Origins of West African Nationalism

History in Depth
GENERAL EDITOR: G. A. Williams

Henry S. Wilsotl: Origins of West African N:nionalism

R. B. Dabso,l: The Peasants' Revolt of 1]81
J. R. Polt: The Revolution in America, 1754-88
D. S. Chambers: Patrons and Artists in the Italian Renaissance
IN PRfiPARATlON
R. Martin: The General Strike
R. C. Mettam: State and Society oflauis XIV
B. Harriso,,: Robert Lowery: Portraits of a Radical
Hans Koch: Das Yolk
Raphael Samuel: The Victorian Underworld
H. C. Porttr: Puritanism in Tudor England
Dorothy Thompson: The Early Chartists
Liontl Butler: The Fourth Crusade
W. H. Hargreol'l's-Mawdslty: Spain under the Bourbons, 1700-1 83]
Origins of
West African
Nationalislll
HENRY S. WILSON

PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
 Selection and editorial matter© HenryS. Wilson 1969

First published 1969 by

MACMILLAN AND CO LTD
Little Essex Street London w c 2
and also at Bombay Calcutta and Madras
Macmillan South Africa (Publishers) Pty Ltd Johannesburg
The Macmillan Company of Australia Pty Ltd Melbourne
The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd Toronto
StMartin's Press Inc Nerv York
Gill and Macmillan Ltd Dublin
ISBN 978-0-333-10593-1 ISBN 978-1-349-15352-7 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-15352-7

Library of Congress catalog card no. 73-88171

To the founder members of
the Multiracial Club, Freetown, 1959
Contents

GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACB I)

PREFACE 15
INTRODUCTION 17

PAR T I: Liberian Statehood

I American Ideas of Liberty and African Nationality
A. Report of the: Manl gers to the American Colonization
Society, November 1835 46
B. Speech of RobertJ. Breckinridgc. 1838 47
2 Constitutional Convention of 1847 48
3 Declaration of Indepenclence. 1847 56
4 Constitution of the Republic of Liberia, 1847 61
5 President Stephen A. Benson's 1856 Inaugural Address 73
6 Liberia as She Is. Edward W. Blyden, 1857 79
7 President Benson on the Duty to Elevate the Native
Tribes, 1858 87
8 The Assimilation of Liberated Africans (Congoes).
Alexander Crummell. 1861 92
9 OUf Origin, Dangers and Duties. Edward W. Blyden,
1865 94
10 OUf National Mistakes and the Remedy for them.
Alexander Crwnmell, 1870 105

PART II: Grey and Venn: British Sponsorship af

African Nationality
II Earl Grey's Proposals for the Gold Coast, 1853 lZ3

"
10 CONTENTS

12 Missionary Views of Self-government

A. Native Agencies for African Advan~ment; George Nicol.
1844 129
B. T.]. Bowen on the Need to Develop a West African Middle
Class.18j7 129
C. Henry Venn on Nationality and N ative Churches. 1868 131
D. Henry Venn on the Native Pastorate and the Organisation
of Native Churches. 1880 135
E. A Refutation of'Africa for the Africans Alone', 1869 ISO
13 Resolutions of the Select Committee of the House
of Commons, 1865 lSI

PAR T III: James Africanus Horton and the

Fanti Confederation
14 Horton and the Idea of Independence. 1868 157
1.5 Letters on the Political Condition of the Gold Coast,
I~O 198
16 The Fanci Confederation
A. The Objects of the Confederacy: Joseph Dawson, 1870 208
B. ChiefS' utter Submitting the Fmti Constitution to the
Governor, 1871 212
C. Constitution of me Fana Confederacy, 1873 213
D. Propouls for British Assistance and ColUborarion from
Leaders of the Fana Federation. 1872 218
E. Pope--Hennessy's Viewpoint. 187] 221
F. The Confederation in Narioll2list Tradition. 1903 222

PART IV: Birden's Racial Pride and

Cultural Conservatism
17 Africa for the African, 1872 2)1
18 African Accomplishments and Race Pride, 1874 2)9
19 Africa's Service to the World, 1880 241
20 Study and Race, 189) 249
CONTENTS II

21 African Life and Cwtoms, 1908 254

PAR T V: Responses to the Extension and Consolidation

of European Control
22 Reverend Attoh Ahuma on National Consciousness,
19II 266
2) Fanti National Constitution. J. M. Sarbah, 19Q6 274
24 The Abiding Meaning of 'Africa for the Africans' in
the Age of Imperialism, 1906 )02
25 Pastor Mojola Agbebi on the West African Problem,
1911 ]04

PART VI: Casely Hayford's Synthesis

26 Gold Coast Native Institutions, 1903 312
27 Ethiopia Unbound, 19II 334
28 The Truth about the West African Land Question,
1914 379
SUGGESTED FURTHER READING 381

INDEX 383
General Editor's Preface

Historical perception demands immediacy and depth. These qualities

are lost in attempts at broad general survey; for the reader of history
depth is the only true breadth. Each volume in this series, thereforC',
explores an important historical problem in depth. There is no arti-
ficial uniformity; each volume is shaped by the problem it tackles. The
past bears its own witness; the core of each volume is a major collection
of original material (translated into English where necessary) as alive,
as direct and as full as possible. The reader should feel the texture of the
past. The volume editor provides interpretative notes and introduction
and a full working bibliography. The volume will stand in its own
right as a 'relived experience' and will also serve as a point of entry into
a wider area of historical discourse. In taking possession of a particular
historical world, the reader will move more freely in a wider universe
of historical experience.

¢
In this volume Mr H. S. Wilson explores the origins of the concepts
of 'nationhood' and 'independence' in English-speaking West Africa.
He traces their emergence to the days of the transatlantic slave trade,
when black men and w hite sought relief from its horrors by investing
their hopes in the new black Christian settlements of Sierra Leone and
Liberia. Liberia, indeed, could use American principles and procedures
to move towards independence.
But the independence which Rowed from the Anglo-Saxon Chris-
tian impulse was Rawed; granted rather than won, it left Liberia a
legacy of dependence upon white patronage and an elite which took
pride in being American rather than African. Even at this stage some
Liberians denounced the limitations of a merely political independence
and advocated a total withdrawal from paternalism and a whole-
hearted identification with Africa.
'4 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRlCAN NATIONALISM

Equally abortive was the optimistic spe<:ulation which stemmed from

the liberalism and evangelism of nineteenth-i:entury Britain. Henry
Venn in the mission field and Grey in that of political colonisation tried
to stimulate African self-government. and the J 865 Padiamenu.ry
Committee was, in a sense, the high-point of such liberal endeavour.
The movement was crippled by the reservations and resistance of
celoni:!.l officers and by the f;atai paradox that it was those white men
with the least faith in the West African's capacity for political progress
who were prepared to gr:mt independence immediately and thus bring
to an abrupt end the whole venture in Anglo-African collaboration.
It was in this first major confrontation that West Africans, u apped
in its contradictions and exposed to white racism, turned in on them-
selves and tried to express their perception of themselves, their culture,
their being. Sometimes they found compensation in their own brand
of black racism; more often they cultivated a semi-scientific, semi-
romantic appreciation of the virtues of traditional Africa, whose
unified, iwtitutionally integrated society they contrasted with the
incoherence and class conflict of life in Western cities. This was essen-
tially the assertion of a Western-educated iliu determined to stay with
tbe inarticulate masses, but speculation along these lines could, and did,
lead to the idea of the crowd as a dynamic anti-imperialist force. The
later politics of mass nationalism are foreshadowed at the close of this
period, when Casely Hayford publicises his recognition of the charis-
matic power of the crowd leader, embodied in Prophet Harris.
The documents collected here chronicle the emergence, from a direct
confrontation of cultures, of a modern and distinctively African out-
look and take the reader, in one sector of experience, t o the roots of
attitudes, ideologies and myths which have become a major fo rce in
world history.
GWYN A. W I LLIAMS
Preface

The idea of this book grew out of teaching ninetecnth- and early
twentieth-century West African history in Sierra Leone and then in
Britain at Aberystwyth and York. Given the primitive stage that the
historiography had reached in the late ftfti es. teaching African history
to Africans on Mount Aureal and extramurally in Freetown East, dose
to the original Fourah Bay College. required more than the usual
degree of pedagogic improvisation. Things are far better now. The
ideas of independence, nationhood and African identity discussed by
Venn, Horton and Blyden have now found their way into the mono-
graphs. But still, in the late sixties, I find I have to use more than the
usual quota of photocopied and copy-typed documents to give students
an appreciation of the imaginative scope of Victorian thinking about
West Africa.
Key points of growth for the new historiography have been the
universities of Nigeria and Ghana and the revitalised Fourah Bay
College. The ideas and institutions of what was once British West
Africa have naturally been central to such studies. No such develop-
ment has as yet taken place for Liberia. Yet that country cannot be
neglected if there is to be any true appreciation of nineteenth-century
political ideas. The remarkable career of Edward Blyden straddled
Anglophone W est Africa. More generally, sharing the same language
facilitated the interchange of ideas, prompting comparison and
example by both sides. Indeed, Liberia's symbolic position as a N ge ro
republic sporting W estern-3tyle institutions upon African soil meant
that any nineteenth-century discussion of the problems of indepen-
dence and identity tended sooner or later to have to confront this case.
Dealing with Britain and the United States in reference to W est
Africa, I have sometimes tried to avoid eiumsiness by lumping them
together as 'the West'. Such usage risks misunderstanding. It is not
meant to attribute monolithic unity to discrete. polarised cultural
16 ORIG IN S OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

entities, 'Africa' and 'the West', The processes of'westcmisation' were

complex, and the responses of Africans to their role were rarely simple.
The term 'the West' will help rapid communication just so long as it is
consciously used and understood as an expedient short-hand expres-
sion. a category of convenience, which does not preclude complexity
and divergence.
It may be questioned why I have not pushed the origins of West
Afric:m nationalism half a century farther back to Granville Sharp's
frankpledge constitution for Sierra Leone and the Nova Scotian
rebellion. The answer is simple. Grey's 'rude Negro Parliament', the
1865 resolutions and the Fanti Confederation became reference points
for future political discussions. To later generations the mid-century
became a Golden Age of African advance and European encourage-
ment. The ideal outstripped the reality, but the ideal was there, if only
as a myth (but a myth that had some substance) to be utilised by Sarbah
and Hayford in order to point up their present discontents. Sharp's
frankpledge system and the Nova Scotian rebellion never became part
of the general stock of political ideas in the same way. Similarly,
political ideas in French West Africa are excluded because the language
barrier effectively isolated the educated elite of Francophone and
Anglophone West Africa from one another. Moreover, nationalistic
ideas developed much later in French West Africa.
In my own teaching I have tried to move the focus back and forth
from the classic texts to speciftc historical situations. Each approach
illuminates the other. Horton's ideas of independence and Blyden's of
African identity have to be brought to focus within concrete historical
environments. The development of nationalism in West Africa can and
must be studied as ideology, a sequence of events in the history of
ideas. But this is not enough. The subject must also be examined at
different levels and by a variety of strategies. The select bibliography is
meant to facilitate such shifts of focus on the part of the student.
I thank my wife, Ellen, for serving as research assistant, typist and
captive audience.
H ENRY S . WILSON

Not(. Footnotes attached to the documents are includ-:d as they originally

appeared.
Introduction

The Province of Freedom, Freetown, Liberia - such proud tides

affixed to the coasdine of West Africa in the days of the transatlantic
slave-trade betrayed vast ambitions. They signalled nothing less than a
determination to subvert that devilish commerce and refashion
relationships between Guinea, the homeland of the Negroes, and the
Christian West on a new and libertarian basis. Such optimism partly
derived from the prevailing religious atmosphere, reRecting the
expectations of the evangelical religious revival for dramatic conver-
sion in Africa. It should be noted that Christians often drained 'liberty'
and 'freedom' of political meaning in an African context, holding that
what was essential was that Africans be unfettered from the slave-
chains of ignorance in order to enjoy true spiritual liberty through
communion in Christ. N evertheless the buoyant optimism of the times
carried over into the secular field, sustaining hopes of rapid West
African progress through a process of political reconstruction. The
transfigurations of mass revivals seemed matched by a series of stupen-
dous political events: the American Revolution itself, and then, in
black-white relations, the abolition of the slave-trade and slavery in
the British Empire in 1807 and 1834, and the American Civil War,
Emancipation and Reconstruction in the 1860$. Freetown and Liberia
were ranged in this exhilarating sequence. The ordinary Negro coming
out to Liberia carried acro~ the Atlantic his folk history and religious
culture with its enthusiastic rehearsing of the day of Jubilo. At a more
sophisticated level, reflection on recent events inspired apocalyptic
writing and sermonising. The refrain 'Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth
her hands to God' runs through the writings of the Afro-West Indian
Edward Blyden, while the American Negro Alexander Crummell
planned and prophesied for Liberia and Africa while envisioning an
imminent Day ofJudgcmcnt.
Protestantism. which had done so much to provide emotional
18 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

support for American natioI12lism, also offered a working theory of

history and revolution. In the JSjOS the Southern Baptist missionary
T. J. Bowen sought to explain the successful stabilisation of America's
revolutionary regime when the republics established in France and
continental Europe in 1789 and 1848 had collapsed in reaction. He
found the answer in the contrast between American Protestantism and
European Catholicism and Infidelity. By the same token, firmly
grounded in religiouslibetty, Liberia's republican institutions would
survive, while those of Latin America and other Catholic areas
crumbled. Almost simultaneously the second President of Liberia.
Stephen Allen Benson. voiced the same thought when r efuting those
who denied the Negro any capacity (or self-government. Such
denigrators cited Haiti as their prime example, but Benson held that
Haiti's weaknesses arose from her Catholic culture, not her ndal stock.
He believed that Liberia, whose republican polity was grounded on the
moral stamina of its Protestantism, would soon give substance to this
analysis (no. j).1
As well as revivalism, Liberia attr2cted to herself the ideas of Ameri-
can nationalism. The parallels were easy to draw : Moruovia would be
Africa's Plymouth, and all the rhetoric of exp:msionism, through
colonising md civilising a v:ut continental hinterland was simply
reversed md shipped across the Atlantic - in Africa eastwards the course
of empire lay.
Americm administrative patterns were also used in Liberia. The
United States solved the problem of metropolitan-<ololl.ial relation-
ships, which had sundered the first British Empire, by boldly deciding
that all newly settled territories would eventually be incorporated on
ternu of equality. Because the American Colonization Society, which
fostered Liberia, was detennined to 'heighten the sense of personal and
political independence' among the colonists, it was natural to apply the
American appantus for phased political progress to Liberia. But
Americans displayed some of the same paternalist misgivings as
Englishmen when it came to the process of actually tnnsferring
responsibility. The Report of the Managers of the American Coloniza-
tion Society, which claimed to encounge 'personal and political
independence', also deplored 'a spirit of insubordination in a portion of

I T.]. Bowen, Mwlontuy i.abourJ l1li4 A4vtllhlm ill Cmtral Aftica (Ctw:ll:$ton,

ISH) pp. l.4)-S.

INTRODUCTION 19
the colonists' that was detrimental to Liberia 'assuming an honorable
stand among the Christian nations'.
The actual independence proceedings in 1847 were soured for white
sponsors of Negro nationality by the activities of Beverly R. Wilson
of Montserrado County and his allies at the Constitutional Convention.
Wilson not only denounced the constitution provided by Professor
Greenleaf of Harvard - then passed off a very similar one as his own
handiwork a few days later - but also claimed that the American
Colonization Society could not properly transfer authority to the
blacks because already 'the country of Liberia belongs to the citizens of
Liberia, as an "inh(ritallu from th(ir forifathm" ... they are the proper
descendants of the original inhabitants of the soil'. To American
Coloruzariorusts Wilson's abrasive behaviour was mere graceless self-
assertion based on poor history, bad law and ill-judged plagiarism.
But there was more to it than that. In trying both to commandeer the
constitution and assert the right of the Liberians to Liberia, as Africans
on African soil, Wilson was doubly denying the subordinate role
allotted him as suitably grateful recipient of white political largesse.
(no. 2).
Though Wilson enjoyed some support at the Convention -
including, for a time, that of Hilary Teage, the chief author of the
Declaration of Independence - he failed to set the stamp of his ideas on
its proceedings. Consequently the symbolic charters of Liberian nation-
hood made no claims based on identification with Africa and Africans.
Far from glorying in the final realisation of the exiles' dream of return
to the homeland, the Declaration noted that Western Africa was
'selected by American benevolence and philanthropy' and lamented
expatriation 'from the land of their nativity ... to form settlements
on this barbarous shore' having 'to abandon forever the scenes of our
childhood and to sever the most endeared connexions'. Balanced
against such nostalgia was a characteristically American faith in creating
new institutions. At last, after striking out for new territory, the
Liberians would be able to realise decent worldly ambitions and 'in
comfort and security, approach in worship the God of our fathers'.
Such circumscribed genealogy - for the 'God of our fathers' they
envisaged was the Christian God acquired in Ameriea - was partly
self-inflicted, an aspect of being Americans, new men, scarcely able to
comprehend their kinship with Africans. But the pressures of white
America had contributed heavily to such self-definition. Plantation
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

slavery ruptured family life and pulverised genealogy, while injecting

:m all_too-visible white strain into Americo-Liberian racial stock.
Moreover the ideas of racial inferiority. which supported American
slavery, tended to be in the nature of self-fulfilling prophecies. wound-
ing black self-esteem and inducing servile behaviour. Such damaging
notions, translated onto the world scene as African incapacity for self-
government, inevitably infected the atmosphere at the birth of Liberian
independence. In the American Declaration, drafted by Jefferson,
existing foreign states were hailed as equals and political allies. The sole
supplication was to 'the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude
of our intentions', Not so the Liberians. They wound up their Declara-
tion by appealing' earnestly and respectfully' to the nations of Christen-
dom 'that they will regard us with the sympathy and friendly considera-
tion to which the peculiarities of our condition entitle us' (no. 3). Thus,
both through the broad framework of international relations and the
specific hand-over of responsibility by the American Colonization
Society, traditional notions of Negro deference were endorsed in the
very ceremony of independence. Beverly Wilson put his name to the
Declaration along with the rest.
Although adopting the American model of a Declaration of Inde-
pendence and a written Constitution provided comforting parallels that
were to be the stock-in-trade of ceremonial oratory, some Liberians
were prompted to point up the contrasts as well. In particular
Edward Blyden's brilliant 1865 Independence Da.y Oration, 'Our
Origin, Danger and Duties', compared the processes of settlement and
independence in America and Liberia to suggest disturbing weaknesses
in Liberian nationhood. Indeed the circumstances that brought the two
states into being were very different. There was recurrent tension
between some of the settlers and the American Colonization Society.
but there was no revolution. In fact it was the prosaic circumstances of
the law courts, not the battlefields, that provided the immediate cause
of Liberian independence. Seeing the refusal of certain foreign mer-
chants and American missions to accept the jurisdiction of the Liberian
courts, both the American Colonization Society and the Liberians
realised that, as a colony belonging to a mere private philanthropic
agency, Liberia possessed no dearly visible and internationally recog-
nised sovereignty. Consequently the Declaration described the process
of independence in terms of planned decolonisation, rather than self-
liberation.
INTRODUCTION 20

The Constitution of Liberia was more radical in tone than the

Declaration. It began with its own 'declaration of rights', noting that
the end of government was to preserve the body politic and furnish
the individuals who composed it with 'their national rights and the
blessings oflife ... whenever these great objects are not obtained, the
people have a right to alter the government and to take measures
necessary for their safety, property and happiness.' Moreover, unlike
the Declaration of Independence, it omitted all reference to trans-
actions with the American Colonization Society, being a product of
'we the People of the Commonwealth of Liberia, in Africa • .. hereby
solemnly associate and constitute themselves a Free, Sovereign and
Independent State .. .' (no. 4).
The references in the Constitution to relations between the Americo-
Liberians and the indigenow Africans deserve special attention.
Section thirteen of the 'Miscellaneous Provisions' asserted that ' the
great object of forming these Colonies, being to provide a home for
the despised and oppressed children of Africa, and to regenerate and
enlighten this benighted continent. None but persons of color shall be
admitted to citizenship'. Clearly the American Negroes were intended
to be the prime beneficiaries, with full citizenship, of the new state,
though it was expected that their missionary paternalism would relieve
the condition of the inhabitants of the 'benighted continent'.
Liberians kept recurring to the culture and status of the indigenous
Africans. President Benson cited 'the aborigines' when he set out
to combat the charge of Negro incapacity for self-government in his
1856 Inaugural Address. Careful study of their institutions provided
'incontrovertible proof of their possessing the elements of a great
nation'. If their development had not been injured by the slave-trade
'these very heathens would set a pattern of governing talent and
governable disposition, by which several of the proud civilized nations
of the earth might be profited'. Given such achievement in their
present cultural state 'the great national glory, that awaited this
Christian republic, when the aborigines shall have fully partaken ofour
civilization and C hristianity' was unimaginable (no. 5). Two years
later he was still preaching the assimilation of the indigenous Africans,
reporting some successes and warning that they must not be catered for
in separate institutions. 'lest it should prove an introduction - though
not intended - to a state of things that will cause them to be regarded as
intended to sustain the rclation to us of hewers of wood and drawers of
20 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

water, while our own sons and daughters may be encouraged to live in
idleness, luxury and affluence' (no. 7). Blyden, too, in 1857, prescribed
assimilation through mission work. But· Alexander Crummell,
writing in September 1861, thought that the liberated Africans from
the transat1antic dave-ships, known as Congoes, could contribute much
more to the strength of the Republic. The indigenous Africans under-
stood local economic conditions and exploited this knowledge to
barter with the colonists for higher wages or to desert their employers
and set up as rivals in trade. But the Congoes, lacking local culture and
lcnowledge, and forced towards the America-Liberians by the hostility
of the indigenow Africans, would prove more malleable (nos 6, 8).
By 1870 Crummell's views were radically transformed. Stung by
what he conceived to be mulatto slights upon his blackness, he pri-
vately denounced the America-Liberians for operating a vast exploita-
tive plantation modelled on the Southern United States. Publicly he
implicitly surrendered his earlier ideas, switching his focus to the
indigenow Africans, while warning his fellow Americo-Liberians of
their 'too strong self-<onsciousness of civilized power'. Prizing
political freedom above all, he could not, unlike President Benson, rate
traditional West African polities highly. (But believing that political
freedom had been but rarely achieved in the whole of human history,
he could easily reconcile awareness of traditional •despotism and
bloody superstition' with faith in Negro equality and West Africa's
capacity for progress.)
CrummelJ, speaking in the accents of an enlightened imperialist and
citing the achievements of native-born Africans in Sierra Leone and
the beliefs ofEarl Grey in West Africa's potential for political develop-
ment, held tbat commitment to the indigenous Africans meant
commitment to the interior. Alliances with the powerful tribes of the
hinterland would open up trade routes, bringing in their train
civilisation and Christianity. Nor should the Liberians refuse to use
force to such an end, for the proper we afforce is 'our prerogative and
duty with respect to the native', he claimed, citing John Stuart Mill to
the effect that 'barbarians have no rights as a Ilation, except a right to
such treatment as may, at the earliest possible period, fit them for
becoming one'. Such force should not be employed for its own sake
or in simple retaliation, but 'should bt tht JOUt oj restoration and progms
..• which neutralized the bareness of a native rusticity by the creation
of new wants and the stimulation of old ones; which nullifies and
INTRODUCTION 23
uproots a gross heathen domesticity by elevating women and intro-
ducing the idea of family and home (no. 10).
Orators on Liberia's National Day could address their fellow-
Monrovians as missionaries or founding fathen, revivalists or political
analysts. These two approaches were by no means mutually exclusive,
but by stressing one or the other the speaker emphasised culture or
social structure, assimilation or communication. The Constitution
itself, by its separation of powers, proposals for elective representation
and property and residential qualifications, drew guidelines for a
structured political community. President Benson. with his warning of
the danger of creating a permanent labouring class of indigenous
Africans, and Crummell, pointing to the suitability of the Congoes. at
least temporarily, for this role. were in their opposite ways concerned
about the social structure of the community. But it was Blyden,
schooled in the classics, with their special brand of practical Graeco-
Roman political sociology. and eagerly culling whatever British and
American magazines came to hand, who set out to provide the young re-
public with a comprehensive stock of recipes for a healthy body politic.
Even when he was not kindling his audience with the revivalist
text, •and Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands to God', Blyden
remained a clergyman. He preached a gospel of citizenship to replace
the gospel of wealth and the fascinations of conspicuous consumption,
which he believed were corrupting his fellow-dtizens and seducing
them from the difficult tasks of nation-building. Thrift should be a
prime civic virtue in the new state, for only by its practice could the
Liberians free themselves from dependence upon foreign philanthropy.
What Blyden termed 'productive industry' must be geared to thrift.
At present Liberia's economy was purely commercial, purchasing the
palm-oil, camwood and ivory of the natives with the products of
foreign industry. Such concentration upon conunerce was both
ethically and politically wrong: ethically because those who profited
did nothing to develop the wealth of the country, and politically
because Liberia was made terribly dependent upon OUtSide sources.
Economic realism and political realism - spurning both evanescent
wealth .md the rhetoric of spread-eagle-style oratory - were two sides
of the same coin for Blyden. He was, at this stage of his career, very
much the prototype of the modern second-generation African nation-
alist, the puritan who condemns the excesses and illusions of the
immediate independence period.
20 ORIGINS OP WEST AfRICAN NATIONAlISM

Believing that 'national character is a thing of slow formation',

Blyden offered no qwck or simple solution to Liberia's problems. He
employed the standard analogy with the family to urge that just as
children had to be brought to maturity controlled by the arbitrary
authority of a parent or guardian, so also there was scarcely' any nation
of respectability or power which was not brought to social or political
order by protracted subordination to other nations'. Subjc-ction to
needed authority had twice eluded Liberia. She had, first, been denied
the full colonial experience and, second, a democratic constitution
modelled upon the United States had been foisted upon her. He coupled
:I. sense of history with an analysis of contemporary social relationships
to reach this diagnosis and prescribe that the Liberians must provide
their own home-made principle of authority. The ingredients of
Blyden's prescription were, however, not very novel. Liberia should
follow the American model exactly by doubling the presidential term
from two to four years. Such an extension would allow her leaders to
display statesmanship instead of having to be consc:andy electioneering.
Generally, he warned the educated elite of their responsibilities under
a republican constitution. Selfish isolation or inflammatory agitation
on their part could sabotage the whole Liberian experiment. They
should take the lead in creating :I. patriotic, self-disciplined community
by instructing the masses in the fundamentals of civics, and explaining
the aims of the administration, rather than indulging in fanatical party
polemics. Like many another Victorian political thinker, Blyden
sought to reconcile good government with democratic self-govern-
ment by processes of education (nos 6, 9).
British humanitarian involvement with West Africa displayed
similar ambivalence to American. The colonisation of Sierra Leone in
1783 was begun as an effort to solve England's own minute Negro
problem by shipping out rc-cruits from the Black Poor to the Province
of Freedom in 1787. In the nineteenth century the settlement was
reinforced by thousands of liberated Africans freed from the toils of
the slavers by the Royal Navy. Relief of domestic distress and atone-
ment for transatlantic slavery provided good and specific causes for
Briti5h humanitarian involvement.
There was, too, a general theoretical case for Western intervention
in the affairs of non-Western peoples, provided by none other than
John Stuart Mill, the sage of mid-Victorian liberalism. (As noted
earlier, Crummell had used Mill to justify Liberian expansion.)
INTRODUCTION 25
Writing on non-intervention in Fraser's Magazin t for 1859, Mill held
that to suppose that the normal rules and customs between one civilised
nation and another w(luld apply 'between civilized nations and
barbarians is a gross error', In the first place there would be no reci-
procity, because the needs and wills of the barbarians would not be
sufficiently developed to observe any rules, Moreover 'nations which
are still barbarians have not got beyond the period during which it is
likely to be for their benefit that they should be held in subjection by
foreigners. Independence and nationality, so essential to the due
growth and development of a people. , . are generally impediments to
theirs .... To characterize any conduct whatever towards a barbarous
people as a violation of the law of nations, only shows that he who $0
speaks has never considered the subject. A violation of great principles
of morality it may easily be, but barbarians have no rights as a natian,
except a right to such treatment as may, at the earliest possible period,
fit them for becoming one. ' I
Mill argued his case forcefully, but his clinching epigram, about
barbarians having no rights as a nation, turned on an ambiguity in the
meaning attached to the word 'nation', History - in the guise of
fashionable Western usage - was already beginning to playa cruel trick
on educated, aspiring Africans. 'Nation', which had possessed a handy
imprecision, allowing it to serve any more or less identifiable people or
group of peoples, was becoming increasingly precise and normative in
its connotations. This semantic process continued as the clamorous
nationalisms of mid-century Europe - German, Italian, Irish and Polish
- legitimised themselves by reference to their common historical and
literary traditions. A notion of what was a typical and proper nation
was taking shape which tended to embarrass African aspiration in that
direction.
But the fmt generation of Westem-educated Africans had their fair
share of political hopefulness. They latched on to the earlier. more
generalised idea of nation, which was relevant to their circumstances.
Moreover they were dealing with mid-Victorian Britishers, nationals
of the United Kingdom and founders of new nations overseas, who
grasped at least something of the spaciousness and flexibility of the
American idea of'nation',l
• Fraso's Magazint , December 18S9. pp. 367-8 .
• Lord Durham's famous report on Canada is the cl:lS$ic English statement of
the optimistic view that nations can be fashioned by imperial and colonial
26 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

None was more sanguine than Earl Grey. He held that the Assembly
of Kings and Chiefs, gathered together on British initiative at the
Gold Coast for the purpose of levying direct taxation, marked the
beginnings of nationhood. Further, the grouping of these 'barbarous
tribes. possessing nothing which deserves the name of a government,
into a nation' had been painlessly achieved. While never lOSing sight of
the ultimate goal. 'the formation of a regular government on the
European model'. the British had moved towards it by suggesting
co-ordinating institutions which could meet the immediatc~felt wana
of the local popuJace (no. II).
The missionaries considered the conditions for W est Africa's progress
in more detail.ln particular, they concentrated on the part to be played
by Western-educated Africans. The American missionary Bowen
explained that all civilisation and progress depended upon class-
differentiation. At present there were only the chiefs, themselves
barbarians, to set standards, hence society itself was barbaric. Only the
gradation of classes consequent on the introduction of commerce
would unleash social progress in W est Africa (no. I2B).
Henry Venn of the Church Missionary Society spelt out the proper
relationship between European missionaries and local clergymen most
carefully, believing such attention to detail was especially necessary for
his fellow-Anglicans. who were less conversant with administrative
and constitutional matters than other denominations, since they were
accustomed to have all such basic matters settled for them by the law
of the land. Venn charged the missionaries to do nothing that would
delay the establishment of self-sufficient national churches, a goal that
would be achieved only by 'the euthanasia of missions'. In all their
dealings they must make a conscious effort to rid themselves of that
ethnocentrism that was only too typical of the English and exhibit
proper respect for the national customs of their host countries. More-
over they must expect that when a local church took root, from the
missionary seed they had planted, it would take on a national character
which would supersede its denominational origins (nos 12C, 12D).
West Africans held that such ideas as Venn's were endorsed in the

co-opention. It is all the more fa.scin:lting because, far from being a coldly di5--
passionate work of political science, it is coloured throughout by Durh:lm's own
breezy English n:ltionilism, wh ich provoked, in tum, a much more intense :md
self-conscious bnnd of French-C:madian nationalism. TIlt Durham R~port, ed.
C. P. Lucas, 3 vou (Oxford, 19IZ).
INTRODUCTION 27
political field by the recommendations of the 1865 Parliamentary
Conun.ittee. Although this was a plausible interpretation, they quickly
found that any request to render it definitive policy dislodged layers of
controversy packed beneath the consensus prose of the committee's
fmal recommendations. Originally Sir Charles Adderley, the chairman,
tried to conclude with a simple resolution 'that the object of our policy
should be to transfer to the natives the administration of all the govern-
ments with a view to an ultimate withdrawal', aI'though even at this
stage he admitted Sierra Leone as a likely exception. However, the
idea of preparation for self-government was introduced by the
Colonial Secretary, Edward Cardwell, thus lengthening the transfer of
power into a process rather than an event. I
Ironically, the West African exponents of independence were closer
to Cardwell's notions than Adderley's idea of a clear-cut break,
Wanting both independence and improvement, African self-govern-
ment and Western civiliS2tion, they found the formula for such
combinations in greater British commitment - political, cornmercial
and missionary commitment - while cadres of West Africans were
being recruited and trained to complete the process of modernisation.
Adderley, on the other hand, was 'quite sure that no miracle can set up
the European model in Africa'. Indeed, as he explained in 1869, he took
the resolution to mean 'that we should get out of the scrape in which
we have involved ourselves, as speedily as we honourably can. leaving
the tribes in a fair way of being able to hold their own and govern
themselves, securing. of course, complete respect, on our departure, to
the claims of the few merchants and agents who have established
themselves among them',1 Venn's proteges had little liking for the
whole Anglo-African adventure being so ingloriously written off with
scant concern S2ve to safeguard Britisb commercial interests and band
power back to the tribes.
The actual proceedings of the committee constitute a notable, if
somewhat unsystematic, anthology of British impressions and ideas of
West Africa. With Adderley unashamedly leading from the chair and
other members following suit, the long, loaded questions are as re-
vealing as the experts' answers. Indeed a careful analysis of the questions
, J. D. Hargreaves, Prt lulk to tM Partition of WtJt Aftica (London, 19(3) pp.
64-'78 .
• C. B. Adderley, Rtvitw oftM Colonial Policy oJLardJohn RumIl'JAdminiJtra
tion (London. 18/59) p. 214.
28 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

and answers would have given the West Africans some notion of
the inarticulate premises, hesitations and contradictions behind the
committee's policy. The ideas on self-government of Colonel Henry
Ord. a major departmental witness who paid a brief official visit of
enquiry to West Africa early in 1865. were significant. Questioned by
Sir Francis Baring. an elderly Whig who tended to put the Church
Missionary Society's viewpoint, he was clear 'that the only way to
spread Christianity in Africa is by the agency of black ministers', When
Baring extended the idea of African agency to the field of commerce,
Ord again agreed, but immediately qualified this, stating 'whether
blacks could be substituted for whites is open to question', However,
Baring's attempt to apply the idea to Ord's own administrative field-
he was currently on extended leave from his post as Governor of
Bermuda - provoked flat rejection. He parried all Baring's questions
with brief, unargued negatives until he was probed on Lagos. When
Baring wondered why Britain had not strengthened 'the hands of that
government, in the interests of Christianity, commerce and the
welfare of the natives' he twice responded in his usual laconic style.
Then, when Baring suggested that the policy of collaborating with
existing African authorities 'as far as it went ... was not a failure was
it', Ord countered, 'I cannot conceive that it could have been a much
greater failure than it was, when we read of the amount of insecurity to
life and property that prevailed.' Clearly the logic that insisted Venn's
arguments applied to secular as well as church government had no
appeal here. I
Sir Benjamin Pine was certain West Africans were capable of sclf-
government, although he found it difficult to set a precise date,
allowing a margin of from fifty to a hundred years for the process of
preparation. Even then, he continued, 'I do not mean that they could
be left entirely to themselves, w e might exercise control over them by
sending some officers there.' He would set about the process of prepara-
tion 'by giving them mtmicipal institutions, by making them drain
their towns and take care of their local affairs'. Indeed, to Sir Ben-
jamin's administrative eye, a sense of responsibility, sanitation and self-
government were all bound up together. He contrasted the untidy
and unsanitary state of the British settlements on the Gold Coast
unfavourably with the state of things farther inland, 'the reason is
evident ... the chiefs in the coast rely upon us, and we rely upon them,
, PlUli.lmmtary PllPS, 1865. v. Questions 2043-9.
INTRODUCTION 29
and between the two there is no government at all; whereas in the
interior the chiefs rely upon themselves'. Britain herself was not a
democracy at this time, nor was gubernatorial experience conducive
to populist sympathies. Hence when Sir Benjamin speaks of promoting
self-government, he assumes this means transferring power to some
kind of llitt. When Baring quizzed him on the 'ability and anxiety' of
the 'natives' to conduct their own affairs, he responded, 'From all the
experience that I have ever had, all my intercourse with them convinces
me that they are very anxious to learn, and willing to know how to
govern their people better', assuming in a quite unanalysed way, that
the term 'natives' contained categories of both rulers and ruled. l
Sir Benjamin was one of the firmest advocates of the African's
ultimate capacity for self-government interviewed by the committee.
Indeed, his belief in Britain's duty to remain in West Africa 'until that
time has arrived when the negro can go it alone', combined with his
certainty that the aim of any policy should be directed towards
preparation for departure, came very dose to the political ideas of many
of the new African middle class. Those who felt thus remained in their
basic attitudes far from Adderley, who could write off Africa and
Africans as savage, lethal and unimprovable - however much the two
groupings had agreed on a policy formula in 1865. Views like Adder-
ley's and worse, the negrophobia of men such as Burton, could
transform 'Africa for the Africans' into a wounding insult that im-
prisoned Negroes in a continental ghetto nobody else wanted. Indeed.
the Western vision of Africa as a dark and terrifying mass of untold
evils rendered some patriotic and vulnerable West Africans terribly
ambivalent about the notion of 'Africa for the Africans' in the nine-
teenth century. Yet, paradoxically, attitudes such as Adderley's could
give scope for retaining or negotiating independence.
The Sierra Leonean doctor James Africanus Horton sought to infuse
the committee's vague and qualified recommendations with force and
direction by foong them in a context at once more general and more
specific. His West Africa" Countries and Peoples began with the theory of
African independence, then provided blueprints for its realisation.
Horton started, logically enough, with the vexed question of the
Negro's place in nature. Here his medical training equipped him
splendidly to parry assaults from those who manipulated a crude
physical anthropology in order to atgue Negro incapacity (no. 14).
I Ibid. Questions j081- Z, 30048--61, 3US--.t9.
30 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Horton vindicated the Mrican in society as well as in nature, using

his rich social and political life as an excellent reason for marking him
off from the higher primates with whom white racists were prone to
lump him. Rather than the peoples of West Africa amounting to a
savage and formless mass, they had constituted themselves into
coherent societies with their own governmental and judicial institutions.
Such communities eouId well, with proper help, develop into accept-
able modem polities, for, to Horton, West Africans were already
grouped into nations. even if segmented and primitive ones, with
national governments.
Such vindication was, of course, limited . To solicit British help, he
had to prove it to be worth while. This meant striking a nice balance
between demonstrating West African cOlluntmiries were capable of
development and leaving no doubt that their present position on the
conventional Victorian scale of political evolution was such that their
transformation with British help would contribute significantly to
human progress. Moreover, Horton's own attitudes, as well as his
strategy of persuasion, were too coloured by contemporary Western
political values and Victorian prejudices towards preliterate peoples
for him to attempt full-scale vindication. But he had picked up a fUle
mid-Victorian optimism during his acculturation. Literacy would
unlock the door to progress by giving West Africans a true political
science and a proper sense of history.
Nor was West Africa's capacity for development mere matter for
speculation. Sierra Leone, above al1, displayed concrete evidence of
political progress. Surely, Horton asked rhetorically, Sierra Leone was
more advanced in 1865 than Liberia had been when she gained her
independence in 1847. Yet, despite difficulties, Liberia had discharged
the responsibilities of self-government successfully.
But Sierra Leone merited comparison with European states as well
as Liberia. Indeed the processes of improvement, undertaken by
missionary philanthropy and local self-help, were so successful that
she surpassed England, and even Prussia, in providing herself with an
educated citizenry. In key with this picture of a sober and self-improv-
ing society Horton stipulated specific qualifications for sitting in the
bicameral legislature he proposed for Sierra Leone. His ideas on self-
government were characteristic of the age. Between the First and
Second Reform Acts of 1832 and 1867, much of the extensive debate on
the franchise in Britain turned on the question of who was fit to be
INTRODUCTION )1

admitted within 'the pale of the constitution'. Those seeking political

responsibility were judged worthy when they had achieved certain
qualifications deemed to guarantee virtue and intelligence. Horton's
array of educational statistics and specifications of property qualifica-
tions were the politics of Self-help and the rhetoric of the 'pale of the
constitution' transferred to the sphere of imperial relations.
Horton's capacity to combine belief in the superiority of Western
civilisation with refusal to write off West African politics enabled him
to adopt an empirical approach when setting forward proposals for
progress. He believed most West African societies would be classified
either as monarchies or republics. Such categorisation was doubly
important. It attached respectable labels to traditional African insti-
tutions while suggesting goals for reform - the creation of rnoJtrn
constitutional monarchies and republics, comparable with those in the
West - that would be appropriate to the history and habits of the
peoples thus designated. Thus the Sierra Leonearu should have an
elected king, in line with the way they had arranged themselves into
the Seventeen Nations under King Macaulay, while the Gold Coast
would be divided into two self-governing communities. the Kingdom
ofFantee and the Republic of Accra.
It would be an abuse of hindsight to dismiss Horton's optimistic
reading of the 1865 propows as sheer wish-ful6.lment on account of
Britain's subsequent failure to encourage schemes for self-government
among her West African subjects. As we have seen the 1865 resolutions
had encompassed a variety of viewpoints. Given such ambiguity of
resolutions, men with strong opinions naturally pressed them as the
obvious and proper interpretation. There was indeed some wishful
thinking in Horton's interpretation. He did not, for example, dwell on
the implications of the country he thought best qualified for self-
government. Sierra Leone being the country above all othen that the
committee felt should be retained in the Empire. But he was far from
alone in seeing best what he wanted to see. Moreover, what appears as
wishful thinking from one penpective manifests itself from another
angle as necessary to the strategy of bringing moral pressure upon the
government, and, indeed, as essential to preserving the individual's
own ideas in their integrity against the blurring consensus of the
committee.
Hardly anybody in the late 1860s foresaw the outcome of British
involvement with West Africa. No less than Horton, Adderley -
32 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

despite achieving the vantage-point of Under-Secretary with special

responsibility for West Mriea in 1868 - failed to translate his own
interpretation into effective policy. Adderley demanded that Britain
make the best of a bad job. cut her losses and get out. Horton was
asking for a good deal more than that. He sought both greater British
involvement and West African independence because he wanted
Britain to embark upon an extensive programme in preparation for
self-government. Britain should commit herself the more fully now in
order, in the future, to devolve sovereignty to decent. well-ordered.
self-governing nations. Moreover. because the goal was independence.
she should immediately, in the very process of greater conunitment.
involve West Africans in greater responsibility. It was asking a good
deal, but much of the contemporary rhetoric about Britain's place in
the world could be seen as supplying the committee's proposals with
such a gloss. In the event both Horton and Adderley were disappointed.
Honon's proposals languished while British policy-makers, including
Adderley himself, found themselves unable to cut the tangle ofinterests
and responsibilities that tied them to West Africa.
But the emergence of the Fanti Confederation in 1868 presented
Honon with fresh scope for publicising his ideas. A group of Fanti
hoped to unite their people into a f ederal grouping strong enough to
confront the triple uncertainty that endangered their political world in
the late 18605: the contradiction between the growth of British
jurisdiction at the coast and the 1865 resolutions seemingly promising
withdrawal, the recurrent threat of Ashanti invasion rendered newly
ominous by the prospect of British abandonment. and, immediately,
the disturbance and seeming disregard of men's life prospects by the
proposed AnglO-Dutch transfer of territory. 'The British Government
has no right to transfer them like so many bullocks', protested Joseph
Dawson (no. 16A). And Sir Arthur Kennedy, Governor-in-chief at
Sierra Leone, admitted 'a strong National Sentiment has aroused the
Fantees' .'
Horton's Letters on the Political Condition of the Gold Coast (1870)
sougbt to equip British officialdom and the federation movement with
a sense of history, as well as a programme of action. H e compared
contemporary developments in West Africa with the processes by
which the British, French and German nations had been shaped from
their constituent tribes, thus at the same time adroitly Battering the
'Cited in D. Kimble, A Political History ofGhal1a (Oxford, 19(3) p. 226.
INTRODUCTION 33
British by bracketing their activities with the classic imperialism of
Rome and recalling their savage past. But whereas over a thousand
years had been necessary from the imposition of Roman rule for
Britain and France to emerge as civilised nations, Horton anticipated
much more rapid transformation in West Africa, which would be
aided by the new technology of electricity and steam in industry and
communications.
Horton found further historical parallels with Europe in the tradi-
tional political system of the Gold Coast, likening it to medieval
feudalism. But it was feudalism in crisis. Britain's grip on the coast had
unwittingly ruptured the ties of fealty binding the kings there to the
Ashanti monarch. This released a wild surge of sedition, convulsing
the land until every class of society - even the barons, lords and kings
of West African feudalism themselves - clamoured for a new, en-
lightened order.
Although the peoples of the interior were of fine stock, they were,
continued Horton at his most exactingly Victorian, 'most woefully
deficient in the two essential elements of rea1liberty and the means of
a settled order of things - viz., education and industry'. If left to their
present 'unsatisfactory and undefined' devices of government, it would
take more than three centuries before they could claim their indepen-
dence 'after fully shaking off the yoke of their feudal lords'. Again,
should they be consigned to the mode of government currently
practised by Britain at the Coast, they would still need a full ceritury
before they had the essential knowledge of civilised government at
their fingertips.
Meer discussing such unsatisfactory alternatives, Horton proposed. a
cordial welcome for the 'loyal, legitimate and democratic measures
undertaken by the officers of the Confederacy'. Above all, Britain
should set the stamp of her approval and collaboration upon their
efforts. At present her officials, by continually challenging any initiative
taken by the Confederacy, hampered the solidification of its authority.
Instead of such pusillanimity the British government at the Coast
should grant a Codex Constitutionum, which would define and regu-
larise the Confederacy's powers, authorising it to take effective action
to develop the interior (no. IS).
Even before the emergence of the 'new imperialism' in the 18805,
the arguments of Venn and Horton were rendered wutylish in a
British context by changes in the terms of political debate there .
•
34 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

