ~~~~J3(799-872).Expelling in 848 the Tibetans, who
had ruled Dunhuang since 786, Zhang Yichao established a local
government under the name of guiyijun ~,~~ (lit., "Returning to
Righteousness Army"), which, while paying nominal allegiance to
the Tang, was actually an independent regime.95
With this larger picture of the Dunhuang clan in mind, it is
interesting to note the extent to which some generations of
Yixing's ancestors, who were a branch of the Dunhuang Zhang
clan, became involved in the political and military entanglements
around the Dunhuang area, where a variety of political powers
and cultural trends had long begun to interact and interfuse with
each other, even before Yixing's ancestors were known to have
distinguished themselves as talented warriors, strategists, court
officials and scholars. The Dunhuang Zhang clan unveiled
another chapter of its history when one of its branches, from
which descended the most talented Tang astronomer and
calendar scientist, migrated from Dunhuang to China's heartland.
Putting themselves closer to the political and cultural center, this
branch of the Dunhuang Zhang clan rapidly expanded its political
prowess and scholarly influence as well. As we have seen, Zhang
Gongjin's father managed to achieve an impressive social status
under the newly established dynasty, and Gongjin and three of
his sons went on to play even more important roles under the first
94 Jinshu, 86.2221-55.
95A number of Chinese, Japanese, and Western scholars have devoted their attention to
Zhang Yichao's guiyijun, the most recent discussion of which is Yang Jidong's above-
mentioned article.
34
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
even more important roles under the first several Tang emperors.
In particular, it is worth noting that Gongjin was officially recog-
nized as a dynastic umeritorious statesman," a prestigious honor
that no doubt favorably affected his descendants for several
generations.
We are now ready to see how this reconstruction of Yixing's
genealogical background might complement and modify our un-
derstanding of Yixing himself. First of all, this sheds some light on
his family religion. Despite Yixing's eminent status in his contem-
porary monastic world, there is no evidence demonstrating his
family's previous ties to Buddhism. Now that we have revealed
his genealogical provenance in Dunhuang, a place renowned for
its intensive and lasting ties with Buddhism, we have reason to
suspect that his family might also have had a strong background
in Buddhism. This may be corroborated by the following fact: the
monk Falin 1:tfM\ (572-640),a zealous defender of Buddhism at the
beginning of the Tang, wrote the funeral inscription for Yixing's
great-grandfather, Zhang Gongjin.96 This fact is particularly note-
worthy, given that by that time Falin had probably already fallen
afoul of Taoist priests and the Tang rulers, who claimed descent
from Li Er $It= (i.e., Laozi).
An acrimonious critic of Taoism, Falin was a chief representa-
tive of Buddhism in the contentious Buddho-Taoist debates at the
beginning of the Tang dynasty. His chief rivals included the Tao-
ist priest Liu Jinxi ~UJ!:gand especially the court official Fu Yi 1f.
~ (555-639),who was a steadfast opponent of Buddhism and a
96 The Baoke leibian, on the basis of the Fuzhai bei/u 1~iW~~ (Shike shiliao xinbian,
ser. I, 24:18118bI3-15), records the existence ofa funeral inscription, entitled "Tang
Xiangzhou cishi Zouxiang gong Zhang Gongjin bei" ng:~1HWUfj!~~~0!J.&0~i~.
Dedicated to Zhang Gongjin in the seventh month of Zhenguan 7 (633), this inscription
was composed by the monk Falin and written in the hand of one Su Jingya **i&j[j{t The
Baoke leibian supplements this record with the information that, according to the Xian-
gyang tujing ~~[iJ*~, the inscription had already been lost by the time the Xiangyang
tujing was compiled.
35
Taoist priest before starting his political career.97 The Tang hufa
shamen Falin biezhuan also records that this debate was triggered
by an eleven-article memorial that Fu Yi submitted to the court in
the ninth month of Wude 4 (621).In this memorial Fu Yi urged the
Tang government to drive Buddhism back to India on the
grounds that it had caused severe damage to the state and to fami-
lies all over the whole country.98Fu Yi's assault on Buddhism
evoked fierce counter-attacks from some apologists of Buddhists,
especially Falin, who responded to Fu Yi with a series of treatises,
including the two-juan Poxie lun uEnm~iffl,99which was composed in
Wude 5 (622). In the winter of Zhenguan 13 (639), when Falin's
bitter criticisms of Taoism and the Tang rulers' partiality to Tao-
ism were brought to imperial attention, Tang Taizong's anger was
aroused, and he ordered his execution. Taizong's virulent hatred
of Falin is attested by the fact that he chose to humiliate the monk
and his religion before putting him to death. It was only thanks to
his own wits that Falin narrowly escaped the death penalty.IOO
97See the Tang hula shamen Falin biezhuan J!~~m¥1>r~1!~JjU{t (compiled by Yan-
cong @:'t* sometime between 640 and 649), T 50:2051.198c1 0-11. That Fu Yi was a
former Taoist priest seems plausible, given that he was not only an expert in astronomy
and calendarical studies but also a commentator on the Laozi.