In implication, if not irupiration, the 1867 Reform Act was demo-

cratic. Once it took effect. the mid-Victorian sociology of suffrage,
interlocking self-help with self-government through its notion of re-
movable inequalities, became obsolescent. But this was just the pattern
of ideas which black reformers and white philanthropists and mis-
sionaries had drawn upon to fashion persuasive schemes for West
Africa. They were faced now not so much with anything as tangible
as refutation - at least they could have grappled with that - but
rather with being by-passed, left in a cul-de-sac, while the main body
of British politica1 ideas moved elsewhere. Carefully assembled ideas
and statistics, hut recently modish and persuasive. had imperceptibly
become quaint and old-fashioned with the tum of political events in
the metropolitan country, Britain. Further, all the old racialist argu-
ments about Negro incapacity found fresh force once Britain en-
franchised her own working class. As formal political equality was
conferred on all Englishmen, the lines of superordination and sub-
ordination within the Empire conformed more and more to a racial,
rather than a class, frontier. All this was especially galling to the new
middle class of British West Africa, proud of its own conquest of the
Victorian social decencies. The way was open for a fresh vindication of
the African race, which would remove some of the sring from white
pretensions to superiority and prOvide relief from current political
frustrations.
Edward Blyden's long career reached from the period of Abolitionist
political thought in Africa, highly charged with religiosity and
politically hopeful, through the 'scramble', to the establishment of
relatively elaborate European colonial structures on the eve of the
First World War. How did this expatriate Afro-West Indian, who by
intelligence, dedication and scholarship became Africa's premier sage,
respond to the long-term expansion of European power?
Early in his career Blyden decided that reality was not always what
appeared on the surface of events. Accordingly his career became a
search for 'the elements of permanent influence'. We have already
mentioned him in his thirties exhorting his fellow<itizens to make
Liberia's proud title a felt reality by converting legal sovereignty into
the day-by-day substance of social and economic independence.
Brooding further on the position and prospects of the Negro. he found
that for himself independence was meaningless unless synonymous
with integrity. For the rest of his long life he was concerned to work
INTRODUCTION 35
out this core-concept of his thought. independence combined with
integrity, in a variety of social, political and religious situations.
For Blyden, integrity meant, firstly, racial integrity. As a very black
man, of pure Negro stock, he had been seared by the chromatic scale
of contempt practised by light-skinned mulattoes who had imported
it from North America. Blyden's response was an insistence on racial
integrity and opposition to miscegenation, all the more vehement
because of the misery of the marriage that he had contracted with a
mulatto girl before experiencing his own racialist revelation. While
Blyden's own private correspondence is shot through with the pain
and prejudice of his personal Negro-mulatto imbroglio, he was forced
by the Current etiquette of race relations to expunge his views on
mulattoes from his published writings. What was left after this self-
censorship was an open avowal of his belief in the geographical
separation of the races, involving the return of the American Negro to
his homeland. But 'Africans' did not mean - and here he had to use the
code words of self-censorship - all those conventionally reckoned by
Americans to be Negro. He wanted the Negro 'pure and simple', the
Southern Negro rather than the Northerner. To those who understood
only the surface meaning of his writings this was plausible enough;
'pure and simple' Negroes from the South, uncorrupted by the urban
sophistication of the North. would be most suitable for the back-
breaking pioneer agriculture essential to the colonisation of Africa..
For those in the know - and Blyden's pen flew tirelessly across reams
of paper to inform those in high places whom he thought might be
susceptible - 'pure and simple' signified racially pure, while Northern
Negro implied, as was often the case in reality, mulatto, quadroon or
octoroon.
Blyden had absorbed contemporary European and white North
American ideas of permanent racial divisions according to physio-
logical and cultural characteristics. But he objected to the notion of racial
hierarchy, fashioned by whites and therefore grading blacks as inferior
because non-Caucasian. Such a scale of superiority and inferiority wa.s
obviously mistaken. Like Horton he used his learning and his logic to
show that it reRected the partialities and preferences of the whites who
constructed it. The races were different, but not superior or inferior.
Each had its own specialised interests and strengths.
When he was forced to Ree from Liberia in 1871, Blyden found
refuge in Sierra Leone, beginning his long and varied association with
20 ORIGINS OF WBST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

British West Africa, Conditions within the British territories gave

ample scope for him to develop his ideas. Already by the seventies,
Westem-educated Africans were chafing at the slowness of their
promotion to the posts of political, administrative and clerical re-
sponsibility, which they felt they had properly earned by their assimi-
lation to British culture. To such frustrated men, BIyden's sophisticated
and tasteful cultural conservatism. publicising the excellence of native
African civilisation, came as a revelation. Africa had its own proper
contribution to make to human culture, The Negro would not earn
respect by aping the white man, but by exploiting his personal and
exclusive gifts in the service of the world.
To Blyden himself, Freetown and the other main coastal settlements
of British West Africa offered both inspiration and challenge. Here, to
quicken his pride. were black men, such as the leaders of the Fourah
Bay and Foulah Town mosques, Bishop Crowther and the Reverend
James Johnson, in positions of authority, But here also were West
Africans who delighted in being 'Black Englishmen', Sierra Leoneans
who regarded the description 'Negro' applied to them as slander. and
Yorubas who. when they came back from study abroad, paid inter-
preters to avoid having to use their 'uncivilised' mother-tongue. Con-
trary to his practice in Liberia, Blyden. even in the secrecy of his own
thoughts and private correspondence, could not simply curse such
behaviour as the product of miscegenation. By far the majority of
British West Africans who cast themselves for the role of Black
Englishmen were of pure Negro stock. Deprived of his visceral
racialist response, Blyden was forced into serious historical analysis of
the process of cultural assimilation. Once translated into historical and
cultural terms, his notion of the importance of the integrity of the
Negro race and the danger of corruption of African culture had wide
appeal both for African subjects and British officials. proving less
offensive than his ideas of racial purity and less controversial than his
belief in geographical segregation through the repatriation of the
American Negro. He signalled a new epoch of race pride by naming
the newspaper he started in Sierra Leone in 187] The Negro.
Blyden was impressed by the great Muslim empires of the Sudan in
the broad hinterland of Sierra Leone and Liberia. He decided that Islam
might well be more suited to the African at this stage in the develop-
ment of his culture than Christianity. Its lack of racial prejudice and
doctrine of brotherhood made it particularly appropriate to West
INTRODUCTION 37
Africa. Whereas the religion of the white missionaries and the America-
Liberians detached individual Africans from their traditional tribal
culture, Islam had welded whole peoples into polities capable of
wirming international respect.
Such were Blyden's ideas as propounded in British .and American
nug.azines in the 18705 and early 18805. In 1887 he collected several of
his articles in Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race. The vigorous scorn
of his polemic .against missionary platitudes and stock notions ofEuro-
pean raci.al superiority gave his writing an abrasive radical tone, even
while its function was profoundly conservative. Blyden was claiming
warrant, on the basis of his ancestry, learning and seriousness, to speak
for the Negro, the traditionalist .and, in terms of West em standards of
communication, inarticul.ate African man. His title, advertising the
importance of race and religion, adequately indicated the scope of the
book. So in 1887, after the Congress of Berlin and during the first Rush
of European enthusiasm for the scramble for Africa, the quintessential
Negro still seemed to locate the most serious crisis for the race in the
cultural assimilation of the European missionary and philanthropist. By
contrast, the new-style political imperialism was scarcely touched
upon. Partly this lag in the communication he was seeking to establish
between ruler and ruled was an accident due to the differential timing
of writing. compilation and publication. And, to be fair, Blyden made
some amends for this relative lack of political comment when he used
the preface of the second (1888) edition to regret the tendency of the
new imperialism to de-Africanise the bureaucracies of British West
Africa.
Blyden's doctrine of race rationalised his comparative neglect of the
new imperialism. He believed 'Africa for the Africans' to be a bio-
logical truth. proved by centuries of European death and disease in
West Africa. Hence West Africans could afford to wait patiently until
the laws of Nature made the whites painfully aware that West Africa
could be developed only by African agency.
Blyden showed W est Africans how to reconcile dignity with neces-
sity. Denied individual assimilation, promotion and political sover-
eignty, their nationalism must become cultural nationalism and their
politics the politia of survival. Seen in this perspective, Blyden's focus
on missionary Christianity made sense even in the age of the new
imperialism. If the African was to preserve the essence of his civilisation
and protect the inner core of his personality, then his main threat could
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

still be the missionary. however prominent might be the commercial

and political representatives of the new imperialism. However crude
and misguided the traders and proconsuls might be, they were
essentially pragmatic. groping their way towards the politics of protec-
tion and preservation that fmaUy took shape as indirect rule. The task of
the educated African, as Dlyden understood it, was to supply enlighten-
ment to this conservatism. But, in 50 far as the missionary's assimila-
tionism remained intact, he still believed in a radical reconstruction
that would create a new man in a new society.
Many West Africans followed Blyden in selecting the missionaries
as prime whipping-boys for the 'new imperialism'.- Representing
European expansionism at its most selfconsciously and professionally
moralistic, they were vulnerable to charges of hypocrisy based on the
gap between ideal and reality, week-day vice and Sabbath virtues. For
the time being outgunned and commercially outclassed, West Africans
would at least savour combat with those Europeans who specialised in
words and ideas.
Blyden had to secure a citadel from which he could oppose the
infiltration of missionary assimilationism. He found this in African
traditional society. which he saw as fundamentally 'communistic'; in
contrast to Western society, which was riven by class conflict and
individualism. The foundation of African society was the family. Every
man and woman was married. Polygyny both prevented the Western
evils of spinsterhood and prostitution and protected women from the
debilitating effects of excessive childbearing by provid.ing a period for
repose and recuperation without hazarding the basic law of life to
continue the race. While the families of Creoles and other Westemised
Africans who strove to practise the European Christian ideal of
monogamy died out, traditional Africans remained true to their own
practical eugenics, 'without which . . . decay and death stare the
African in the face'. Thus, despite the new tropical medicine, Blyden
managed to salvage something of the old belief in 'Africa for the
, One celebrated confrontation between Blyden and 'the present ecclesiastical
arrangement', which led to the formation of the United Native African Church
at Lagos in 1891, is well described, with due emphasis on the limitations of
Blyden's nationali.un, in Robert July, The Origin$ of Modem African Thollght
(Ulndon, 1968) pp. 230--). and E. A. AyandeJe, The Miuiol14fY Impac/ on Mod"n
Nipia (Ulndon, 1<}66) pp. 207-30. Blyden's famous speech at Lagos was
published as Tht Return of 1M &ilts and 1M Wesl African Church (london,
1891).
INTRODUCTION 39
Africans' as a law of nature: survival depended on the laws of African
eugenics (no. 21).
The local community, characterised by mutual aid, was based on
the same principle as the African family. No rule of property was so
important that it required anyone to suffer lack of the basic necessities
of life. In the very few cases where family responsibility for the old and
sick failed, the village community automatically stC'pped into the
breach. Similarly, theft was almost unheard of in the traditional Africa
where everyone had a fundamental right to life's basic needs.
Africans' love of commurullife was linked to their intensely sym-
pathetic communion with nature. It was from observing the termite
that the African had learned to develop a communal, rather than an
individualistic, economic system, while his comprehension of nature's
cycle of production and recuperation bad provided the key to tropical
eugenics.
Just as the African enjoyed greater communion with nature than tbe
European, so also his more pronounced religious sense gave him
greater communion with God. Africa bad been involved in the great
Near Eastern religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Now, in
modem times, the remarkable religious sense of the Africans had been
attracted to Christianity and Islam, which had been established in all
parts of the continent. African traditional religion bad also always
believed in a single divinity, but one who was supported, through
pantheism, by a complex network of spirits.
And here, in the field of religion, lay Africa's prospective, as well as
past, service to humanity. The world bad not yet wimessed 'the
forging of the great chain which is to bind the nations together in equal
fellowship and friendly vein, I mean the mighty principle of love...•
Many are of opinion that this coming work is left for the Africans.'
The most intelligent and articulate followers of Blyden's conserva-
tism were Mensah Sarbah and Casely Hayford from the Gold Coast.
Gold Coast society. and their own specific roles in it, gave a special cast
to their thought, making it much more than a restatement of Blyden,
with local colouring and detail. Both men were lawyers, and Gold
Coast protest had its own legalistic bias even before they arrived upon
the scene. Gold Coasters looked back to the Bond of 1844, whereby
their forefathers had voluntarily contracted for certain specific legal
and administrative assistance from Britain, in somewhat the same
way as 'freeborn Englishmen' harked back to the Anglo-Saxon
40 ORIGINS OF WEST AfR ICAN NATIONALISM

constitution, I Like Blyden's rhetoric of cultural conservatism, their

constitutionalism had the merit of being able to work within the mar-
gin allowed for discussion and dissent in the age of the new imperialism.
In their role as lawyer!. especially in the briefs they held for the
Aborigines' Rights Protection Society and their challenges to the
colonial executive over its attempted irmovations in land law, they
both gained a profound knowledge of the functions of traditional
institutions which they expounded in Hayford's Gold Coast Native
Institutiom (1903)(no. 26) and Sarbah's Fanti National Constitution (1906)
(no. 23). Their professional training and temperament helped here,
too. Without a written constitution, knowledge of traditional institu-
tions could be built up only by amassing casc law. Professionally and
temperamentally, Mensah Sarbah and Case1y Hayford were equipped
for such patient research.
Casely Hayford's Ethiopia Unbound (I9U) struck new ground by
attempting an intc;:llectual autobiography in the form of a novel that
sought to rally Negroes throughout the world in defence of their
culture, institutions and racial integrity. Throughout history many
peoples had been forced to yield to superior power, but none had
succumbed while retaining its own values and the logic of its own
ideas. If only the African could follow his own genius, he could sooner
or later prevail. Like Blyden. of whom he was proud to be a disciple.
Cascly Hayford believed that for the time being the Westem-cducated
African must play the role of sophisticated conservative, expounding
and preserving the ideas of traditional Africa (no. 27).
Blyden and Hayford were claiming by dint of their research,
sympathy and racial character to be representative men. They were
speaking for those whom they claimed as their people. Their creden-
tials could be warranted in two ways. They could be read and ap-
predated for the cogency of their ideas and the truth of their emotions.
Many contemporaries, both black and white, did read Blyden and
Hayford and were impressed. But there was another way. They
could venture into politics, attempting to recruit a following for the
ideas and values they were claiming to articulate on behalf of the
masses. Blyden found such activity, in his role as a Liberian citizen,
increasingly uncongenial. Not so Hayford, who was an incorrigible
• For comparable English attitudes see Christopher Hill's essay 'The Anglo-
Saxon Yoke', in Dtmomuy and 7k LabollT Movt:mt:llt, ed. John Saville (1954>
pp. 11-66.
INTRODUCTION 4'
and resourceful politician. Immediately after returning from his legal
training in England in 1896, he took a leading part in the Aborigines'
Rights Protection Society's agitation against the government's attempt
to regulate the administration and alienation of land. And he was in
the forefront of subsequent forays by the sociery against high-handed
government action. After the First World War, he founded the
National Congress of British Wcst Africa. Yet neither the Aborigincs'
Rights Protection Sociery nor the Congress could claim mass member-
ship. and British officials were quick to attack Hayford and his middle-
class followers as unrepresentative.
However, Hayford had sensed the problem of fusing his two roles,
of middle-class politician and theorist of West African populism. In
1915 he published William Waddy Harris, the West African Reformer,
th~ Man and His Message, five years before he founded the Congress of
British West Africa. Despite its religious theme this short book comes
much nearer to the spirit of post-I945 mass politics on the Gold Coast
- the politics of Nkrumah and his C.P.P. - than any of Hayford's
explicitly political books. Hayford responded to the prophet Harris,
an itinerant Grebo preacher, as mass-orator and charismatic leader.
The illustrations chosen reveal more than the text. l All but one are
crowd scenes showing the prophet with his massed disciples - far
different from the stiffly posed indoor portraits or the fornully
arranged group photos that were standard at that time. Hayford was
quick to appreciate the explosive symbiosis of charisma and the crowd
and to publicise his recognition. Harris, moreover, succeeded best
where the 'traditionalist' Africans Hayford loved were caught in pell-
mell social change. The transition from defensive traditionalism, the
politics of survival, to the politics of purposive mass-action was
already foreshadowed. Once more the tumult and exhilaration of
religious revival offered a model for radical political action.

I One of Hayford's illustrations. 'The churches are full', is used on the

jacket of trus book. Another is significantly entitled 'See how they throng
him ,-. .

20
PART I

Liberian Statehood
 From the late eighteemh century there were suggestions that American
Negroes be repatriated to Africa. The American Colonisation Society
was founded in 1817 and acquired a site for colonisation at Cape
Mesurado in December 1821 . In the United States, by 1820, free
Negroes numbered 233,634 out ofa total Negro population of 1,771,656,
and many whites believed them to he an Imassimilahle element within the
country. Others, white and Negro, believed that an African national
base would help raise the world-wide status of the Negro. Although
Liberia began as a venture by a private colonisation society, the aims of
that Society, illustrated by the Report oj the Managers in J 835, included
eventual independence (no. lA). RobertJ. Breckinridge's speech be/ore the
Maryland State Colonization Society in 1838 shows the tranger of the
ideas and rhetoric ofAmerican nationalism to an African context (no. 1 B).
Liheria's lack of internationally recognised sovereignty because of its
status as a mere colony oj a private philanthropic agency led to legal
difficulties with Joreign merchants and American missionary societies.
The American Colonization Society allowed it to move to ifldependence
with the Constitutional Convention, Declaration oj Independence and
Constitution oj 1847 (nos 2, 3, 4).
Stephen Allen Benson (1 81 6-65) landed in Liheria in 1822. After suc-
ceeding in commerce he held various public offices. He became President
of the Republic in 1856 and served Jar four terms oj two years (nos 5, 7).
Edward W. Blyden (1832-1912) emigrated to Liberia in 1851 and
throughout his long career maintained a constant stream oj commet1t on
Liherian affairs (nos 6, 9) . Alexander Crummell (1821-98) left the
United States Jor Britain to complete his higher education, graduated
from Queens' College, Cambridge, and emigrated to Liheria in 1853.
He was caught in the cross-currents of Liherian politics and returned to
the United States in 1873, but maintained his interest in Africa and a
distinctive Negro culture (nos 8, 10).
I American Ideas of Liberty and
African Nationality

A. REPORT OF THE MANAGERS TO THE

AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY
AT THE 19TH ANNUAL MEETING
(NOVEMBER 1835)
African Repository. XJI 17

... It is a continual and cherished part of the policy of the Mana-

gers so to administer the great public charity with which they are
entrusted, so as to render the benefits of residence in the Colony
too manifest to escape the notice of those for whom it was
established, and too solid and attractive to need with them any
other argument in its favor: To diffuse the advantages oft'eJigion
and education, to promote institutions to expand the general
mind, to heighten the sense of personal and political independence
and to encourage habits of virtuous industry and regulated
ambition: And by thus laying in principles of piety and know-
ledge. the sure foundations of the prosperity of Liberia, to prepare
her for assuming an honorable stand among Christian nations.
Among the facts which did not contribute to this sentiment, were
some indicating a spirit of insubordination in a portion of the
Colonists. But it is not doubtful that a vast majority of the citizens
of Liberia justly regard the relations of the Society to them as
being wholly parental; and are satisfied that until the period shall
arrive when its authority can be withdrawn with safety to them-
selves, every proper indulgence will be granted to their wishes.
Misconceptions of the extent of this disposition have led to pro-
ceedings at the Colony which in being made known to the
Managers, required and received a corrective. A recurrence of
some difficulties which have been felt will be prevented by a new
code of Colonial laws, now in course of preparation.
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 47

B. SPEECH OF ROBERT J. BRECKINRlDGE

BEFORE THE MARYLAND STATE
COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 2 FEBRUARY
1838
Ajricafl Repository, XIV 141

We are laying the foundations of republics, where liberty may

dwell in safety, when the altars around which she is worshipped
now, arc left desolate; they who would obstruct our labors are
her foes. We are upholding what forty centuries have not been
able to produce, a civilized people of the race of Ham, they are
the enemies of a third part of the race of mankind who would stop
our progress. We are toiling for what the world never yet saw, a
powerfu1, well-ordered, enlightened State, within the tropics .
. . .We have planted germs; we know not which will bear fruit.
nor can we read the future to foretell that any will grow into a
frce, civilized, Christian state of tolerable power. But this we
know, that the moment one city, one single city of free civilized,
Christian blacks, is placed near the equator, on the western coast
of Africa, then the mighty prize is won! From that instant, the
whole problem in all its complexity and vastness as to the black
race, is solved. The slave-trade dies, the civilization and conversion
of Africa is fixed; the destiny of the race of Ham is redeemed; the
equatorial region of the earth reclaimed; and the human race
itself launched into a new and glorious career, of which all the
triumphs of the past afford no parallel. ... Once plant the leaven
thoroughly; then fear not but that it works. Remember Plymouth.
For a hundred and sixty years from its settlement. light had not
scaled the Alleghenies, though almost visible from its rock. Their
summit reached, in less than thirty years more the tide had already
crossed the Mississippi. Who doubts that it will one day penetrate
to the shores of the Pacific? The facts of history are but the
illustrations of a profound philosophy.
2 Constitutional Convention
of 1847
Extracts from the Private Journal of Dr J. W. Lugenbeel.
C. H. Huberich. The Political and Legislative History oj Liberia
(1947) I 522-827

Friday, July 9th. On Wednesday, H.M. sloop of war Favorite

arrived in OIlC harbor, Captain Murry brought a copy of a de-
spatch from Lord Palmerston, addressed to Commodore Hotham.
in which his Lordship makes several very pointed inquiries re-
specting Liberia; all of which seem to have special reference to
British commerce on the Liberian territory. Thus, it appears that
Liberia has become a place of sufficient importance to elicit the
attention of the British Government. Lord Palmcrston wishes to
know the extent of territory claimed by the Liberians. the political
relations of the Colony, the manner in which the government is
conducted, also whether aU the native tribes living on the pur-
chased territory are subject to the laws of the Colony, etc. etc.
Captain Murry of the Favorite stated to Governor Roberts, that
he has been authorized to salute the flag of Liberia, immediately
after the declaration of sovereignty and independence; and to
assure the authorities of Liberia that their flag shall be respected by
the citizens of Her Majesty's Government.
Today I spent two or thtee hours in the Convention. The first
business which engaged the attention of the honorable delegates,
after the reading and correction of the minutes of Wednesday,
and the reception of the report of the Committee who had been
appointed to tevise the minutes of Monday, was the reading of a
communication from the Governor, accompanying a letter from
Professor Greenleaf, which was sent out by the Colonization
Society. and in which a request or recommendation is made, to
incorporate in, or append to, the new Constitution an article, or
section, in substance as follows: •All the property in Liberia, held
by the American Colonization Society, or their grantees, shall be
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 49
respected as private property: The delegates to the Convention
had previously been made acquainted with the contents of this
letter; and, of course, they were prepared to express their views
on the subject. calmly and decidedly. After this letter had been
read, the Convention resolved itself into a Committee of the
Whole, for the purpose of considering the subject-matter of this
correspondence. Several members participated very warmly in
debating the question - Messrs. Herring. Wilson, Gripon, Bene-
dict, and Teage; all of whom very strongly opposed the insertion
of any such article in the Constitution, and indignantly denounced
what they regarded as so Wlreasonable a request on the part of the
Colonization Society, - and strongly affirming that the territory
of Liberia properly belongs to the Government of Liberia; that
the Society had renoWlced all right, title, and claim to the terri-
tory, by the alteration of its Constitution at the Annual Meeting
of the Board of Directors in January, 1846, and by the resolutions
of the Board, in 1845 and 1846; and that the establishment of a
sovereign and independent State, on territory which belonged to
another set of people, would be unprecedented, and absurd in the
extreme. After having occupied about an hour and a half in
debating this exciting question, the Committee of the Whole
arose, and reported that the letter of Professor Greenleaf be laid
on the table, and that the further consideration of the subject to
which it refers be indefinitely postponed.
Mr. Wilson presented a draft of a Constitution, which was read
by the Secretary. It was almost an exact copy of the Constitution
which was sent out, as a model, by Professor Greenleaf; although
it was presented as an original paper, drawn up by the honorable
delegate himself. This was the more remarkable from the fact that
Mr. Wilson publicly denoWlced in the Convention, on Wednes-
day, the Constitution of Professor Greenleaf, and boastingly
asserted that he could make a better Constitution himself. He
stated that the people of Liberia do not require the a~istance of
'white people' to enable them to make a Constitution for the
government of themselves. Such declarations are really sickening,
coming as they do from so ignorant a man. After the reading of
so ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

this remarkable original (!) production, the Convention adjourned.

Mr. Day and Mr. Gardiner, delegates from Grand Bassa. arrived
yesterday afternoon.
Saturday, July 10th. The only business, of any consequence,
which was transacted in the Convention today, was the appoint-
ing of committees to draw up different parts of the Constitution.
Five committees were appointed, to each of which was assigned a
particular part of the proposed Constitution. The Convention was
occupied one hour and a half, in trying to correct the minutes of
the proceedings of yesterday; and they fmally had to postpone it
until Monday. The Secretaries certainly make a very bungling
fist of it. An Assistant Secretary was appointed yesterday. He is
worse than the principal.
Monday, July 12th. The business of the Convention, today,
consisted first, in the correction and adoption of the minutes of
the proceedings of Friday; and in the reading of the minutes of
Saturday, which were so exceedingly imperfect, that, after more
than an hour spent in fruitless efforts to get them into some kind
of systematic form, the Convention could not succeed; and, on
motion of one of the delegates, a committee of three, including
the President, was appointed, to revise and correct the minutes of
the proceedings of each day, previous to their being read in the
Convention on the succeeding day. This was a poor compliment
to the Secretary, Dr. J. W. Prout and his assistant; one of whom
received $2.25, and the other $1.25, a day, for their services. The
minutes of Friday, which could not be corrected and adopted on
Saturday, were very imperfect, even after having been adopted
this morning; and I presume they were adopted out of respect to
the feelings of the Secretary. The next business, was the reception
and reading of the proceedings of a public meeting held at Edina,
on the 28th of June, at which meeting resolutions were passed
expressive of the desire of the citizens of Grand Bassa County,
that the Convention will not proceed in the work of forming a
Constitution, until a defmite and satisfactory understanding can
be had with the American Colonization Society, respecting the
Society's lands in the Colony; in other words, the territory of
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 51
Liberia. A large majority of the citizens of Grand Bassa County
have always been opposed to the dissolution of the political
relations which have always so harmoniously existed between the
Colonization Society and the Commonwealth of Liberia. At the
County Convention of Grand Bassa, which was held at Edina, on
the lIth October, 1845, for the purpose of taking into considera-
tion the subject of dissolving these relations, a committee of seven
was appointed to 'draft such resolutions as would express the
views and sentiments of the citizens of the County of Grand Bassa
on the subject.' The following are extracts from the resolutions
which were reported by that committee, and 'unanimously
adopted' by the County Convention: '1St Resolved, That the
citizens of the County as yet see no cause for a dissolution of the
present rclation that the Commonwealth of Liberia sustains to its
benefactors, the American Colonization Society; and that, under
existing circumstances, we consider it a step not only imprudent,
but ungrateful in the extreme; '2nd, Resolved, That we, the
citizens of the County of Grand Bassa, most heartily desire to
cultivate friendly feelings, and to strengthen the cords of union
existing between us and our sister Colony gaining a majority
favorable to a declaration of independence, by dissolving our
relations to the American Colonization Society, we wish it to be
understood, that we shall feel it our duty to protest against such
proceedings, and to claim no relation to such parts of the Com-
monwealth as may adopt such a course, contrary to our wishes;
and likewise, to petition our benefactors, the American Coloniza-
tion Society, for a continuation of their patronage to us, as
heretofore; 'lrd, Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, which
embrace the unanimous view and sentiments of the citizens of this
County, be furnished our representatives who are to attend the
ensuing Legislature', etc., etc., The citizens of that County.
generally, are still opposed to any change in the political relations
of Liberia; but as a majority of the voters in the Commonwealth
- a very small majority - have decided to have a new Constitu-
tion, I presume they will acquiesce in the measure.
The reading of the resolutions of the late public meeting at
20 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Edina in the Convention, today, called forth similar expressions

from several of the delegates. to those which were uttered on
Friday, in the Committee of the Whole House, respecting the
claim of the Colonization Society to the territory of Liberia. Mr.
Teage strongly protested against the propriety, reasonableness,
and justice of the Society pretending to assert any claim to any
part of the territory. He said he hoped that the American Coloni-
zation Society would not be again named in the Convention; that,
in making a Constitution, they had nothing to do with the
Colonization Society, that they had been elected to make a
Constitution for the people of Liberia, in their own country, 'on
their own land: that the Colonization Society had nothing to do in
their proceedings. Many similar expressions fell from the lips of
the honorable gentleman, Mr. Wilson, in his usual style of
grandiloquence, and nonsensical egotism, boastingly and bluster-
ingly asserted that the territory of Liberia belongs to the citizens
of Liberia, as •an inheritance from their forefathers'; that they are the
proper decendants of the original proprietors of the soil; and.
therefore, that they are 'the proper inheritors of the whole
COWltry.' He stated that the people of Liberia have heretofore
allowed the Colonization Society to act as their trustees or
guardians, but that they have now become of age, and are deter-
mined to manage their own affairs on their own territory. Many
other similar magnificent declarations fell from the lips of the
gentleman. Mr. Gripon asserted that the Colonization Society has
no right to request land of the people of the Government of
Liberia for the location of recaptured Africans, that the Govern-
ment of Liberia will negotiate with the United States Govern-
ment on that subject, and that he hoped the Convention will
not occupy any more time, in talking about the Colonization
Society, etc., etc. Mr. Tider, from Grand Bassa, made the most
judicious and sensible remarks of any which were made in the
Convention respecting the territory. He strongly and warmly
advocated the right of the Society to act as it thought proper, in
reference to the territory of Liberia, all of which, except those
portions which have been granted or sold to individuals, properly
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 53
belonging to the Society. He stated that as the American Coloni-
zation Society bought the lands, paid for them, and have the deeds
made out in its own name, the Government of Liberia had no
right to claim them, unless the Society may think proper to
transfer the deeds to it. He proposed the postponement of the
proceedings of the Convention - or, in other words, that the
Convention adjourn, until the subject respecting the territory can
be fairly and honorably settled with the Society: for which pur-
pose, he advised the appointment of one, two, or three commis-
sioners, to proceed to the United States to adjust matters. These
propositions were discarded by the Convention; consequently
Mr. Tider did not make a motion to that effect. After having
thus conswned about two hours in discussing the merits and de-
merits of the American Colonization Society, in relation to the
territory of Liberia, the document from Grand Bassa was laid on
the table. No other business of any consequence was transacted
today.
Thursday, (sic, evidently Tuesday) July 13th. In consequence of
my professional engagement, I was not able to attend the meeting
of the Convention today. I understand that the principal business
of the day was the presentation and reading of the re ports of
two of the committees on the Constitution.
Wednesday, July 14th. At the Convention, today, the business
consisted principally in the reading and reception of a part of the
report of the Committee on the Preamble and Bill of Rights, of
which Mr. Teage is chairman. The part of the report which was
presented, embraced a statement of the causes which have induced
the people of Liberia to make apublic declaration of sovereignty
and independence, and to form a Constitution accordingly. The
Convention next took up the consideration of a resolution, which
was presented by Mr. Gripon, and amended by Mr. Teage,
yesterday, in substance as follows: That a committee of three be
appointed, to acknowledge their receipt of a letter from the Agent
of the American Colonization Society covering a letter from
Professor Greenleaf, mentioned by said Society; and to inform
said Society through its Agenr in Liberia, that it is the opinion of
 S4 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the members of this Convention, that the subject to which Pro-

fessor Greenleaf there refers does not properly come within the
sphere of the duties of the members of the Convention; and
that all matters relative to territory must he hereafter settled
by a compact between the Republic of Liberia and the American
Colonization Society. This resolution which was prefaced by a
preamble, passed unanimously.
On motion of Mr. Teage, it was unanimously resolved that the
style of the new Government shall be, the Republic of Liberia;
and that the Chief Executive Officer shall be called the President
of the Republic of Liberia. The Convention then adjourned.
FridaY,July 16th. The principal business which was done in the
Convention, yesterday and today, was the examination, correc-
tion, and adoption, of the report of the Committee on the Execu-
tive Department. After a great deal of debating, it was resolved
that the President be elected for two years. The members of the
Convention have taken a very high stand in all their proceedings.
I hope that the people of the Republic of Liberia may be able to
carry out the high and dignified principles, which the honorable
and sapient delegates to the Convention appear to aim at; but I
am very fearful that the reality will fall far short of the beautiful
theories which are advanced.
Wednesday, July 28th. In consequence of my necessary absence
from the metropolis, I have not had the privilege of attending the
deliberations in the Convention, since Friday, the 16th inst. The
principal object which occupied the attention of the Convention,
during the last week, was the Appeal, or Declaration of Indepen-
dence, which was written by Mr. Teage. After a great deal of
debate, and considerable alteration, (it) was fmally adopted, on
Monday, the 26th. Today the Constitution was read and signed.
The Declaration of Independence was also read and signed, and
was presented by the President of the Convention to his Excel-
lency. Governor Roberts. I find that the delegates generally have
become more pacific, in relation to the American Colonization
Society. Their fiery feelings appear to have bcr:ome somewhat
subdued. Perhaps after having let off their steam they have wisely
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD ss
concluded to moving more slowly, and more safely, in the sober
reality of their position. I sincerely hope that this is the case, and
that no difficulties may exist between the Republic of Liberia and
the American Colonization Society.
The Convention adjourned today, sine Jie.
3 In Convention.
Declaration of Independence, r847
C. H. Huberich. The Political and Legislative History of Liberia
(I947) I 828-32

We the representatives of the people of the Commonwealth of

Liberia. in Convention assembled, invested with authority for
forming a new government, relying upon the aid the protection
of the Great Arbiter of human events, do hereby. in the name,
and on the behalf of the people of this Commonwealth, publish
and declare the said Commonwealth a FREE, SOVEREIGN, AND
INDEPENDENT STATE, by the name and title of the REPUBLIC
OF LIBERIA.
While announcing to the nations of the world the new position
which the people of this Republic have felt themselves called upon
to asswne. courtesy to their opinion seems to demand a brief
accompanying statement of the causes which induced them, ftrst
to expatriate themselves from the land of their nativity and to
form settlements on this barbarous coast, and now to organize
their government by the assumption of a sovereign and indepen-
dent character. Therefore we respectfully ask their attention to
the following facts.
We recognize in all men, certain natural and inalienable rights:
among these are life, liberty, and the right to acquire, possess,
enjoy and defend property. By the practice and consent of men in
all ages, some system or form of governmenr is proven to be
necessary to exercise. enjoy and secure those rights; and every
people have a right to institute a government, and to choose and
adopt that system or form of it, which in their opinion will most
effectually accomplish these objects, and secure their happiness,
which does not interfere with the just rights of others. The right
therefore to institute government, and to aU the powers necessary
to conduct it, is, an inalienable right, and cannot be resisted with-
out the grossest injustice.
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 57
We the people of the Republic of Liberia were originally the
inhabitants of the United States of North America.
In some parts of that country, we were debarred by law from all
the rights and privileges of men - in other parts, public sentimenr,
more powerful than law, frowned us down.
We were every where shut out from all civil office.
We were excluded from all participation in the government.
We were taxed without our consent.
We were compelled to contribute to the resources of a country,
which gave us no protection.
We were made a separate and distinct class, and against us every
avenue to improvement was effectually closed. Strangers from all
lands of a color different from ours, were preferred before us.
We uttered our complaints, but they were unattended to, or
only met by alleging the peculiar institutions of the country.
All hope of a favorable change in our country was thus wholly
extinguished in our bosoms, and we looked with anxiety abroad
for some asylum from the deep degradation.
The Western coast of Africa was the place selected by American
benevolence and philanthropy, for our future home. Removed
beyond those influences which depressed us in our native land, it
was hoped we would be enabled to enjoy those rights and
privileges, and exercise and improve those faculties, which the
God of nature has given us in common with the rest of
mankind.
Under the auspices of the American Colonization Society, we
established ourselves here, on land acquired by purchase from the
Lords of the soil.
In an original compact with this Society, we, for important
reasons delegated to it certain political powers; while this institu-
tion stipulated that whenever the people should become capable
of conducting the government, or whenever the people should
desire it, this institution would resign the delegated power,
peacably withdraw its supervision, and leave the people to the
government of themselves.
Under the auspices and guidance of this institution, which has
58 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

nobly and in perfect faith redeemed its pledges to the people, we

have grown and prospered.
From time to time, our number has been increased by migration
from America, and by accessions from native tribes; and from
time to time, as circumstances required it. we have extended our
borders by acquisition of land by honorable purchase from the
natives of the country.
As our territory has extended, and our population increased,
our commerce has also increased. The flags of most of the civilized
nations of the earth float in our harbors, and their merchants are
opening an honorable and profitable trade. Until recently, these
visits have been of a uniformly harmonious character, but as they
have become more frequent, and to more numerous points
of our extending coast, questions have arisen, which it is sup-
posed can be adjusted only by agreement between sovereign
powers.
For years past, the American Colonization Society has virtually
withdrawn from all direct and active part in the administration of
the government, except in the appointment of the Governor, who
is also a colonist, for the apparent purpose of testing the ability
of the people to conduct the affairs of government, and no com-
plaint of crude legislation, nor of mismanagement, nor of mal-
administration has yet been heard.
In view of these facts, this institution, the American Coloniza-
tion Society, with that good faith which has uniformly marked
all its dealings with us, by a set of resolutions in January, in the
Year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-Six,
dissolve all political connexion with the people of this Republic,
return the power with which it was delegated, and left the people
to the government of themselves.
The people of the Republic of Liberia then, are of right, and in
fact, a free, sovereign and independent State; possessed of all the
rights, powers, and functions of government.
In assuming the momentous responsibilities of the position they
have taken, the people of this Republic, feel justified by the neces-
sities of the case, and with this conviction they throw themselves
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 59
with confidence upon the candid consideration of the civilized
world.
Liberia is not the offspring of grasping ambition, nor the tool of
avaricious speculation.
No desire for territorial aggrandizement brought us to these
shores; nor do we believe so sordid a motive entered into the high
considerations of those who aided us in providing this asylum.
Liberia is an asylum from the most grinding oppression.
In coming to the shores of Africa, we indulged the pleasing
hope that we would be permitted to exercise and improve those
faculties, which impart to man his dignity - to nourish in our
hearts the flame of honorable ambition, to cherish and indulge
those aspirations, which a beneficent Creator had implanted in
every human heart, and to evince to all who despise, ridicule and
oppress our race, that we possess with them a common nature. are
with them susceptible of equal refmement. and capable of equal
advancement in all that adorns and dignifies man.
We were animated with the hope. that there we should be at
liberty to train up our children in the way they should go - to
inspire them with the love of an honorable fame, to kindle within
them, the flame of a lofty philanthropy, and to form strong within
them, the principles of humanity, virtue and religion.
Among the strongest motives to leave our native land - to
abandon forever the scenes of our childhood, and to sever the
most endeared connexions, was the desire for a retreat where, free
from the agitations of fear and molestation, we could, in compo-
sure and security approach in worship. the God of our fathers.
Thus far our highest hopes have been realized.
Liberia is already the happy home of thousands, who were once
the doomed victims of oppression, and ifleft unmolested to goon
with her natural and spontaneous growth; if her movements be
left free from the paralysing intrigues of jealous, ambitious, and
unscrupulous avarice, she will throw open a wider and yet a wider
door for thousands, who are now looking with an anxious eye for
some land of rest.
Our courts of justice are open equally to the stranger and the
60 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

citizen for the redress of grievances, for the remedy of injuries,

and for the punishment of crime.
Our nwnerous and wdl attended schools attest our efforts, and
QUt desire for the improvement of our children.
Our churches for the worship of our C reator, every where to
be seen, bear testimony to our piety. and to our acknowledgment
of His Providence.
The native African bowing down with us before the altar of
the living God, declares that from us, feeble as we are, the light of
Christianity has gone forth, while upon that curse of curses, the
slave trade, a deadly blight has fallen as far as our influence extends.
Therefore in the name of humanity, and virtue and religion-
in the name of the Great God, our common Creator, and our
common Judge, we appeal to the nations of Christendom, and
earnestly and respectfully ask of them, that theywill regard uswith
the sympathy and friendly consideration, to which the peculi-
arities of our condition entitle us, and to extend to us, that comity
which marksthe friendly intercourse of civilized and independent
communities.
DONE IN CONVENTION, at Monrovia, in the County of
Montserrado, by the unanimous consent of the people of the
Commonwealth of Liberia, this twenty-sixth day of July, in the ·
year of our Lord, One thousand, eight hundred and forty-seven.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF we have hereto set our names.

Montserrado County
S. Benedict, President J. N. Lewis
H. Teage Beverly R Wilson
Elijah Johnson J. B. Gripon
Grand Baw County
John Day A. W . Gardiner
Amos Herring Ephraim Titler
Sinoe County
R. E. Murray
Jacob W. Prout, Secretary to the Convention
4 Constitution of the Republic
of Liberia, 1847
C. H. Huberich, The Political and Legislative History of Liberia
(1947) n 852-04

ARTICLE I
DECLARATION OP RIGHTS

The end of the institution. maintenance, and administration of

government, is to secure the existence of the body politic, to
protect it, and to furnish the individuals who compose it, with the
power of enjoying in safety and tranquillity, their natural rights.
and the blessings of life; and whenever these great objects are not
obtained, the people have a right to alter the government and to
take measures necessary for their safety, prosperity and happiness.
Therefore, we the People of me Commonwealth of Liberia, in
Africa. acknowledging with devout gratitude. the goodness of
God, in granting to us the blessings of the christian religion, and
political, religious. and civil liberty, do, in order to secure these
blessings for ourselves and our posterity, and to establish justice.
insure domestic peace, and promote the general welfare. hereby
solemnly associate. and constitute ourselves a Free, Sovereign and
Independent State. by the name of the RBPUBLIC OP LIBBRIA
and do ordain and establish clUs Constitution for the govenunent
of the same.
Section 1St. All men are born equally free and independent, and
have certain natural, inherent and unalienable rights; among
which, are the rights of enjoying and defending life and liberty,
of acquiring, possessing and protecting property and of pursuing
and obtaining safety and happiness.
Sec. 2nd. All power is inherent in the people; all free govern-
ments are instituted by their authority and for their benefit and
they have the right to alter and reform the same when their safety
and happiness require it.
20 ORIGINS OP WEST APRICAN NATIONALISM

Sec. 3rd. All men have a natural and unalienable right to worship
God, according to the dictates of their own consciences, without
obstruction or molestation from others: aU persons demeaning
themselves peaceably, and not obstructing others in their religious
worship, are entitled to the protection oflaw, in the free exercise
of their own religion; and no sect of christians shall have exclusive
privileges or preferences, over any other sect; but all shall be alike
tolerated: and no religious test whatever shall be required as a
qualification for civil office, or the exercise of any civil right.
Sec. 4th. There shall be no slavery within this Republic. Nor
shall any citizen of this Republic, or any person resident therein,
deal in slaves, either withjn or without this Republic, directly or
indirectly.
Sec. 5th. The people have a right at all times, in an orderly and
peaceable manner, to assemble and consult upon the common
good; to instruct their representatives, and to petition the govern-
ment, or any public functionaries for the redress of grievances.
Sec. 6th. Every person injured shall have remedy therefor, by
due course of law; justice shall be done without sale denial or
delay; and in all cases, not arising under martial law, or upon
impeachment, the parties shall have a right to a trial by jury, and
to be heard in person or bycouncil, or both.
Sec. 7th. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or
infamous crime, except in cases of impeachment, cases arising in
the anny and navy, and petty offences, unless upon presentment
by a grand jury; and every person criminally charged, shall have a
right to be seasonably furnished with a copy of the charge, to be
confronted with the witnesses against him, - to have compulsory
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have a speedy,
public and impartial trial by a jury of the vicinity. He shall not be
compelled to furnish or give evidence against himself; and no
person shall for the same offence, be twice put in jeopardy of life
or limb.
Sec. 8th. No person shall be deprived oflife,liberty, property
or privilege, but by judgment of his peers, or the law of the land.
Sec. 9th. No place shall be searched, nor person seized, on a
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 20

criminal charge or suspicion, unless upon warrant lawfully issued,

upon probable cause supported by oath, or solemn affinnarion,
specially designating the place or penon, and the object of the
search.
Sec. 1 ath. Excessive bail mall not be required, nor excessive fines
imposed, nor excessive punishment inflicted. Nor shall the legisla-
ture nuke any law impairing the obligation of conttacts: nor any
law rendering any act punishable, in any manner in which it was
not punishable when it was committed.
Sec, J J tho All elections shall be by ballot and every male citizen,
of twenty~ne years of age, possessing real estate, shall have the
right of suffrage.
Sec. J 2th. The people have a right to keep and bear arms for the
common defence. And as in time of peace, armies are dangerous to
liberty, they ought not to be maintained, without the consent of
the legislature: and the military power shall always be held in
exact subordination to the civil authority, and be governed by it.
Sec. 13th. Private property shall not be taken for public we
without just compensation.
Sec. J 4th. The powers of this government shall be divided into
three distinct departments: Legislative, Executive, and Judicial:
and no person belonging to one of these departments, shall exer-
cise any of the powers belonging to either of the others. This
section is not to be construed to include Justices of the Peace.
Sec. J 5th. The liberty of the press is essential to the security of
freedom in a state; it ought not, therefore, to be restrained in this
republic.
The printing press shall be free to every person, who undertakes
to examine the proceedings of the legislature, or any branch of
government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the rights
thereof. The free communication of thoughts and opinions. is one
of the invaluable rights of man, and every citizen may freely
speak, write and print, on any subject, being responsible for the
abuse of that liberty.
In prosecutions for the publication of papers, investigating the
official conduct of officers, or men in a public capacity, or where
20 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

the matter published is proper for public information. the truth

thereof may be given in evidence. And in all indictments for
libels, thejury shall have a right to determine the law and the facts.
under the direction of the court, as in other cases.
Sec. J6th. No subsidy charge. impost, or duties ought to be
established, ftxed. laid or levied, under any pretext whatsoever,
without the consent of the people, or their representatives in the
legislature.
Sec. J 7th. Suits may be brought against the Republic in such
manner, and in suchcases as the legislature may, by law direct.
Sec. 18th. No person can, in any case, be subjected to the law
martial, or to any penalties or pains by virtue of that law, (except
those employed in the army or navy, and except the militia in
actual service,) but by the authority of the legislature.
Sec. 19th. In order to prevent those who are vested with
authority, from becoming oppressors, the people have a right at
such periods, and in such manner, as they shall establish by their
frame of government; - to cause their public officers to return to
private life, and to fill up vacant places, by certain and regular
elections and appointments.
Sec. 20th. That all prisoners shall be bailable by sufficient
sureties, unless, for capital off"ences, when the proof is evident, or
presumption great: and the privilege and benefit of the writ of
abeas corpus, shall be enjoyed in this Republic, in the most free,
easy, cheap, expeditious and ample manner: and shall not be
suspended by the legislature, except upon the most urgent and
pressing occasions, and for a limited time, not exceeding twelve
months.
ARTICLE III
(sic, obviously Article II)
LEGISLATIVE POWERS

Section 1St. The Legislative power shall be vested in a kgislature

of Liberia, and shall consist of two separate branches. A House of
Representatives and a Senate, to be styled the Legislature of
Liberia; each of which shall have a negative on the other, and the
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 65
enacting style of their acts and laws, shall be, 'It is enacted by the
Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Liberia,
in Legislature Assembled.'
Sec. 2nd. The representatives shall be elected by, and for the
inhabitants of the several counties of Liberia, and shall be ap-
portioned among the several counties of Liberia as follows: -
The County of Montserrado shall have four representatives, the
County of Grand Bassa shall have three, and the County of Sinoe
shall have one; and all counties that shall hereafter be admitted in
the Republic shall- have one representative; and for every ten
thousand inhabitants one representative shall be added. No person
shall be a representative who has not resided in the county two
whole years immediately previous to his election and who shall
not when elected, be an inhabitant of the county, and does not
own real estate of not less value than one hundred and fifty dollars,
in the county in which he resides; and who shall not have attained
the age of twenty-three years. The representatives shall be elected
biennially, and shall serve two years from the time of their
election.
Sec. 3rd. When a vacancy occurs in the representation of any
county by death, resignation, or otherwise, it shall be filled by a
new election.
Sec. 4th. The House of Representatives shall elect their own
Speaker and other officers; they shall also have the sole power of
impeachment.
Sec. 5th. The Senate shall consist of two members from Mont-
serrado County, two from Bassa COWlty, two from Sinoe
COWlty, and two from each COWlty which may be hereafter
incorporated into this Republic. No person shall be a Senator, who
shall not have resided three whole years immediately previous to
his election in the Republic of Liberia, and who shall not when
elected, be an inhabitant of the COWlty which he represents, and
who does not own real estate of not less value than two hWldred
dollars in the COWlty which he represents, and who shall not have
attained the age of twenty-five years. The Senator for each county
who shall have the highest number of votes shall retain his seat
c
66 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

four years, and the one who shall have the next highest nwnber
of votes, twO years; and all who are afterwards elected to fill their
seats, shall remain in office four years.
Sec. 6th. The Senate shall try all impeachments; the Senators
being frrst sworn or solemnly affrrmed to try the same imparti-
ally. and according to law; and no person shall be convicted but
by the concurrence of two thirds of the Senators present. Judg-
ment in such cases shall not extend beyond removal from office,
and disqualification to hold an office in the Republic: but the party
may be tried at law for the same offence.
When either the President or Vice President is to be tried, the
Chief Justice shall preside.
Sec. 7th. It shall be the duty of the Legislature. as soon as
conveniently may be, after the adoption of this constitution, and
once at least in every ten years afterwards, to cause a true census
to be taken of each town, and county of the Republic of Libcria,
and a representative shall be allowed every town, having a
population of ten thousand inhabitants, and for every additional
ten thousand in the counties after the first census, one representa-
tive shall be added to that county, until the number of representa-
tives shall amount to thirty; afterwards one representative shall be
added for every thirty thousand.
Sec. 8th. Each branch of the Legislature shall be judge of the
election returns and qualifications of its own members. A majority
of each shall be necessary to transact business, but a less number
may adjourn from day to day and compel the attendance of absent
members. Each house may adopt its own rules of proceedings,
enforce order, and with the concurrence of two thirds, may expel
a member.
Sec. 9th. Neither house shall adjourn for more than two days
without the consent of the other; and both houses shall always sit
in the same town.
Sec. 10th. Every bill or resolution which shall have passed both
branches of the Legislature, shall before it becomes a law, be laid
before the President for his approval, ifhe approves, he shall sign
it, if not, he shall return it to the Legislature with his objections - if
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 20
the Legislature shall afterwards pass the bill or resolution by a vote
of two thirds in each branch, it shall become a law. If the President
shall neglect to return such bill or resolution to the Legislature
with his objections for five days after the same shall have been so
laid before him - the Legislature remaining in session during that
time, such neglect shall be equivalent to his signature.
Sec. 11 tho The Senators and Representatives shall receive from
the Republic a compensation for their services to be ascertained by
law; and shall be privileged from arrest except for treason, felony
or breach of the peace, while attending at, going to, or returning
from the session of the Legislature.

ARTICLE III
EXECUTIVE POWER

Section 1St. The Supreme Executive Power shall be vested in

a President, who shall be elected by the people, and shall hold his
office for the term of Two Years. He shall be Commander-in-
Chief of the army and navy. He shall in the recess of the Legisla-
ture, have power to call out the Militia or any portion thereof,
into actual service in defence of the Republic. He shall have power
to make treaties; provided the Senate concur therein, by a vote of
two thirds of the senators present. He shall nominate, and with the
advice and consent of the senate, appoint and commission all
Ambassadors, and other public Ministers and Consuls, Secretaries
of State, of War, of the Navy, and of the Treasury, Attorney
General, all Judges of Courts, Sheriffs, Coroners, Marshalls,
Justices of the Peace, Clerks of Courts. Registers. Notaries Public,
and all other officers of State civil and military, whose appoint-
ment may not be otherwise provided for by the Constitution, or
by standing laws. And in the recess of the senate, he may fil l any
vacancies in those offices, until the next session of the senate. He
shall receive all ambassadors and other public ministers. He shall
take care that the laws be faithfully executed : - he shall inform
the Legislature from time to time, of the condition of the Re-
public, and recommend any public measures for their adoption.
68 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

which he may think expedient. He may after conviction, remit

any public forfeitures and penalties, and grant reprieves and
pardons for public offences, except in cases of impeachment. He
may require information and advice from any public officer,
touching matters pertaining to his office. He mayon extraordinary
occasions, convene the Legislature, and may adjourn the two
houses whenever they cannot agree as to the time of adjournment.
Sec. 2nd. There shall be a Vice President who shall be elected in
the same manner, and for the same term as that of the President,
and whose qualifications shall be the same: He shall be President
of the Senate. and give the casting vote when the house is equally
divided on any subject. And in case of the removal of the President
from office, or his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the
powers and duties of said office; the same shall devolve on the
Vice President; and the Legislature may by law provide for the
cases of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the
President, and Vice President, declaring what officer shall then
act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the
disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
Su. 3rJ. The Secretary of State shall keep the records of the
State, and all the records and papers of the Legislative body, and
all other public records and documents, not belonging to any
other department. and shall lay the same when required, before
the President or Legislature. He shall attend upon them when
required and perform such other duties as may be enjoined by
law.
Sec. 4th. The Secretary of the Treasury or other persons who
may by law, be charged with the custody of the public monies,
shall before he receive such monies, give bonds to the State with
sufficient sureties, to the acceptance of the Legislature, for the
faithful discharge of his trust. He shall exhibit a true account of
such monies when required by the President or Legislature, and
no monies shall be drawn from the Treasury, but by warrant from
the President, in consequence of appropriation made by law.
Sec. 5th. All Ambassadors and other public Ministers, and
Consuls, the Secretary of State, of War, of the Treasury and of the
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 20

Navy, the Attorney General, and Post Master General, shall hold
their offices during the pleasure of the Preiident. A justice of
peace, sheriffs, coroners, marshalls, clerks of courts, registers, and
notaries public, shall hold their offices for the term of two years
from the date of their respective commissions; but may be re-
moved from office within that time by the President, at his
pleasure: and all other officers whose term of office may not be
otherwise limited by law, shall hold their offices during the
pleasure of the President.
Sec. 6th. Every civil officer may be removed from office by
impeachment, for official misconduct. Every such officer may also
be removed by the President, upon the address of both branches
of the Legislature, stating their particular reason for his removal.
Sec. 7th. No person shall be eligible to the office of President,
who has not been a citizen of this Republic for at least five years;
and who shall not have attained the age of thirty five years; and
who is not possessed of unincumbered real estate, of the value of
six hundred dollars.
Sec. 8th. The President shall at stated times receive for his
services, a compensation which shall neither be increased nor
diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected:
And before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall take
the following oath or affirmation.
I do solemnly swear, (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the
office of President of the Republic of Liberia, and will to the best
of my ability preserve, protect and defend the constitution, and
enforce the laws of the Republic of Liberia.

ARTICLE IV
JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT

Section lSt. The Judicial power of this Republic shall be vested

in one Supreme Court, and such subordinate courts as the Legisla-
ture may from time to time establish. The Judges of the Supreme
Court, and all other Judges of Courts, shall hold their office
during good behaviour; but may be removed by the President on
70 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the address of two thirds of both houses for that purpose, or by

impeachment and conviction thereon. The Judges shall have
salaries established by law, which may be increased, but not
diminished during their continuance in office. They shall not
receive any other perquisites or emoluments whatever from
parties or others, on account of :m y duty required of them.
Sec. 2nd. The Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction in
all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers and
consuls, and those to which a County shall be a party. In all other
cases the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as
to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations
as the Legislature shall from time to time make.

ARTICLE V
MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

Sec. 4th. The first election of President, Vice President, Senators

and Representatives, shall be held on the first Tuesday in October
in the Year of our Lord, Eighteen HWldred and Forty Seven, in
the same manner as election of members of the Council are held
in the Commonwealth of Liberia and the votes shall be certified
and returned to the Colonial Secretary, and the result of the
election shall be ascertained, posted and notified by him, as is now
by law provided, in case of such members of Council.
Sec. 5th. All other elections of President, Vice President,
Senator and Representatives, shall be held in the respective towns
on the first Tuesday in May in every two years to be held and
regulated in such manner as the Legislature may by law prescribe.
The returns of votes shall be made to the Secretary of State, who
shall open the same, and forthwith issue notices of the election to
the persons apparently so elected, Senators and Representatives:
and all such returns shall be by him laid before the Legislature at
its next ensuing session, together with a list of the names of the
persons who appear by such returns, to have been duly elected
Senators and Representatives; and the persons appearing by said
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 71

returns to be duly elected, shall proceed to organize themselves

accordingly as the Senate and House of Representatives. The votes
for President shall be sotted, counted and declared by the House
of Representatives. And if no person shall appear to have a
majority of such votes the Senators and Representatives present.
shall in Convention by joint ballot, elect from among the persons
having the three highest number of votes. a person to act as
President for the ensuing term.

Sec. 12th. No person shall be entitled to hold real estate in this

Republic, unless he be a citizen of the same. Nevertheless this
article shall not be construed to apply to Colonization, Missionary,
Educational. or other benevolent institutions, so long as the
property or estate is applied to its legitimate purposes.
Sec. 13th. The great object of forming these Colonies, being to
provide a home for the dispersed and oppressed children of Africa,
and to regenerate and enlighten this benighted continent, None but
persons of color shall be admitted to citizenship in this Republic.
Sec. 14th. The purchase of any land by any citizen or citizens
from the aborigines of this country for his or their own use, or for
the benefit of others, or estate or estates in free simple, shall be
considered null and void to all intents and purposes.
Sec. 15th. The improvement of the native tribes and their
advancement in the arts of agriculture and husbandry, being a
cherished object of this government, it shall be the duty of the
President to appoint in each county some discreet person whose
duty it shall be to make regular and periodical tours through the
country for the purpose of calling the attention of the nation to
these wholesome branches of industry, and of instructing them in
the same, and the Legislature shall, as soon as it can conveniently
be done, make provisions for these purposes by the appropriation
of money.

Sec. 17th. This constitution may be altered whenever two thirds

of both branches of the Legislature shall deem it necessary. In
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

which case the alterations or amendments, shall first be considered

and approved by the Legislature, by the concurrence of two
thirds of the members of each branch, and afterwards by them sub-
mitted to the people, and adopted by two thirds of all the electors
at the next biennial meeting for the election of Senators and
Representatives.
Done in CONVENTION. at Monrovia, in the County of
Montserrado, by the unanimous consent of the people of the Common-
wealth of Liberia, this twenty-sixth day ofJuly itl the Year of Our Lord
One Thousand Eight Hundred Forty-seven, and of the REPUBLIC the
First. In witness whereof we have hereto set our names.
Montserrado County. Grand Bassa County.
S. BENEDICf, PRESIDENT. JOHN DAY,
J. N. LEWIS, A. W. GARDINER,
H. TEAGE, AMOS HERRING,
BEVERLY R. WILSON, EPHRAIM TITLER.
ELlJ AH JOHNSON,
County oj Sinoe.
J. B. GRIPON.
R. E. MURRAY.
J ACOB W. PROUT.

Monrovia, July 29. 1847. Secretary of Convention.

5 President Stephen A. Benson's
r856 Inaugural Address
From African Repository. XXXII 203-6

... we fmd ourselves this day organized into a republican form of

government, of eight years existence, blessed with civil and
religious liberty. and possessed of the confidence and respect of
nearly all the great civilized nations of the earth; these facts at once
answer the question, as to whether Liberia's course has been
progressive since her declaration of independence. They respond
affirmatively. louder than words can possibly express it, that she
has had under the administration of my illustrious predecessor, a
hopeful and healthy growth commensurate with her eight years
existence; so that the most incredulous as to the capacity of our
race to aspire, and for self government, have had to confess with
reference to this christian republic, that indeed, a lwninary of hope
and promise to Africa's sons has arisen in this distant land of
darkness; a luminary whose course has hitherto been steadily
upward, and which we trust will continue to ascend with increas-
ing strength and lustre, until it reaches the zenith of its glory, and
sheds forth a flood of redeeming light upon, and throughout this
benighted continent.
I have oft times wondered from whence sprang the silly asper-
sion, 'of the incapacity of the colored race for self government:
I have frequently taxed my mind for a discovery of the instances
upon which the stigma is based: with the exception of our own,
Hayti I believe is the only professed colored civilized and in-
dependent government. It is true that, that unfortunate country
has been repeatedly convulsed by revolutions and dethronements,
but these were neither restricted nor peculiar to her history;
similar causes have produced similar effects among other nations,
not of African descent, but purely Caucasian. The south American
e,
74 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

states almost without exception have been equally prolific in civil

wars and revolutions, in fact we can even trace them into highly
civilized Europe. and as not unfrequently occurring among some
of the most refmed nations of that enlightened continent; nor
would proud Albion have been exempted from them, for so long
a space as that which has succeeded the seventeenth century, if the
Protestant faith (which constitutes the basis of that righteousness
which exalts a nation) had not taken so deep root in that country.
And ifI mistake not, the same cause is to be assigned for the almost
unparalleled success with which the confederated states of North
America have been crowned. The pure need of the protestant
faith. was carried over, planted and nurtured by the early
settlers; and as is well known, a revival of evangelical religion
commenced in that land about the middle of the eighteenth
century, which kept pace with the gradual extension of the settle-
ments, east, west, north and south, and by which the pure
principles of the Protestanr faith became disseminated and to some
extent, adopted (really by some, and professedly by others) as the
basis of individual- social and national rectitude, and which after
all that can be said to the contrary, have been the great cementing
and preservative principle of that confederation; and for lack of
which, Hayti in common with some other governments, to which
allusion has been made, failed in demonstrating an equal capacity
for self government; and surely the civil wars of Hayti are no
more an argwnent (if as much so) against the capacity of the
colored race for self government, than the multiplied revolutions
of the other governments alluded to, are against that of the
Caucasian race.
If we impartially look at the aborigines of this land, and care-
fully study their organizations, and method of government, we
cannot avoid discovering incontrovertible proof of their possess-
ing the elements of a great nation. We are ofttimes constrained to
admire the facility with which most of the chiefs rule their
subjects, and the cheerful, and ofttimes dignified obedience and
respect, rendered by subjects to their chiefs and the laws; and but
for the accursed slave trade of bygone years, by which they have
L1I1ERIAN STATEHOOD 75
been greatly corrupted, and which has contributed so much to the
subversion of their domestic and social happiness, those very
heathens would set a pattern of governing talent and governable
disposition, by which several of the proud civilized nations of the
earth might be profited.
If these elements are so admirably manifest in the aborigines
while yet in heathenism. what earthly mind can adequately picture
the great national glory. that awaits this christian republic, when
the aborigines shall have fully partaken of our civilization and
christianity; when they are raised to a perfect level and flow in one
common channel with us, socially. politically and religiously.
Fellow citizens; in thus glancing over some of the incidents in
the history of Liberia. and congratulating ourselves at the happy
issue of our efforts thus far, as also in brieR.y alluding to what we
believe the future prospect of Liberia to be; it is no part of my
purpose to inculcate the idea, that Liberia is now out of danger,
that she can now move on without difficulty toward the zenith of
her national glory, or that there may be henceforth a relaxation
of judicious and patriotic effort on the part of any citizen for the
consummation of our cherished desires. So far from this, as that I
feel solemnly impressed this day with the fact, that our state is still
in infancy, and that greater difficulties await it than it has yet come
in contact with, for commensurate with the gradual extension of
our territory; the development of the resources of this country;
the increase of our commerce (which will also increase our inter-
course with other nations, and tend to create a conR.iction of
national interest) will be the difficult, unexpected and perplexing
questions, growing out of our foreign and domestic relations; we
are admonished by the history of nations that such may be
reasonably expected. But by the exercise of a becoming discretion,
and a Hrict adherence to that policy which is based upon virtue,
there need be no fcar of Liberia's onward course being effectually
checked; future difficulties and trials if met in the proper spirit,
will cause our national character to appear to more advantage
abroad, will conduce to increased respect of, and confidence in us,
and to a greater permanency of our institutions at home.
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

The history of Liberia up to January, 1856, (which closes the

constitutional term of my predecessor) is past, it has just closed
upon us with an administration which still illumines our national
firmament; this day marks a new era in the history of Liberia for
weal or for woe; and in entering upon the executive duties of my
constitutional term, I solemnly promise you this day, that I will
do the best I can, for the promotion of our common country's
interest. and as an outline of my course of policy and purpose, I
will simply state:
I. That according to the solemn obligation soon to be admini-
stered to me, I will try and faithfully adhere to the constitution
and laws of the Republic. I will also strive to keep permanently in
vlew-
2 . The encouragement of every branch of industry. and avenue
of national greatness; agriculture. commerce, mechanism. inter-
nal improvement, education. etc., etc. by recommending such
measures from rime to time. as will in my opinion enhance their
interest. and as the state of the public fmance will justify.
3. An avoidance of the pecuniary embarrassment of the govern-
ment, unless circumstances should render a different course
indispensable to our national existence. or the maintenance of the
majesty of the laws.
4. The moral, intellectual, social and political improvement of
the aborigines.
s. The cultivation of peace and harmony at home and abroad.
6. The observance of good faith and justice toward all nations.
These principles are not stated by me as a new policy about to
be adopted by this government. but simply as are-announcement
of what I conceive to have been the true policy of this government
hitherto; and in their annunciation this day, I flatter myself that
they have the full assent and concurrence of every patriotic and
enlightened citizen of this Republic.
Having attempted in this address a brief review of Liberia. past,
and a view of her present condition. and what I firmly believe her
future prospec(S and objects are; as also having alluded to the
course of policy I believe best adapted to the consummation of
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 77
our cherished desires, the object for which this government was
instimted. I now beg in closing this address to say, that the
government of Liberia is one in which every citizen should feel
particularly interested; there are reasons for this perhaps, which
do not exist so strongly with citizens of most other governments.
It is a fact, that citizens of most other governments can emi-
grate, change their allegiance, and apparently greatly benefit
themselves thereby; but how very different the case, with a
Liberian that is true in heart, and genuine in principle: the man of
color, who once inhales our atmosphere offreedom and equalities,
and has capacity to properly appreciate kind heaven's best
earthly gift, will ever after find himself out of his proper element
in any other land: under any other government. He cannot thrive
elsewhere; he will fmd himself in an element paralyzing to every
manly principle of his soul; to him there will be something blight-
ing to all those attributes that constitute a truly noble minded
man; no maner whether that blighting something be the un-
congeniality of climate: a disrelish of their civil and religious
institutions, or the latent or developed prejudice to color and race.
Such is the undeniable state of things now in the world, that I do
not hesitate to make the assertion, and I am yet to he convinced of
its error; and as I cannot doubt that I have your full assent to the
assertion, may I not also reasonably conclude that you admit the
consequent propriety of each citizen employing every possible
laudable effort for the honorable preservation and perpetuation of
this our own land, our only country, our only earthly home.
I therefore solemnly appeal to you this day, fellow citizens, in
the name of humanity, in the name of all that is sacred to the
future welfare of our down trodden race throughout the world,
in the name of Him who holds the destinies of nations in his hand,
for that support and co-operation during my constitutional term
of administration, which have so admirably characterized YOll
hitherto, and which are and ever will be indispensable to our
national success.
I firmly believe I shall have these not only at your hands, but as
emanating from your hearts. And while I solemnly appeal to you
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

this day for your support and co-operation. I do as solemnly

pledge you m y sacred word and honor, to spare no pains to serve
the best interest of our common country, and that 1 will diligently
seek to be guided in such a way. in my efforts to administer this
government, as will insure the Divine blessing upon our indivi-
dual and national interest.
6 Liberia as She Is
Edward W. Blyden, 1857. Annual Address before the Com-
mon Council and Citizens of Monrovia

... We have been in too much haste to be rich. Relinquishing the

pursuit of those attributes that would fit us for the faithful dis-
charge of our peculiar duties as men, as Liberians, as an infant
nation, we have used every possible measure to enhance Qur
pecuniary importance; and in our precipitate efforts at wealth. we
have not been careful as to what means we have employed. The
desire to be rich, or to appear rich. pervades all classes ....
Another cause of our adversity may be seen in me unjustifiable
extravagance in which we indulge; in that luxury of expenditure
for houses, for dress, for furniture, for food, constantly made the
subject of reprehensive remark by thinking foreigners. We are in
a fearful error with regard to our country, if we suppose we are
truly prosperous. Our prosperity is not real; it is false; it is ficti-
tious. The prosperity of a nation is real when the springs of that
prosperity are contained within itself, in the hand of its citizens;
when it depends for its existence upon its own resources; when it
is independent. But this is not the case in Liberia. We are, as a
nation, upheld by foreigners. We arc entirely dependent upon
foreigners for schools, for churches, for preachers, for teachers.
Most of the talent of the country is in the employ and at the con-
trol of foreigners. Those thus employed must ever hold their
talents and their efforts subservient, not to what they conceive to
be the interests of their country, but to the desires and directions
of their foreign employers. And their employers, the missionary
boards, losing sight of the fact that they are operating, not on
purely heathen ground, but in a sovereign State, and that they are
employing men who owe allegiance and service to that state,
require them to hold themselves free from all civil relations ....
 80 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

What we wish to bring before our minds to-day is the humi-

liating fact, that nearly all the talent of "Liberia - talcnt not in
ordinary men, but in our principal men - is supported by foreign
means and controlled by foreign influence. And yct, in the face of
these humbling realities, we boast of our civilization, of our
prosperity, of our independence, and indulge in unjustifiable
extravagance. Where is our prosperity? Where is our indepen-
dence? - Where?
But there are some who are not in foreign employ - some who,
as I have learned. would never yield allegiance to foreigners,
because they could live without such allegiance. But these are not
free from censure; for. uniting with those who are in immediate
dependency upon foreigners, they have introduced from Europe
and America - countries centuries in advance of us - a style of
living and habits ofexpenditure ill-suited to our present condition.
Intelligent and reflecting foreigners, no matter how they smile over
our luxuries, and flatter our vanity in our presence, in their private
intercourse with each other either pity our folly or ridicule our
pretensions.
Our style ofliving, in respect to houses, furniture, dress, eating,
and drinking, is entirely inconsistent with the circumstances of the
countty. The money lavished upon houses, which add nothing to
health and comfort; upon dress, which does not increase the
dignity or beauty of personal appearance; the large sums laid out
in expensive furniture, most of which is really superfluous; the
great amounts consumed in the luxuries of the table would go a
great way in keeping our streets clear of weeds, in felling the dense
forests around us, in reclaiming the wilderness, in cultivating the
soil, in civilizing our degraded brethren.
Throughout our whole country there has been no conformity
in living to our circumstances - to our means. Weare most of us
living beyond our income. And what is the basis of all this
prosperity? The answer has been more than anticipated. - It is the
annual appropriations of benevolent societies in America. That is
all. And has our style of living had no injurious eifea upon the
morals of the community? Look at the numbers who, irrespective
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 81
of character, in order to advance to, or maintain this style of
living, flock to the fostering arms and sheltering wings of these
societies. Thus dishonesty stalks abroad under the semblance of
piety; and impiety assumes the appearance of religion for the sake
of gain. And not only so, but this extravagant manner of living -
these fme houses and costly furniture, are made in the minds of
many the standard of respectability. And what is the effect on the
minds of youth? They see men of high standing - men whom it
is natural for the young to imitate - indulging in such; and not
only inp.ulging in them, but striving after them; hence they, in
their simplicity and inexperience, regard them as essentials to
respectability. They see their fathers proferring them to the
distinction conferred by learning and talents - by virtuous deport-
ment; and they strive more after them than after anything else. -
Everything is made subordinate to the acquisition of fme houses,
of fme furniture, etc. And the general effect is, that as a people we
attach more importance to display than to reality. There is very
little of the substantial about us. And allow me to remark, that
this disposition to make a fine show is characteristic of but a low
degree of civilization - it is a mark of the absence of true refine-
ment ....
What, then, is our duty in view of these lessons of Pro vidence,
and in view of the evils they are designed to correct? First, it is our
duty to learn that there are other objects of infmitely greater
importance than wealth in our rising country. It was not the
design of Providence in bringing us to these shores that we should
spend our energies, and prostitute our talents to the attainment of
selfish ends. No, no; a higher destiny is ours: our duty and
privilege is the laying of the foundation of future empire in
Africa. It becomes us, then, to be a more solid and substantial
people. The materials we are gathering for the superstructure
should be chosen more with regard to strength than beauty. We
should pay more attention to reality than display. The attainment
of wealth should be subordinate to the cultivation of those quali-
ties of heart and mind which will prepare and fit us for the dis-
charge of our duties to Africa, to our race, and to the world.
82 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Secondly. It is our duty, in view of the lessons of Providence, to

curtail our superfluous expenditures. There should be retrench-
ment of our expenditures for splendid edifices; -less costly being
more accordant with our circumstances; retrenchment of our
expenditures for showy and expensive furniture; retrenchment of
our expenditures for dress; retrenchment of our expenditures for
the luxuries of the table. Let our surplus means be more rationally
and beneficially expended; let it be vested in the improvement of
our country. in the placing our prosperity upon a safer and more
permanent foundation - in rendering ourselves independent; and
ahove all, in advancing the cause of christianity among our
benighted brethren.
Thirdly. We are taught by the present dispensation of Provi-
dence that it is our duty to labor. We dwell in a country rich in
resources, which with little exertion can be called forth in sufficient
variety and abundance to render us comfortable and independent.
But there is a fatal lack of productive industry among us. In our
eagerness to be rich we have availed ourselves of the means which
we supposed would more speedily secure to us that end, without
reference to the general influence of such means upon our country.
The commerce of the country has always been in such articles as
our citizens have had no part in producing; hence we acquire
wealth from this source without helping to create it. Our skill and
ingenuity are not called forth. We purchase the palm-oil and
camwood and ivory from the natives, giving them in exchange
articles of foreign production. We receive the product of their
industry, and give them in return the product, not of our own
industry, but of the industry of foreigners. Now, in such traffick-
ing as this, wherein is the country actually benefitted? Remember,
fellow-citizens, that no merchant, no matter how affluent, or how
varied the channels of his trade, can be regarded as a benefactor of
his country, unless he has, by his own industry, or by encouraging
the industry of others, created his wealth - unless he has developed
the productive powers of his country. For then he has placed the
prosperity of his country upon an enduring basis. But this cannot
be affirmed of us. The prosperity arising from our commerce is
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 20
almost as evanescent as that based on the missionary appropria-
tions. Foreigners on the one hand, and the natives on the other,
arc our supporters ....
A state of dependency is entirely incongruous with a state of
liberty. 'Liberty and independence are one and inseparable.' This
is an important fact for our consideration; and one that should
urge us to the laying good and sure foundations on which to claim
in reality and truth, 'Liberty and Independence'.
No nation has ever permanently prospered under circumstances
similar to ours. Indeed, I hardly think that any independent nation
has ever existed in precisely our circumstances. We occupy a
nondescript position. And that we should continue in such
circumstances is inexcusable. Lift up your eyes and look at the
extensive tracts of land, of unexampled fertility, which the hand
of a beneficent Creator has placed within our reach. Let us betake
ourselves to the development of its resources. The soil, the rich
and fertiIe soil, belongs to us, and invites us to its cultivation.
Nothing should be allowed to interfere between us and the soil.
In bestowing so much attention upon commerce, we have mis-
taken the true policy. Nature has granted to Africa no facilities
for an extensive commerce. Where are her commodious harbors?
Where her broad and sheltered bays? Where her deep, bold and
sweeping rivers? Where her ample lakes? Alas! where? Nature
intends that Africa shall be an agricultural country. She does not
intend that the African coast shall be whitened with the navies of
the nations; but that far and wide in this expansive territory, the
corn, the coffee, the cotton, the sugar cane, and the innumerable
and valuable articles of tropical production, shall sing in joyful
harvests. Let us then unfetter our hands for toil. Let pride be
banished from our midst. Providence points out and leads us in
that direction; let us follow. The whole physical creation groans
around us to be delivered from the effects of the curse. Labor is no
disgrace. It is only slavery that has given us this false idea oflabor.
Labor is sacred. It is the only power by which greaOless and
independence are achieved ...•
Fourthly. We are taught by the present visitations of Providence
20 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

that it is our duty to sever some, if not all, of those ties of depen-
dency upon foreigners which, like the deadly Upas of the East,
are shedding their baneful influence upon the energies of our
people. This must be done, at some time, if ever we become a
truly great and prosperous people. We are struggling on this
coast for a position for our race among other races, properly
earned; but we shall never so earn that position at this rate.
Liberia is no place for ease and indulgence - no place for base
inactivity and repose. No, it is a theatre of active exertion; it is the
scene of a struggle; a race, down-trodden and oppressed, struggles
for a name and for a place among the nations of the earth ....
Evils of long standing cannot be suddenly uprooted without
danger. But it is our duty to eradicate them gradually, and prepare
ourselves for the results of such eradication. Let us prepare our-
selves for the matter in question; and the first step in this prepara-
tion is the one already recommended: - Retrenchment - Self-
denial. And let us bear in mind, that the question that should
determine our course of action in this matter, is not whether the
American people should, as a matter of propriety and duty, assist
us as Africans, as the descendants of those whose labor and sweat
and blood have contributed to the upbuilding of their country;
but whether it is compatible with our position as an independent
nation, or conducive to our growth, manhood and proper de-
velopment, as a rising country, to lean so much upon their support-
mgarm....
We should oftener meet with each other on terms of unembar-
rassing equality, and freely and fully interchange opinions. By this
our contractedness of views and our extreme individuality will be
corrected. We shall become more and more prepared and disposed
to receive truths or principles on their merits, and not by pre-
jqdice. We shall understand each other better, and be more
disposed to make proper allowances for each other's errors and
failings; hence there will arise a more general feeling of charitable-
ness toward each other; and, indeed, the whole state of society will
assume a more pleasant and agreeable aspect; and as a nation we
shall advance in one unbroken phalanx to national greatness ....
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 85
We are instructed, by the times, as to the importance of in-
formation among us. 'Knowledge is power;' when generally
diffused it is the safeguard of a nation's liberties. Of this important
element of national prosperity we are sadly deficient. There is a
deplorable lack of information among us. We need agricul-
turists, we need merchants, we need artizans, we need laborers of
information. And what is mote lamentable, we need legislators,
we need lawyers, we need ministers of infotmation. We have a
superabundance of dignitaries, we have a multitude of titled
gentlemen - we have 'squires' and 'honors' enough and to spare;
while the title of an 'honorable' tires on the ear. But how many
are there whose information as to matters in general transcends
the range of their individual observation? How many who are
acquainted with the general principles of political science? - These
are suggestive questions, fellow citizens, and they are not very
pleasant. But let us not 'lay the ffattering unction to our souls',
that we are a very wise people. We ar.e in need of information in
all the departments of society. And it is this deficiency that
operates so injuriously upon our industry. It is this that retards our
progress. Ignorance is the parent of vice. It is not my belief that
the people of Liberia are indolent. They do a great deal, but to no
purpose. Because of ignorance we are inefficient in our efforts.
We know not how to do; and therefore our industry is unproduc-
tive. Our duty then is plain. We must learn. And one of the surest
means of learning is by devoting ourselves, not to books only,
but to the service of physical nature. This is to impart to us
that experience which must fit us for permanent freedom and
independence... .
We have come to subserve the great interests of the Church of
Christ and of a needy and downtrodden race. The incentives that
urge us to the accomplishment of this great work are numerous
and powerful. Our brethren in bonds, in affliction, in sufferings,
are beckoning to us, beseeching us not to fail; but to show our-
selves men. For us to fail wou1d be to rivet more firmly and
indefinitely their ch:lins and bonds; for us to fail would be to close,
perhaps forever, the door of hope for them. If we are true to our
86 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

position and the duties it involves, the influence we have already

exerted in their behalf will continue to increase, and increase,
until it shall have operated to the rescuing them from their
thraldom.
The millions in this land, enveloped in thick moral gloom,
sunken in ignorance and vice, are calling to us ....
Brethren in bonds, brethren in chains; and ye brethren in the
still more awful chains of sin and superstition, we come to your
assistance .•••
Interest in Africa and the African race is becoming general in
every christian land; efforts in their behalf are multiplying in
every direction; facilities for the spread of the Gospel, and the
introduction of civilization in this beclouded land, are increasing.
And in our contemplations, visions of future glory rise enchant-
ingly before us. We carry onward our thoughts, and we behold
the approach of the season, the delightful season, long delayed
indeed, but now arrived, when man shall own, universally, a
brother in man; when 'every fetter which cruelty hath forged, or
avarice hath riveted, shall fall;' when the oppressed, with spoils
of infinite value and importance. shall return from their bondage.
We carry our thoughts still further. and we see a mighty christian
influence being exerted over the length and breadth of this
continent: we see Africa rising on the wings of a christian civiliza-
tion. the last perhaps of time's empires and the noblest; and her
sable sons hastening from every quarter to the shrine of Jehovah.
bearing offerings to the King of Kings.
7 President Benson on the Duty to
Elevate the Native Tribes
From his Annual Message to the Legislature, December 1858.
African Repository. xxv 137-40

•.. By reference to my annual message to the Legislature at the

session commencing December 1856, you will perceive therein
that I specially invited the attention of the Legislature to the claims
of our aboriginal inhabitants upon. and their constant applications
to, this Government for adjudication of their numerous mis-
understandings and for protection, and me great expense to which
the Government is subjected annually. in complying with their
numerous requests. I also expressed regret that. for lack of means,
the humane provision for their improvement, contained in the 5th
article of our Constitution, could not be effectually carried out. I
recommended that a light direct tax be levied on them to assist in
defraying the expenses incurred by virtue of their relations to us.
In fact. the improvement of our aboriginal population. their
social, moral. religious, civil and intellectual elevation, are sub-
jects to which your attention has not only heen frequently and
urgently invited. and discussed by the Legislature in nearly all
their phases but subjects on which the Legislature have so far taken
and consummated action, as that a bill, on more man one occa-
sion, embodying their views and making provision. so far as was
then deemed justifiable, passed one branch of the Legislature and
attained to a second reading in the other. It is therefore very
gratifying to know, that the great principle of duty. as embodied
in the aforesaid article of our Constitution, has long since and still
continues to claim both executive and legislative solicitude; and I
am further pleased to notice that the subject is awakening increas-
ing interest and solicitude among our citizens in private and social
circles; and that in almost every public address of late the subject
is alluded to and discussed in earnest and eloquent strains.
88 ORIGINS OF WBST AFRICAN NATIONA LI SM