98 T50:2051. 198cl0ff.
99 This text is now preserved as T 50:2109.

]00According to some Buddhist sources, this story runs as follows. Taizong told Falin
via an envoy, "You claimed in your work that those who recited the name of Avalo-
kitesvara are immune to knives. I grant you seven days to prepare and then I will test
whether your words stand true or not." When it was time for the test, Falin reported to
the imperial messenger, "Over the past seven days I have kept reciting the name of His
Majesty, rather than that of Avalokitesvara!" Apparently impressed by his wits, Tai-
zong spared Falin's life, banishing him to Shu ~ (in present-day Sichuan) instead. He
died on the journey to his place of exile at the age of sixty-nine. See the Tang hula sha-
men Falin biezhuan, T 50:2051.2IOc7ff; Xu gaoseng zhuan .rai1jf':, T 50:2060.
638b16ff; Tang Yongtong ~fflm, Sui Tang lojiao shigao ~ijf1~t!£~fiWj(Beijing:
Zhonghua, 1982), 13.
36
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Zhang Gongjin's family had asked for the inscription from

Falin in 633, six years prior to this event in 639 when the tension
between Falin and the Tang rulers eventually reached its climax.
However, given that during the Wude era (618-26)Falin had al-
ready engaged in intense rivalry with Taoists and the Sui rulers as
well, I believe that by 633 he had long been a thorn in the side of
Taoists and the Tang rulers. It is therefore very likely that, by
bringing themselves so close to such a politically inconvenient
monk, Zhang Gongjin's family ran the risk of jeopardizing impe-
rial favor towards them. For this reason, I am inclined to read this
decision on the part of Yixing's ancestors as a telling token for
their family faith in Buddhism, which seemed to have been so en-
thusiastic at one point that it apparently compromised their politi-
cal prudence.
In addition, this reconstruction of Yixing's eminent genealogi-
cal background, especially during the early Tang period, invites a
new understanding of Yixing's rise to status as an eminent monk
in the court of Xuanzong. Yixing's talent was such that, in retro-
spect, people have taken his reputation and achievements for
granted. However, his rise to power and fame might have had
something to do with aspects of the contemporary political situa-
tion and, in particular, his prestigious family background. After
his enthronement, Xuanzong still felt the threat from the political
clique fostered by Empress Wu during her protracted rule. This
clique remained powerful even after the abdication and subse-
quent death of Empress Wu in 705.101As a measure to counterbal-
ance this political power, Xuanzong enrolled the help of the off-
spring of the Tang dynasty's "meritorious statesmen," as is clearly
101 For the formation of the political clique that Empress Wu promoted and its lasting
influence in Tang politics, which long survived her death, see Chen Yinque, "Ji Tang-
dai zhi Li Wu Wei Yang hunyin jituan" gcn!f1-tZ*Jtt:&!t!~&~~~~~, reprinted in
Chen Yinque Xiansheng lunwen ji ~Jij:il~)t§:~1fB)(m
(Taibei: Jiusi chubanshe, 1977),
639-64.
37
indicated by an edict the emperor issued in the second month of

Kaiyuan 5 (717):
With regard to the descendants of those designated as "meri-
torious statesmen" in the Wude and Zhenguan eras who had
no position, let them be sought for and their names reported to
the court. Be there any persons who, taking pleasure in reclu-
sion, cultivate their virtue and refuse to serve, let the local pre-
fects in every instance recommend them to the government.102
Yixing was exactly the kind of person that Xuanzong was
then trying to recruit after the Li family recaptured imperial
power from the hand of the "usurper" Empress Wu. He was both
a descendant of a "meritorious statesman" crucial for Taizong's
successful seizure of the throne and a recluse who was learned
and virtuous, but notoriously lacking interest in serving. Thus, we
find that in the same year that Xuanzong proclaimed this edict,
one of Yixing's relatives, Zhang Qia, urged by Xuanzong, set off
with the mission of persuading Yixing to accept an imperial sum-
mons. When Xuanzong sent Zhang Qia away for Yixing, was the
"meritorious statesman" Zhang Gongjin in his mind?
102 iTS 8.177.
38
Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01)
Appendix
Genealogical Chart of Yixing"s -fj (Zhang Sui 5R~) Family

Zhang Er ~1t (d. 202 BC)
I
Ao~
I
Yan ~ (fl. 179 BC)
I
Sheng ~ (d. before 129 BC)
I
Guangguo JJ[~ (fl. 134 BC-129 BC)
I
Chang~ (fl. 1p4 BC-IOI BC)
QingjiM,'8,(fl.2)
Gong ~ (d. ca. 232)

I
Jiu £;t(fl. 236)
~1JJ
I
Gu II!!