And I am happy to be able to say, that since the introduction of

the subject to the Legislature two years ago, I have received
written and verbal messages from several native chiefs, who have
by some means learned the purport and object of the recommen-
dations, expressive of their cordial approval of the measure, as
being in perfect accordance with benevolence and justice, and
assuring me that they stood ready to cheerfully comply at any
moment with such a reasonable arrangement and requisition. The
fact is, I have not had, for the .last six or eight years. any serious
fears of the existence of insurmountable difficulties in the way of
assimilating, in due time, the manners and customs of our abori-
ginal population to those of civilized life, and of bringing them,
within a reasonable time, into a state of intelligent, loyal subjects
of this Republic. That it can be effected only by the employment
of the proper effort, attended with a degree of difficulty, none but
a fanatic would deny; but I also contend that those difficulties do
not form so formidable a barrier to the consummation of this
cherished desire of every true Christian patriot, as is generally
supposed. The fact is, though very gradually. yet it is most cer-
tainly and encouragingly approximating consummation each
successive year; of this, no one who has given the proper attention
to the matter will for a moment doubt. I am yet to be convinced,
however, of the existence of any thing so peculiar in the condition
and dispositions of our aborigines and in their relations to us, as to
justify the adoption by this Government of a system of education
and training for them, differing from that necessary to be em-
ployed with the America-Liberians and their descendants, for the
accomplishment of the same results. If it be necessary to make
provision by law for the training up of our aboriginal population
thoroughly in the industrial arts, as a means of at once contributing
to their own welfare as well as to the wealth of the nation it is
equally if not more necessary that the same law apply to the
America-Liberians and their descendants. For I hold that the
America-Liberians ought to be their exemplars, especially of
industry, in the pursuits of civilized life; and I shall ever regard
with suspicion any system of education and training for the
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 20

aborigines, provided by law, that does not equally apply to

ourselves, lest it should prove an introduction - though not
intended - to a state of things that will cause them to be regarded
as intended to permanently sustain the relation to us of hewers of
wood and drawers of water, while our own sons and daughters
may be encouraged to live in idleness, luxury and affluence. In a
word, it would be encouraging a dangerous line of demarcation,
that should have no existence in Liberia.
I must confess, as an individual. that my fears and anxieties for
the last six or eight years, have been that the moral, intellectual,
and industrial training of a majority of the emigrants who may
arrive here in future from the United States, as well as that of our
posterity bred and born in this country, will not keep pace with
the advancement of our aborigines in those elements of individual
and national greatness. In order to show that those fears and
anxieties are not unfounded, I have only to state what is pretty
generally known in Liberia, that there are thousands of natives
living within the jurisdiction of this Republic, who are intel-
lectually in advance of at least one-half of the emigrants that arrive
here annually from the United States. And we have only to ask,
secondly, What is understood by contributing to the wealth of
the nation or resources of government? By what means is the
great end to be effected? In what does it consist? Surely no one
will deny that it consists in, and is effected by, productive industry;
and that the exports of a nation are preswned to be mainly the
results of productive industry. This raises the question, What
proportion of the exports from Liberia annually is the result of
the productive Jabor of Americo-Liberians? and what proportion
that of the aborigines? I submit these questions to you, gentlemen
of the Legislature; and when you shall have decided them in your
own minds, from facts as they are, you will be simultaneously
prepared to answer as to which of the two classes or divisions of
our population contributes most, pro rata, to the wealth of the
nation and the resources of the Government.
It affords no argument in our favor to say that we export more,
or that more passes through our hands to foreigners, in proportion
20 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

to our numbers, than is the case with the aborigines, unless, before
exportation, we had by our industry, by what political economists
style productive consumption, attached an increased value to the
article originally procured of the aborigines, that is, unless we had.
before exportation. converted, by our own industry and skill. the
palm oil into candles, soap, etc.; the ivory into the numberless uses
to which it is usually applied; camwood applied in the way of dyes
to our manufactures, etc., etc., thus increasing the original value.
Nor is it any "argument in our favor, so long as the original
article given in exchange is exclusively of heathen labor, to say
that, being civilized, our wants are much greater, in proportion
to our numbers, than those of the aborigines, which causes a
corresponding increase of importations in our favor and, conse-
quently, of the revenue. This argument would simply amount
to a confession, that we are the greatest consumers and non-
producers; or in the language of political economists, all our im-
portations for the supply of our real and imaginary wants would,
under such circumstances, be properly classified under the term
of 'unproductive consumption,' which, according to a maxim in
political economy. detracts from individual and national wealth,
and the resources of the Government.
My main object, gentlemen, for introducing this subject, and
for a cursory notice of a few of the facts and principles involved
therein, is simply to guard in future against an improper and
exclusive legislative action respecting our aborigines. That some
action, so far as feasible and practicable, should be had as speedily
as possible by the Legislature, having for its object the general
improvement of our aboriginal population, rendering them
increasingly useful and profitable members of this Republic, no
one of sound mind will deny. But there is equal, if not greater
occasion, that Government action on such matters should begin
nearer at home, right among ourselves. While the missionaries
are, as a general thing, laboring among the aborigines, which is
very proper, this Government should enact and enforce laws at
home discountenancing idleness and highly encouraging industry;
laws that will effectually provide for the training up of at least
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 91
three-fourths of our youth with a practical knowledge of some
mechanic art, or of some branch of industry that will be of utility.
Our sons and daughters should be, as a general thing, trained up
in and with such industrial habits, as a prominent pan of their
education, as will at once contribute to their physical development,
their mental vigor, to the wealth of themselves and of the nation,
and to the resources of the Government. This principle, this state
of things, should be ftrst generally cultivated among ourselves; and
when it has firmly taken root, having become a fixed and admired
principle among us, under sanction of law, then it be spread as
rapidly and effectually among our aboriginal population as
possible; let it practically, as well as by law, apply to them as far
as the circle of our influence and p0...v:er extends among them. We
shall then be consistent exemplars to and teachers of them; and
Government will thereby be most blessedly co-operating with
and effectually sustaining the missionaries of the Cross in their
labors among them.
As a young nation we need less tinsel and show, and more
reality and stability, ere we can attain to real permanency and
greatness. We must learn to abate our admiration of and honor
for the exclusively external appearance, or any other futile con-
dition or consideration; and we must learn to place a greater
estimate on, and to attach more honor to, real merit, such as are
the laudable products of the brain, the heart, and the hands.
I close this subject, gentlemen, by expressing the hope, that the
time is not far distant, when our citizens generally, and especially
all our wisest and most influential ones, will, as has been the case
to a considerable extent, patriotically second and encourage every
legislative and executive effort that may be employed, having for
its object the dissemination and establishment of the aforesaid
laudable principles throughout the length and breadth of this
Republic .. . .
8 The Assimilation of Liberated
Africans (Congoes)
Alexander Crununell, The Future of Africa, 2nd ed. (1862)
pp. 366-8

Letter to Wm. Coppinger, Esq., Sec. Penn. Col. Soc., in reply to a

letter of inquiry concerning the influence of Congo importations.
New York City. 5th September, 1861
Dear Sir: I fmd in your letter a question which has already, even
before leaving the coast, come to me from other correspondents
in the United States - it is this: 'If you take further shipments (of
Congoes) will they not seriously affect the interests of the Re-
public, and may they not jeopardize the government?' To this I
must reply to you: - Fint, that the providence of God in the
recaptives is one of the greatest blessings which could have been
bestowed upon the Liberians, for the Liberians themselves. For it
gives them, first of all. a laboring population, which is their
greatest need in the cultivation of their great staple, sugar. The
neighboring natives do not supply this need, chiefly because they
are more especially engaged in trade. and so well acquainted with
our colonists and their habits. that they know well how to in-
convenience our planters by a demand for high wages, and by
irregularity in labor. The Congoes are apprenticed to our citizens;
are remarkably pliant and industrious, and peculiarly proud and
ambitious of being called •Americans.' The result of their arrival
in our borders is, that already hundreds of acres are being cleared
for sugar farms; and those citizens who for years have been
satisfied to live in the midst of weeds, have been prompted by this
auxiliary to plant extensively and are as ambitious of wealth as
any of our citizens. Second. its inRuence upon surroWlding tribes
is equally manifest. They dislike the Congoes. and as· a conse-
quence the Congoes are thrown upon us. This leads them to the
adoption of American habits, and prompts us Americans to adopt
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 93
measures for the thorough assimilation of these people to our habits.
They go to our schools; they crowd our churches; they adopt our
dress; they speak English; they are trained with our militia. I have
no hesitation in saying that all our native wars are now at an end.
The Congo additions to our force already staggers and confuses the
natives at all our settlements. Third. So plastic is the Congoes'
character. that they are easily moulded into America-Liberians,
and into their habits. In Palmas we have not seen a single relic of
their heathenism. They are regularattendants atchurch, industrious,
polite, contented. In Sinousome have already intermarried with our
colonist women, and in two cases are thrifty men and members of
the church. Two years ago they were naked heathens in a slave ship.
On the St. Paul's masses of them are industrious peasants.
I need not speak of the benefit to them in thus being placed in
juxtaposition with civilization, under an orderly government and
Christian influence.
So far, then, as we are concerned, I am satisfied that President
Benson does not exaggerate in the declaration that we can receive
20,000 without any detriment to our own civilization. There are
one or two provisos to be connected with this, namely, that our
Christian societies may not be harassed by the cry from missionary
societies in America, 'Go .preach to the heathen in the interior,'
when our work is in our own settlements, in our own families,
among our own servants and laborers; and when our iNdirect
influence upon the interior tribes will be a deal more powerful
than a few feeble attempts at missionary work in the interior; and
next, that the friends of Liberia sustain our efforts to increase our
schools, and educate the humblest of our citizens, namely, native
servants and Congo recaptives. This cannot be pressed too
strongly. There is a deficiency of females among the recaptives;
there is an excess of females among the colonists; and just as fast
as these new men are civilized, they will intermarry among us.
This has already, to a small extent, taken place; and the whole
process shows the absolute need of an immediate effort for a wide
diffusion of education in the Republic.
Alex. Crummdl
9 Our Origin, Dangers and Duties
Edward W. Blyden, 1865. Annual Address before Mayor
and Common Council of Monrovia, National Independence
Day, 26 July 1865

If we had thoroughly solved the problem to which we are com-

mitted; if we had firmly established a nation; if we had fairly
demonstrated our capacity to achieve and maintain sovereignty
and independence, if the mass of our people had risen to the
dignity of superior and cultivated life; if we had exalted the
general tone of the tribes around us; if we were united by
the sympathy of one feeling and one interest; if all asperity and
bitterness and ignorant jealousies were unknown to us, and we
lived in the warmth and glow of one common cordiality; if,
superior to local or individual prejudices we were combining ol!-r
energies and our means for the benefit of the whole country ; if
we were daily developing a stronger attachment to the cause of
race, and a more determined zeal for the upbuilding of an African
nationality; if we had effectively silenced the cavils of adversaries;
then we might devote the day to unbounded festivity.... But
when we review the years during which we have been numbered
among the nations, and see how far behind we are in all the
elements of abiding prosperity and usefulness; how little we have
done in the cause of Africa's regeneration; howsmall the quota we
have contributed to the comfort and happiness of mankind; this
should be to us a day of earnest and solemn thoughtfulness, as well
as joyous demonstration ....
The foundation of Liberia was laid under circumstances peculiar
in the history of the world. The emigrants were urged to these
shores by motives far different from those which led to the found-
ing of other colonies. Theywere not a restless people, who, fmding
their advancement to wealth and honors in their native country
too slow for their ambitious and enterprising minds, resolved
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 95
to accelerate their dilatory fortunes beneath a foreign sky. They
were not persons who had once been in a condition of opulence
and splendor. and who. having fallen by luxury and extravagance
into penury and disrepute, sought new scenes to repair their
shattered fortunes. They were not politicians adhering to some
new principle in politics deemed by them all important, and
seeking some new field for its untrammelled exercise and fair
development. They were not victims of religious persecution
fleeing from the horrors of an enthralled conscience. No. Had
they belonged to any of these classes. they might. perhaps, have
contented themselves with cultivating small farms and reaping
slow gains; they might have taken fresh courage and, by patient
industry, restored measurably their dilapidated fortunes; they
might have changed their religious or theological views. rather
than brave the dangers and undergo the privations of founding a
new home and residing in a country proverbial for its unhealthy
and dangerous climate. They were a peculiar people. They were
those who themselves or whose ancestors had been carried away,
in the providence of God, suffered to be carried away from
heathenism into slavery among civilized and Christian peoples ....
They left the land of their hirth, forsook the scenes and associa-
tions of their childhood. and came, with hearts heavy and dis-
tressed, to this far off and barbarous shore and forced, by irresistible
circumstances, from their native country in their poverty and
ignorance, to seek a home where to be of African descent would
involve no disgrace.
They came having seen their operations, but never having
studied or learned the moral and political principles which pre-
vailed in their native land. They came then to found a home with
nothing more to depend upon than the capabilities of memory to
recall what they had seen and heard. They came to imitate words
and actions, for they could not practice and inculcate principles.
Their knowledge, such as it was, consisted of vague generalities.
And then they had no brilliant ancestry from whose magnificent
achievements they could gather inspiration. All the past was dark
to them ....
20 OR.IGINS OF WEST APRICAN NATIONALISM

How different from these were the circumstances under which

other colonies were founded! The colonies that went out from
Phoenicia, had drunk deeply of the spirit of Phoenicia; had been
moulded as to their views and principles in Phoenician mould;
they therefore, transferred the principles and feel~ngs of the
mother country at once to the new land where they took up their
abode; and soon Carthage arose, rivalling Rome, the mistress of
the world .... [The European colonists of North America] were
not the degraded of Europe ... they were among the best of that
country.... They carried over from Europe books, and built
churches and founded colleges almost simultaneously ...•
For the first twenty-five years of their residence in this country
the people of Liberia had no independent national existence....
By the unreserved supply of all their natural wants by foreigners,
their attention was abstracted from the public interest, and con-
fined within the narrow sphere of their own personal and domestic
concerns. They saw that government was in operation with-
out their assistance and felt satisfied to enjoy untroubled repose.
No opportunity was afforded for the development of the
large-heartedness and public spirit which is the life of nascent
communities....
Every narion and every people has its peculiar work to perform,
and each for itself must fmd out the work to be done and the best
methods and instrumentalities of prosecuting it.... [In the] history
of nations ... there has never been an unchanging uniformity, but
change and vatiety, according to circumstances has characterized
them. And even where one community has gone forth from
anomer, aU the peculiarities of the parent country have not been
retained. New views have been formed and new principles have
developed themselves from the very novelty of the circumstances
and relations in which the people have been placed.
In the political history of Liberia, however, there has been no
striking novelty, nothing remarkable or peculiar. In the absence
of regular educational training, or oflarge experience and practice
in political matters, the people have not been able to elaborate any
system adaptable to their peculiar condition and circumstances.
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 97
Compelled to depend for their information almost wholly upon
the United States, and other advanced countries. they have
followed. with wlvarying step. most of the practices without
possessing the mature wisdom to detect. or the boldness to repudi-
ate, such features in the political system of those countries as
conflict with the prosperity of a rising community.
The people of Liberia and their fathers were. for the most part,
born and reared Wlder republicanism; a republicanism, it is true,
which in its influence upon them as a people was anomalous....
All the associations of their childhood and youth, social, political.
and religious, are republican. They have seen the workings of
republicanism, and they have fclt its power. They know its
advantages. they know its disadvantages; they know its uses, they
know its abuses. To them, therefore. a principle that must act from
imitation, without the ability to be in any great degree original ...
is the best, the only form of government.... Indeed any attempt
to organize a different form would have been useless and absurd.
But circumstances ... forced us rather suddenly into an in-
dependent position. What other nations have achieved only after
years and years of trial. we effected within a very brief period;
and consequently, we see among us all the fruits of a hasty
development. All peoples need to pass through a period of
discipline ... before they can really enjoy and manage liberty and
independence. The United States, after which we have modeled
our government, had one hundred and fifty years of colonial
discipline and subordination. National character is a thing of slow
formation. Nations advance by minute and inappreciable grada-
tions ..' .. Like children, they require the guidance of arbitrary
rules and the restraints ofarbitrary regulation before they are fitted
for the freedom and guidance of principle. They must first have
tutors, guardians, and masters before they are fitted to enjoy the
liberty of choice and action. And we can scarcely find a nation of
any respectability and power which was not brought to social and
political order by protracted subordination to other nations. Was
this not the discipline to which God subjected his own chosen
nation, the Jews? But we were suddenly ushered into liberty and
D
20 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

independence. Our government was hurriedly formed; and now,

after some years' experience, we see the deficiencies of our
organization. We have all the responsibilities of men without
having passed through the preparatory state of childhood; and
hence we see among the people generally all that impatience under
whatever would curb their own arbitrary will, which we see in
spoiled children .. ..
And we are almost powerless to remedy these things. It is
exceedingly difficult to get the masses to surrender any portion of
what they feel to be their rights and privileges. It is almost im-
possible to get them interested in abstract subjects. They care for
nothing that does not obviously or very immediately affect their
own personal particular interests. To declamations concerning
personal rights and the privilege of every man to fill the highest
position, they are abundandy sensitive, because these subjects offer
a most visible and quickly felt connection with their interests. And
hence it is that democracy, in its rampant form. will ever. or for
a very long time. in Liberia. draw a certain portion of respect and
reverence around it...•
It is in vain that we point to the evils which our way of holding
to republicanism brings to the country; how the frequency of
elections and the violence of party spirit breaks up the peace ...
and even virtue of the country; that jf these things were discon-
tinued. there would be a wonderful augmentation of the political,
social and industrial good of the community. The benefits and
advantages which we point out are remote, and the people remain
unaffected or are aroused to antagonism. On the other hand, they
are told of the reasonableness and justice of placing the same rights
and privileges within the reach of all; of the danger of entrusting
power too long to anyone man. The idea of equality is impressed
upon them and. yielding to the pleasurable illusions under which
they are placed, they are prepared to listen, with the most com-
placent toleration, to those who go to them with such teachings;
while the voice of execration is raised against everything which
seems to be in opposition to the lessons oflibertywhich they have
learned.
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 99
I would not say a word here today against a correct republi-
canism. I believe that this craving of men for some deep and
eternal principle of free, equal, and fraternal government is an
inspiration from above; but whether this principle is fully attain-
able under the present conditions of humanity - and especially
among a youthful, untrained people like ourselves - is another
question.
We have everything too common among us. On account of
the widespread and leveling equality which is our birthright,
much, if not all, the reverence due to our rulers is taken away.
There is not that feeling of subordination in the people which is
necessary for wholesome growth and salutary progress. And if
there be no modification of our laws, so as to remedy this evil,
the time is not far distant when acrimonious conflict will not be
COnfUled to times of election; but law will be made a secondary
thing, and popular violence and prejudice will be paramount. Let
those who know better endeavor to instill into the masses the
apostolic principle: 'Let every soul be subject to the higher
powers, for there is no power but God.'
We find in the history of all nations that reverence and care for
superior power in the state have been the most efficient instrument
in leading them from barbarism to civilization - in teaching them
civil and social order. It was thus that God uught his ancient
people, the Jews.. . .
Do we not see the same principle in operation among the
natives around us? Is it not the influence of the 'devil-bush'-
their sacred grove . . . that keeps in such complete subordi-
. ,
nation the countless numbers of unenlightened men on this
contment ....
With all the boasted triumphs of science, there is still helpless
ignorance in man. He has to be guided by the day and by the
hour.. . . Thus mysteriously has the divine Monarch chosen to
govern this world. Should we not in Liberia endeavor in some
little measure, to follow the method he has indicated? If we do
not, we shall linger in the road to national independence and
respecubility.
100 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

But not only do we not follow tfl,js method, but we ... vul-
garize the idea of republicanism. which we profess to have adopted.
. . . A correct republicanism does not claim that all men arc
intellectually and morally equal; on the contrary, it teaches that
only men of merit should he elevated. and in proportion to their
merit. But all men have not merit, nor do those who have possess
it in the same degree - hence inequality; and a true republicanism
is discriminating ....
To talk of all men being in every respect equal, is simply to
indulge in an idle dream. But despite all theory and speculation,
nature will have its way. We must be content for those to rise
whom nature has gifted .... God calls men to their ability and
station in life. No man can determine his own force of mind. He
may by industry and perseverance greatly improve his scope and
capacity; but he can no more determine its original nature than
he can determine his own stature....
The present condition of affairs in Liberia seems to force upon
us the duty of revising a definitive constitution. An experience of
eighteen years has developed to us the errors which are detri-
mental to our national character, and endangering to the perpe-
tuity ofour institutions. We are convinced mat socially, politically,
and religiously we cannot long endure at this current rate. . . .
Our constitution needs various amendments. It is of very great
importance that the utmost care should be exercised in interfering
with the fundamental law of the land, but we must not attach to it
such mysterious and unapproachable sacredness as to imagine that
it must not be interfered with at all even when circumstances
plainly reveal to us the necessity of such interference. The con-
stitution is only a written document, and, like all written docu-
ments ... it has many errors and omissions ....
[Blyden held that:
I. The two-year presidential term was too short: 'Instead of
statesmen we have electioneers as candidates.' A six- or eight-year
term, with the outgoing president ineligible for immediate
re-election, would be better.
2. Indiscriminate replacement of government personnel when-
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 101

ever a new president took office was wrong. It prevented the

development of skilled professional administrators and led office-
holdcrs to make the most of their short carecrs by looting
Liberia's treasury.
3. The interval between the election of the president in May
and his inauguration, the following January, was unnecessarily
and dangerously long. He cited the case of the United States,
which had only a four-month interval, where the Southern states
prepared for secession as soon as Lincoln was elected.]
These changes ... depend on the will of the people; but we
must remember that the people cannot be browbeaten into them .
. . . The enterprise of persuading and convincing them deserves
the utmost exertion of true patriots.... As our population in-
creases, Liberia will become a good deal more difficult to manage
unless those who arc informed bestir themselves to diffuse in-
formation among the people. 'When we were a much younger and
smaller people, our success depended upon the individual char-
acter of the rulers, and not so much upon the constitution and
influences of society, but now that we have come forward before
the world, and assumed so important a position as an independent
nation, numerous treaties with foreign nations, receiving and
accrediting diplomatic officers, it becomes the people to be gener-
ally informed, to reflect upon their position. The resources,
intellectual and moral, of the individual citizen are called into
requisition. Our success now depends upon the virtue and vigor
of the people, and upon no man or set of men. And we must bear
in mind that a large number of our people have not yet fully
comprehended their position in this country. The fact cannot be
disguised that many were brought to these shores by the love or
liberty in its most ordinary acceptation. Their desire to emigrate
to this country did not spring from an earnest longing for the
functions of self-government, but merely from a vague and
uneasy desire to be free from certain physical restraints and
proscriptions in the land of their birth. These people have to be
taught. Correct lessons of freedom mwt be imparted to them.
They should be impressed with a sense of personal obligation to
I02 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the country. and of individual responsibility; otherwise they will

be an insurmountable stumbling-block in the way of all national
advancement and all enlightened civilization.
I know that in the case of many who are really interested in the
prosperity of the country. and in properly instructing the masses,
there is a reluctance to go among them on account of the un-
worthy motives which are so readily assigned; but this reluctance
must be overcome by a sense of dury; and, though at every step
there is a feeling ofoppression, we are bound to persevere in doing
that which we believe to be for the good of the country....
[We] shall never be able to conduct the affairs of this country as
they should until moce general interest is felt in keeping the body
of the people properly informed. They must be visited by the
more enlightened. The tcue condition of the country must be
represented to them. Their ·love of countey must be awakened.
They must be made to feel that their assistance and cooperation
is required in the work of erecting this nationality. This is the duty
of us all. If we accept democracy, we must accept it with these
inconveniences. If men, holding what they regard as coreect
views, do not trouble themselves to set them before the people,
they must not be surprised to fmd the field occupied and culti-
vated by others, who, if less orthodox are more vigilant, active
and persevering. We must not be content to stand off and oppose,
or chill with indifference proposed reforms, and after they are
accomplished then gladly accept them. We must take part in the
strife and struggle....
What I condemn and deprecate ... is that mean and contemp-
tible practice of going among the masses for the purpose of
intentionally misrepresenting the doings or views of an opposing
party... .
Yes ... we must condemn that frivolous and thoughtless habit
of indulging in inflammatory remarks, whether in public or in
private, against the authorities. I say frivolous and thoughtless
habit, because the men who make such remarks have no idea
whatever of carrying them out; but yet they have their effect for
evil. Some poor excitable individual may be listening, who may
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 103

carry out in action what these careless babblers intend to end only
in words ....
Let us take warning, fellow-citizens, for, in consequence of the
increasing violence of party spirit, we are drifting to a state of
things in which just such a character might arise. We are fast
hastening to that point when our government will no longer be a
government of the people - but a government of party. The
people are beginning to think no longer in a free, honest, natural
manner. We seem to be losing our individuality. Everything is
party. Principle is losing that free play which it once had ....
It is not to party that I object; for I believe that the existence of
two honest, earnest, zealous, active political parties in the com-
munity is wholesome. But what is lamentable is the party spirit
manifesting itself among us - discoloring or coloring every action
to suit itseiC ...
Now, I would earnestly appeal to you, fellow-citizens, and ask
whether we, as rational men, just founding a nation, should be
content to go on at this rate? These things are sapping the founda-
tions of society .... The national confidence which is the surest
guarantee of strength and prosperity, is becoming most fearfully
impaired ....
But there is a disposition, the opposite of party feeling, which is,
if possible, still more reprehensible. It is that careless, listless living
for one's self-caring for nothing that does not come immediately
in contact with one's personal interest....
No; we cannot, we must not, in matters pertaining to the
national welfare, maintain a base neutrality. We must as a holy
and solemn duty, labor to benefit our country. We must not
coment ourselves with joining the general depreciation and
lamentation concerning national decline and ruin .... The love of
country is a virtue. We are bound to seek its honor and welfare.
We are under the strongest obligation to live, labor, and suffer in
its behalf.
And we must cultivate pride of race. Longfellow has sung of the
•dead past'; but we must allow him such an assertion as a poetic
privilege. In reality the past is not dead .... The child is father to
104 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the man. OUf antecedents oftcn exert a most depressing influence

upon us. We have been so cruelly oppressed, that we have, in a
great measure, lost our self-respect. Almost any little untoward
event will scare us into the belief that we cannot succeed in our
undertaking on this coast. But we must endeavor to shake off the
influence of the past. We must have faith in the negro racc.
There is something within us, a God-like principle, ever
whispering to us the lessons of self-government, and telling us of
our sublime origin and high destiny; and. during all that dark and
dismal night of oppression, and unnumbered woes, that principle
remained uncrushed, retained its vital activity; and this day every
negro, on every plantation, in every humble cabin hears its
secret whispers. Surely we Liberians should hear and harken to it.
If any man, who has lived in Liberia two years, cannot come to
believe in the abiliry of the negro race, under favorable circum-
stances, to maintain an organized, regular and adequate govern-
ment, that man has mistaken his country . . .. It is provoking to
hear men sometimes going around despising themselves and
disparaging the opportunities they have for usefulness in this
country; indulging in the most doleful prophecies of the future .
. . .They are ever looking backward to the past. They pray daily
and nightly for the restoration of things as they were. For them
the sun must always stand still, and Jordan always flows backward.
These men would glory in a resuscitation of the dark ages. But
those days can never return. The schoolmaster is abroad. Light
and knowledge are multiplying . ...
10 Our National Mistakes and
the Remedy for them
Alexander Crummell. Annual Address before the Common
Council and Citizens of Monrovia, 1870. From Alexander
Crummell. Africa and America (1891) pp. 169-98

••• One great mistake of the people of Liberia has been neglect of our
native population. I do not say that this has been universally the
case; and I am glad to aver that it has been unaccompanied with a
malignant will. The fault has been more relative than absolute.
We have far fallen short of our duty, than is either justifiable or
excusable. We have been guilty of a neglect, which has carried
with it harm to the aborigines; and, at the same time. visited
grievous wrong upon ourselves.
Our mistake in this matter has sprung. first of all from a too
strong self-consciousness of civilized power. Nor is this to be
wondered at. As a people we were 'ferried over,' in a month, or
little more, from a state of degradation to a position of indepen-
dence and superiority. In a little more than a monthly change of
the moon, we were metamorphosed from the position of under-
lings to one of mastery; with a vast population of degraded
subjects around us. We should have been angels instead of men,
if the contrast, between ourselves and the heathen around us, had
not made a most vivid impression upon our minds; had not
somewhat inflamed our imaginations. It has done both; it has led
to an exaggeration of our own capacities. It has made us oblivious
of our own humbling antecedents. It has blinded too many of us
to the fact that we are but a few generations removed from the
condition and the benightedness of the heathen around us. It has
made us forgetful of the great duties we owe these people who
serve us in our families and work on our farms. It has led too many
to look down upon the native as an inferior, placed at such;
distance from us, that concord and oneness seem almost impos-
ibilities for aye! ...
D'
106 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

I know the smallness of our means. I feel too the need of aid in
carrying on fully the processes of successful civilization. in such a
wide territory as stretches out beyond us to the heart of this
continent; for we must aim to touch graciously even that outer
bound. And, as for myself as an individual, I do indeed covet that
aid, let it come from any quarter. Not indeed for ourselves; but
for the great work which we are to do, in civilizing and evange-
lizing the rude and benighted neighbours about us. I see, too,
somewhat, I think, how great help could be secured for this
mighty work.
For help we need. There is nothing humiliating in such an
avowal. It is the common need of new nations. Wherever before
did a handful of people, less in number than thousands of name-
less American villages, set up the fabric, and assume the functions
of national life? Even should Liberia fail, that is in attempting such
a vast undertaking, there would be nothing inglorious in it; no
evidence of race inferiority. It would be but one of the many
instances of glorious unsuccess. It would only be the venture of a
child to do the work of a giant, and he could not compass it. But
we are, child though we be in form and power, we are compassing
it; only our powers arc overtasked; we miss provident oppor-
runities; we ofttimes 'beat the air'; we waste healthful energies.
We need help; and we must fain secure it, if aid and succour
can possibly be secured. But not, I assure you, by a declaration
that black men cannot carry on a nation; and then go begging
some foreign people to take us as colonial vassals or contemp-
tuous appendages!
Now I do not wish Liberia to become a colony of any nation. I
want her to maintain, forever, distinct nationality. After our
experience of independence we could not endure colonial sub-
jection. Well and truly says Lord Lytton, concerning liberty -
'The first thing is to get it; the next thing is to keep it; the third
thing is to increase it.'* And sowe, having got independence, must
not give it up.
I hear, indeed, some talk of annexation to America. Why noc
* Caxtoniana, by Lord Lytton.
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 107

to the planet Jupiter? Fellow Citizens - I am astonished at a pre-

position, at once so humiliating in its nature and so disastrous in
its tendency; and I stand here to-OaY, and entreat you, with all
my heart and voice - don't you have anything to do with such a
wild and deadly scheme.
Fellow Citizens - the genius of free government, during the
ages, visited in tum a few favoured spots of earth, for the gift of
freedom and civil liberty. She visited, in ancient times, the states
of Greece and Rome. She visited, in the middle ages, the Venetian
territory and the Republic of Genoa. In our modem era, she long
dwelt amid the mountain fasmesses of Switzerland; on the sea-girt
isles of Britain; in the new-born, the virgin territories of America.
But never once did she visit this West coast of Africa; never take
up her abode in any quarter of this vast and benighted continent.
Now, in these latter days of the world's history, filled with
generous desires for Africa, she stooped from her lofty flight, and
visited the lowly sons of Africa, painfully toiling on the farms of
Maryland and Virginia, in the rice fields of Carolina, or amid the
everglades of Florida; and whispered in their ears her good intents
for this their fatherland. And when they, at her promptings, came
o'er the seas, she accompanied them; and set up here, in this seat
of ancient despotism and bloody superstitions, the first free,
civilized, and Christian Negro government that Africa had ever
known from the dawn of history!
And now, I ask, are you, because of some pain and toil, some
trouble and poverty, going to unmake history? Because of some
little suffering, will you put back ten degrees the dial of the
world's progress? Well nigh every foot of land on this West
Coast, which lies upon the sea-board, is in the possession of some
European power. Will you give up every rod of this coast for
foreign possession? Will you not retain a foot of land on this
coast for Africa's self and her sons? Is there not to be one single free
Negro government in the world? Circle the earth; and where can
you fmd one single, responsible, representative, Negro govern-
ment among the nations? And will you sweep this one lone,
simple, star from the heavens?
108 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

The United States Government, however, can do great things.

through us, for the regeneration of Africa. It would be immodest
to assert that she owes us a debt; but the averment is, without
doubt, a proper one, that America is deeply indebted to Africa.
And providence seems to have made us, who spring from her loins,
the proper channels in Africa, of her prompt and generous
Christian solicitudes, and, as I trust eventually, of her govern-
mental succor and assistance. For it seems to me that now, as the
United States has begun a colonial policy, it would not be un-
seemly in that great nation to extend to this nascent state the many
advantages of a colony without its disadvantages. that is, by the
offer and the guarantee of a PROTECTORATE to Liberia, for
a lengthy period, for specific ends, pertaining to African regenera-
tion; with those monetary helps and assistances, and that naval
guardianship, which would enable us to commence a greater
work of interior civilization, by the means of roads, model farms.
and manual labor schools; with the definite condition that our
internal economy. and our full national functions, should remain
intact and undisturbed.*
Such a protectorate. or some such strengthening and assuring
aid; would supply that government patronage, of which Liberia
alone, of all modern or ancient colonies that I know of, has never
felt the fostering care and sustentation; and would soon enable us
to enter vigorously upon that regenerating policy, in this part of
Africa, which I will now endeavor to point out.
And first, I would suggest the duty of rising to a higher appre-
ciation of the native man, his usefulness and his worth. I present
this first, because all the great outer works of man come from an
internal root; are the fruit of sentiment or principle.
I fear that we are lacking in the recognition of the native man,
as a future element of society, which is desirable, as well for our
needs, as for his good, and God's glory. And this assuredly should
not be the case; for here is a MAN, who. however rude and
uncultivated, is sure to stand. The hardihood of the race through
• Greece; the Ionian Isles; and the Sandwich Islands are example$ of the com-
patibility of national life with a foreign protectorate.
LIBERIAN STA TEHOOD 109
long centuries, its quiet resistance to the most terrible assaults upon
its vitality; its tesurrection to life and active duties, after a ghastly
burial of centuries in the caves of despair, in the graves of servitude
and oblivious degradation, are all prophetic of a lasting future.
Other races of men, in foreign lands, as in America and New
Zealand, fall before an incoming emigrant population. But this
is not our mission here; and, if it were, it is not in our power, that
is, we have not the ability, to destroy the native. With all his
simplicity he thoroughly feels this. You see that he does not lose
his countenance in your presence; and he knows not fear. In his
character you see nothing stolid, repulsive, indomitable. On the
other hand he is curious, mobile, imitative. He sees your superi-
ority, and acknowledges it bycopying your habits. He is willing to
serve you; and, after being in your service, he carries home with
him the 'spoils', which he has gathered in your family, by
observation and experience; which make him there a superior
fellow to his neighbor. There too, in his own tribe, you see that
he is sure to live, for he fu1ly supplies his own needs; rears a goodly
family; cu1rivares jollity; attains a good old age; and shows great
vitality.
Now this being shows clearly that he has the needed qualities
to make a proper man. Everywhere, where the trial has been
made. he has passed out of his primitive rudeness, and made a step
in advance of his former state.
Why then should we doubt the fu11 and equal ability of the
native man to become all that we are, and do all that we can do?
- Indeed I can hardly maintain my gravity, while talking thus to
you. For who indeed arc we? Right glad am I that there are no
Europeans here to-day; for surely they would see the almost
ludicrousness of such an address from such an one as I am - and
to you!
Have faith in the native. You have trusted him - trusted him to
nurse your children - trusted him with your goods in trading -
trusted your life in his hands, in fragile canoes - trusted yourself,
unprotected, in his sequestered native villages. Go now to a farther
length - trust him as a man fitted to
110 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN N ATIONALISM

- 'Move and act

In all the correspondences of nature.'

In the second place I would suggest the use of well-regulated and

judicious measures, in order to secure the vast resources of the
interior, What I desire to see Wldcrtaken is alliances with powerful
tribes in the interior, to secure thereby permanently open roads,
and the uninterrupted flow of trade; not indeed as an end, but for
the ultimate purposes which lie beyond trade, but of which trade
is everywhere a facile agent - I mean general civilization, and the
entrance of the controlling influences of Christianity. Surely the
command comes to us as a Christian nation - 'Prepare ye the way
of the Lord.' And 1 have the deep conviction that this work is not
a difficult one. What prevents our government organizing an
armed police, and a line of forts to the interior, whose presence
and power could be fclt up to the border line of our territory?
How soon then, especially in this country, would vanish those
petty native fights, which annually obstruct trading operations
six and eight months at a time, and which inflict the loss of
thousands of dollars. What should prevent our government
enjoining upon our subject natives the maintenance -o f peace, the
constant opening of trade paths, and the bridging of rivers and
streams?
Perhaps it may be said that we have no right to command, or
press such regulations upon our native population. To this I reply
that both our position and our circumstances make us the guar-
dians, the protectors, and the teachers of our heathen tribes. And,
hence, it follows that all the legitimate means which may tend to
preserve them, which anticipate bloody antagonisms, and which
tend to their mental, moral, and social advancement, determine
themselves as just and proper.
All historic fact shows that force, that is authority, must be used
in the exercise of guardianship over heathen tribes. Mere theories
of democracy are trivial in this case, and can never nullify this
necessity. You cannot apply them to a rude people, incapable of
perceiving their own place in the moral scale, nor of understand-
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD III

ing the social and political obligations which belong to responsible

humanity. 'Porce and right,' says a brilliant writer, 'are the gover-
nors of this world; force till right is ready. And till right is ready.
force, the existing order of things. is justified, is the legitimate
ruler: And he adds - 'Right is something moral. and implies
inward recognition, free assent of the will; we are not ready for
right - right, so far as we are concerned, is not ready, Wltil we have
attained this sense of seeing it and willing it:* Out of this grows
the necessary tutelage of children to the years of their majority.
Hence also the stern necessity of asswning the nonage - the
childhood of the natives; and, consequently, our responsibility of
guardianship over them.t
Now, in our exercise of wardship, nothing can be more serious
than that terminal exercise of force which lags at the heel of
disaster, and is only supplemental to sanguinary calamities. You
would despise a parent who postponed all the training of his
children till moral ruin had seized them; and then only gave them
vengeful retribution. So, likewise, is the nation despicable which
claims the right of force over blinded heathens; but can only usc
that force as the instrwnenr of retaliation for real or supposed
lnJunes.
No, fellow citizens, force is, indeed, our prerogative and our
duty with respect to the native; but I maintain that it should be the
force of restoration and progress - the force which anticipates the
insensate ferocity of the pagan, by demonstrating the blessedness
of permanent habitation and lasting peace; which forestalls a
degrading ignorance and superstition, by the enlightenment of
schools and training; which neutralizes the bareness of a native

1< Essays in Criticism, by Matthew Arnold.

t'To characterize any conduct whatsoever towards a barbarous people as a
violation of the "Law of Nations," only shows that he who so speaks has never
considered the subject. A violation of great principles of morality it may easily
be; but barbarians have no rights as a nation, except a right to such treatment as
may, at the earliest possible period, fit them for becoming one. The only moral
laws for the relation between a civilized and a. barbarous government are the
universal rules of morality between manand man.' _ DissnfafiQI1S and Discussions,
etc., by John Stuart Mill. vol. J. Art.: 'A Few Words on NOl}-lntervention'.
112 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

rusticity by the creation of new wants and the stimulation of old

ones; which nullifies and uproots a gross heathen domesticity by
elevating woman and introducing the idea of family and home.
But you say that all this work. all the machinery for carrying
on this work, will be expensive. Of course it wilf be. But then
look at the other side of the matter. Is not that expensive too?
Look at our war expeditions and our tribal difficulties, and their
great cost. The 'interdicts' on trade, which the government has
had to enforce. and the consequent loss of thousands of dollars; is
not that a matter of consideration? Who can fully estimate that
loss?
The Sinoll war of'61 cost this nation 15,000 dollars. It occurred
at the commencement of the planting season, and drew off
htUldrcds of men from their labour; which involved an additional
loss offully 15,000 dollars work.
In addition to all this, it included the loss ofIife of several sturdy
valiant, industrious men, whose places as citizens, husbands, and
fathers cannot be fuled; and whose value cannot be estimated.
Look at our difficulties in '66 with King Boyer. Who of you
here can tell me the full sum total of the loss the government
'interdict' on trade, at Bassa, has caused this nation?
Now look at a different policy - suppose years ago, when we
purchased that territory, we had sent a schoolmaster to teach King
Boyer's children, and, at the same time, to act as a Liberian
magistrate, to assist him in settling difficulties; - suppose Boyer,
at every session of the Legislature, had been invited to sit with the
Senate as an advisory chief, entertained, meanwhile, by the Execu-
tive and leading citizens; suppose that, at a proper time, we had
followed up this policy, by establishing a farm school. in King
Boyer's neighborhood. for the growth of coffee and other
products, and the training of boys in carpentering and other
trades. and in the profits of which King Boyer himself should be
a chief participant; - do you think that with such a policy, we
should ever have been troubled by the chief as we have been?
That such a system would have increased Boyer's personal self-
respect and conscious dignity; fuled him with the moral burdens
lIBERIAN STATEHOOD IIJ
of responsibility; raised him, long since, almost to the point of
civilisation; put his people on the road to civilization; and spread
the influence thereof to neighbouring tribes?
Put such a system into operation, and, in less than five years,
you will see its magnitude and its magical operations all through
our territory; in the alliance of strong chiefs and tribes; in the
undisturbed opening of roads; in the constant flow of the treasures
of the interior to the sea-board; and in the quest of powerful kings,
and mighty men, even from the Kong range, for the education
of their children, and the enlightenment which comes from the
oeaming rays of the Cross of Calvary.
You think still, perchance, of the expense of such a policy. But
think also of the large export duty such a system would give you;
- think of the capability it would give the people for meeting
direct taxation; - think of the confidence and assurance with
which it would inspire distant capitalists for adventure; - think of
the gravitating inBuence of the trade and barter of great nations to
Liberia!
Why the very report of such largeness, energy, and noble
forecast, would bring the unsolicited capital of great nations to
your doors, for your encouragement and support. Such a system
would delight the heart of universal Christendom! It would
attract the gaze of all the mission societies in the Protestant world!
It would deepen the confident assurance of all the friends of the
Negro, in every quarter of the globe! It would bring to your
shores the congratulations and assistance of great nations and
mighty kingdoms, intent upon the regeneration of Africa!
And, believe me, some such work of magnitude must be under-
taken by us, or, otherwise, we shall lose all nobleness of feeling
and endeavour; we shall become gross, sordid, and sensual; and
so insignificant and trifling will be the life of this nation that, by
and by, the declaration will become a common one everywhere-
'That people are undeserving national recognition; they are only
playing at government; they are not fit to live!'
To prevent such a degrading Bing at us, we must give up the
idle notion of dragging hither a nation from America, and go to
II4 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

work at once in the great endeavour to construct a vast national

existence out of the native material about us ....
For myself, I as cordially welcome Barbadians, Jamaicans,
Sierra-Leonians, as well as Americans, to this common heritage
of the Negro - as the Emigrant Conunissioners, at N ew York.
greet the Germans, Italians. Swedes, English, and Irish, who arrive
at that port by hundreds of thousands; and thus. every year, swell
the already vast population of the great Republic of America.
At the same time, we must not forget that we have a multi-
tudinous immigrant population here at hand, indigenous to the
soil; homogenous in race and blood; a people 'to the manner
born;' fitted to all the needs of this infant state; wanting only in
the elements of civilization, and the training of the Christian life.
It is our duty to supply this deficiency. We were sent here, in
God's providence, to stimulate, by government rule, by law, by
example, and by teaching, the dormant energies and the latent
capacities of this uncivilized population, and, by"gradual steps and
processes, guide them up to the higher levels of improvement and
civilization.
Of their capability of reaching to any of the heights of superi-
ority, we have attained, no man here can doubt, who looks at
the superior men, clergymen, doctors, merchants, councillors -
native men - who have risen to a position at Sierra-Leone. We
see every day, even in a state of simplicity, their manifest physical
superiority; and all our intercourse with them, as chiefs or traders,
discovers to us, an acuteness, penetration, and mental power,
which assures us all of the presence here of an acumen, now rude,
latent, and mostly hidden, but which needs only to be brought out
and cultivated to evidence power and capacity.
An English minister, not long since, declared that it was the
interest of Great Britain to train the West African people 'in the
arts of civilization and government, until they shall grow into a
nation capable of protecting themselves and of managing their
own affairs.'
Surely if Earl Grey, a man of a different race, felt this sense of
obligation, what a shame will it not be to us, a people of Negro
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 115
blood, if we come back here to the land of our ancestors, and seat
ourselves here, amid a needy people, kindred in race and blood,
and at once, in the pride of our accidental superiority, eschew
obligation and responsibility. Such a course as this will surely be
to sow the seeds of disaster and ruin, right amidst the most glow-
ing prosperity; to wrap up the germs of retribution in the brilliant
folds of a seeming successfulness.
No, fellow citizens, whether willing or unwilling, whether
from necessity or at the urgent call of Christian duty, we must
educate and elevate our native population. Here we are a 'feeble
folk,' in the midst of their multitudes. If we neglect them, then
they will surely drag us down to their rude condition and their
deadly superstitions; and our children at some future day, will
have cast aside the habiliments of civilized life. and lost the fmc
harmonies and the grand thoughts of the English tongue. We
must undertake the moulding and fashioning of this fmc material
of native mind and character; and. by the arts of Christian training
and civilized life, raise up on the soil a new population for the
work of the nation - a virginal civilization ready to start, with
elastic vigour. on the noble race for superiority. and to achieve the
conquest of the continent for Christ and His Church.
Fellow Citizens - I have spoken to-day with the greatest free-
dom. in setting forth the conviction of that new school of opinion
which has arisen in Liberia, which cries out for justice and duty to
Africa. I have taken it for granted that you were brave men and
women enough to hear the plain truth, without offence or
hesitancy. I deem it a duty that we should talk with all candour
and simplicity concerning our national affairs; eschewing all
Battery and 'mutual admiration.' For it is with a nation as with a
child. If you cannot tell a youth his faults, without his Bying into
a passion. there is no hope for him. So, likewise, if a people must
always be petted and Battered, and made to believe they are the
greatest nation in existence; and cannot bear a plain account of
their weaknesses and deficiencies, their case is hopeless. England
is one of the oldest and greatest of European nations; and yet there
is no people on the earth who so continually fmd faul t with
II6 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

themselves as. the English. 'They grwnble,' says an English prelate,

'about everything. But then, when they grumble. they go to work
to correct the thing they complain o£' And this is the secret of
their great power, their constant improvement, their marvelous
growth.
And it is this, their constant dissatisfaction with an imperfect
state and their aim after an ideal perfection, which gives them that
quality which we are yet to attain, namely prescience - the disposi-
tion to work for the future. We have but little of it in Liberia, in
church or state. Everything is for the present. But this is the reverse
of both the noble and the natural; opposed to the divine instinct
of our being.
'Man's heart the Almighty to the future set
By secret and inviolable springs.'
And we must strive to rise to the higher measurement of our being
and our duty.
Fellow Citizens - there are grand epochs in the history of races
and of men, full of the sublimest import. Such, I verily believe, is
the period in which we are living. The great activities of com-
merce and of trade; the doubts and questionings of science,
geography, and adventurous travel; the intensities of generous
hope; the brotherly yearnings of Christian desire, seem all con-
verging, in this our day, towards the continent of Africa. We arc
approaching, if, indeed, we are not now well-nigh, the latter days
of the world, and the work of the Lord has still one grand comple-
ment to the fUllness of its mission - that is the regeneration of
Africa. To a large participation in this work, we, the citizens of
this republic, are most surely called; and the arduousness and
burden of this cailing, painful as indeed they are, are utterly
insignificant, when compared with the grandeur of the duties
involved, and the majesty of the consummation aimed at. It is our
privilege to engage in this magnificent work, and to participate
in the moral glories which will follow the redemption of a con-
tinent. The work will surely be done even if we neglect our duties.
But sad and shameful will it be if we blindly miss one of the
LIBERIAN STATEHOOD 117

grandest opportunities human history has ever afforded for moral

achievement and the blessedness of man. Other races of men have
had such opportunities and nobly met them. This is the time of the
Negro!
And, as there are important periods in the history of man, so,
likewise, are there fit men, who always start up in the nick of
time, with that breadth of mind, that largeness of soul, and that
heroic nobleness of purpose, which show that they are equal to
their opportunities, and prepared to work with men, with angels,
and with God, for the highest good of earth and for the Divine
Glory. Here, on this coast of Africa, is this grand opportunity,
given of God, to men of the African race. May we have resolution,
strength, and manliness enough so to bear ourselves that the future
records of our day may bear witness to our high public spirit, or
solemn sense of duty, our thrift, our energy, our love of race, our
patriotism, and our fear of God.
For such high performance our faculties alone are complete.
We need, for these grand ends, not only the genius of men, but
the quickening influences and the grand suggestions of superior
powers. And I invoke upon this Republic the succours and
assistances of that awful but beneficent Being, who rules the
destinies of nations, to give wisdom to our rulers; to dispose this
people to the habits of industry, sobriety, and perseverance; to
guide the nation in the ways of peace, prosperity, and abounding
blessedness; to the glory of His own Name, and for the restoration
of a Continent!
PART II

Grey and Venn:

British Sponsorship of
African Nationality
Arguments of expediency, claiming that natives were both cheaper and
more durable than expatriates, were commonly employed by those mid-
nineteenth-century Englishmen who advocated self-governmettt in Church
and State in Africa. But some notable Englishmen insisted on arguing
the case as a matter of principle, believing that the idea oj self-govern-
ment should know no bounds ojcontinent or race and that Africans were
the best communicators of Western Christian civilisation to their fellow-
countrymen. Earl Grey, Colonial Secretary in Lord Russell's adminis-
tration, J846-52, and Henry Venn, Honorary Secretary oj the Church
Missionary Society, were the Joremost exponents oj this line oj thought.
Earl Grey (1802-94) held that Britain should encourage the develop-
ment oj self-governing inscitutions throughout the colonies. He set Jorth
his considered views, looking back over his own period in office, in The
Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration, published
in 1853. In a West African context he believed his ideals were clearly
exemplified by his policy towards the Gold Coast (no. 11).
Henry Venn was the most notable exponent oj the virtues of self-
government from the missionary viewpoint. But he was by no means
alone and his key papers, the fruit of a lifetime's correspondence and
reflection, summed up much of missionary thought in Africa, America
and Europe. The colony-born Sierra uonean clergyman George Nicol,
by '10 means a radical, expressed his views on native agencies as he set
out for seminary studies in England (no. 12A). The importance of men
like Nicol, the new Western~ducated African middle class, was forcibly
conveyed by T. J. Bowen, the American Baptist missionary. Bowen,
who served among the Yoruba in the early 1850S, published Adventures
and Missionary Labours in Several Countries in the Interior of
Africa in 1857 (no. 12B).
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Henry Venn (1796-1873) believed that 'the breath of life in a native

church' depended on 'self-government, self-support, self-extension', This
was the lesson he derived from his study oj earlier Roman Catholic
missiam which he published in 1862 as The Missionary Life and
Labours of St Francis Xavier. He attributed the failure oj Xavier's
mission to the Far East to too great dependence on European political
power and failure to develop a local clergy. His positive recommenda-
tions were included in a series of important papers, which were issued by
the Parent Society of the C.M.S. as instructiolls to missionaries on the
org(ltlisation of native churches (nos. 12C, 12D).
The long career of Samuel Crowther, liberated at Sierra Leone in his
early teens in 1822 and consecrated Bishop in June 1864, seemed to
epitomise Venn's hopes fo r West Africa. Crowther, in his turn,firmly
believed that Africa must be developed with European help. He poured
scorn on those Africans who held that 'Africa for the Africans' should be
interpreted in the strictest sense and the Europeans sent packing (no.
12E). Crowther lived on till 1891, alld for some time before then the
long success-story of his career was marred by recurrent humiliation at
the hands oj the new breed of racially arrogant Europeans. The African
answer to the sufferings of their beloved bishop belongs to their response
to the 'new imperialism' (Introduction, pp. 37-8). The findings of the
1865 Parliamentary Committee were taken by West Africans to mean
endorsement of the ideas of Grey and Venn (tw. 13) .
II Earl Grey's Proposals for
the Gold Coast
From The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration
II (London. 1853) 280-7

... The extension of roads and of schools much beyond what

could be accomplished by the means at present available, the
employment of a greater number of magistrates for the more
perfect administration ofjustice. and the establishment of hospitals
and dispensaries for the relief of the sick would have been
attended with obvious and great advantage. But these objects
could not be attained without a large increase of expense, and
Parliament had always shown what I consider a well-founded,
reluctance to increase its votes for purposes of this description. It
does not appear to me that the people of this cowmy. ought to
be called upon to pay for the cost of extensive schemes of internal
improvement in Africa. Experience shows that if the Government
of the day is allowed to draw at its discretion upon Parliamentary
grants for such schemes, they are too apt to be prosecuted without
a due regard to economy, or to that caution which is necessary for
their ultimate success. 1 have always believed that if Parliament
had originally been less liberal in its pecuniary assistance, the
philanthropic objects contemplated in the formation of the
Colony of Sierra Leone would probably have been more per-
fectly attained. Parliament is, 1 think, right to be very sparing in
its grants for purposes of this kind, not merely for the sake of
avoiding undue demands upon the people of this Country, but
also because the surest test of the soundness of measures for the
improvement of an uncivilized people, is that they should be self-
supporting, and great advantage arises from throwing those who
are to carry plans of this kind into effect upon their own resources.
The people also, for whose benefit such measures are attempted,
are rendered more sensible of their value when the pecuniary
124
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

means required for their adoption are furnished of themselves.

For these reasons, I considered myself bOWld to adhere to the
rule of not proposing to my colleagues, that Parliament should be
asked to increase the usual grants for the civil establishments on
the West Coast of Africa; and though I was most anxious for the
adoption of measures of improvement, which could not be
accomplished without considerable expense, I thought it right, in
this part of the African continent as well as in Natal, to proceed
with these measures only. as their cost could be provided for by
means of local resources. Hence it was an object of great impor-
tance to raise a revenue in the country itself; and two modes of
duty suggested themselves: one was the imposition of very
moderate duties on the import of certain articles, and particularly
spirits; the other was, to induce the people of the protected terri-
tory to consent to the imposition of some sort of direct taxation,
for objects of which the benefit could be clearly explained to
them.
The first of these resources could not be made available, in
consequence of the refusal of the Dutch Government to concur
in the imposition of any new duties of the kind proposed. The
kingdom of Holland possesses forts on this coast close toour own,
through which a part of the trade of the district is carried on; it is
obvious therefore that, unless goods imported to these places
should be subject to the same burden, the imposition of duties on
goods imported through the British forts, would have no other
effect but that of driving the trade away from the latter, to places
where no such charges on importation would be made. It was
consequently necessary to look to some kind of direct taxation,
as the only mode of raising the revenue which was required, and
as being also one which, for the reasons I have so fully stated in
former utters, possessed some special advantages. But the diffi-
culty was how to impose any such taxation, in the absence of any
regularly constituted government for the whole territory. It
clearly could only be done by the general consent of the chiefs
and people; and I had many conversations with Sir William
Winniett, the last time he was in England upon leave of absence,
GREY AND VENN 12 5

and after his death with his successor Major Hill, as to the most
likely means of obtaining this general assent. The subject was not
one which admitted of precise instructions being given to the
Governor as to the measures he should take; these it was necess.ary
to leave to be determined by his own judgement on the spot, after
having explained the object in view and made the suggestions
which occurred to me.
The premature and lamented death of Sir William Winniett
prevented him from taking any steps of importance, in further-
ance of the design of which the execution had been entrusted to
him; but I have learned with great satisfaction since we retired
from Office, that his successor, Major Hill, has given proof both
of the abiliry which I did not doubt that he possessed, and of how
well he had entered into the policy on which he had been in-
structed to act, by inducing the Chiefs of the Gold Coast to agree
to the imposition of such a tax as I had contemplated. Knowing
the deep interest I take in the subject, Major Hill was good enough
to write me a private letter after he had received an account of the
change of Government in February last, in which he infonned me
that he had succeeded in inducing the ChiefS and people through-
out the countries under British protection, to agree to a poll-tax
of one shilling per head for each man, woman, and child, by
which he calculates that a revenue of £20,000 a year will be
obtained, to be expended in extending the judicial system,
educating the children, affording increased medical aid to the
population, opening and improving the internal communications,
and other measures of utiliry. Considering that the whole annual
income derived from the votes of Parliament and from all other
sources, applicable to measures of improvement and the expenses
of the civil government, has hitherto fallen short of £6000, it is
obvious that the adoption of a measure by which the funds
available for these purposes will be so largely increased, is calcu-
lated to accelerate very much the march of improvement. I cannot
but regard with great satisfaction the success which, in three
different countries so widely removed from each other as Ceylon,
Natal, and the Gold Coast, has thus far attended the experiment
126 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

of imposing direct taxation on an uncivilized population, with a

view to their improvement. The experiment is a novel one in
modem Colonial administration, and is the practical realization of
views which I was led to form more than twenty years ago when
Under-Secretary of State, and on which at that time 1 earnestly,
hut in vain, recommended that the measure for the abolition of
slavery should be founded.
But even the imposition of the tax I have mentioned is of less
importance, and less full of promise for the future, than the steps
which have been taken in order to obtain an authority for its
collection, which should be regarded by the people as binding
upon them. For this purpose, and with a view to future legislation,
the Governor thought it advisable to form the native Chiefs, with
his Council and himself, into a Legislative Assembly, reserving
the power to the Governor to assemble, prorogue, and dissolve
this meeting at pleasure. On the 19th of April last, Major Hill had
a general meeting of the Kings and Chiefs of the protected
territory at Cape Coast Castle, when they unanimously agreed to
resolutions by which the authority of the new Assembly was
recognized and its constitution settled.
I have had no hesitation in thus stating the substance of the
information I have received from Major Hill, for, though it was
conveyed to me in a private letter, the proceedings he describes
were essentially of a public character, and necessarily known to
every person on the coast. I must add that I am much gratified by
learning, that a design which I had so long entertained, and in
effetting which there were so many difficulties, has been thus
successfully accomplished by Major Hill. I am persuaded that I do
not overrate the importance of the establishment of this rude
Negro Parliament, when I say, that I believe it has converted a
number of barbarous tribes, possessing nothing which deserves the
name of a government, into a nation, with a regularly organized
authority, and institutions simple and unpretending, but suited
to the actual state of society, and containing within themselves all
that is necessary for their future development, so that they may
meet the growing wants of an advancing civilization. I trust that
GREY AND VENN I27

those whose duty it may be to watch over the future progress of

the nation, which has thus, as I may say, been created, will
endeavour to guard it carefully from the dangers to which it will
be exposed, either by an attempt on the one hand to force too
rapidly into existence, before the people's minds are prepared for
them, the more regular government and more perfect laws of
civilized nations, or by neglecting, on the other hand, to proceed
steadily hut cautiously with those many social and legal reforms
which must be successively adopted, before the traces of recent
barbarism and its evils can be got rid o(
The true policy I bdieve to be that, which for the five years and
a half of your Administration was pursued, - namely, to keep
constantly in sight the formation of a regular government on the
European model, and the establishment of a civilized polity, as
the goal ultimately to be attained; but, in the endeavour to arrive
at it, taking care that each successive step shall appear to the people
themselves as nothing more than the natural mode of providing
for some want, or remedying some evil, which they practically
feel at the moment. It is thus in fact that our own institutions and
Jaws have grown up, as well as those which have been most
permanent and most successful among other nations. Thus, in
adopting the measure to which I have adverted on the Gold Coast,
wants of which the people were sensible, and to meet which funds
were required, have by judicious management led them to concur
not only in the imposition of a tax, but in the creation of a
Legislature possessing the authority to make other laws, as from
time to time they are perceived to be necessary. The real interest
of this Country is gradually to train the inhabitants of this part of
Africa in the arts of civilization and government, until they shall
grow into a nation capable of protecting themselves and of
managing their own affairs, so that the interference and assistance
of the British Authorities may by degrees be less and less required.
Orderly and civilized communities cannot grow up in a country
capable of yielding such valuable productions, without our
carrying on with them a large and mutually advantageous trade;
but in a climate so uncongenial to European constitutions, it is
128 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

not desirable that the maintenance of order and the progress of

civilization should continue to depend on the exercise of authority
by white men, or that the duty of governing and protecting the
inhabitants of Western Africa should be thrown upon this
Country longer than can be avoided.
12 Missionary Views of
Self-government

A. NATIVE AGENCIES FOR AFRICAN

ADVANCEMENT
George Nicol to J. Warburton, 12 April 1844. C.M.S. CAIj0614
What is my object ... 1 have no other end in view but the glory
of God ... the salvation of my soul and that of my fellow
creatures .... I am deeply convinced ... that if Africa could be
raised from its present degraded state of barbarism, superstition,
and vice. to any equal with the civilized world, recourse must be
had to the native agencies. Africans themselves must be the
principal harbingers of peace.

B. T.J.BOWEN ON THE NEED TO DEVELOP

A WEST AFRICAN MIDDLE CLASS
From Adventures Ilnd Missio,lary Labours in Several Countries in the
Interior oj Africa (New York. 1857) pp. 339-40
No matter by what means the people of different COWltries may
be civilized, the principles upon which civilization is founded. are
everywhere the same. Thus far in the history of men there has
been no civilization which has not been cemented and sustained in
existence by a division of the people into higher, lower and middle
classes. We may affirm, indeed, that this constant attendant upon
human society - gradation of classes - is indispensable to civiliza-
tion in any form, however low or high. Take our COWltry and
social state as an example. The highest class, which with all its
various component parts, as a Wlit, consists of our eminent
scientific men, of our great merchants and mechanics (whose
,
IJO ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

shops, engines, etc. are at once the substance and expression of our
civilization) of our wealthy citizens, and political leaders and
rulers, and in short of all who arc truly eminent in any depart-
ment. The middle class is composed of all whose attainments in
science, art, wealth, etc., are of secondary order and importance,
though some of this class approach near the maximum or first
class. The lowest class consists of the millions whose attainments
though not contemptible are neither great in themselves nor
controlling in their individual influence. This is the laboring class,
or the peasant class, which has always existed and ever must exist
in the very highest states of society. so long as the earth and man
retain their identity. Now remove the highest class from our
society, and the eminence of our science. art, wealth. and skill in
social or political problems would be gone. Enlightened America
would sink down to a state of bare civilization. If we proceed
further and remove the second class, our country would be only
half civilized. without the power of self-government and sclf-
defence. If we still proceed further and remove the upper strata of
the lowest class, the remainder would be barbarism. and this
brings us precisely to the state of society in Central Africa. In these
nations we fmd no class of eminent men whose attainments may
give unity, force and direction to society; no middle class who
are prepared by their attainments to receive impulses of know-
ledge, wisdom and power from their superiors, and communicate
it to the millions of common people. With the single exception
of political chiefs, themselves barbarians, the whole society of the
Sudan rests and stagnates on a dead level, and the people remain
poor, ignorant and wretched, because they have no superiors. I
need not say that a second and a third higher class must be added
before we can regenerate African society; but I plead for com-
merce in Sudan as one of the most powerful means for the
creation of wealth, science, and art, which are indispensable to
civilization.
GREY AND VENN IJI

C. HENRY VENN ON NATIONALITY AND

NATIVE CHURCHES
From Instructions of the Committee, 30 Jwte 1868: 'On Nation-
ality'. Reverend William Knight, The Missionary Secretariat of Henry
Venn (1880)

.•• I . The Committee would enjoin upon you. First.

Study the national character oj the people among whom YOI' labol",
and show the utmost respect jor national peculiarities.
In this way you will win the heart and confidence of the people.
They will understand that you come out for their sakes. not
according to an all-prevailing conception that you come to carn
a living.
But beyond this you will then best discover the way to their
hearts and understandings; you willlcam their modes of thought;
you will sympathize with their difficulties; and you will discover
any common standing-ground from whence you may start
together in the search of truth.
With Englishmen in general it is the most difficult thing to
shqw respect to national peculiarities which differ from our own.
Even throughout the continent of Europe this is with us a national
besetting sin, and a national reproach and bye-word against us.
But how much more mischievous is this national characteristic
when it is exhibited in a Christian missionary towards down-
trodden or half<ivilised nations. Old missionaries have often
lamented its spell upon them. It is best counteracted by a deter-
mination, from your first arrival in the country, to study and to
respect the national habits and conventionalities, till it becomes a
habit with you to do so, and a second nature.
This study of national distinctions will also moderate your
judgment of the Christian attainments of infant native churches.
We arc too apt to judge native converts by the standard which
prevails in the mother Church. which has enjoyed Christian
privileges for a thousand years - a favoured vineyard sheltered
and cultivated by the great Vine-dresser above others. We do not
make allowances for national disadvantages, nor for the national
IJ2 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

peculiarities which will show themselves even in the best Chris-

tians. Inasmuch as all native churches grow up into the fulness of
the stature of Christ. distinctions and defects will vanish. But it is
far different in infant Christian churches. The general standard of
the apostolic churches was far below that of the present day,
though many glorious exceptions shone as stars of the first
magnitude. But it may be doubted whether, to the last, the
Church of Christ will not exhibit marked national characteristics
which, in the overruling grace of God, will tend to its perfection
and glory.
2. As a second remark. the Committee warn you. that these race
distinctions will probably rise in intensity with the progress of the
Mission. The distinctions may be softened down by grace; they
may be hid from view in a season of the ftrst love, and of the sense
of unity in Christ Jesw; but they are part of our nature, and,
as the Satirist says, 'You may expel nature for a time by force,
but it will surely return.' So distinctions of race are irrepressible.
They arc comparatively weak in the early stage of a mission,
because all the superiority is on one side; but as the native race
advances in intelligence, as their power of arguing strengthens, as
they excel in writing sensational statements, as they become our
rivals in the pulpit and on the platform, long cherished but
dormant prejudices, and even passions, will occasionally burst
forth. At a conference, when least expected, such painful expo-
sures have occurred in more than one of our missions! Now when
such a crisis occurs, the European missionary, who is ever mindful
of the existence of this root of bitterness, will be prepared to meet
it - not by charging the natives with presumption and ingratitude,
not by standing upon his British prestige, but in the spirit of the
Apostle, who had learned to bear all things for the elect's sake;
who, in such a trial as we have described, exclaimed, 'Now ye
have reigned as kings without us, and I would to God ye did
reign, that we also might reign with you.' 'We arc fools for
Christ's sake, hut ye are wise in Christ: we are weak, but ye are
strong; ye arc honourable, hut we are despised.' Study the whole
of that fourth chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians,
GREY AND VENN 133
and parallel passages that you may see how these trials beset
the primitive Church, and how the Apostles behaved under
them.
3. As a third practical hint, the Committee enjoin upon you, as
:>oon as converts can be gathered into a Christian congregation,
let a native church be organized as a national institution; avail yourself
of national habits. of Christian headmen, of a church council
similar to the Indian Panchayat; let every member feel himself
doubly bound to his country by this social as well as religious
society. Train up the native church to self-dependence and to
self-government from the very flrst stage of a Christian move-
ment. These principles have been so fully stated in late papers
issued by the Committee on native church organisation, that we
need only refer you to those documents.
The Committee will, however, single out one particular under
this head, which has only been lately discovered, namely, that it
is a great mistake for the missionary to assume the position of a
native pastor. Many of our old missionaries have fallen into this
mistake. They have ministered to a large native congregation for
thirty or forty years, and acknowledged at last that it was im-
possible to acquire that full confidence of their people. and know-
ledge of what is passing in their minds, which a native pastor
would soon obtain. This is the experience of other Missionary
Societies besides our own. In a paper lately issued by the London
Missionary Society, and signed by that accomplished missionary,
Dr. Mullens, it is thus stated: - 'The system of giving English
pastors to native churches has answered nowhere. Coming from
a much higher civilisation, the missionary has proved too strong
for the people: the strength of the people, their resources, have
been kept back. a spirit of childlike dependence has been fostered,
and the native ministry has been indefmitely postponed.'
4. A founh suggestion is, that as the native church assumes a
national character it will ultimately supersede the denomitMtional
distinctions which are now introduced by Foreign Missionary Societies.
We of the Church of England are bound by our fundamental
rules to train up every congregation gathered from the heathen
IJ4 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

according to the discipline and worship of the Church ofEngland.

But our own Prayer-book has laid down the principle that every
national church is at liberty to change its ceremonies, and adapt
itself to the national taste; and therefore we look forward to the
time when the native church of India shall have attained that
magnitude and maturity which will entitle them to modify and
perfect themselves according to the standard of God's holy word.
Then missionary efforts will cease; but inasmuch as we have
infused Gospel truth, and supplied well-trained witnesses for the
truth, our work will be found to praise and honour and glory
through Jesus Christ.
Let this consideration influence your relations with the missions
of other denominations of Christians, and even with the irregular
efforts of unattached evangelists, and with all the vast agency for
good by individual example and effort, by education, by Christian
literature, which, thank God, abounds more and more in every
heathen dependency of the British Empire. Regard with sympathy
and joy this glorious amount of agency at work for Christianising
the nations!
5. A fifth practical conclusion which the Committee would
draw from the foregoing considerations is, that the proper position
of a missionary is one external to the native church, and that the most
important duty he has to discharge towards that church is the
education and training of native pastors and evangelists, especially
in the knowledge and use of the Bible, that wonderful book which
alone is suited to every race of mankind, and which comes home
to every individual of our race when received in faith, as the
well-known voice of a parent speaking to children; to teach the
converts how to search for the hidden treasures of the volume, to
bring them forth for the edification of others, to urge upon their
countrymen its warnings, promises, and threatenings, as God's
word written, to present in their own spirit and behaviour a living
epistle of Christ, known and read of all men.
This is not meant to preclude any missionary from carrying on
evangelistic labours among those who have not yet become
disciples. If called to that work. he will take the lead of a body of
GREY AND VENN 135
native evangelists, who arc agents like himself of a Foreign
Missionary Society. But in resptx:t of an organised native com-
munity, the missionary should no longer take the lead, but exer-
cise his influence ab extra, prompting and guiding the native
pastors to lead their Bocks, and making provision for the supply
for the native church of men suited for the office of the ministry,
whether catechists, pastors, or evangelists; and in this position,
which will be readily ceded to him, of a counsellor of the native
church, to strive to elevate its Christian life and its aggressive
energy upon surrounding heathenism.
The missionary who stands in this position, and who confers
these benefits upon the native church, will be far removed from
the region of jealousy or conflict, and will have the happiness of
seeing that native church develop itself according to its national
and natural tendencies for the establishing, strengthening, and
settling itself in the faith once delivered to the saints.

D. HENRY VENN ON THE NATIVE PASTORATE

AND THE ORGANISATION OF NATIVE
CHURCHES
From Reverend William Knight, The Missiollary Secretariat of Henry
Venn (1880) pp. 305-21
1851. Minutes Upon the Employment and Ordination ofNative Teachers
General Principles
The advanced state of missions having rendered it desirable to
rtx:ord the views of the Society upon the employment and
ordination of native teachers, the following particulars are given
for the information of its missionaries: -
I. In all questions relating to the settlement of a native Church
in any mission field, it is important to keep in view the distinction
between the office of a Missionary, who preaches to the heathen
and instructs inquirers or rtx:ent converts - and the office of a
Pastor, who ministers in holy things to a congregation of native
Christians.
1)6 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

2. Whilst the work of a missionary may involve for a time the

pastoral care of newly-baptized converts, it is important that,
as soon as settled congregations are formed, such pastoral care
should be devolved upon native teachers, under the missionary's
superintendence.
3. The native teacher who approves himself 'apt to teach' is
appointed to the office of a Catechist. The office of a catechist has
been always recognised in the Church of Christ for evangelistic
work, his fWlCtion being to preach to the heathen. and to minister
in congregations of converts lUltil they arc provided with a native
pastor.
4. As a general rule, a catechist should be presented to the
Bishop for ordination only with a view to his becoming pastor
of some specified native congregation or district. The cases in
which a native may be ordained for direct evangelistic work,
or while engaged in missionary education, must be regarded as
exceptional.
5· Ordination is the link between the native teachers and the
native Church. Native teachers are to be regarded, after their
ordination, as pastors of the native Church, rather than as the
agents of a foreign Society, or of other independent parties. Their
social position should be such as is suitable to the circumstances of
the native Church; and their emoluments must be regulated by
the ability of the native Church to furnish the maintenance of their
pastors. Care must therefore be taken to guard native teachers
from contracting habits oflife too far removed from those of their
cOWltrymen.
6. The attempts which have been made by this Society to train
up native missionaries and pastors by an European education, and
in collegiate establishments, have convinced the Committee that,
under the present circumstances of missions, native missionaries
and pastors may be best obtained by selecting from among the
native catechists those who have approved themselves faithful and
established Christians, as well as 'apt to teach,' and by giving to
such persons a special training in Scriptural studies, in the verna-
cular language.
GREY AND VENN 137
7. While any district continues a missionary district, the native
pastors in it are, as a general rule, to be under the superintendence
of a missionary or of some other minister, appointed by the
Society; until, by the Christian progress of the population, the
missionary district may be placed upon a settled ecclesiastical
system; it being also understood that the Society is at liberty to
transfer a native pastor to the office of a native missionary, and to
place him in the independent charge of a missionary district if his
qualifications have entitled him to that position.
8. It is desirable that all native congregations should contribute
to a fund for the payment of the salaries of native pastors; but that
no payment should be made direct from the congregation to the
pastor.
9. To encourage native ordination, the Society will continue
to pay to a catechist, who may be presented by them for ordina-
tion, the same salary which he received as a catechist, as long as the
infancy of the native Church may seem to require it; whatever
addition may be requisite for his maintenance as an ordained pastor
must be supplied from local resources, and, if possible, from native
endowments, or the contributions of the native Church to a
general fund for native pastors.
10. Regarding the ultimate object of a mission. viewed under
its ecclesiastical aspect. to be the settlement of a native Church,
under native pastors, upon a self-supporting system, it should be
borne in mind that the progress of a mission mainly depends upon
the training up and the location of native pastors. and that, as it
has been happily expressed. 'the euthanasia of a mission' takes
place when a missionary, surrounded by well-trained native
congregations, under native pastors. is able to resign all pastoral
work into their hands, and gradually to relax his superintendence
over the pastors themselves, till it insensibly ceases; and so the
mission passes into a settled Christian commWlity. Then the
missionary and all missionary agency should be transferred to
'cite regions beyond.' ...

"
IJ8 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

SECOND PAPER, ISSUED JULY, 1861*

The work of modern missionaries is of a twofold character: the

heathen are to be brought to the knowledge of Christ; and the
converts who embrace the truth are to be trained up in Christian
habits, and to be formed into a Native Christian Church. These
two branches are essentially distinct; yet it is only oflate years that
the distinction has been recognised by appointing missionaries to
the purely evangelistic branch under the designation ofIuncrating
Missionaries. in contradistinction from 'Station' Missionaries.

Present System of'Station' Missionary Work

and Its Dangers
2. [sic] The missionary, whose labours are blest as to the gather-
ing in of converts, naturally desires to keep his converts under his
own charge, to minister to them as a pastor, and to rule them as a
native congregation. So the two branches have become blended
together; hence also the principles necessary for the evangelistic
work, one of which is 'taking nothing of the Gentiles,' have
insensibly influenced the formation of the native Christian Church;
as if the Word had been, 'taking nothing of the Christians'.
Whereas the Scriptural basis of the pastoral relation within the
Church of Christ is, 'they that preach the Gospel should live of
the Gospel' - 'the ox that treadeth out the corn should eat of the
same;' so that while the missionary properly receives his support
from a foreign source, the native pastor should receive his from
the native Church.
3. Under the present system, the missionary takes charge of
classes of candidates for baptism, classes of candidates for the
Lord's Supper, and communicants' classes. The missionary
advances the converts from one class to another at his discretion.
When the converts become too numerous or too scattered for the
individual ministry of the missionary, he appoints a catechist, or
other teacher, and the Society, pays him. The Society establishes
.. The object of this paper was to draw attention to the importance of the
principles laid down in the first Paper. and to \lege their puctical adoption.
GREY AND VENN 139
schools and pays for the teachers. As the misiion advances, the
number of readers, catechists, and ordained pastors, of schools and
schoolmasters is increased. But all is dependent upon the missionary,
and all the agency is provided for at the cost of the Society.
4· The evil incident to this system is threefold: -
(I) In respect of the missionary: - his hands soon become so
full that his time and energy are wholly occupied by the con-
verts, and he extends his personal labours to the heathen in a
continually decreasing ratio. His work also involves more or
less of secularity and account-keeping. The character of a
simple missionary is complicated with that of the director and
payments of the mission.
(2) In respect of the converts: - they naturally imbibe the
notion that all is to be done for them - they are dependents
upon a foreign Mission, rather than members of a native
Church. There may be the individual spiritual life, but there is
no corporate life; though the converts may amount to thou-
sands in number, they are powerless as a body. The principles of
self-support. self-government, and self-extension are wanting;
on which depend the breath of life in 3. native Church.
(3) In respect of the Missionary Society: - the system entails
a vast and increasing expense in its oldest missions; so that,
instead of advancing to 'the regions beyond', it is detailed upon
old ground; it is involved in disputes about native salaries,
pensions. repairs of buildings, etc: and as the generations
baptized in infancy rise up under this system, the Society has
found itself in the false position of ministering to a population
of nominal Christians, who in many instances give no assistance
to the progress of the Gospel.
s. This system of Church Missions often contrasts unfavourably
with the missions of other denominations. in respect of the liber-
ality of native converts in supporting their own teachers. and of
their self-exertion for the extension of the Gospel: - as in the case
of the American Baptist Mission among the Karens of Burmah,
of the Independents among the Armenians of Asia Minor, and the
wonderful preservation and increase of Christianity in Madagascar
140 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

after the expulsion of European missionaries. The unfavourable

contrast may be explained by the fact, that other denominations
are accustomed to take part in the elementary organisation of their
churches at home, and therefore more readily carry out that
organisation in the missions. Whereas in our Church the clergy
find everything relating to elementary organisation settled by the
law of the land; - as in the provision of tithes, of church-rates, of
other customary payments, in the constitution of parishes, and in
parish officers. Our clergy acc not prepared for the question of
Church organisation; and. therefore. in the missions they exercise
the ministry of the Word without reference to the nonexistence
of the organisation by which it is supported at home.

Improved system and its prindples

6. The dangers and imperfections of Church Missions must be
remedied by introducing into the native Church that elementary
organisation which may give it 'corporate life: and prepare it for
its full development under a native ministry and an indigenous
episcopate.
7. For the introduction of such elementary organisation into
the native Church, the following principles may be laid down: -
t. It is expedient that native converts should be trained, at as
early a stage as possible, upon a system of self-government, and
of contributing to the support of their own native teachers.
II. It is expedient that contributions should be made by the
converts themselves, for their own Christian instruction, and
for schools for their children; and that for this purpose a
Native Church Fund for an assigned missionary district should
be established, into which the contributions should be paid.
The fund must, at first, be mainly sustained by grants from the
Missionary Society, these grants to be diminished as the native
contributions spring up. Whilst the fund receives grants from
the Society, the Parent Committee must direct the mode of its
management.
III. It is expedient that the native tcachers should be divided
into two classes, namely -
GREY AND VENN 122
(1) Those who are employed as assistanls to the Missionary
in his evangelistic work, and who are paid by the Society.
(2) Those who are employed in pastoral work amongst the
native Christians, who are to be paid out of the Native
Church Fund, whether Schoolmasters, Readers, Catechists,
or ordained Pastors, as the case may be; so that they may
be regarded as the ministerial agents of the native Church,
and not as the salaried agents of a Missionary Society.
IV. It is expedient that the arrangements which may be made
in the missions should from the ftrst have reference to the
ultimate settlement of the native Church, upon the ecclesiastical
basis of an indigenous episcopate, independent of foreign aid or
superintendence.

Practical suggestions for carrying out the improved system

To carry out the foregoing principles, it is suggested:-
8. That, in conformity with Principle 1., the converts, should be
encouraged to form themselves for mutual support and en-
couragement into 'Christian Companies' (Acts iv. 23. The literal
translation would have been 'their own friends or relatives.' The
translators of the Bible adopted the term 'company' to denote the
new and close brotherhood into which Christians are brought. In
Africa the term has already been adopted for their native associa-
tions). The members of such companies should not be too
numerous, or too scattered, to prevent their meeting together in
familiar religious conference. Local circumstances will decide the
convenient number of a company: upon its enlargement beyond
that number it should be divided into two or more companies.
One of each company should be selected, or approved of, by
the Missionary, as an elder, or 'Christian Headman,' to call together
and preside over the companies, and to report to the Missionary
upon the moral and religious condition of his company, and upon
the efforts by the members for extending the knowledge of
Christ's truth. Each Christian company should be encouraged to
hold weekly meetings under its headman, with the occasional
presence of the Missionary. for united counsel and action, for
'42 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

reading the Scriptures and prayer, and for making contributions

to the Church fund - if it be only a handful of rice, or more, as
God shall prosper them. - (Principle II.)
Monthly Meetings ofthe Christian Headmen should be held wldcr
the Missionary. or some one whom he may appoint, at which
meetings the headmen should report upon their respective com-
panies, hand over the contributions, receive from the Missionary
spiritual COWlSel and encouragement, and commend their
common work, in united prayer, to the great Shepherd and
Bishop of souls.
As long as converts are thus dependent for their Christian
instruction upon their headmen, with only occasional ministra-
tions of the agents of the Society, the work must be regarded as
the evangelistic work of the Society.
9. THE FIRST STEP in the organisation of the native Church
will be taken when any company, or one or more neighbouring
companies unitedly, shall be formed into a cotlgregatiotl havitlg a
schoolmaster or tlative teacher located amongst them, whose salary is paid
out of the Native Church Futld. - (principle III.) This step may be
taken as soon as the company or companies so formed into a
congregation conrribute a fair amount, in the judgment of the
Missionary, to the Church Fund.
10. A SECOND STEP in the organisation of the native Church
will be taken when one or more congregations are formed into a
Native Pastorate, utlder an ordained native, paid by the Native Church
Fund. - (principle III.) This step may be taken as soon as the
congregations are sufficiently advanced, and the payments to the
Native Church Fund shall be sufficient to authorise the same, in
the judgment of the Missionary and of the Corresponding
Committee.
The Christian headmen of the companies comprised within a
native pastorate should cease to attend the monthly meetings of
headmen under the Missionary, and should meet under their
native pastor.
As long as the Native Church Fund is under the management of
the Missionary Society, the native pastors, paid out of that fund,
GREY AND VENN J43
must remain under the general superintendence of some mis-
sionary of the Society, who shall be at liberty to minister occa-
sionally in their churches, and to preside jointly with the native
pastors at the meetings of headmen and other congregational
meetings, the relations between the native pastor and the mis-
sionary being somewhat analogous to that of curates with a
non-resident incumbent.
II. A third step in the organisation of the native Church will
be taken when, a sufficient number of native pastorates having
been formed, a District Conference shall be established, consisting
of pastors and lay delegates from each of their congregations, and
the European missionaries of such district. District conferences
should meet periodically for consulting upon the native Church
affairs, as distinguished from the action of the Society. - (principle
IV.)
12. When any considerable district has been thus provided for
by an organised native Church, foreign agency will have no
further place in the work, and that district will have been fu11y
prepared for a native episcopate.

Concluding Remarks
13. There must be a variety of details in carrying into effect
these suggestions. A mere outline is given above, but it will be
seen that the proposed scheme of organisation will prepare the
native Church for ultimately exhibiting in its congregational and
district conferences the counterpart of the parish and the arch-
deaconry, under the diocesan episcopacy of our own Church
system.
14. The proposed organisation of the mission Church is adapted
to the case as it is, where the native Church is in a course of
formation out of a heathen population by the agency of a Mis-
sionary Society with limited resources. Under such circwnstances,
a Society must commence its work by accustoming the converts
to support their own institutions in the simplest forms, so that the
resources of the mission may be gradually released, and be moved
forward to a new ground. In other words, the organisation must
144 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

work upwards. When a sufficient substratum of self-support is laid

in the native Church, its fuller development will unfold itself, as
in the healthy growth of things natural. Had the problem been
to organise a mission where ample funds exist in the hands of a
Bishop and his clergy, for the evangclisation of a whole district.
as well as for the future endowment of its native Church, the
organisation might work downwards, beginning with a diocesan
council, forming the converts into districts and parishes, building
churches and coUeges, etc. These have been too much the leading
ideas in modem missions, and European ideas easily take root in
native minds. But past experience seems to show that such a
system, even if the means were provided, would be too apt to
create a feeble and dependent native Christian community.
15. The foregoing suggestions must be modiflCd according to
the previous system which may have prevailed in a mission. In
older missions the change of system must be very gradual; for
when a mission has grown up in dependence upon European
missionaries and upon native agency salaried by European funds,
the attempt to cunail summarily its pecuniary aid, before the
introduction of a proper organisation, will be like casting a person
overboard before he has been taught to swim: it will be a great
injustice to the native converts, and may seriously damage the
work already accomplished.
16. On the other hand, in new missions the missionary may
from the first encourage the inquirers to form themselves imo
companies. for mutual instruction and reading the Scriptures and
prayer, and for making their weekly collections. It should be
enjoined upon each company to enlarge its numbers by prevailing
upon others to join in their meetings. The enlargemem of a
Christian company, so as to require subdivision. should be re-
garded as a triwnph of Christianity, as a festive occasion of
congratulation and joy, as men rejoice 'when they divide the
spoil:
17. If the elementary principles of self-support and self-
government and self-extension be thus sown with the seed of the
Gospel, we may hope to see the healthy growth and expansion of
GREY AND VENN '45
the native Church, when the Spirit is poured down from on high,
as the Rowers of the fertile field multiply WIder the showers and
warmth of summer....