I
?
I
?
I
ZhiJ[
I -
Xianm{
I
I I
1. Xian ~ 2. Zhan m;
I
?
I
Tong 51!i
I
I I I I
1. Che ~ (fl. 520) 2. Lin M 3. Jian {~ 4. FengS,
I
Ganzhi ±fm
I
Shim ±1tIlt
GoJgjin 0a1 (584-632)
I
I I I I
*f1< 3. Daan*3i. (d. after680) 4. Days:*:n
1. Daxiang
~ I
2. Dasu**
I
__ 1-
I I
I I
f1il2. Fei '~F 7ft3. Jun i$:
I
I ~
t. Lin't~ 2. Chentt 3. Wuliang bt~
tm~
1. Xuan
Ift
I. Qia ~2. Sui
Suii£( -fj) 1. Zan {l2. Fu f.W Wei

(613-727)
39

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EDITOR

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The Birth of a Polymath: The Genealogical Background

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The Birth of a Polymath: The Genealogical Background

The Tang monk-scientist Yixing -1J (673-727)was by any

jing shu * B (or Darijing yishi *

712),the last of whom was probably responsible for Yixing's deci-

Making and Remaking History: A Study of Tiantai Sectarian Historiography (Tokyo:

ics, mathematics, and the calendar. See Li Di *~,

study is based on the fact that throughout medieval China, the

sometimes a decisive factor that informed the ideas of medieval

I. CHIEF SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF YIXING'S LIFE

Before formally discussing Yixing's genealogy, let us make a

(1) Shingon fuhoden ~~1i${.,one juan, compiled in 821 by

6 See Dainihon bukkyo zenshu *B*{~fX~~, 67.248-49. In addition to a brief ac-

(3) Minghuang zalu B)l¥m~,three juan, compiled by Zheng

10 Siku quanshu edition. It is mainly based on the Minghuang zalu.

(7) Song gaoseng zhuan *~{~ft, thirty juan, completed in 988

1&{~~; corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248cl-3); (3) 723cl-5

'113 ~ 7G ~; corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67. 248c13-14);

corresponding sentences at Dainihon bukkyo zensho, 67.248c14-17).

(9) Fozu tongji 1~mll*1t5c, fifty-four juan, completed in 1269 by

(A) "Gu Jingzhou Da Dudu Tanxiang Gong Sunnii Zhang mu-

zhi xingcheng weili" ~m±~B-:JW~!JiJ±fl*~*&f¥J*U7Et~{f:: t/C~BBm1DHQ:1l~~

Wuliang was thus a sister of Yixing's father and a paternal aunt

first cousin of Zhang Wuliang, Zhang Chen and Yixing's father

II. YIXING'S GENEALOGICAL BACKGROUND

Having identified the main sources regarding Yixing's life

23 See Zhang Gongjin's biographies at iTS, 68.2506;XTS, 89.3755.

Li Yuan, when pre-occupied with solidifying his new empire, had

sources. Yixing's Jiu Tang shu biography itself identifies Zhang

(zuoyijun zongguan tc-4itffil1if) in Liaodong ~*,

achieved an honorific designation of great prestige, "Supreme Pil-

perhaps the most prominent bureaucrat. He was one of seventeen

was completed at the end ofYifeng 1 (676).

taph.37 However, Yixing's grandfather could only be one of the

The sources about Yixing in the Buddhist and officialhistories

entitled Yan Xiaojing ij[ ¥ *~,

42 "Expounding the Xiaojing" ~*~,

Liang ruler, appointed Zhan as his Minister of War (bingbu shang-

who might have taken charge of local affairs in the absence of a

might have inherited from his father), he repelled the invading

~ [16] Daxiang *'* ~

55 7dl*~ ' ~,~~~-~.

III. THE REGISTRY-PLACE OF YIXING'S CLAN AND HIS DATES

Let us now address two more problems, the registry-place of

56Van had two half-brothers, Shou ==

father, this is tantamount to locating Yixing's registry-place in

60 Li Di, Tangdai tianwenxuejia Zhang Sui, 3.

spring moved to Fanshui (Changle), where they settled. As Gan-

63 See Wanzi xuzangjing, 130.924.

65 Chen Yuan's reasoning is as follows. According to Yixing's Jiu Tangshu biography,

The Jiu Tang shu biography for Lu Xiangxian ~~~5t; (a.k.a. Lu

6 See Dainihon bukkyo zenshu B{~fX~~, 67.248-49. In addition to a brief ac-

zhi xingcheng weili" ~m±~B-:JW~!JiJ±fl~&f¥J*U7Et~{f:: t/C~BBm1DHQ:1l~~

~ [16] Daxiang ' ~