THIRD PAPER, ISSUED JANUARY 8,1866

I. The first Minute of the Committee of the Church Mission-

ary Society upon the subject of the native Church was issued in
I8s1; but at the end of ten years so little progress had been made
towards the formation of native Churches, that in July 1861 the
Committee issued a second minute on the organisation of native
Churches in missions, in which various practical directions were
given for the establishment of a Native Church Fund and of
Native Church District Conferences. The object of the presenr
paper is to record, for the encouragement of their missionaries,
the progress which has been since made in native Church organi-
sation, and to point out some practical measures for the more
speedy establishment of self-supporting, self-governing, and self-
extending native Churches.

Review of the Progress made towards Native Church Organisation

2. The Committee trust that throughout their missions the
distinction is now understood and recognised between a Mission mId a
Native Church - that is, between the agency employed by a
Foreign Missionary Society to evangelise any people, and the
agency to be employed in pastoral ministrations to Christian
congregations.
3. The greatest advance in native Church organisation has been
made in Sierra Leone. the earliest mission of the Society. There
nine out of twelve missionary districts have been formed into
self-supporting native pastorates. The nine native ministers and
the village schools are all supported by the contributions of the
native Church, assisted, to some extent, by a grant-in-aid from
the Society. These native ministers are no longer under the direc-
tion of the Society. but of the European Bishop of Sierra Lconeand
a church council. In this mission a circumstance occurred which
122 ORIGINS OP WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

holds out an important example to other missions. Two native

ministers, who had been educated and ordained in England, and
had for twelve years been acting as missionaries of the Society, had
to choose between continuing in that position or resigning their
connection with the Society, and casting in their lot with the
native Church.
They wisely chose the latter, as most for the advantage of their
country. The result has fully justified their choice. Their superior
qualifications have acted beneficially upon the whole body of
native pastors. Had they, in consequence of these superior quali-
fications, retained their position as missionaries of the Society, the
native Church would have suffered loss, and the rest of the native
pastors might easily have become discontented .. ..

Need of the Formation of a Separate Native Church Fund

6. The development of the resources of the native Church will
be greatly promoted, in the judgment of the Committcc, by a
separation between the NativeChurch Funds and the Funds of the
Society. For as long as the contributions for the support of the
native Church are paid into the Treasury of the Society, the
Society is regarded as the paymaster, and not the native Church.
Besides which, as long as the native Church agency and the
missionary agency are paid out of one Treasury, the distinction
between the native Church and the mission is liable to bc lost sight
of, and the two agencies are, by the native Christians, blended into
onc and the same.
7. The separation of the two funds can only be satisfactorily
effected by placing the Native Church Fund under the manage-
ment of a local committcc, or Church council, comprising, as in
Sierra Leone, Europeans and natives. To such a separate fund the
Society may contribute grants-in-aid, gradually diminished as the
native Church contributions increase, until the native Church is
able to sustain the whole charge of the native pastorate. In a for-
mer minute the managing body of such a Native Church Fund
was called a 'District Conference,' but as the term 'conference' is
generally employed for the meetings of missionaries, the designa-
GREY AND VENN '47
tion of 'Council,' as in Sierra Leone, more exactly represents the
executive body of a native Church, and points also to the relative
position of that body in respect of the missionary of the district,
and ultimately of the native Bishop.
8. The Church Council, or managers of the fund, will naturally
be entitled to exercise some superintendence over the agents
supported by the fund. Regulations must therefore be adopted for
securing a proper selection of the members of the Church Council,
and for the right exercise of the powers of the council, under the
united action of Europeans and natives.
9. The principles on which the Native Church Fund and
Church Councils should be regulated have been already partly ex-
plained in the former minutes on 'Native Church Organisation,'
but they may now be stated in a more distinct and practical form.
I. That native contributions for the support of native teachers
should be commenced from the ftrst formation of a Christian
congregation, even though there be but a single congregation,
but they should never be paid direct from any congregation to
its pastor or resident catechist, but to a native church fund, which
must be available for the support of all the native teachers
of an assigned district, according to regulated scales of salaries.
II. That whilst the native contributions are inadequate to the
whole support of the native teachers of such a district, the
Society shall supplement the native Church fund by grants-in-
aid; and as long as the Society thus contributes or carries on a
mission within the district, the treasurership and ultimate control
of the native church fund must rcst with the Society.
m. That as soon as a district contains three or more separate
congregations under native pastors, a Native Church Council
should be formed for the distribution of the fund, for consulting
upon the interests of the native Church, and for the general
superintendence of its affairs.
IV. That in every church council, as long as the district
remains a missionary district, a missionary or other person
appointed by the Society shall be the chairman, whose con-
currence shall be necessary to the validity of the council, and
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

who shall submit the proceedings of the council to the Com-

mittee of the Society.
v. The members of the council should be appointed periodi-
cally, and should consist of two members appointed by the
chairman, three native pastors appointed by the pastors, and
three native laymen appointed by the congregations.
VI. That the foregoing arrangements be subject to revision
by the Parent Committee from time to time. until the native
Church fund ceases to receive aid from the Society, or the
district is placed under a permanent ecclesiastical system.
10. The Committee feel assured that the establishment of a
separate native Church fund will not only afford great relief to
the resources of the Society, but will have far more important
benefits. by training up the native Church to manage its own
affairs independently of European superintendence, and by
affording to the heathen a visible and convincing proof of the
reality and stability of native Christianity.

Suggestion of a Native Episcopal Commissary, preparatory

for a Native Suffragan Bishop
II. With a view further to promote the independence of the
native Church at as early a period as possible, it may be suggested
that the Bishop of the diocese should appoint /rom time to time a Native
Minister as his Commissary, to visit and make himself acquainted
with the native teachers and their pastoral work, and that the
commis~ry should attend the church councils as an assessor, with
the chairman, and that he should report his visitations to the
Bishop. This arrangement is proposed as a preparation for the
appoinnnent of a native suffragan bishop, when the native Church
is sufficiently organised, and the Bishop of the Diocese shall be
prepared to make such an appointment.

Reasons for a Missionary Society not placing Native

Ministers in the position of European Missionaries
12. The Committee may refer, in connection with this subject,
to applications they have lately received from more than one
GREY AND VENN '49
quarter to place some of the native pastors in the position of
European missionaries, as in the earlier stages of missionary
operations. The first Minute seems indeed to hold out the pros-
pect to native pastors of such a missionary position, as an advance-
ment and reward of faithful service. But the case is now altered.
Experience has proved that the employment by a foreign Mis-
sionary Society of native ministers on the footing of English
missionaries, impedes, in many ways, the organisation of the
native Church. The native Church needs the most able native
pastors for its fuller development. The right position of a native
minister, and his true independence, must now be sought in the
independence of the native Church, and in its more complete
organisation under a native Bishop. At the same time the Com-
mittee reserve to themselves the power, as exceptional cases, of
transferring a native pastor to the list of missionaries or assistant
missionaries, but this must only be done when the general interests
of the Society require it, and not as a reward or advancement of
an individual. The example of the African missionaries, who
transferred themselves to the position of native pastors, points out
a more excellent way.

The Native Church Fund may for a time be relieved

of the Charge of Elementary Schools
13. In the foregoing remarks the Committee have confined
their view to the support and superintendence of the pastoral
agency of the native Church, as exercised by native pastors or
resident catechists or readers. They have not touched upon the
support of schools, because they regard Anglo-vernacular schools
and boarding schools as missionary agency; and they think that it
will greatly facilitate the arrangements for supporting native
pastors if the vernacular schools are provided for, as a temporary
arrangement. by the Society, or by other local resources, as, in
South India, all female education is supported by the South India
local fund. until the native Church organisation is sufficiently
established to support the vernacular schools. The native pastors
and the church council should. nevertheless, regard it as an
150 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

essential part of their duty to watch over these schools, and to

promote their efficiency.

E. A REFUTATION OF 'AFRICA FOR THE

AFRICANS ALONE'
Bishop Crowther's charge at Lokoja, 13 September 1869. C.M.S.
CAl/04A
If we have any regard for the elevation of Africa ... Qllr wisdom
would be to cry to those Christian nations which have been so
long labouring for our conversion, to redouble their Christian
efforts for the evangelization of this continent .. . we can act as
rough quarry-mends, who hew out blocks of marble from the
quarries, which arc conveyed to the workshop, to be shaped and
fmished into perfect figures by the hands of the skillful artists. In
like manner native teachers can do. having the acquaintance with
the language in their favour, to induce their heathen countrymen
to come within the reach of the means of grace and hear the word
of God. What is lacking is good training and sound evangelical
teaching, the more experienced foreign missionaries will supply,
and thus give shape to new churches in heathen countries....
Africa has neither knowledge nor skill to devise plans to bring
out her vast re<iourCe<i for her own improvement; and for want of
Christian enlightenment, cruelty and barbarity overspread the
land to an incredible degree. Therefor to claim Africa for the
Africans alone, is to claim for her the right of a continued igno-
rance to practice cruelty and acts of barbarity as her perpetual
inheritance. For it is certain, unle<is help come from without, a
nation can never rise much above its pre<ient state.
13 Resolutions of the Select Committee
of the House of Commons,
26 June 1865
From Parliamentary Papers, 1865. v (412) iii

Resolved, -
That it is the opinion of this Committee:
I. That it is not possible to withdraw the British Government,
wholly or immediately, from any settlements or engagements on
the West African Coast.
2. That the settlement on the Gambia may be reduced, by
M'Carthy's Island, which is ISO miles up the river. being no
longer occupied; and that the settlement should be confmed as
much as possible to the mouth of the river.
3. That all further extension of territory or assumption of
Government, or new treaties offering any protection to native
tribes, would be inexpedient; and that the object of our policy
should he to encourage in the natives the exercise of those qualities
which may render it possible for us more and more to transfer to
them the administration of all the Governments, with a view to
our ultimate withdrawal from all, except, probably, Sicrra Leone.
4. That this policy of non-extension admits of no exception, as
regards new settlements, but cannot amount to an absolute
prohibition of measures which, in peculiar cases, may be necessary
for the more efficient and economical administration of the
settlements we already possess.
s. That the reasons for the separation of West African Govern-
ments in 1842 having ceased to exist, it is desirable that a Central
Government over all the four settlements should be re-established
at Sierra Leone, with steam communication with each Lieutenant
Government.
6. That the evidence leads to the hope that such a central
control may be established with considerable retrenchment of
152 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

expenditure, and at the same time with a general increase of

efficiency.
7. That in the newly acquired territory of Lagos the native
practice of domestic slavery still, to a certain degree, exists,
although it is at variance with British law; and that it appears to
your Conunittee that this state of things, surrounded as it is by
many local difficulties, demands the serious attention of the
Government, with a view to its termination as soon as possible.
PART III

James Africanus Horton

and the
Fanti Confederation
The Sierra Leonean James Africanus Horton (1835-83) published
West African Countries and Peoples in 1868. This was an ambitious
and comprehensive work, which sought to give substance and purpose to
the ambiguous reso/utiolls of the 1865 Committee. Horton, who had
graduated in medicine at Editlburgh University in 1859, spent his sub-
sequetlt career in the Army Medical Service. Scientifically trained, well
travelled and widely read, he was formidably equipped to combat the
argumetlts of those Europeans who denied African capacity for Westem
Christian civilisation and political advancemetlt. After clearing away the
objections oj such racist theories, he proceeded to describe how West
African potential could be realised, taking the countries and peoples one
by one and suggesting specific policies for British-sponsored independence.
Horton served longest in the Gold Coast, and it was there that his
hopes for indepetldence came closest to realisation. The Fanti Cotifedera-
tion arose out of the exchange of British and Dutch forts, which led to
diswrbance and distress, rendered desperate by the shadow of a possible
Ashanti invasion . This venture in native self-help took shape along lines
suggested by Horton, as is shown by the letter ofJoseph Dawson (no.
16A). Dawson identified himself as Secretary of the Confederacy. His
letter to the African Times in August 1870 is strongly influenced by
West African Countries and Peoples (no. 14) and Horton's later
work, Letters on the Political Condition of the Gold Coast, 1870
(no. IS).
Although the Fatlti CO/federation may seem to move in the direction
pointed by Grey's Poll-tax Assembly, the fact that it was taken Oil
African initiative 'ed to distrust and, on a vital occasion, repression by
British officials. In October and November 1871 a meetitlg of Fant;
chiefs and their advisers at Mankessim, a traditional Fant; religious
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

centre, drew up a constitution for the Confederacy (no. 16C). The

Constitution reveals tlte influence of Horton, bllt it is significant that the
chiefs and commoners, whom Horton had proposed should have separate
Houses. were to sit together in a single legislature, the Representative
Assembly. Moreover they dropped Horton's proposal for a direct link
with the Legislative Council, possibly because they already had good
reason to be wary of the reaction of British officials towards any Africans
deemed to challetlge their authority. If such caution lay behind their
revision, it proved fruitless. C. S. Salmon, the Acting Administrator,
arrested eight of the Confederacy's leaders and, although they were
released on bail, they were not allowed to leave Cape Coast. Salmon's
superiors believed that he had acted hastily alld possibly illegally, but felt
his authority must nevertheless be upheld. Moreover they shared his
view that the Confederacy was unrepresentative of ordinary Fanti
opinion, believing that the chiefs were mere dupes of the Western-
educated elite and that tlte 'educated native' was the 'curse of the West
Coast'.
In 1872 the arrival of a more sympathetic Administrator-in-Chiif,
J. Pope-Hennessy, an individualistic ex-Conservative M.P. and Irish
nationalist, wetll some way towards improving relations. The Fanti
leaders lobbied Pope-Hennessy (no. 16D), and he moved slightly
towards meeting their reqllests (no. 16E). But the argument over inde-
pendence ceased to be a practical political issue once Britain tightened
her grasp on the Gold Coast after the Angl(}-Ashanti War of 1873-4.
Nevertheless the Fanti Confederation took on a retroactive importance
in the hey-day of imperialism. To frustrated nationalists it came to
symbolise both the parting of the ways between Gold Coast aspirations
towards independence and British imperialism and a national unity yet
to be achieved. To J. Mensah Sarbah and, above all. J. E. Casely
Hayford in Gold Coast Native Institutions, 1902 (no. 26), tlte
Confederation marked a significant turning-point in Angl(}-African rela-
tions ill the Gold Coast (no. 16F).
I4 Horton and the Idea
of Independence
From James Africanus Horton, West African Countries alld
Peoples (1868)

[Traditional Political Organization.]

... In viewing the map of West Africa, and tracing out those
political communities which are not due to the agency of more
civilised politicians, we affirm that there arc amongst them ftxed
and established Governments, although rude and barbarous; that
the obedience to the supreme power in many cases is implicit, the
right of property is enforced by adjudicature; and. although the
power of the supreme head has been used with extreme despotism,
as in Dahomey and Ashantee, yet still it is as ttuly a political
Government as that of France or England. By nature the African
is a social being. possessing the capacity of commanding and
obeying, and that type of improvement which advances as the
reason is cultivated, which are the essential elements both of a
political Government and a political community; and therefore
Africans bear no relation whatever to those gregarious species of
animals - apes, monkeys, etc. - to which some fantastic writers
have likened them.
Examining Western Africa in its entirety, we find it to be
composed of a number of political communities, each ruled by a
national Government, formed in many cases of distinct nationali-
ties occupying determined territory; but some national commwli-
ties are broken up into innwnerable fractional sections, governed
by rebel chiefs, or satraps; others depend upon a political body
whose sovereign chief rules over life and property; and others.
again. are under well-regulated civilised government. But in order
to develop among these different nationalities a true political
science. it is necessary that the inhabitants should be made ac-
quainted with the useful arts, and the physical conditions which
IS8 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

jnfluence other more civilised and reEmed political Governments.

What, it may be asked. are the different forms of government
now in existence on the West Coast of Africa? The two principal
forms are the monarchical and the republican.
In the purely native community we observe the recognition of
power, in many cases, vested in a single individual, variously
called by the different tribes, but to which we apply the name of
basiieus, or king; surrounded by a number of headmen, who
pledge themselves to do his will. Some of these basileus, such as
those of Ashantee and Dahomey, have implicit power over life
and property, and therefore are held in dread by their subjects. Of
the tribes who are governed by these autocrats we may well apply
the language of Merivaie,* when speaking of the Asiatic races,
that 'they have acquiesced in their own immemorial despotisms
to which they have been abandoned. To them the names of
liberty and equality, invoked in turn by their neighbours, are
unintelligible; their sympathies arc centred always in men, and
not in government.' A desperate and successful warrior, such as
Owoosookorkor, a Mahbah, and a Gezo, commanded all their
devotions, and for them the 'foundation oflaws lay in the bosom
of the autocrat.'
Among other political native communities we fmd that in some
the form of government resembles very closely a limited mon-
archy - in others a democracy, in which all the caboceers or head-
men stand almost on equal terms. Among those tribes who are
goaded with religious tenets and infmitesimal rites and ceremonies,
who believe implicitly in the supernatural powers of their fetish
and medicine man, whom they suppose to have the power of
communicating with the world of spirits, and using their agency
in hwnan affairs, the population are subject to a spiritual des-
potism not easily comprehended by civilised nations. In matters of
great intcrest, in many cases a whole nation assemblc together for
deliberation; but the counsels of the aged, from their experience,
especially when backed by previous sage advice and reputation of
wisdom, a sober and thoughtful deportment, and a vigorous and
• History oJthe Romans umitT the Empire, vol. II, p. 141.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION '59
energetic character, generally decide the will of the multitude.
The authority of a chief is hereditary, hut this hereditary descent
differs materially from that in civilized countries; the individual
to whom the succession falls heing, not the eldest son of the chief,
but the son of his sister; and this is accounted for by the plurality
of wives which each man maintains. But men who have shown
themselves to possess great tact, courage, and strength in time of
war, although they might have been originally slaves, may in
time of peace arrogate to themselves such predominant influence,
that they soon create themselves chiefs (such as the present King
ofDenkera on the Gold Coast.)
Not being acquainted with letters, they have no history, and
are absolutely ignorant of events for any long period beyond the
memory of their headmen; successive events once out of sight
are for ever lost; they pass away like the spectres in a phantasma-
goria, leaving no other trace behind them than a dreamy recol-
lection of some distant circumstances that had taken place. They
satisfy the curiosity of their generation by the aged among them
giving the oral narration of legendary tales, heroic myths, vague
traditions, etc., descriptive of deeds of wonder at an uncertain and
undated antiquity, and which fonns the only channel by which
their 'thoughts can be transmitted from one COMtry and one age
to another.' Not knowing anything of the useful arts, their
Governments are feeble and unenterprising, and their military
organization impotent and inefficient; amongst the rugher classes
in some of them the head wives occupy important positions in the
domestic circle, whilst all the other women occupy a degraded
position.
Proper legislative science is entirely WlknOwn to them; they
possess no means by which a continuous and profitable revenue
can be brought into their imperial coffers; no proper determina-
tion of political causes, and, consequently no established principle
which might be made to form a guide to the Legislature in the
making of new laws or the alteration of old ones, and thus for ages
they have shown no improvement in the executive administra-
tion; and possess no proper legal status, and no generalized
160 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

principle of international law. There is an entire absence of any

domestic history amongst them. By them a society is never
contemplated, either in its constituent elements or mutual rela-
tions; in its private recesses or habitual intercourses. A fact, an
anecdote. a speech, or remark. which would illustrate the con-
dition of the common people, or of any rank subordinate to the
highest, is considered too insignificant to intrude upon a relation
which concerns only grandees and ministers, thrones and imperial
powers. Some towns there are which are governed entirely by
chiefs, who exercise an uncertain rule over the inhabitants - who
are regarded more as a father of the community than a political
head; some of them are nomadic in their nature, but others
constitute themselves into a political society of the most primitive
order. ...

[The 1865 Committee.}

The British portion of the Government of Western Africa is in
a transition state, and it is Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of
State for the Colonies to whom we must now look as the guardian
of the practical policy of the Colonies of Western Africa in its
internal and foreign relations; and now that we have been carried
through the distress, danger, difficulty, and doubts attendant on
the late Parliamentary Committee, every African who deserves to
have his nationality based upon a stable footing, must regard him
as the statesman, whom we might liken to the steersman at the
helm of a ship, who. by his attentive and vigilant observations,
will guide the national policy to a successful end. We hope that
ere long a constitutional foundation will be erected which will
greatly improve the system of government on the Coast, and that
the natives will be really and properly brought up to self-
government.
The new laws and measures which the Government, according
to the resolutions of their Committee, are now about to enact
giving to the educated natives experience in the fonn of govern-
ment, ought to form an important step in the advance of African
history; they can, however, only be regarded for the present as
HORTON AND THE PANTI CONFEDERATION 161

provisional and tentative experiments until confirmed by proofs

of practical success. It will be the place of the local executive
authorities to watch carefully and cautiously their operation,
reporting faithfully on their progress, so that correct data may
be drawn. It was by similar reports furnished to the American
Colonization Society, that they were subsequently led to transfer
all authority to the inhabitants. [of Liberia] thus virtually giving
them a nationality ....

[The Progressive Advancement of the Negro Race Under Civi-

lizing Influence.]
It may be asked. what advances in civilization have the negro
race exhibited since their free contact with civilized nations
untrammelled by the slave trade and slavery, that may tend to
prove them not to be behind the most favoured nations in their
moral and intellectual qualifications?
Leaving unnoticed many genuine evidences of civilization to be
found now-a-days amongst the coloured inhabitants of Barbadoes
and other West Indian islands. and bearing in mind that mankind
(in all ages) in different communities. when subject to proper
cultivating influences, do not show an equable rate of advance
within a given period, I shall endeavour to point out what im-
provements have taken place amongst the negroes in one of the
colonies on the West Coast of Africa only within the last fifty years.
As Sierra Leone is the head-quarters of the British possessions
there, I shall select it as the subject of the example. and will com-
mence from the liberated Africans, who were there freed from the
fetters of slavery. Prior to their being kidnapped they wele
governed by kings. or chiefs. who had a complete sway over life
and property; they possessed no written laws, and no proper
religion, but worshipped wood, stones, and other material sub-
stances; they were extremely cruel to each other; polygamy was
carried on to a fearful extent; the lower class were kept in a state
of slavery; warfare was carried on in a most cruel style, and all
conquered populations were enslaved; they lived in huts, made
either with mud or cane; they made only one kind of cloth; they
•
16, ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

lived wholly naked or partially so; they tilled the ground; and the
Cramantees. from having gold as the medium of commerce,
knew weights and measures.
On their arrival at Sierra Leone. landed naked and in a state of
abject rudeness and poverty, without the least knowledge of
civilization, they are placed under Government supervision for a
few months. A portion of land is given them. to cut down the
woods and build towns; then commences cultivation; missionary
schools are established; gradually they begin to read and write;
commerce, by degrees, forms a part of their occupation; they
begin slowly to throw off their air of serfdom, which they had
imbibed from previous treatment, and become interested in the
nature of their Government, so as to require improvement in its
administrative and judicial departments. The worship of the living
and true God is strictly observed by them, and they manifest great
sympathy for the condition of their countrymen. In time they
begin to inquire how their children are to be. educated, and what
are the best means at their disposal for doing so. These, as they
grow up (which is the generation at present occupying Sierra
Leone), seek after and obtain justice; preach loudly the Christian
ethics - viz., mutual charity, forgiveness of one another, fraternity,
and equality. Science and literature are taught in some of the
schools; the generation feel themselves to possess great liberty,
physically and mentally; philanthropic views are extensively
circulated amongst them; they build large and expensive dwel-
ling-houses; buy up the former abode:; of their European masters;
carry on extensive mercantile speculations; seek after the indul-
gences of civilized life, and travel in foreign cotll1tries to seek after
wealth. English newspapers are very much circulated amongst
them, and are read with eagerness; and they require a voice in
their legislative administration. They look out for a better form
of governmental administration, and desire to attain it; and they
use the best means for arriving at their wish; - the essentials for
political progress.
The original condition of the people of Sierra Leone is thus
described by Mr. Ferguson, formerly governor of that Colony: -
HORTON AND THE fANTI CONfEDERATION r6J
'The condition of a body of captive slaves on their arrival at
Sierra Leone for liberation is the most miserable and wretched
that can be conceived - emaciated, squalid, sickly-looking, ill-fed,
barbarous, confmed in inadequate space, compelled to breathe an
atmosphere hardly fit for the sustenance of animal life - is it to be
wondered that, in such circumstance, the faculties of the soul
should be cramped and benumbed by the cruelties inflicted upon
the body? It is nevertheless from among such people and their
descendants at Sierra Leone, their minds at length elevated by a
sense of personal freedom, and by the temperate administration
ofjust and equable laws, that you are to look for the ftrst practical
results of your operations. It is not my intention to trace the
progress of the liberated Africans from the depths of the misery
alluded to, until we fmd them, after the lapse of ftfteen or twenty
years, independent and respectable members of society, but to
give you some notion of them as a class, and of the position in
society which they occupy at the present day. Of the liberated
Africans as a body, it may with great truth be said that there is not
a more quiet. inoffensive, and good-hwnoured population on the
face of the earth. Of their religious spirit it is not easy. from the
very nature of the subject, to form a decided opinion, but I
know that their outward observance of the Sabbath-day is most
exemplary. On that day the passion for amusements is altogether
laid aside, and the whole body of the people are to be found at
one or another of the churches or chapels which abound in the
colony.'
But the creoles of Sierra Leone have been stigmatized as the
most impertinent rogues in all the coast, even by men who know
nothing of them. They will not wait for the truth, the whole
truth. and nothing but the truth; no - but they rant upon the
platform, seeing who can crow the loudest, or 'forge red-hot
sentences at their pens' points;' and when investigation is made as
to whether the assertion be true, it is found to be some mere
phantom of ignorance and credulity which has been exaggerated
in the repetition by those who have had occasion to complain.
There is undoubtedly among the low, reckless class, a certain
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

amount of roguery, such as is found among a parallel portion of

the population of the whole world; but the stigma is here applied
to the whole population; for those who propagate the would-be
extraordinary intelligence, magnify the tale to such a degree, that
the story in its progress through the fancies and mouths of those
who represent it, assumes great magnitude and importance. But
we fmd, nevertheless, that these creoles of Sierra Leone occupy
lucrative subordinate positions of trust in both the military and
civil service of the Government in the four colonies and settle-
ments on the coast - viz., Sierra Leone, the Gambia, the Gold
Coast, and Lagos; which speaks volumes for the indomitable and
arduous exertions and perseverance of the missionaries who
fonned the educational body of the colony. Besides this, they are
to be found in every part of the coast sighing after gold in the
capacity of merchants, traders, and clerks - in the French colony
of Senegal; in the Rivers Gambia, Casamanza, Nunez, Pongas,
Sherbroe and Galinas; in the Liberian Republic; on the Gold
Coast; in the Kingdom of Dahomey; in Lagos and Abeokuta; in
the Niger; at Bonny, Old and New Calabar, the Cameroons,
Fernando Po, the Gaboons, and the Islands of St. Helena and A~
ccnsion. If they were not an industrious, exploring race, deter-
mined to advance their position in life by speculation and other
legitimate means, would they not have confined themselves with-
in the limits of the Peninsula of Sierra leone; and do not their
exertions above alluded to, point to a similar trait in the character
of Englishmen, who are to be found in every part of the known
world where money can be made?
The Obiruary* on the death of William O'Connor Prau, son
of the late William Henry Pratt, Esq., merchant, and Marshal of
the Vice-Admiralty Court at Sierra Leone (a pure negro of rhe
Eboe tribe), written by one of the European inhabitants of the
colony of Sierra Leone, will furnish us with an example of the
real worth of Christian and civilizing influence on the native
African. He was sent to England at an early age, where he received
the rudiments of a sound English education. On his return to the
'" Sierra Leone WukIy Times and West African Record, :19 October 1862.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122
colony, in 1853, he was engaged in mercantile pursuits in his
father's house. 'In his career he was at once marked out as a young
man who had profited, far more than is usually the case, by the
advantages of an English education. He proved himself deserving
of the highest trust. He was hard-working, zealous, and attentive;
and in the year 1859 his father admitted him to a partnership in
the firm of W. H. Pratt and Sons.' He had only completed his
twenty-sixth year, when he suddenly met his death by the burst-
ing of a blood vessel. 'His death at any time could not have been
otherwise than sad, touchingly sad, because his friends and fellow-
citizens must always have looked upon him as a bright and living
example of the capacity of the African race to accept the civiliza-
tion of Europe, and of the holy influences of a pure Christianity.
But he died, according to hwnan calculation, at an untimely age,
before arriving at the meridian of life, when the stronger and
more enduring qualities of manhood take the place of the im-
perfections and waywardness of youth. His countrymen may well
mourn for him, and that regret is shared by every European who
knew him. We give expression to the unanimous sentiment of the
inhabitants of this colony, when we say that the death of so
promising a young man, in a rising community that possess so
few like him, is a national calamity. He was an African by birth;
he loved his country; he disdained not to associate with his less-
favoured citizens; but withal he was a gentleman in his bearing
and in his language, and in every relation of life he showed the
depth and strength of the principles of a refmed and gentlemanly
culture. Many Africans have received on occasion unqualified
praise from the English press, but none ever deserved it more than
the young gentleman this colony now mourns. He was far
removed from that silly vanity which, doubtful of the reality of
equality, attempts to force its acknowledgement by impudence
and forwardness. On the contrary, William Pratt was conspicuous
for his simplicity and good breeding, and yet he never sacrificed his
undoubted and acknowledged position as an educated gentleman.
Besides being a parmer in the firm of W. H. Pratt and Sons, he
held the appointment oflieutenant, paymaster, and quartermaster
166 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

in the Royal Sierra Leone Militia, and he discharged the duties of

those offices to the entire satisfaction and approbation of his
Excellency Governor Hill, and the other authorities. During the
late Quiah war, he was conspicuous among the native officers for
the zeal and attention with which he performed his various duties.
At this time it was remarked that his constitution, which was
evidently never a robust one, showed signs of a premature decline;
yet he bore up manfully, and fought the hattle oflife for a position
of honour and distinction in a manner which proved that a manly
and liberal education can bear fruit as strong on an African as on
a European soil. We must not omit to mention that for seven
years he was the organist of St. George's Cathedral. The emolu-
ments of this office were oflittle consequence, but it was his wish
to make his talents of service to his fellow-townsmen; and his loss
will for a long time be felt by the congregation.' The writer thus
concludes: 'The supply of such men as William Pratt is sufficiently
scarce to make his loss severely felt. The most anxious demand
cannot call them forth. His imelligence was far above most of the
native young men of the colony, and, in his death, Sierra Leone
has lost its highest ornament, and Africa one of her illustrious sons.
His premature death cannot be too much deplored, and it is most
natural that we should dwell upon his life. The example which he
set of a dutiful son is rare enough to call for an expression of
public approbation. But we must especially dwell upon the
qualities of the heart, which impressed every one who knew him
with feelings of respect and regard. The best of us may learn from
his example how far good manners and a genial disposition will
gain the esteem and goodwill of even comparative strangers. A
sphere of great usefulness undoubtedly lay before him; but we
must not imagine that he died to leave no trace of his existence.
His memory will live after him to encourage others to gain the
esteem of their fellow-citizens, and to walk. in the paths of duty
and usefulness.'
But, unfortunately, in Western Africa there are no prizes held
out to ambition: in all well-constituted societies for the progres-
sive development of a community there must be a wholesome
HORTON AND THE FANTl CONFEDERATION 122
stimulus to the aspirants. Invidious distinctions, by which one
class of individuals, not because of any superior attainments, but
from mere physical configuration, must always take the first place,
engender amongst that privileged class pride, arrogance, and a
spirit of oppression; whilst at the same time they lead to a spirit
of combined opposition to any and everything that appears to be
noble and praise-worthy in the less privileged class. Fortwlately,
within the last few years, in Western Africa there are healthy
symptoms of improvement in this order of things; but it will be
well that our legislators should remember that, to improve a
popuJation, there must be a stimuJus to energy and exertion, a
motive to industry; and that when a people is kept Wlder mental
depression and dejection, indolence, poverty, and stupidity are
the inseparable concomitants. 'Give the negro a motive,' says an
eminent writer, 'and he is active and industrious enough;' and
Dr.Madden has asserted that the negro is not the indolent. slothful
being he is everywhere considered to be, which is proved by the
progress he is now making in the British colonies; and the same
writer is perfectly correct when he adds, 'I am well persuaded, in
respect to industry, physical strength, and activity. the Egyptian
fellas, the Maltese labourer, and the Italian peasant, are far inferior
to the negro.' Dr. Madden considers that the blessing of education
and good government are alone wanting to make the natives of
Africa intellectually and morally equal to the people of any nation
on the surface of the globe.
But we have seen European nations who in years long passed
were themselves as barbarous and unenlightened as the negro
Africans are at present, and who have exhibited wonderful
improvement within the last century. This should urge the
Africans to increased exertions, so that their race may, in course
of time, take its proper stand in the world's history. 'The same
race,' says Mr. Armistead, 'which in the age of Tacitus dwelt in
solitary dens and amid morasses, have built St. Petersburg and
Moscow; and the posterity of the cannibals now feed on wheaten
bread. Little more than a century ago Russia was covered with
hordes of barbarians; cheating, drinking, brutal lust, and the most
168 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

pernicious excesses of rage. were as well known, and as little

blamed, among the better classes of the nobles who frequented
the Czar's court, as the more polished and mitigated forms of the
same vices are at this day in St. Petersburg. Literature had never
once appeared amongst its inhabitants in a form to be recognized,
and you might travel over tracts of several days' journey without
meeting a man, even among the higher classes, whose mind
contained the materials of onc moment's rational conversation.
Although the various circumstances of external improvement
will certainly not disguise, even at this day, and among the indivi-
duals of the first classes, the vestigia ruris, still no onc can presume
to dispute that the materials of which Russians are made have been
greatly and fundamentally ameliorated, that their capacities are
rapidly unfolding, andtheir virtues improving;' and this is mainly
produced by the extension of their communication with the more
civilized portion of the globe, and by the change of their habits
and mode of life. 'A century ago it would have been just as
miraculous to read a tolerable Russian composition, as it wou1d
be at this day to fUld the same phenomenon in Haussa or at
Timbuctoo; and speculators who argue about races, and despise
the effect of circumstances, would have had the same right to
decide upon the fate of all the Russians, from an inspection of the
Calmuc skulls, as they imagine they now have to condemn all
Africa to everlasting barbarism, from the head, the colour, and
the wool of its inhabitants.'
Africa, in ages past, was the nursery of science and literature;
from thence they were taught in Greece and Rome, so that it was
said that the ancient Greeks represented their favourite goddess
of Wisdom - Minerva - as an African princess. Pilgrimages were
made to Africa in search of knowledge by such eminent men as
Solon, Plato, Pythagoras; and several came to listen to the
instructions of the African Euclid, who was at the head of the most
celebrated mathematical school in the world, and who flourished
300 years before the birth of Christ. The conqueror of the great
African Hannibal made his associate and confidant the African
poet Terence. 'Being emancipated by his master, he took him to
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122

Rome and gave him a good education; the young African soon
acquired reputation for the talent he displayed in his comedies.
His dramatic works were much ad.mired by the Romans for their
prudential maxims and moral sentences, and, compared with his
contemporaries, he was much inadvance of them in point of style'.
Origen, Tertullian, Augustin, Clemens Alexandrinus, and
Cyril, who were fathers and writers of the Primitive Church,
were tawny African bishops of Apostolic renown. Many eminent
writers and historians agree that these ancient Ethiopians were
negroes, but many deny that this was the case. The accounts given
by Herodotus, who travelled in Egypt, and other writers, settle
the question that such they were. Herodorus describes them as
'woolly-haired blacks, with projecting lips.' In describing the people
of Co1chis, he says that they were Egyptian colonists, who were
'black in complexion and woolly-haired.' This description undoubted-
ly refers to a race of negroes, as neither the Copts, their descen-
dants, nor the mwnmies which have been preserved, wou1d lead
us to believe that their complexion was black. Even the large
sphinx, which was excavated by M. Caviglis in Egypt, and which
is regarded by all scientific men as a stupendous piece of sculpture,
has its face' of the negro cast,' and is said to be of a mild and even
of a sublime expression. 'If it be not admitted that these nations
were black, they were undoubtedly of very dark complexion,
having much of the negro physiognomy, as depicted in Egyptian
sculpture and painting, and from them the negro population,
indeed the whole race of Africa, have sprung. Say not, then, I
repeat it, that Africa is without her heraldry of science and fame.
Its inhabitants are the offshoots - wild and untrained, it is true,
but still the offshoots of a stem which was once proudly luxuriant
in the fruits of learning and taste; whilst that from which the
Goths, their calumniators, have sprung, remained hard, and
knotted, and barren.'* And why should not the same race who
governed Egypt,t attacked the most famous and flourishing city-
* Armistead, A Tribute jor tile N~g,o, p. 123.
t Down to the time of H erodotus, out of three hundred Egyptian sovereigns,
eighteen were Ethiopiaru. - HEIIOD. Lib. ii, c:l.p. 100.

"
'70 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Rome, who had her churches, her Wliversities, and her reposito-
ries of learning and science. once more stand on their legs and
endeavour to raise their characters in the scale of the civilized
world?
In the examination of the world's history, we are led forcibly
to entertain the opinion that hwnan affairs possess a gradual and
progressive tendency to deterioration. Nations rise and fall; the
once flourishing and civilized degenerates into a semi-barbarous
state; and those who have lived in utter barbarism, after a lapse of
time become the standing nation. Yes, 'how wonderful arc the
vicissirudes which history exhibits to Wi in the course of human
affairs; and how little foundation do they afford to our sanguine
prospects concerning futurity! If in those parts of the earth which
were formerly inhabited by barbarians, we now see the most
spendid exenions of genius, and the highest forms of civil policy,
we behold others, which in ancient times were the seats of science,
of cultivation, and of liberty, at present immersed in supersti-
tion, and laid waste by despotism. After a short period of civil, of
military, and of literary glory, the prospect has changed at once;
the career of degeneracy has begun, and has proceeded till it could
advance no further; or some unforeseen calamity has occurred,
which has obliterated for a time all memory of former improve-
ments, and has condenmed mankind to retrace, step by step, the
same path by which their forefathers had risen to greatness. In a
word, on such retrospective views of hwnan affairs, man appears
to be doomed, by the condition of his nature, to run alternately
the career of improvement and of degeneracy; and to realise the
beautiful but melancholy fable of Sisyphus, by an eternal renova-
tion of hope and of disappointment.'*
Such being the tendency of all national greatness, the nations of
Western Africa must live in the hope, that in process of time their
turn will come, when they will occupy a prominent position in
the world's history, and when they will command a voice in the
council of nations.

* Stewart's E/(mrnls of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, vol. I, dlS ... and 8.
HORTON AND THE fANTI CONfEDERATION I7I

['Africa for the Africans' will be a Political, as well as Biological,

Truth.]
•. . A European race may exist for a short time in any part of
Africa, but, ultimately, in tropical Africa, the reverse of what we
fmd in Australia and New Zealand happens to them, and in the
course of a very short space of time they die out, leaving their
places to be 6lled up by new emigrants, who also within an
incredibly short period share the same fate. Whilst the aboriginal
inhabitants increase and multiply, the European race diminish and
are ultimately annihilated; their offSpring suffer seriously from
birth to manhood from internal diseases, the results of miasmatic
and climatic influences, and they must either be amalgamated with
the white or black race, or they die out in about the second
generation. In the tropical countries of Western Africa the idea
of a permanent occupation by European settlers, if ever enter-
tained, is impossible of realization; it is a mistake and a delusion.
Again, we find that wherever the African race has been carried
to, except, perhaps, the East Indies, they increase. no matter under
what depressing and burdensome yoke they may suffer; from
which it may be safely inferred that the African people is a per-
manent and enduring people; and the fancies of those who had
determined their destruction will go in the same limbo as the now
almost defunct American slavery. The English Government is
conscious of this; and the House of Commons Committee has
now set on foot by resolution (and we hope it will soon be by
actual practice) that great principle of establishing independent
African nationalities as independent as the present Liberian
Government. But simple written resolutions without being
carried into practice, are worse than waste paper, because they
encourage hopes which may never be realized; and the absence of
the necessary means to effect such realization destroys all COI1-
fidence of belief in several separate nationalities. There is, how-
ever, every hope that the contemplated reform will be happily
carried into effect.• . .
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

[Sierra Leone.]
. . . Africa. through Britannic influence. is free from foreign
slavery. and through that same influence has made. and hopes still
to make. important progressive improvements in her history.
There are several peculiarities characteristic of the physical geo-
graphy of Sierra Leone. which will enable her to sustain a good
and powerful self-government. not threatened by any native tribe
of consequence in its neighbourhood. and not easily by any
European or foreign nations. Sierra Leone possesses a safe haven
where distressed vessels can put in and refit, and the entrance of its
harbour is through a narrow channel completely covered by
several important elevations and hills. In her claim for indepen-
dence she ranks with Liberia. her immediate neighbour, having a
strong, vigorous, and persevering population. who speak one
language. Education of the masses has been going on to a very
encouraging extent. and missionary efforts have had most salutary
and beneficial results on the population who are holding their
ground in various self-supporting systems....
But the inhabitants of the Colony have been gradually blending
into one race, and a national spirit is being developed. The lan-
guage of the self-government when formed must of necessity be
English, and all official and private business must be done in it. It
comes readily to all those born in the Colony. There will be no
spirit of a native language cOlmteracting, modifying, and balanc-
ing it, because it is now the universal language of the Colony.
When Liberia was given up to self-government, the progress
previously made as regards the working of state government. was
not at all to be compared with what now exists at Sierra Leone;
yet still we fmd that the Liberians have maintained their own
ground. have extended their dominions, and are making every
year great and rapid progress. Might we not hope that if the latter
country were to be placed under somewhat similar circumstances
a material progressive advance would take place, which would
ultimately lead to a greater consolidation of power, aided and
assisted by the fostering mother government? ...
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122
But as it is proposed to teach the people self-government, to the
ultimate withdrawal of British influence or power, and to leave
the natives to govern themselves, there must be chosen either a
monarchical or a republican form of government. As in the
Gambia a republic is unsuited to the taste of the people, so it is at
Sierra Leone. It will never have among the native inhabitants,
who have always looked up to their kind, the same influence and
effect. A national government should be selected, which should
be made so powerful and influential as to create an interest in its
support, extensive and strong enough to cOWlterbalance all other
influences. A Monarchical government, then, will be the only
form, and the king should be elected by universal suffrage, and
supported for some time by the British Govemment; he should
for a short period be initiated into the art of governing, by serving
the subordinate position of a governor over the Colony and its
Dependencies, whilst the English Governor should act as Gover-
nor-General of all the Coast.
His first policy should be to show himself to be on the popular
side, identifying himself with the growth of the people's liberties,
by which means he will secure an under basis of popular affection,
which will be an important auxiliary in his infant kingdom,
where, at the commencement, conflicting views and opinions are
possible. He should make merit the great high road to public
trusts, honours, and rewards, thus proving to everyone that he
measures the intellectual worth and dignity of a man, not by the
truths which he possesses, or fancies he possesses, but by the
sincere and honest pains which he takes to discover them. He
should be a native-born Sierra Leonist, or a citizen by constitu-
tional adoption. On his succession he will fmd that his treasury is
not impoverished, that his people are intelligent. industrious, and
willing to give him every assistance in establishing and completing
the national edifice. He will have a population comparatively
well advanced and progressing in civilization, who, by the zealow
efforts of the missionary societies. have nearly one-fifth of the
whole of the inhabitants at school, which is an unusually large
proportion in any country. By the census of 1860 the 'percentage
174 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

of the population \Ulder education was 22, whereas in Prussia the

percentage was 16, and in England 13;' and the effect is manifested
in the intellectual, moral, and religious improvements visible in
the country. The schools are supported in some measure by fees
and endowments obtained by the exertions of the people. They
are good and useful establishments, but open to great improve-
ment. In Sierra Leone there is a good grammar school, where
Latin, Greek, mathematics, and other branches of English educa-
tion are taught by a native clergyman. which bears most profitable
fruit, and is fully self-supporting. Besides this there is a large
Theological College, where the higher branches are taught, under
the Church Missionary Society, and which the King could do no
better than convert into a university.
One of his principal objects should be to annex the neighbour-
ing territory as an integral part of his kingdom, and to endeavour
to give protection and support to the merchants trading in it; this
will in every way improve his growing revenue, which it should
be his utmost endeavour to increase; as a good and healthy
revenue is indispensable for the support of his authority. The effect
of Sierra Leone in improving the capabilities of the countries in its
neighbourhood may be estimated from the report on the subject
by a merchant of that Colony, published in the Blue Book of
1856. 'Let anyone who knew the Mellicourie and other rivers in
our vicinity twenty years ago, visit them to-day, and then let him
testify to the almost miraculous change that has taken place in the
manners and habits of the people, in their intelligence - in short,
in their entire physique and morale; this change dates entirely from
the time the culture of the ground-nut was introduced among
them. Material causes produce the same effect on the African in
his country as on the Englishman in his; the only difference will
be in the rapidity with which effect will follow the cause; the
change is slower with the savage, hut not less certain.
'The natives are, moreover, physically and mentally inferior to
the tribes south of Cape Palmas, but in spite of all this, the trade
has become what it is in the short space of four years. Now, I have
a right from this to asswne that its growth will be still more rapid
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION '75
amongst those so much more favourably situated. If we wanted
additional evidence of this, we have only to look at the marvellous
progress of our palm oil trade. It scarcely dates so far back as the
present century. In 1808 the quantity imported into England was
only 200 tons, in 1851 it had reached to 50,000 tons; and it is only
during the last five years of that period that the steamship has
come to the aid of the African commerce.... No quarter of the
world affords such natural facilities for such a trade. The whole
country is a network of natural canalization; it commences at
Cape St. Paul and extends to the Bonny, rlUlning parallel to the
coast in its whole length, and extending hundreds of miles into
the interior in every direction.'
A constitutional form of government must form the basis of his
administration, consisting of a House of Assembly which should
be composed of men elected by the people, as it will be difficult
for his Government to stand without popular confidence, and the
only means by which that can be secured is by giving the people
the power of election of one branch of the Legislature; they will
be required to direct their attention to the internal government of
the State, to sanction the amount of duty to be levied on foreign
importation, and regulate the trade with foreign nations, and the
imposition of stamp, postal, and other duties. Each member
should possess landed property, be over the age of twenty-two,
and be properly educated. Besides the House of Assembly, there
should be the senate, consisting of men above me age of thirty-
five years, and having extensive means, and who may be recog-
nised by all as possessing good practical common sense. The
senator should be chosen by the king~lect, and should retain
office so long as his character is lUlimpeachable, either for life or
a period not less than ten years, and then be eligible for re-
election ....

[Gold CO"".]
... The people on the Gold Coast are by no means an industrious
race; me system of domestic slavery has enervated and almost
destroyed the energy of the people; there are extensive countries
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFR[CAN NATIONALISM

rich in gold and other minerals; a soil exceedingly fertile in many

places, especially in the interior; and yet the mines are not
properly worked, and the fertile grounds are left to waste; a small
plot only is cultivated for planting corn, yams, beans, and other
cereals, and a few other articles for home consumption. Go into
any town, and you will fmd most of the men sitting down doing
nothing but telling tales. They are content with the rudimentary
forms of food. consisting of Indian com, yams, and plantain, with
fish and but a trifling quantity ofbee£ The gold and other mines
receive but little attention from their hands, and a country which
should be one of the richest in Western Africa is left unexplored
and Wldeveloped from the want of energy in its native element.
The female are the most laborious part of the population; they
till the groWld, make earthenware pots of great beauty and
durability, and supply food to the husband. If a steady and
continuous work is required to be done. the female population
are the best to be employed, when the work is light enough for
them to do. This shows a very low scale of civilization, In the
coast towns, such as Cape Coast, Anamaboe, and Accra, there is
comparatively a great advance in civilization, although there is
vast room for improvement. The principal portion of the in-
habitants, who are educated men, are hard-working, pushing,
and in many cases thriving; they possess considerable enlighten-
ment of manner. Agriculture forms no part of their occupation,
but they are merchants, traders, and agents for English firms. They
build and live in large houses, which possess all the air and com-
forts of civilization; they dress in European costumes, speak
English. some can even speak four or five European languages; a
great many have received sound education in England and
Scotland; and even some of those who are educated in the old
schools of the Coast are not by any means inferior to them; those
who have received a middling education, and could read and
write letters in English, are called among themselves 'scholars',
But the great bulk of the people are still uncivilized. Their dress
consists of an original or admic apron, called shim, variously
arranged around the middle. and made of cloth of cotton or silk
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 177
manufacture; and the rest of the body is covered by a loose cloth
of native or European manufacture, which is sometimes very
costiy, being made of silks, satin, and velvet, and is placed around
the shoulders like the Roman toga; but the ordinary inhabitants
usc common cotton cloth; they wear no shirts or drawers under-
neath to cover their body, so that they are half naked. The Wl-
educated females cover their bodies with a piece of cloth which
extends from their middle to their feet; unlike the females in the
Gambia, they put on no chemise or short gown to cover the
nakedness of the superior portions of the body, but these arc left
open and exposed, and exhibit a very uncivilized appearance,
especially to strangers. The Jo11of natives in the Gambia put on
four. or even five, of these cloths at a time, whilst on the Gold
Coast they usc only one, and very seldom two; the consequence
is that when there is a strong breeze many parts of the body are
exposed. In some part of the Territory, such as the district of
Crobboe, the sight is disgusting, the females are perfectly naked;
girls, of whatever age - eighteen, twenty, and twenty-four -
before they are legally married, although not in any way incon-
tinent, go about almost in complete nudity. They use a small,
long, narrow piece of cloth, about uom four or five inches broad,
which is attached to beads of shiny hue around their waist. hanging
down behind to below their knees, giving the appearance at a
great distance of a tail. These girls are known on the coast as tail
girls, and would accoWlt for the description of ancient narrators,
who, passing by in ships along the coast, have described negroes
with long tails. They use no other cloth around any part of the
body, and appear in public markets and travel from one town to
the other in the same peculiar lack of habit. Among the mulattoes
or educated females, principally in the sea~oast towns, the dress
is made after European patterns, but not after the fashions of the
period; it is set very loosely over the body ....

[Kingdom of Fanti.)
... This should be divided into two separate independent sclf-
governments - viz., the Kingdom of Fatltee, extending from the
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFR I CAN NATIONALISM

Sweet River to the borders of Winnebah; and the Republic of

Aurd', extending from Winnebah to the River Volta; the former
to comprise the kingdoms of Denkera, Abrah, or Ahacrampah,
Assia, Western Akim, and Goomoor; the latter Eastern Akim,
Winnebah, Accra, Aquapim, Adangme. and Crobboe.
The next point to be considered is the political union of the
various kings in the kingdom of Fantee under one political head.
A man should be chosen , either by universal suffrage, or appoin ted
by the Governor, and sanctioned and received by all the kings
and chiefS. and crowned as King of Fantee. He should be a man
of great sagacity. good common sense, not easily influenced by
pany spirit, of a kind and generous disposition, a man of good
education, and who has done good service to the Coast Govern-
ment. He should be crowned before all the kings and caboceers
within the kingdom of Pantee; the kings should regard him as
their chief; his authority should be recognised and supported by
the Governor of the Coast, who should refer to him matters of
domestic importance relative to the other native kings, advise him
as to the course he should pursue, and sec that his decisions be
immediately carried out.
He should be assisted by a number of councillors, who, for the
time. should swear allegiance to the British Government, until
such time as the country is considered fit for delivery over to
self-government. They should consist not only of men of educa-
tion and good, sound common sense, residing in the Coast towns,
but also of responsible chiefs as representatives of the various
kings within the kingdom.
One most important consideration is the yearly vote of a round
sum out of the revenue as stipend to the king elect whilst under
this probationary course, such as would allow him to keep up a
certain amount of State dignity, and would enable him to carry
out his authority over the kings and chiefs. Each State should be
made to contribute towards the support of the temporary
Government; a native volunteer corps should be attached to the
Government, officered by natives of intelligence, who should be
thoroughly drilled by paid officers and sergeants, supplied from
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 179

West Indian regiments stationed on the Coast. The English

language should be made the diplomatic language with foreign
nations; but Fantee should be made the mcdiwn of internal
communication, and therefore ought at once to be reduced to
writing.
The territory of the kingdom of Ashantee is larger than that of
the Protected Territory of the Gold Coast, but we find the
reigning king possesses absolute power over the different tribes
composing it. True enough, the edifice was constructed on the
blood of several nationalities, which gives it greater strength; but
the kingdom of Fantce must be erected on a peaceable footing,
supported, for a time at least, by a civilized Government, with a
prince at the head who is versed in native diplomacy, and well
known and respected by the various kings; such a man as the
Hon. George Blankson, whose experience and deserved fame
would make his appointment meet with universal support; a
princc who would be able, like the potentate of Ashantee. to
concentrate a large force at a very short notice, at any given point,
when menaced by their powerful neighbours.
The appointment is absolutely necessary, since King John
Aggery, of Cape Coast, has been dethroned by the local govern-
ment, and this has been sanctioned by Her Majesty's Government.
The proclamation is defmite, and runs thus: 'Be it therefore
known and proclaimed that the said John Aggery is for ever
deprived of his stool and dignity, and that the office and title of
King of Cape Coast no longer exists, and is abolished from this
day forth' (the 21St March. 1867). The Home Government have
distinctly told the kings that they will have to defend themselves
against any hostile tribe. without ever expecting to receive sup-
port from the British Government, except when the few sea-
coast towns arc attacked. The condition of the interior kingdoms
is therefore in a most precarious state. Since the last disastrous
expedition against the King of Ashantee, where several lives were
lost through encampment during the rains in the fields. and a
large waste of money resulted without the least advantage, the
Home Government have turned their faces against all such
180 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

expeditions, as 'cO$tly to England,' not only by actual mortality of

English olJicers and military, 'but by the 'lUmber invalided in mind and
body, and rendered unfit for athtr active service.' They (the Parliamen-
tary Committee) therefore recommend to the Home Government.
and this to that of the Coast, that the chiefS are to be •as speedily as
possible made to do without the British protectorate; they were QIl no
account to encourage them to lean on British help, or trust to the British
administration of their affairs, whether military or judicial.' The aim,
therefore, should be to form a strong, compact native Govern-
ment, which would command the obedience of all the native
kings and chiefs, and which would immediately Wldertake the
quelling of all disturbances in the interior, and command the
native force if attacked.
But the present distUlited condition of the kings of the Pro-
tectorate is woeful in the extreme. If a war should break out with
Asbantee, they have got no superior authority to look to, except
the Governor, whose instruction is not to give them support in
the interior. He will supply them with a few gtUlS and ammtUli-
tion, but each king will have to take care of his own fireside, with
a number of men so small as to be insufficient to withstand a
detachment of the Army of Ashantee. The stratagem of the
Ashantee generals has always been to fight each king in detail; and
having completely mastered one, they proceed to another; and
thus always come off in these wars victorious against the various
kings. The Asbantce Army numbers from forty to fifty thousand
men. Should the attack be first made against the kingdom of
Denkera, with a detachment which could muster from five to ten
thousand fighting men, the terror of the very name of Ashantee
alone will make them take to their heels to the sea-coast towns,
and leave the country in their hands. Exactly the same would be
the result if the kingdoms of Assin and Akim, frontier countries,
were to be attacked. The consequence would be that the people
would always feel themselves perfectly insecure, life and property
within the Protectorate unsafe, and their condition worse than if
they were under the despotic rule of Ashantee.
Let them, therefore, have a ruler in whom they have confi-
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION ,8,
dence, and generals experienced in bush fighting; let them be
united, offensive and defensive, to one another, under one head,
whose authority is paramount; let good, large, open roads be
made connecting the kingdoms with one another, which would
lead to the easy movement of a large body of men; let the strength
of every kingdom be known by the head centre, who could call
at any time what num~er of men he might require; let him have a
good magazine and a large supply of useful riRes, and the people
be taught the use of them, and I guarantee that a compact.
powerful. and independent Government will be formed. which
would defy Ashantce and give confidence to the whole
country... .

[Republic of Accra.]
... If this place must ultimately be left to govern itself. a republi-
can form of government should be chosen. An educated native
gentleman. of high character and good common sense, who has
the welfare of his country at heart (such. for example. as Libercht
Hesse, Esq.• of Christiansborg). should be selected by the Govern-
ment as a candidate for the presidency, and offered for the votes
of the populace in the various districts; and, when once elected,
he must be regarded as supreme in everything, and the natural
referee in all their quarrels and differences. He should be assisted
by counsellors chosen by the people as their representatives. The
term of office of the president should not be less than eight years,
and he should be eligible for re-election.
The absurd custom of having kings in every petty town should
be. as speedily as possible, abolished. They should be called by
other names than that of kings, and in case of their death the
'stool' should be done away with. The president for the time
being should be the recognized constitutional king. A good strong
government would thus be formed. which would receive the
assistance of the European residents. If a proper custom-house is
established, a large revenue will be collected. There should be one
at Prampram and another at Addah. and every effort should be
made to develop the vast resources of the country....
 182 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

[Ak", (Yorubas).r
... The Akus, as a race, are amongst the most industrious, per-
severing, and hard-working people on the West Coast of Africa.
They are, as a rule parsimonious in the extreme, and are conse-
quently very wealthy. They make excellent traders, are very
speculative, but saving. The men are generally hardy, strong, and
cunning in their dealings with one another; when their interests
are concerned they (the uneducated especially) are very obedient,
and would undergo any degree of insult without manifesting any
great displeasure; they are particularly jealous of one another, and
hate to be opposed by any of their own tribe. The heathen portion
especially deal greatly in poisonous medicine, which some employ
for secretly depriving individuals of their lives, or otherwise
producing in them some bodily distemper. At Sierra Leone and
other parts of the Coast the Akus are very much feared; not so
much by people of different nationality, but by those of the same
tribe. Various kinds of poisonous drugs - 'agoomoos' - are ex-
ported from Lagos, and are employed for different purposes. They
believe that, by the aid of medicine, riches, honour, education.
and worldly favour can be secured. so that their medicine-men are
generally sought after.
The Akus have a strong power of combination; they obey
implicitly and put great confidence in the advice and orders of
the old men, around whose banner they will rally; this is done not
out of pure love of combination. as it is well known that their
headmen have a secret way of making their orders obeyed, and
when it forms a case of life and death this obedience is not to be
wondered at. Cases are on record, or report makes cases, where
very wealthy men have disobeyed these councillors; they were
threatened at the time, and within a very few weeks or months
they were carried to their long home.
The women make excellent traders; within a very short time
they would double, treble, and even quadruple a very small
• Horton's copious footnotes from Burton on the Yoruba and Abeokuta
are omitted.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION I8J
amount. Their diet and living are generally simple and inexpen-
sive; they are very litigious; some of them are very good looking,
nicdy shaped and fonned, although marked; others are hideously
tattooed. With the old Akus, as a general rule. it is difficult (0
know when you have offended them. They take offence quietly.
and maybe an apology is made, which apparently is accepted; but
the insult or offence is still harboured. and at some future day it
will be satisfactorily revenged.
The educated Akus are making great advances in civilization ,
especially when untrammelled by any secret influences; some of
them arc most liberal and patriotic, and would spend a great deal
towards developing the resources of their country. In the Colony
of Sierra Leone they are numerous, and rising in wealth and
inAuence, offshoots of whom are now at Lagos, who form the
educated and thriving population of that infant Colony. Of the
Akus in general it must be admitted without a question that there
are no people on the Coast who are so hard-working and so long-
suffering in proportion to what they expect in return as they;
they are generally passive, supine, inaccessible to curiosity, or
love of pleasure, and not easily moved by political vicissitude.
The language of the district under consideration is the Aku or
Yoruba Division of the great Ewe, or Dahomean, family. The
Aku. Dahomy, Popo, Awoomah, and Accra or Ga, are cognate
languages, which are spoken in the extensive tract of country
lying between the River Volta and the Niger. Through the
labours of the Church Missionary Society, the Aku or Yoruba
dialect has been reduced to writing; the Bible, Prayer-book, Bible
stories, and other religious books have been translated into it. The
mass of the population has for some time been taught to write and
communicate with one another in their own language; a great
many of the inhabitants, especially those in the interior countries,
can read and write the manuscript Arabic. Unfonunately no
scientific work has asyet been translated into Yoruba; the mysteries
and beauties of the arts and science, of modem and ancient history,
and of geography, have not yet been brought through the medium
of their own language, within the comprehension of the natives,
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

but advances are being made which we hope will ultimately

lead to that very desirable result.
The religion of the Yoruba or Aku Kingdom is Mohammedan-
ism and heathenism; the former has made great progress in the
northern portion of the country - i.e., in Yoruba proper; from
the principal town of Dorin, the Mohammedans travel into
various parts, making proselytes of the heathen population, whilst
at the same time carrying on active commerce in slaves. Intel-
lectually and morally they are superior to the heathen population,
who, on their part, assert a still greater superiority over them after
their conversion from heathenism to Christianity. Their idolatrous
worship is similar throughout the country.
The country is governed by separate kings, whose right is
hereditary, but only in the male issue of the king's daughter; his
power is, in many instances, absolute; his person and those of the
royal family, sacred. He is assisted in making laws and settling
palavers by the elders in the kingdom, who are designated in
Yoruba, IweJfa.
The capabilities of the kingdom of the Akus are very great and
extensive; populated, as it is, by a hard-working, persevering
poople, with a rich, well-watered country. This territory, when
fully developed and explored, bids fair to become one of the
richest in Western Africa. The conversion of Lagos into a Colony,
with a display of all the improvements, power, and civilization of
a European nation, is a work of vast importance to those regions.
The country is intersected by small streams, which swell con-
siderably during the rainy season; they are only navigable for
boats and cano~, or vessels of very small tonnage. The principal
streams are the Opara, which divides the kingdom of Aku from
Dahomy, running between Ketu and the latter country; the
Ogun, which nms through the centre of the kingdom at the hack
of Lagos through Abookuta; the Iyewa, which empties its waters
into the Lagoon a few miles from Badagry; and the Palma, which
runs through Gebee, east of Lagos.
Lagos is one of the richest Coloni~ in Western Africa, and the
kingdom of the Akus is abundantly supplied with a vast number
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122

of marketable articles. The chief exports are palm-oil, palm-

kernel oil, shea butter, cotton, and ivory. Ever since Lagos has
become a British Colony, although intestine warfare has inter-
fered with the general trade of the country, every circumstance
points out that, within a very short time, the trade will be more
than double its present extension, and this is the natural effect of
the healthy influence of legitimate trade over that inhuman
traffic, the slave-trade; and so long as the naturally vigorous
natives are kept away from kidnapping and selling each other, so
long will their energies be turned towards the development of the
rich resources of the COlUltry. The most recent contributions on
the subject of this extensive kingdom give the following interest-
ing details: 'Yoruba is a valuable and an unexplored field. Its
products are cereals (maize and millet), vegetables (peas, beans,
cassava, yams, koko, onions, and sweet potatoes), sugar-cane
ginger in small quantities, and lately introduced dubahs, and
various oil seeds, bene or sesamun, talfaria, castor plant, groWld-
nuts, cocoanuts, and physic-nuts. Coffee has been grown, but it
has been allowed to die out. Copper aboWlds in places. Indigo and
coarse tobacco would flourish anywhere, and the minerals have not
been explored.' Thus there is an extensive room for the adven-
turer. The spirit of self-government seems to be taking a healthy
hold on the inhabitants of the metropolis of Aku - viz., Abeokuta;
the savage old native government is now Wldergoing a very
decided change for the better, and it is modelled according to
civilized constitutions, which shows the happy influence which
British civilization has upon minds otherwise disposed to im-
provement. It is true that in Abeokuta, liberated slaves (and their
descendants) of the country. who had been instructed and educated
at school in Sierra Leone, had returned and made it their per-
manent abode and rendered the existing native government great
service; but it was not lUltil there was established in Lagos a
European Christian power that we saw the march of improvement
rapidly advancing. At present, there is established at Abcokuta a
board of management for the express purpose of directing the
native government, of forwarding civilization, and promoting the
186 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

spread of Christianity, as well as of protecting the property of

European merchants and British subjects. The Secretary and
Director of this Board, which is styled the Egba United Board of
Management, is an educated native of Sierra Leone.* The fIrst
ordinance enacted relates to the imposing of custom duties, which
is necessary for the development of the Government. Such duties
are imposed on exports, which must have an injurious effect on
trade. The conditions of the ordinance are: -
1. That it shall be lawful for any person or persons (without
exception) to have free access in Abeokur3 for the purposes of
trade. and to export therefrom any goods or produce, passing
from Abeokuta to Lagos by the River Ogun. or elsewhere, sub-
ject to the regulations hereinafter mentioned.
2. That on all goods exported from Abeokuta to Lagos, by the
River Ogun, or elsewhere, there shall be paid the following duty
in cowries or produce, at the time of such exportation - viz.,
ivory and shea butter, three strings of cowries on every pound;
palm and nut-oil, one string on every gallon; cotton, twenty
cowries on every pound.
3. That all other goods not named shall be charged or charge-
able with a duty of three per cent. on the marketable value of such

'* Since placing the manuscript in the hands of the printers. a most lamentable
outburst of indignation amongst the heathen population has taken place in
Abeokuta agairut Christianity, which led to the pillage and destruction of the
churches and missionary establishment. The ostensible cause of it is the supposed
encroachment of the British Government of Lagos on Abcokutan T erritory, and
consequently the dread that such aggrandizement might lead to the ultimate
absorption of the whole Abeokutan Territory. There has been correspondence
between the two Governments which throws but a faint light on the cause of
attack upon that most unoffending and harmless body. th e missionaries. The
Bashorum Secretary has received his share of blame. but it must be remembered
that Abcokuta was never in such organized social condition and progress as it was
before the outbreak - that a secretary in a heathen court, however good might be
his intentions, however sane his advice. however civilized his state, can never
without national force stop the infuriate zeal of a dozen obdurate heathen chief-
cairn. Whilst di5approving in toto the late barbarous and savage actions of the
heathen Abeokutaru, I hope Christianity will soon be triumphant in that land, and
that a progressive and civililed form of government will be carried out upon a
better and more auspicious footing.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122
goods and produce at Abeokuta at the time of such exportation.
4. That such duty shall be payable and paid at the Custom-
house of Abeokuta, on all such goods and produce as shall be
intended to be exported by the River Ogun, and that on such
payment a permit for the export thereof shall be granted by the
collector, deputy collector, or such other person or persons as
shall be sent with and accompany such goods or produce on their
exportation, and shall be produced, if required, by any person
or persons in charge of such goods or produce, and that the pay-
ment of the duty on goods and produce exported will and shall
be payable at such place as shall be from time to time appointed.
5. That any goods or produce being exported from Abeokuta
by the River Ogun or elsewhere, for which a permit shall not on
demand be produced to any person appointed for the examination
of such permits, shall and may be seized. and on proof before the
Board of Management, or any four justices of the peace appointed
for that purpose. and the non-production of such permit, the
goods or produce shall be declared forfeited; and on sale, the
produce of such sale shall, after deducting the necessary expenses,
be paid as follows: viz., one-third thereof to the seizer and collector,
and the balance to the Treasurer of the Board of Management for
the use of the Egba Government.
6. That this ordinance shall take effect immediately on publica-
tion thereof.
Passed in the Board of Management, this 11th day of October,
in the year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Sixty-
five, and confirmed on the 23rd day of March, 1867. By com-
mand, Shomoya, Bashorum, President-General. George W.
Johnson, Secretary and Director.
The most powerful and troublesome neighbour to Aku or
Yoruba Land is the kingdom of Dahomy, which has for a long
time been looking eagerly for the destruction of Abeokuta; twice
has the Dahomean potentate attempted to destroy that town, and
twice has he received a signal thrashing, with the loss of several
thousands of his warriors; the last was so terrific, that it is certain
that Abeokuta will never again be made a point of attack. It will
188 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

still continue to harass the small towns on the frontier, until such
time as a combined action of all the petty kingdoms is made
against the common enemy, and Dahomy receives a final check
in the slave-hunting exploits eastward of its dominion.
The natural capital of the Aku or Yoruba Territory is Abeokuta.
and its best seaport town - or Liverpool - is Lagos. As yet the
country and people ate unprepared to be thrown on their own
resources, it still requires morc nursing. There are no roads in the
interior, the water communications are not yet properly opened.
and no regular native police or soldiery is paid by the native
government. Things arc only just germinating, and it would be
an unwise step in the British Government were it to withdraw at
once from the place. Abeokuta is by no means strong enough to
withstand the several native growing powers. Ibadan, for
example, will not receive any dictation from it, and it is not in a
position to make it do so; should, therefore, the country be given
up, anarchy and disorder will run riot throughout all the territory,
and the slave-trade in its worse possible form will devastate the
healthy growth of the kingdom of the Akus.

[Requirements of Sierra Leone.]

I. -The first Improvemen! which is loudly called for, is the extellsion of

the Franchise of the Colouy
The Government of Sierra Leone is de facto a self-supporting
Government, and the amount of improvement exhibited by the
inhabitants entitles them to have a voice in their administrative
establishment. 'Nothing in defence could be urged that this or
that measure is in advance of the Colony; the Colony was quite
ripe for such improvements, the revenue was large, and the
intelligence of the people advancing. The time had arrived for an
extension of immunities; other Colonies oElater years and with a
much less revenue and intelligence were politically in advance of
this; they had their representatives in the legislative halls of a
sufficient nwnber to represent their interests... . With respect to
an extended franchise, it is most desirable that the Legislative
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 122
Council of the Colony should be opened. to three or four mem-
bers from the people, made eligible for their seats by being elected
and sent there by the people as their representatives. It should be
remembered that the people were ready and willing to keep up
taxation in order to support the institutions of the Colony, and I
do not see why they do not have a voice in the administration of
affairs. In short, it was the very principle of the British Constitu-
tion that those who were liable to be assessed should have a voice
in the administration. '*
At present almost the whole of the members of the Legislative
Council are Government officials; there are only two who may
be regarded as independent members, one alone of whom
represents the people. His single vote would not upset any
obnoxious ordinance introduced into the Council, which might
affect the well-being of the Colony. In his position he is almost a
cipher; he might give his vote, but it would prove ineffectual for
the purpose. There ought to be more representatives, nominated
by public votes of the citizens, to represent their (the tax-paying
inhabitants) interests in the Council, who should endeavour to
turn the expenditure of the revenue to the material advancement
of the Colony. The whole Colony should be divided into districts,
and each should be represented by one or two members.
There are, at present, insurmountable difficulties in the forma-
tion of a General Legislative Assembly for the whole Coast at
Sierra Leone. It has been argued that it will defeat the general plan
of the head of the Coast Government; that the administrators
were merely lieutenants of the Governor-General, and were
strictly to follow the instructions, whether they be good for or
detrimental to the interests of the several Colonies; that the
Colonies were poor, and consequently whatever bi1ls might pass
the Assembly would be difficult to carry out, simply on account
of the want of sufficient revenue; that, in fact, it would be
removing the power from the Governor-General and transferring
it to a number of merchants. Again, the time of the opening of the
.. Speech of Alexander Walker, Esq., in the Chamber of Commerce, Sierra
l.ccone. Published in the ObStrlltr, vol. I, p. 163.
190 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Assembly would more or less interfere with business, as it is well

known that those who would be nominated would be connected
personally with business. If the appointed time be during the rains,
it would be found that the merchants in the palm-oil districts
would be too much occupied to be called away. and that at that
season Freetown is too unhealthy to encourage visitors. If. on the
other hand, it is opened during the healthy or dry season, from
December to March, it will be found to interfere with the trade
in ground-nuts, and no one in that region would think of sacri-
ficing his business to attend it, as competition in that trade is very
great. Thus, therefore, a general Legislative Assembly for the
whole Coast is, for the present, not feasible; but the time will
come, if every opportunity is taken to improve the country, when
it will be more acceptable.
It stands to reason, however, that the inhabitants of Sierra
Leone who are heavily taxed should have a voice in the de-
liberation of the Legislative Council, and the regulation of the
revenue....

Ill. The Formation of a Municipal Council

The time is perfectly ripe when Sierra Leone should have a
town corporation, since the existence of such a body in a COlliltry
is a true sign of advance in political matters, and we hope that no
narrow-minded prejudice will prevent its immediate establish-
ment. The Gold Coast once fonned themselves into a corporate
body, through the recommendation of Sir Benjamin Pine, which
did a great deal of good amongst the population, but which was
made null and void by Mr. Andrews, during his short career as
Governor of that place. Sierra Leone, from its rate of mortality
and the necessity for a vigilant sanitary police, requires a town
council and a medical registrar. These would root out the perni-
cious causes of the diseases in the Colony, relieve the police-court
of a great many of its cases and officers, and, consequently, save
the Colony a fair sum of money. The benefit derived trom the
summonses, frnes, etc., after paying all expenses, should be used
entirely for renovating the town, clearing it of ftlth and dirt, etc.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 191

We hope that this will be among the first measures taken by the
executive authorities.
It is almost impossible to understand why each successive
Governor shuts his eyes against the formation of a municipal
council; it is the very first step by which a people can be made
accustomed to manage their own af&irs. The charter of the
Colony has always provided for it, although, virtually, the local
Government has never acted on it. (See Sir Benjamin Pine's
Evidence in Parliamentary Committee, 1865. Quest. ),052) •••

v. The Extension of Colonial (British) Protection to the Merchants in

the Rivers in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, and consequently the
Extension of the Custom-olfice to those Places
It must be very provoking to think that nearly within gunshot
of the barracks at Freetown. British merchants could receive no
protection from the Government; that they could be tried and
flogged by the natives. and their goods confiscated, without
receiving any redress from the local authority, as is exemplified
in the late outbreak: in Mellicourie River. Proper steps should now
be taken to prevent such disturbances, and the merchants, I think.
are perfectly ready to pay into the Colonial coffer duties on goods
landed in those Rivers, should they be guaranteed protection.
Most of the chiefs of those places have broken faith with
the Government, have maltreated British merchants, have been
conquered by our arms in different engagements, and have asked
protection from us. Will it not be right that we should give them
that which will be a boon to the Colony? I think it is time that
these trading ports should be made an integral part of Sierra
Leone, since the merchants do more extensive business there than
in the Colonies ....

[Liberi.,]
... Whilst we rejoice with the Liberians on their yearly accession
of emigrants from America, it behoves us to remind them that
unless certain improvements are made among the aboriginal
inhabitants whom they meet in the country, in order that they
192 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

may be brought to the scale of equality with themselves, there

will be a poor chance for the prospeww futurity of the Govern-
ment. These original inhabitants are a ftrm, able-bodied race, who,
unlike the American Indians, would withstand 'wave after wave
of destructive and malignant tempest,' were it ever to be brought
against them. They are a perpetual race, and the climate is mote
likely to devastate the emigrants than them - i.e., if the former
continue to remain pure and unmixed with the aboriginal in-
habitants. The improvement in the position of the coloured popu-
lation of America would lead a priori to the belief that ere long
there would be but very few emigrations from that COlUltry and
consequently a general diminution of the civilized population. It
must always be borne in mind that a purely mulatto population
cannot exist for any lengthened period; they mwt either merge
into one or other races (black or white), or gradually die out.
Among mulattoes propagation is less proliftc, and the offspring is
delicate and short lived. When, however, propagation has been
maintained in purity, within a few generations the whole race
dies out. The duty of the Liberian Government should therefore
be:-
1st. To interdict all tattooing of children in all the towns and
villages where the Government has sufficient influence to do so.
2nd. To make education of the children up to a certain age a
compulsory act.
3rd. To pay special attention to the education of yOlUlg kroo
females.
Within a few years, if adopted. this would lead to great im-
provement in the general population, and then there would be a
possibility of intermarriages taking place between the emigrants
and the aborigines, and a powerful clement in the future govern-
ment of the Republic be ensured.
Liberia is now recognized by the great Republic of America as
an independent nationality, and this happy event has been
crowned by that State appointing a consular agent to reside in
Monrovia. At the birth of the young Republic, England stretched
forth her helping hand to her, and assisted in every way to raise
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 193
the standard of the population, and to develop the resources of
the COWltry; there was perfect harmony between the two Govern-
ments; a British consulate was established in Monrovia, which
carefully watched over the interests of British merchants. This,
Wlfortunately, has been abolished, although the trading establish-
ments of British merchants in this territory have lately been very
much increased. The Liberian Government, through many
difficult questions which have lately arisen respecting territorial
bOWldary, have represented to the British Government the
necessity of re-establishing the consulate, and we think that it
will be a great boon, not only to Liberia, but also to British
capitalists, should this be acceded to.

[Concluding Remarks. - Advice to the Rising Generation in West

Africa.]
In 1846, Mr. Hilary Teage, a Liberian, delivered a most graphic,
eloquent, and touching speech in Monrovia to the citizens of
Liberia, in which we fmd the following passage: 'Upon you
(fellow-citizens), rely upon it, depends, in a measure you can
hardly conceive, the future destiny of your race. You are to give
the answer whether the African race is doomed to interminable
degradation - a hideous blot on the fair face of creation, a libel
upon the dignity of human nature; or whether they are capable
to take an honourable rank amongst the great family of nations.'
This is a most valuable admonition, which should be treasured up
by every one in Western Africa, but especially the rising genera-
tion, bearing in mind that they have a special mission to fulftl on
earth; that they are not exclusively their own property, but that
by industry and perseverance they might so better their circwn-
stances and position as to give material aid to those less favoured
than themselves. It must also be remembered by them that
Western Africa in literature and science is among the least of
nations. It has been so destined that, with the exception of the
aboriginals, no other nation has been able to plant a sure footing
in her, and consequently that from her sons, and her sons alone,
must her complete regeneration be looked for. The initiative
G
194 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

cannot be expected to come from within - it must come from

without; and it is certain that 'genius, talent, and virtue will be
honoured, whether clad in rags or in broadcloth, and the nobility
of a manly nature will not always continue to be estimated accord-
ing to the colour of the skin.'
let the younger ponion of the population, who are so suscep-
tible and ready to take offence and retort at the least occasion,
remember that all Europeans who enter their country. by the
higher degree of intellectual and moral cultivation which they,
as a race, have received, arc entitled to a certain degree of respect
as the harbingers of civilization, imitating the good and virtuous,
whilst shwming those whose actions are a disgrace to civilization
- waiting patiently whilst maintaining an upright and dignified
course, for the time when they will see the necessity of modifying
their opinions and acting up to them with ideas of loftier and
holier order. In the meantime, however, let them be uniformly
courteous, cultivate their minds and strive zealously for substan-
tial worth. let them seek independence without bravado,
manliness without subserviency; and let them put their shoulders
to the work, and 'prove by the effort they themselves make that
they, too, desire, and are striving, and will strive for the Christian
and industrial regeneration of Africa; and do this with the
modesty not at all incompatible with manly self-reliance, and a
due sense of the innate dignity which should characterize men
who have been helped. out of their degradation, and brought at
once into the ranks of a Christian civilization which has taken
eighteen centuries to be developed:
It must be remembered that there is no royal road to greatness
- that it cannot be said that this or that man possesses a heaven-
born reputation, greamess, or talent. It must be bought by severe
perseverance, by an undaunted courage and industry, by real hard
work and application, with a love for the undertaking we have
in hand, by an uncompromising, disinterested adhesion to the
truth. These, and these alone, will be the keystone for every one
to ascend to the altitude of material and honourable success -
success that will produce in us primarily real improvement, for
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFBDERATION 195
real and extensive usefulness to our country hereafter, when the
time is ripe. What, may be asked, are the passports to this honour-
able success? Dr. Rivington, in an admirable address delivered at
the opening of one of the London Medical Schools, stated them to
be ability, labour, and character - these three are the passports to
an honourable fame. 'Ability,' says he, 'is the capacity for acquir-
ing and using knowledge and skill; labour, the means of acquire-
ment and use; character. the direction and control of acquirement
and usefulness. Ability without labour is the talent wrapped up in
a napkin; ability without virtue will work not for the true end of
all talents, all knowledge, arid all effort - the use and advantage of
men - but for the gratification of a selfish vanity, which would
tarnish its laurel wreaths.' That the African race possesses un-
doubtedly this ability may be funher proved by the result of
competitive examination in Europe between those who are
educated there and their more favoured schoolmates, by the
progress they make in different undertakings in their native
climate; and it behoves them. therefore, to labour steadfastly for
the regeneration of their country, and to dissipate from the minds
of those indisposed to the advancement of their race, the false
theory always advanced, that they are incapable of advancement.
They should make it their ruling principle to concentrate their
mental powers, their powers of observation, reasoning, and
memory, on the primary objects of their engagement. 'Never to
observe without thought; never reason to confident conclusions
without a sufficiency of certainly verified facts; never to acquire
facts without submitting them to the test of reasoning and. when
occasion offers, to the test of experience,' as it has been conclu-
sively remarked that observation without thought is a hasty
observation. and the experience derived from it is wasted; and if
we reason without a sufficiency or verification of facts we shall
reason into error; and if we remember without comparison the
result will be that we shall be a vast storehouse of inconsequential
knowledge.
The Right Hon. Mr. Gladstone, in an able speech delivered at
St. Martin's Hall, Hanover Street, Long Acre, in July, 1867. most
122 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

truthfully said 'that each man in his situation should labour for the
improvement of his mind earnestly and yet humbly. never
thinking that the knowledge which he may acquire is even as a
grain of sand in comparison with the knowledge which he cannot
acquire, but still confidently labouring that the knowledge within
his reach has. first of all. a great value in itself-viz., its value as an
instrument of culture reacting upon the mind, strengthening if,
enlarging it. enlightening it. giving it ftrmness of tissue. supple-
ness and elasticity of movement, a capacity applicable to all the
purposes of life. of raising the human being not in outer circum-
stances alone - although it no doubt exercises a most powerful
influence in that direction - but in himself. in his character, in
those faculties with which he is endowed, and in consequence of
his possession of which, that high and noble privilege has been
ascribed to him that he alone of all other creatures was made in
the image of God.' These remarks should be treasured up in the
minds of the rising generation; but it will be my place here to
caution those who. having received good and proper education,
systematically neglect the powerful means at their command,
become idle and vicious - who, fonning themselves the supporters
of late hours and the patrons of cloths. petticoats, and payhnes,
virtually constitute themselves the Goths and Vandals of the
colony they reside in - to whom
Thinking is but an idle waste of thought,
And nought is everything. and everything is nought -
men who look upon their lives not as the public property of their
country, and therefore requiring those improvements necessary
for its advancement, but as a superlative cope for the whist table.
tearle, tmlimited 100, and tmlimited lewdness - not as the time for
extending the benign influences of their education to their less
favoured brethren, but as a 'fmc, though ah! sad fate! a fugitive
opportunity,' for drinking brandy and water, whisky ptmch. and
an Wllimited quantity of beer (Rivington). Such men, happily,
are few in number, who instead of deprecating in the most
Wlmeasuroo tenns the vices of a class of inhabitants who seize
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 197
every opportunity of allying them to the anthropoid apes, imi-
tate them in their degrading habits. Let them consider that their
own interest is intimately bound up in the interest of their
country's rise; and that by developing the principle of public
interest they will bring the Government to take an interest in
themselves, and thus their interest and that of their Government
will not clash, but become identical; and then would it more fully
appear that there is no such thing as the real interest of a govern-
ment 'contra-distinguished from the real interest of a community;
no such thing as the interest of a community contra-distinguished
from the real interest' of the country. And it will also be found
that it is not the interest of all men to be attracted by power, by
wealth, by fame. by great place, and by mere book-knowledge,
but that. on the contrary, it is the interest of all men to be attracted
by virtue, by honesty, by charity, by wisdom, by truth, by happi-
ness, and by peace.
Let the rising generation. therefore, study to exert themselves to
obtain the combined attractive influence of knowledge and wis-
dom, wealth and honesty, great place and charity, fame and
happiness, book-learning and virtue, so that they may be made to
bring their happy influences to bear on the regeneration of their
country; and then there will be the real exercise of those qualities
which will gradually lead to the attainment of the power of
self-government, and the contemplated improvement of the
House of Commons Committee will go on tuto, cito, et jucunde.*
* Safely. quietly. md with ease.
IS Letters on the Political Condition
of the Gold Coast
By James Africanus B. Honon (1870)

Priface
<Rome was not built in a day;' the proudest kingdom in Europe
was once in a state of barbarism perhaps worse than now exists
amongst the tribes chiefly inhabiting the West Coast of Africa;
and it is an incontrovertible axiom that what has been done can
again be done. If Europe. therefore, has been raised to her present
pitch of civilization by progressive advancement, Africa too, with
a guarantee of the civilization of the north, will rise into equal
importance. The nucleus has been planted; it is just beginning to
show signs of life and future vigour; it shoots out legitimate as
well as extraneous buds. Political capital is made of the latter by
narrow-minded persons; whilst the liberal-minded, with more
philosophy and generosity, make ample allowances for these
defects, and encourage the legitimate growth. We may well say
that the present state of Western Africa is, in fact, the history of
the world repeating itself
The civilization of France and England, and even of Gcrmany,
dates from the time when Rome, agitated by social contention
made Julius Caesar pro-consul of Transalpine Gaul; the brilliant
conquest which he made over the then savage tribes, who lived
in caves and miserable huts, and the wise but rigid government
which he enforced, led in eleven hWldred years to the gigantic
discoveries and improvements which now startle the denizens of
less favoured climes.
But I argue that modern inventions, such as printing. steam
agency (both as regards railways and navigation), and the electric
telegraph, which facilitate rapid commWlication in a most
wonderful degree, leave not a shadow of doubt in my mind that,
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 199
although it took eleven hundred yean to bring France and
England to the high standard of civilization which they now
occupy, it will take far less time to bring a portion of at least
Western Africa to vie with Europe in progressive development.
Descended from tho royal blood of Isuama Eboe, and having had
ample opportwlities. from close acquaintance with almost all
forms of government exercised in the most important countries
in the western part of Africa, of judging of the influence of
civilization in modem times on races of different and most oppo-
site character. I have hazarded the above opinion. and I am certain
that those who have made this view the subject of sober considera-
tion will bear me out in the statement.
On this Coast the English element is unquestionably the best
civilizing agency. Their liberality in matters of Christianity. their
sOWld and healthy judgement in colonization, their profound
legislative ability. exhibited frequently in adopting proper means
to suit the wishes and desires of the colonists. and their commercial
policy. all greatly tend to foster the growth of civilization in a
yOWlg colony. Occasionally, however, we meet with a few who
fmd their way to the Coast, who endeavour to the utmost of their
ability to Wldo what the well-disposed have done; but this must
be regarded as the constant concomitant of progressive improve-
ment in the early history of every country. when the civilizing
agency comes from abroad ....

Letter No. II, to the Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, Her Majesty's
Secretary of State for War
•.. In the House of Commons Committee of 1865, the third
resolution emphatically stated that the policy of the Government
on the West African Settlements should now be to encourage in
the natives the exercise of those qualities which may render it
possible for that Government more and more to transfer to the
natives the administration of all the governments, except perhaps
one. But, from the steps taken on the Coast by some officials in
high places in respect to progressive development of natives. as
200 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

well as from the treatment received by native chiefs, especially on

the Gold Coast, diametrically opposed to the spirit and letter of
that resolution, every one on the Coast begins to doubt the sin-
cerity of the statement, and to consider it as a myth and a delusion,
which, consequently, deserves to be placed in the same limbo as
many other good proposals about Africa once rampant but now
entirely defunct. And I, myself, Sir, should have been carried
away by the popular belief, had I not become acquainted with the
contents of a recent dispatch of Earl Granville, the present liberal
Secretary of State for the Colonies. to his Excellency the Gover-
nor-General of the West African Settlements, wherein he recom-
mended that the natives should, as much as possible, be brought
to know the intricacies of the civil government of the Coast, with
the ultimate view of placing them in responsible governmental
position.
The Fantee Confederation sprang into existence soon after the
promulgation of the treaty and actual transfer of territory between
the Dutch and English rule on the Gold Coast. It is composed of
all the Kings ofFantee who had, up to January I, 1868, been under
the British flag. The objecr, as has been detailed to me, is couched
in two brief but pregnant phrases - viz. : 1st, To advance the
interest of the whole of the Fantee nation; and, 2ndly, to combine
for offence and defense in time of war.
At present this Confederation is in an embryonic state, without
any code of law which a civilized government might consider as
binding, or necessary for the proper working of the Confedera-
tion; the people are, as it were, feding their way cautiously in the
mystic labyrinth of constitutional self-government.
The King of Abrah, or Abacrampa, who from time immemo-
rial has been regarded as the leader of the Fantee nation, without
whose first move into the field the inhabitants would not leave
their homes, feels jealous that King Edoo, of Mankessim, should
now arrogate to himself the leadership of the Confederation, and
would not recognize him as such; so that there is at present a
slight coldness between the two potentates. There is, therefore, no
real president to the Confederation; but a chief magistrate, who
HORTON AND THE FANTJ CONFEDERATION 20t

is also the treasurer. and a secretary have been appointed, both

chosen from the intelligent and educated portion of the popula-
tion, and of known character and influence.
Ever since the Ashantee expedition of 1864, which ended in
results not by any means praiseworthy to the protecting power.
the natives of this Coast have been repeatedly told that they must
defend their own firesides. and that the British Government would
give them no assistance incase they were to be attacked in the inter-
ior. except, perhaps, by supplying them with munitions of war....

Letter No. IX, to the Right Hon. Earl Granville, K.G., D.C.L.,
Secretary of State for the Colonies
THn FANTEE CONFEDERATION

The political constitution of the interior tribes on the Gold

Coast is of a very primitive order, and thrir social organization
resembles most closely the feudal system of Europe in the middle
ages. A king is acknowledged, who in former years exercised the
most lUlbolUlded authority as feudal lord, retaining paramount
right or dominicum directum over the life and property of all the
wealthiest nobles or caboceers of his kingdom. Under the kings
are powerful chiefs (barons) and princes of the blood, who
exercise considerable authority over their vassals, levy taxes,
command a division (cohore) of the army, undertake distant
expeditions, receiving lUlder their protection inferior chiefs or
free families who are wealthy, but who do not possess sufficient
numbers of vassals to protect themselves from the influences of
neighbouring powerful caboceers or chiefs. These families consent
to hold their property and estate as their feudatories. and may be
regarded as the inferior lIobility of the ancient feudal states. Then
come the free inhabitants, who, although not wealthy, have
considerable influence in the country; these people are dependent
on or claim vassalages to powerful feudal caboceers for protec-
non. Then come the real vassals or serfs (villicus), who cultivate
the land, and who are generally slaves received into the inheritance
of a feudal caboceer (baron) or their vassals.
"'
 202 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Before the English became influential on the Gold Coast, this

feudal system was carried on to a very high degree. The feudal
kingdoms were conglomerations of many heterogeneous states,
who acknowledged a king as their feudal lord. and he, on his part,
was to a considerable extent a vassal of the powerful King of
Ashantee. But since the English Government has had a complete
hold on the sea-coast towns, and made the feudal lords or kings
independent of the Ashantee potentate, as well as since it has
exercised considerable influence over the' institutions of each
feudal kingdom, a universal spirit of disaffection and sedition
reigns in the interior; the influence of each regal Government has
declined in a very considerable degree; each feudal-baron or
chief, according to his strength, power, and audacity, fmding that
he is not dependent on the king or feudal lord, but the kings on
him, according to the number of vassals under his command.
pays but very little attention to his orders, in many cases, in fact,
defying him openly. In many places the king is deprived of all
regal power, and his retinue or comitatus is of the poorest order,
and even the external honour of royalty is but meagrdy accorded
him. Internal convulsions without much violence are not Wl-
frequent; and now a state of agitation exists in the interior; the
feudal system is tottering to its foundation; a more enlightened
Government is earnestly demanded by even the nominal feudal
lords or kings and the wealthy caboceers (barons) and people.
But the people are most woefully deficient in the two essential
dements of real liberty and the means of having a settled order
of things - viz., education and industry.
If the Government of the interior tribes is to be continued in the
very unsatisfactory and undefllled manner in which it has been
carried on for the last century by the Government on the coast.
it will take more than three hundred years to bring it to that state
of political civilization which will fit them for independence after
fully shaking off the yoke of their feudal lords. And I hazard the
opinion, my Lord, that if the regeneration and civilization of the
fme race of interior tribes is to be left to the present system of
Coast Government, it will certainly take another hundred years
HORTON AND THE fANTI CONfEDERATION 203

to infuse only the germ of civilization amongst them and to

enlighten them in the true principles of a civilized Government.
Examining the COWltry in the light which I have had the honour
to bring before your Lordship, it will be conceived that nothing
but narrow-minded prejudice or low servility to principles and
policies of government already exploded since the conclusion of
the ill-fated Ashantee war can induce anyone to hamper any
legitimate, loyal, and democratic measures tending to improve
the tribes in the interior.
I do not believe, my Lord, that any European Government can
effect this improved state of things in the interior without an
enonnous outlay, and we natives of the Coast believe your
Lordship personally, and the Government of Her Majesty the
Queen, whose Secretary of the Colonies you are, hail with delight
any loyal, legitimate, and approved means employed by the
natives of the Coast to further any political improvement amongst
their countrymen, so as not only to relieve the Imperial exchequer
from its heavy outlay, but also to lessen the awful responsibility
of the Home Government on matters relating to so distant and
tmhealthy a colony. That means, in the interior of the Gold Coast,
is the formation of a Confederation of all their kings. recognizing
one person of influence as their superior, and organizing a con-
stitutional Government, loyal to the British sea-coast Government.
The Fantee Confederation, as I have stated in my Letter No. II,
sprang into existence soon after the exchange of territory between
the English and Dutch Governments, and its main object is to
advance the interests of the whole of the Fantee nation, and to
combine for offence and defence in time of war, the tentative
manner in which it has been carried on for nearly two years, and
the influence and power which it had over the kings in the
interior, especially when not hampered by petty annoyances from
the sea-coast Government, is a sufficient guarantee that it is the
most needful and necessary constitution to advance the civiliza-
tion of the interior tribes. which, ifleft dependent on the nanow
and limited Government of the sea-coast, will remain in utter
barbarism. It is, therefore, the anxious wish of every civilized
204 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

native of the Gold Coast, who has the interest of his country at
hean, that in this agitated political state of the interior, a great
desideratum to their country would be to get a Codex Constitu-
tionum from the British Government on the sea-<:oast, defining
their powers, giving them extensive latitude to improve the
interior, without their President, or whatever the head of the
Government might be called, being subjected to constant humilia-
tion by being ordered up to Cape Coast: in fact, so as to give
'stability, distincmess, and extent to principles before unsettled,
indefinite, and limited in their operations;' such laws as would
form the basis of further political development....
Since the formation of the present Confederation the whole of
the Fantee nation has been combined under one Government,
whose status, although ill-defmcd, carries great weight and
influence amongst the interior tribes. It forms a representative
body, to whom the various tribes who are anxious to become
allies of the Fantee race have been able to communicate their
wishes. It is the pivot of national unity, headed by intelligent men,
to whom a great deal of the powers of the kings and chiefs are
delegated, and whose advice would have considerable weight and
power. Through it the whole of the Fantee race, numbering some
400,000 souls, can now, for the first time, boast of a national
assembly, in which have congregated not only various kings and
chiefs in scattered provinces, far and wide, but also the intelligence
of Fantee-land. It makes the King of Ashantee for the first time
throw off his supercilious disregard of the formerly disunited
Fantee race, and tremble for the safety of his kingdom. When the
Confederate tribes menaced it with the weight and power of their
combined army, even the King of Ashantee felt the influence of
the Confederation. and sent conciliatory messages to its Court at
Mankessim. It enables the whole of the Fantee race to possess a
national purse, by which it is enabled in time of war to supply
each province with means for the purchase of war materials. and
also to send material aid to its allies in men and money. The
utility of the Confederation to the interior tribes is undoubted,
and its power and influence are increased in arithmetical progres-
HORTON AND THE fANTI CONfEDERATION 205

sion according to the support and cOWltenance it receives from

the Governor or Administrator on the sea-coast. When it is
befriended by the Governor, when he lends it his advice and
counsel, when he supports its legitimate measures, and does not
regard it with a jealous eye, the Confederation grows strong for
good, its officers receive great respect, the kings and chiefs have
great confidence in it, and its commands are greatly respected.
But when the Governor or Administrator circumvents the
officers of the Confederation with petty annoyances, and humi-
liates its President in every possible way before the eyes of the
nation. the interest of the Confederation. and the good results
which its formation prognosticated. become checked; and the
Coast Government. which at present does not attempt to develop
the interior provinces,reraxds rather than supports its organization.
It is on this ground that there is now a loud cry for a codex
constitutionum for the Confederation from the Govemment of the
Coast. It is essential so that every branch of the Government
should have its power and limits well defined, protecting it
against aggression, and 'ascertaining the purposes for which the
Government exists,' and the rights which are guaranteed to it;
securing its rights in the various provinces. and restraining it from
exercising fWlctions which would endanger liberty and justice.
The present drooping state of the Confederation can say with
great truth, novus rerum nascitur ordo - a new order of things is
generated.
There are, no doubt, many intelligent natives on the sea-coast
who are well disposed towards the Confederation. Some of these
men have told me that, on account of the undefined and unstable
state of the Confederation, they have been afraid to act their part
towards it according to their feelings and influences, which they
would immediately do were the British Government on the
Coast to countenance and support it in such a manner as to lead
them to believe that it would not, on slight occasions, usc its
power to embarrass and ultimately suppress it.... I am happy to
say, my Lord, that the present Governor-in-Chief of the West
African Settlements, Sir Arthur Kennedy. is one who has fulftlled
206 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

the hopes of the general public - one who answers to the genecal
description of the high official necessary for the whole Coast. He
is the right man in thf. right place, and to him must the people on
the Gold Coast look as the steersman at the helm of the Fantee
national vessel to guide it safely into a quiet and peaceful haven .
The Constitution between the English Government on the
sea~oast and the Fantee Confederation should be somewhat dis-
tinct from that of the Act of Confederation between the kings
themselves; but this latter Act should be supervised and moddled
according to the posicion of the different kings and their provinces,
as well as the condition of the people, by the administrative power
on the Coast, by which means it will carry a fat greater degree of
power, weight, and influence amongst the kings themselves. The
position and jurisdiction of the British authority and the Fantee
Confederation must be strictly defined and definitely laid down,
the position of the Administration of the Gold Coast to the
Confederation properly regulated, and the sources of revenue,
whether by a grant from the custom dues or by a small export
duty on produce, considered. Ample provision should be made
for the education of the young in every province, either by the
employment of teachers by the officers of the Confederation, or
by subsidizing the Wesleyans for that express purpose. A distinct
plan should be laid down for the purpose of improving the
industry of the interior tribes, and for developing the mineral
resourccs.
The object of the Confederation being not only for social
improvement, but also to secure external as well as internal peace,
the Administrator of the Gold Coast should be ex officio, by the
Act of Confederation, the Protector of the Fantee Co,ifeJeration.
There should then be elected a president. two ministers - viz., one
who superintends internal and external affairs, and the other
industry and education - and a chief justice. For the purpose of
deliberating on the mutual affairs of the Confederate statcs, a
Confederate Diet should be established at Mankessim, having
two divisions - the Royal, in which all the kings, with the princi-
pal chiefs or grandees, should have seats; the other, the Repre-
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 207

sentative Assembly, to which each provinceshould send a certain

numbet of reptesentatives, obtained by the votes of all the
citizens. The fWldamentallaw of the country should guarantcc to
every citizen equal rights and protection, and direct or indirect
participation in the Government. These Assemblies should have
the power of legislating for the Confederate provinces. the right
of declaring peace or war (when the interest of the Government
of the Coast is not concerned), of forming alliances, of regulating
the taxation, the police, industrial pursuits, education, &c. Dis-
putes of the Confederate provinces to be decided at the Royal
Diet, and the decision open to appeal to the Governor. The
President of the Confederation should be made, ex officio, a
member of the Legislative Council, where his presence should
only be required when subjects affecting or relating to the interest
of the Confederation are about to be discussed; and should he hold
that appointment as a Government nominee prior to his election,
he should be called upon to resign it as such, but assume the
position of membership as President of the Confederation.
Ce n'est que Ie premier pas qui coute.
I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant.
J. A. B.Honon, M.D.
r6 The Fanti Confederation

A. THE OBJECTS OF THE CONFEDERACY

A letter from Joseph Dawson to the Editor of the Africatl Times.
24 October 1870

To the Editor of the African Times

Eastern Wassaw, Mansu, August 21. 1870.
Sir - I . The love of my country and a desire to see it rise, if it
be the will of God, to the class of civilised nations, have em-
boldened me to set aside all fear of consequences in stepping out
openly to do my share of me business, and leave the result to God
and the sons of Fami.
2. The object of the Fantec Confederacy has been variously
represented, hut seeing no correct representation according to the
feelings which pervaded those meetings at Mankessim and to the
many good thoughts to which the eye of the Confederacy was
directed, I have been on many occasions tempted to bring out
those feelings and thoughts so as to do away, if possible, with the
unfriendly feelings and the many wrong representations; but I
have hitherto hesitated; and fearing now that its present course of
operation will create a distaste of that sweet foresight of sclf-
reliance which our kind friends in England have been so anxious
to nurse up in us, and the breaking up [ofl all the sweet unity
which has commenced to grow, I hesitate no longer in bringing
out the course to which the Confederacy directed itself. and
implore every assistance. while at the same time praying the
agents of our benefactors to put right any part which may not
seem right in their opinion; because there was no evil intention
whatever against the Government, but only against the giving of
our brethren and allied tribes to the Ashantces.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONfEDERATION 20<)

3. The Fantee kings and chiefs being forced to meet at Man-

kessim about the close of December, 1867, by a foresight of the
now existing troubles in the country it was proposed that the
I

meeting was not to be dissolved until some sort of Government

was formed, which would be to ourselves a head, having no King,
under the British Government; in consequence of several circum-
stances which anteceded the interchange, self-reliance was strongly
recommended. After a little struggle, some for monarchical
constitution, which was opposed by the majority, others for
confederacy, it was resolved to have a selection of cOWlcillors;
that each state should give seven of its sensible and respectable
men as national cOWlcillors, these, with the kings and chiefs, to
form a Fantee cOWlcil. CowlCillors being thus selected were sworn
to their duties; and the kings took oath to support and to work
faithfully together. So far the union was formed; but still a
proper form of the Confederation was to be prepared and
brought for the sanction of the British Government, and I ask the
educated class of Fantees ... could we form any government
better to suit the people than the following? -
I. A Confederacy under the protection of the British Govern-
ment and that our relationship with it to be properly defmed and
good understanding given of the extent of the protection she will
afford to this Confederacy.
2. That the objects of the Confederacy be the maintenance of
the external and internal security of the Fantee nation and its allied
tribes, and the independence and inviolability of the Confederate
states.
3. That all the states of the Confederacy resolve to form them-
selves, for the proper management of their affairs, into two
Houses or Chambers - viz., that the kings shall form House or
Chamber No. J, and that all members selected by each state for
national councillors shall form House No.2, or what one may
properly call the Commons.
4. That the meeting of these bodies or chambers shall form a
Parliament or the Legislative Assembly of the Confederation, or
what we may term a Diet.
2IO OR IGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

5. That in this Confederation all the members of states have

equal rights and have the same equal obligation to maintain in all
its parts the act which constitutes the union.
6. That the Confederation shall be represented by a Federative
Diet which shall be composed of plenipotentiaries of all the
states, and which will be the constitutional organ cf its will and
action.
7. That these plenipotentiaries shall be entrusted with the
management of the ordinary and current affairs of the Con-
federation in a permanent Federative Diet, or to be ... 'the execu-
tive ministers of the Confederation.'
8. That each of the plenipotentiaries must possess a legal form
of order from his state as being freely voted to and for it; that
there shall be a president selected from among the kings elected
for that office by the councillors, and to whose charge the four
leading roads of the Fantee enemies were committed; and these
kings to be taken in turns for a period of time ... that he may unite
together with the plenipotentiaries.
9. That every act within the limits qualified by the fundamental
laws of the Parliament o r the Diet, and being freely voted, shall
be deemed legal and obligatory.
10. That the union being formed by fixing rights and duties
which will be freely and reciprocally stipulated, none of its mem-
bers shall be at liberty to detach himself from the Confederation
and that our parliamental meeting or the Dietwill be our acknowl-
edged sovereign over the Confederation, and no new member
shall be admitted unless his admission be unanimously judged to
be compatible with the existing relations and the general interests
of the Confederate states.
11. That a president thus elected as described, with the pleni-
potentiaries, shall be the only acknowledged representatives of the
Fantce Confederation.

Financial Regulations
I. That the Confederation shall never on any account allow one
individual of any standing whatever to be its financier.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION '"
2. That its general treasurers be selected out of the lords, with
a competent clerk, and that these act under the directions of the
Diet.
1. That their examination shall form one of the chief employ-
ments of the Diet.
4. That the plenipotentiaries shall be allowed to draw six-
monthly the amOWlt for the wages etc. etc. etc. stipulated by the
Diet from the treasurers.
5. That the revenues must be paid quarterly to the treasurers by
the plenipotentiaries, and receipts taken to present to the Diet.
6. That no money must go out of the chests Wltil voucheI1 arc
properly signed by the lords.
7. That the secretary-general must be one of the members of
the plenipotentiaties, who will have to show the Diet all accoWlts
... of the Confederation.
8. That these regulations shall not interfere with each state's
independent arrangements.
To the above, Mr. Editor, the helm of the Confederation
directed its course, and it is certain that no Fantee whose eyes have
been blessed with enlightenment can deny the good effect it will
have on our COWl try, should it be properly carried out; and Wlder
these views, and I need only say should our gracious Queen's
Government allow an administrator whose sympathies are with
the civilization of us people over whom he is placed, to remain
long enough, as his health would admit to do some good, with
his experience of the COWltry and people, he might lead the
COWltry into such a state as he himself or the British Government
would have less trouble in managing affairs in it.
I must, in conclusion, say the great bane of the country is as
described by the 'Pure Nigger' in your March number [i.e. want
of positive patriotic support for Fanti Confederation especially
among Africans appointed members of Council and j.P.'s who
think 'these appointments are given them in order to assist the
governors in any acts of tyranny and in the maladministration of
the country,' invariably replying to requests for hdp 'I am a
Government man, your proposals are good, but I cannot join
212 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

you'J* many improvements of our mind on this head have been

purposely kept backward, but, as God would have it, the inter-
change of 1868 has forced open the way. and would to God all
the interested parties, especially the educated class of the Fantees,
whose eyes are enlightened that they may draw up their benighted
friends to the civilisation which education always achieves for a
COWltry, should above all lay aside seeking personal interest and
make it their business to root out the love of prejudice and the
desire to rise on the ruin of the neighbours, so as to make way for
the Confederacy.
Here we are all called upon to set a good example, and we must
therefore let sociality have its due weight on us, for we are born
to be useful in our day and generation. May God grant us every
necessary blessing for the promotion of his own glory, is the
prayer of your humble and obedient servant.
Jos. Dawson.

B. CHIEFS' LETTER SUBMITTING THE

FANTI CONSTITUTION TO THE
GOVERNOR-IN-CHIEF
Quassie (Kwasi) Edoo and Others to Sir A. E. KelUledy. H.C. 171
OfIS73. Papers Relating to the Fanti Confederation
Mankessim, 24 November, 1871
Sir,
We, the kings and chiefs and others assembled at Mankessim,
beg most respectfully to forward you the enclosed copy of a
Constitution framed and passed by us after mature deliberation.
We have united together for the express purpose of furthering
the interests of our country.
In the Constitution it will be observed that we contemplate
means for the social improvement of our subjects and people, the
growth of education and industrial pursuits, and, in short, every
good which British philanthropy may have designed for the good
* 'The Protected Territories; State of Affairs Therein ; Men and Things',
-1frican Timts, March 23, 1870.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 213

of the Gold Coast, but which we think it impossible for it at

present to do for the COWltry at large.
Our sole object is to improve the condition of our peoples, not
to interfere with, bur to aid our benefactors on the sea coast, and
we COWlt upon your Excellency giving us at times that assistance
which may be necessary to carry out our humble efforts.
We beg to forward a copy of the Constitution ... for the
information of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
the Colonies.
(Signed) Quassie Edoo (his X mark)
Anfoo Otoo (his X mark)
Kings President
Qow Yanfoo (his X mark)
king of Ayan.
Thomas Solomon (his X mark)
chief of Dominassie.
W. E. Davidson, Vice-President.
]. F. Amissah, Secretary.
For the kings and chiefs assembled at Mankessim and all the
members of the Confederation.

C. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FA NT!

CONFEDERACY
H.C. 171 of 1873
To all whom it may concern.
Whereas we, the Wldersigned kings and chiefs of Fanti, have
taken into consideration the deplorable state of our peoples and
subjects in the interior of the Gold Coast, and whereas we are of
opinion that Wlity and concord among ourselves would conduce
to our mutual well-being, and promote and advance the social and
political condition of our peoples and subjects, who are in a state of
degradation, without the means of education and of carrying on
proper industry; we, the said kings and chiefs, after having fully
discussed and considered the subject at meetings held at Mankessim
21 4 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

on the 16th day of October last and following days, have unani-
mously resolved and agreed upon the articles hereinafter named.
Article I. That we, the kings and chiefs of Fanti here present,
form ourselves into a committee with the view of effecting unity
of purpose and of action between the kings and chiefs of the Fanti
territory.
2. That we, the kings and chiefs here assembled, now form
ourselves into a compact body for the purpose of more effectually
bringing about certain improvements (hereinafter to be con-
sidered) in the cotmtry.
3. That this compact body shall be recognized under the title
and designation of the 'Fanti Confederation' ..
4. That there shall be elected a president, vice-president, sec-
retary, under-secretary, treasurer and assistant-treasurer.
5. That the president be elected from the body of kings, and be
proclaimed king-president of the Fanei Confederation.
6. That the vice-president, secretary and under-secretary,
treasurer and assistant-treasurer, who shall constitute the ministry,
be men of education and position.
7. That it be competent to the Fanti Confederation thus con-
stituted to receive into its body politic any other king or kings,
chief or chiefs, who may not now be present.
8. That it be the object of the Confederation:
i. To promote friendly intercourse between all the kings
and chiefs of Fanti, and to unite them for offensive and
defensive purposes against their common enemy.
ii. To direct the labours of the Confederation towards the
improvement of the country at large.
iii. To make good and substantial roads throughout all the
interior districts included in the Confederation.
iv. To erect school-houses and establish schools for the
education of all children within the Confederation, and to
obtain the service of efficient school-masters.
v. To promote agricultural and industrial pursuits. and to
endeavour to introduce such new plants as may hereafter
become sources of profitable commerce to the country.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 21j

vi. To develop and facilitate the working of the mineral and

other resources of the COWl try.
9. That an executive cOWlcil be fonned, composed of (the
ministry) ... who shall be ex-officio members thereof, together
with such others as may be hereafter from time to time appointed.
10. That in order that the business of the Confederation be
properly carried on during the coUrse of the year, each king and
principal chief shall appoint two representatives, onc educated.
the other a chief or headman of the district of such king and
principal chief, who shall attend the meetings which the secretary
may deem necessary to convene for the deliberation of state
matters.
II. That the representatives of the kings and chiefs assembled
in cOWlcil shall be known Wlder the designation of the 'Repre-
sentative Assembly of the Fanti Confederation' and that this
assembly be called together by the secretary as state exigency may
reqUIre.
12. That this representative assembly shall have the power ...
of exercising all the fWlctions of a legislative body.
13. That the representatives of each king and chief be respon-
sible to the nation for the effectual carrying out of the bills,
resolutions &c passed at such meetings and approved by the king-
president ...•
Ij. That the National Assembly shall appoint an educated man
to represent the king-president, and act as vice-president of the
Confederation; and that the vice-president shall preside over all
meetings convened by the secretary.
16. That there shall be in the month of October of each year, a
gathering of the kings, principal cruefs, and others within the
Confederation, when a recapitulation of the business done by the
Representative Assembly shall be read, and the programme of
the ensuing year discussed.
17. That at such meetings the king-president shall preside, and
that it be the duty of the king-president to sanction all laws &c
passed by the Representative Assembly, so far as they are com-
patible with the interests of the COWltry.
216 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

tB. That the king-president shall not have the power to pass
any. or originate any laws. . . &c nor create any office or
appointment, excepting by and under the advice of the ministty.
19. That the representatives of the kings and principal chiefs
hold office as members of the Representative Assembly for three
years, at the expiration of which it shall be competent for the kings
and chiefs to re-elect the same or appoint other representatives.
20. That the members of the Ministry and Executive Council
hold office for three years, and that it be competent to the National
Assembly to re-elect all or any of them and appoint others.
21. That national schools he established at as early a period as
possible in the following districts: Braffoo Country, Abrah, Ayan t
Gomowah. Ecktmifi, Edgimacoe, Denhia and Assin.
22. That normal schools be attached to each national school for
the express purpose of educating and instructing the scholars as
carpenters, masons, sawyers, joiners, agriculturists, smiths, archi-
tects, builders, etc.
23. That schools be also established, and schoolmistresses pro-
cured to train and teach the female sex, and to instruct them in the
necessary requlSltes.
24. That the expense of erecting each school be defrayed from
the national purse, but that each king and chief be requested to
render all possible aid to facilitate the movement by supplying
men and materials.
25. That in districts where there are Wesleyan Schools at present
established the kings and chiefs be requested to insist on the daily
attendance of all children between the ages of eight and fourteen.
26. That main roads be made, connecting various provinces or
districts with one another, and with the sea coast; that the roads
be made after the following standard, viz., fifteen feet broad, with
good deep gutters on either side, and that the attention of the
Confederation be first directed to the main road connecting
Edgimacoe. Ayan. Ayanmain, and Mankcssim, with the sea coast.
27. That the kings and principal chiefs be allowed a stipulated
swn for the express purpose of maintaining the roads in proper
order.
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 21 7

28. That a site or town, Wlanimously agreed upon, be chosen

as the nominal capital of the Confederation, where the principal
business of the State should be conducted.
29. That provincial assessors be appointed in each province or
district. who shall perform certain judicial fWlctions and attend to
the internal management thereof....
34. That it be the duty of the Wldersecretary ...
To hear and detennine, with an assistant appointed by the
Secretary, cases which may be brought from the provincial
courts.
To arrange important appeal cases for the hearing of the
Executive COWlcil, which shall constitute the fmal court of
appeal of the Confederation ....
37. That in each province or district, provincial courts be
established to he presided over by the provincial assessors.
38. That it be the duty of the Ministry and Executive Council:
To advise the King-President in all state matters ...
To hear, try and determine all important appeal cases
brought before it by the under-sccretary, option being al-
lowed to any party or parties dissatisfied with the decision
thereof to appeal to the British Courts ....
39. That three of the 'ex-officio' members of the Executive
Council, or two ex-officio and two non-<ltUcial members of the
Executive Council shall form a quorum of said Council. ...
40. That one-third of the members composing the Representa-
tive Assembly shall form a quorum.
41. That all laws ... &c be carried by the majority of votes in
the Representative Assembly or Executive Council, in the latter
the Vice-President possessing a casting vote.
42. That it be the duty of the National Assembly, held in
October of each yeat ...
To elect from the body of kings the President for the
ensumg year.. ..
To consider all programmes laid before it by the Executive
Council ....
To place on the 'stool' in cases of disputed succession thereto,
218 ORIGINS Of' WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the person elected by the Executive Council, with the con-

currence of the principal inhabitants of the town, croom or
district.
43. That the officers of the Confederation shall render assistance
as directed by the executive in carrying out the wishes of the
British Government....

D. PROPOSALS FOR BRITISH ASSISTANCE AND

COLLABORATION FROM THE LEADERS OF
THE FANTI FEDERATION
Submitted to Governor Pope-Hennessy and signed J. H. Brew,
dated 16 April 1872. e.O. 96/94. H.e. 171 of 1873
I. rn the first place. for the Fanti Confederation to be of real
practical use in the amelioration. development and civilization of
the country, it must have the recognition ... and support ... of
Her Majesty's Government .... We do not for one single moment
pretend to be able to carry on a government in the interiorwithout
such recognition and assistance; for without that, the interests of
both might dash, and a collision with the Local Government
could not in any way further our object, and could have but one
result, the breaking up of the Confederation, and the checking of
all further progress towards the material improvement of the
country for some years. It is therefore imperative that the Con-
federation should not countenance, uphold, or protect any king
or chief or other person who has once joined the Confederation,
in any acts or deeds against its laws and customs.
2. That the jurisdiction of the Fanti Confederation shall be
recognized and acknowledged to exist, and be exercised over all
tribes, peoples, provinces, or districts choosing to join it, and that
its authority and juri~iction and that of the local Government, be
dearly and strictly defined in judicial and other matters.
3. That any person or persons, committing any olfence or crime
within the jurisdiction of the Confederation, and escaping into
the sea-coast towns, shall, on representation, be handed over by
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 21 9

the local authorities to be tried in the courts of the Confederation,

if the offence or crime be within their jurisdiction; if not, the
person or persons so escaping shall be tried in the courts of the
Local Government, on evidence being furnished; and, in like
manner, any person or persons committing an offence in British
jurisdiction and escaping into that of the Confederation. shall on
representation from the local authorities, be handed over to them
for trial. ...
4. That the courts of the Confederation be recognized as the
courts of first instance in matters or disputes between its subjects;
option being allowed to parties dissatisfied with the judgements of
such courts to appeal to the British Courts as provided for in the
4th section of Article 38 of the Constitution.
5. That in cases of any complaints against any officials of the
Confederation being made to the British Authorities, the com-
plaints so made to be referred in the first instance to the Execu-
tive of me Confederation, and to report thereon to the Local
Authorities.
6. That the Vice--.President of the Confederation and four other
gentlemen, natives or residents of the Gold Coast, be appointed
members of the Legislative Council, in addition to the present
members, and that these gentlemen be elected by the people, and
not nominees of the Administrator.... These elections should be
made in the eastern and western districts of the protectorate, so
that the interests of all might be fairly represented.
7. We come now to the question of questions, the financial. ...
On drawing up a rough estimate, and considering the vast
improvements to be made in the country, and the great extent of
the Confederation, if recognized by Her Majesty's Government
•.. we fmd that the Confederation must have a revenue of some
£zo,ooo. It is proposed that ont half of this swn should be placed
at the disposal of the Confederation out of the revenue of me
Gold Coast, and that the other half be raised by the Confederation
itsclC
The amount to be raised by the Confederation would be by
way of court fees, fmes. &c, the Confederation paying the kings
220 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

and chiefs certain stipends in lieu of the fees and fines received by
them, in consideration of the kings and chiefs foregoing same, and
giving up their right of settling palavers or disputes of any kind;
and it has been rudely estimated that a revenue of some £10,000
would be derived from this source. The Confederation would
establish courts of justice in each district, and dispense justice far
more impartially, expeditiously and at less cost, than the present
native courts, in which suitors, as is well known. afC generally
mulcted in twice or thrice the amount in dispute.
As regards the swn to be placed at the disposal of the Confedera-
tion by the Local Government, the Government would by it be
relieved of the trouble and expense of governing the interior of
the Protectorate, of making the improvements necessary therein
.. . and yet be able to check any reckless or useless expenditure, by
appointing some one to audit the accounts of the Confederation
at stated periods.
The only other point we were requested to submit to you was
as regards the liability already incurred by the Confederation,
which was said to amount to some two thousand ounces of gold,
equal to £7,200. Chief Acquainco stated that the kings and chiefs
were desirous of ascertaining from your Excellency whether Her
Majesty's Government would place them in possession of funds
to liquidate that liability, since the Government was opposed to
their imposing any taxes or duties . ...
If Her Majesty's Government will not furnish (the Confedera-
tion) with pecuniary aid out of the revenue of the settlements, nor
on the other hand permit it to levy such taxes and duties for the
purpose of obtaining a revenue, as are necessary. then Her
Majesty's Government will have to take over the whole country.
and govern it as vigorously and on the same principles as it does
her other colonies; but not to permit us to be governed and ruled
in the shameful and neglectful way in which we have been for
years past, and give free scope for our legitimate aspirations to
raise our benighted country to the same height of civilization as
other more favoured nations have attained to....
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 221

E. POPE-HENNESSY·S VIEWPOINT
Governor Pope-Hennessy in a letter to the Earl of Kimberley,
Secretary of State for the Colonies. c.o. 96/94. H.C. 171 of J873
Sierra Leone, 29 October, 1873 .
. . ,When it became known that 1 was not disposed to sanction
the policy of the Administrator, a number of native gentlemen
connected with the Confederation, called upon me with a request
that they might be allowed to submit their views to Her Majesty's
Government, , .. As far as I could observe, every educated native
at Cape Coast sympathised with the Confederation ... ,
The existence, throughout the Protectorate, of such a wide-
spread desire for more intimate relations with the British Govern-
ment, cannot be overlooked in considering the feasibility of the
'Fantee Confederation', Whatever may have been the case before
the transfer, there is no doubt whatever now, that the majority
of the chiefs in the whole Protectorate as it exists at the present,
would rather see British rule extended and made more of a reality.
It is evident that the present judicial system is undefined and far
from satisfactory, The Fantee Confederation are right in saying
that the judicial authority of the chiefs has been usurped and
nothing tangible put in its place. The Administrator at Cape
Coast appears to have broken as far as he could, the authority of
the chiefs, and not to have substituted anything for it. Hence of
late years, the frequent stoppage of roads and the natural uprising
of a spirit such as that of the Fantee Confederation.
I therefore concur with the members of the Confederation that
an important change is required: either a schemeof native govern-
me1H, with certain fmancial and judicial powers, should be recog-
nized, or steps should be taken to gradually introduce throughout
the Protectorate the same system ofGovernmcnt that e..xists in the
other Crown Colonies. , , .
Of the alternatives presented by the members of the Fantee
Confederation, I therefore reconunend your Lordship to adopt
that of extending the system of Colonial Administration. I there-
fore make no observations on the details of the scheme that they
222 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

propose themsdves. At the same time, I trunk it fair that another

native should be placed in the Legislative Council, and some
attempt made to establish municipal institutions in the cruef towns
on the coast. For a seat on the Legislative Council, I venture to
recommend Mr. F. C. Grant, the leading native merchant of Cape
Coast, a gentleman who seems to have the confidence of the
educated natives as well as of the chiefs.
As to further utilising the native element, I enclose for your
Lordship's informacion a copy of a document addressed to me by
the chiefs of Cape Coast, together with my reply, and a copy of a
memorandum I transmitted to them with a scheme for establish-
ing a municipal council. Instead of giving such a council the power
of local taxation (to which the failure oESir Benjamin Pine's plan
some years ago is attributed) I propose to give them one hundred
pOlUlds a month out of the swn annually voted for the Public
Wodes Department.... The hundred pounds a month ... would
be well laid out even if it were all spent on sanitary objects alone.
But I believe it will not only clean the town and keep it clean, but
will also enable the principal streets to be lighted and some begin-
ning of roads attempted in the vicinity.
In conclusion, therefore, whilst for the great object of govern-
ment throughout the whole territory, old and new, on the coast
of Guinea, I venture to recommend a firm extension of Her
Majesty's authority, I think there might be advantageously
combined with it, a certain amount of native self-government in
tho towns, and of judicial power by chiefs in the interior, in
concert with district magistrates.

F. THE CONFEDERATION IN NATIONALIST

TRADITION
From J. E. Casely Hayford, Gold Coast Native Illstitutiolls (1903)
pp.182-9
The Constitution of the Fanti Confederation, otherwise known as
the 'Mankessim Constitution,' deserves more than a passing notice
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 22)

in the political annals of the Gold Coast. A careful study of the

provisions thereof leaves the impression upon the mind how
harmful, and yet how useless, it is at any rime for a Government
to attempt to set back the onward tide in the progress of a nation
under its protection. It is harmful, because it entails waste of
national energy; it is useless, because you may as well expect the
spider not to weave anew its web after a wanton child has des-
troyed it once, twice, and yet again ... .
.When .. . we come to examine the attitude of the local admini-
stration upon the presentation of the Constitution, it will be quite
obvious that section I of Article 8 thereof could form no ground
of objection.
Second Object. - 'To direct the labours of the Confederation
towards the improvement of the country at large.'
This section requires no comment.
Third Object. - 'To make good and substantial roads through-
out all the interior districts included in the Confederation.'
Article 26, which, really, should be construed with section 3 of
Article 8, directs that the said roads should be made 'fifteen feet
broad, with good deep gutters on either side, and that the atten-
tion of the Confederation be first directed to the main road
connecting Edgimacoe. Ayan, Ayanmain, and Mankessim, with
the coast.'
Fancy the Aborigines of the Gold Coast, thirty-two years ago,
thinking of the necessity of good roads, fifteen feet wide, con-
necting the principal producing district with the sea coast! But
they were not suffered by the local Administration to try to open
up their own country, and it so happens that it is only now that,
under an energetic Administration, there is anything like a serious
attempt to grapple with the question of good roads. Thus, waste,
absolute waste, of golden opportunity is the record of a whole
thirty-two years in the country's history. One is inclined, there-
fore, to agree with Mr. Salmon, speaking as a private British
citizen, and not as the Administrator of the Gold Coast, that
progress is not the keynote of the Crown Colony system.
Fourth Object. - 'To erect school-houses and establish schools
224 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

for the education of all children within the Confederation, and to

obtain the services of efficient schoolmasters.'
Articles 21 to 25 must be read with section 4 of Article 8, which
directs the establishment of national schools in Brofco COWltry.
Abrah, Ayan t Goomowah, Eckumfi. Edgimacoe. Denkira. and
Assin; the attachment of normal schools to each national school for
technical instruction in carpentry, masonry. agriculture, architec-
ture, etc.; special provision for female education, and provision
for meeting the expense of school building, and ensuring the
attendance at school of all children between the ages of eight and
fourteen.
What a far-reaching policy is foreshadowed in the 'object'
under discussion! Why. it meant the emergence of the country in
two or three generations from a lower to a higher order of civili-
sation. It meant providing the country with that incalculable boon,
good, intelligent mothers, to guide the growing minds of their
offspring. It meant well laid out towns and sanitary arrangements,
commensurate with an advanced stage of society. It meant lastly,
and most important of all, the flooding of the country with
contented men, each sitting under his own vine and fig-tree, close
to Mother Earth, instead of a certain class of concession mongers
and breathless speculators on the Exchange. What a dream to be
frustrated by stupid officialism and roo tape!
Surely, whatever may be said against the Constitution now
before us, it will be admitted by all fair-minded men that its policy
was an enlightened one, and that it sought to do for the country
what His Majesty's Government have not yet showed any visible
signs of accomplishing.
Why, it looks like beginning afresh, does it not, for the
Aborigines of the Gold Coast, thirty-two years after the Constitu-
tion, to inaugurate a scheme of national education, somewhat after
the model foreshadowed in the said Constitution, which has
received the hearty support of the present enlightened Admini-
stration? Yes, we have to weave it all over again, you sec. What
a waste of time, and the energy of a past generation!
Fifth Object. - 'To promote agricultural and industrial pur-
HORTON AND THE FANTI CONFEDERATION 22l

suits, and to endeavour to introduce such new plants as may

hereafter become sources of profitable commerce to me country.'
It is conceivable that the Gold Coast might be a cotton-pro-
ducing country to-day if the Confederation had been allowed to
work out its constitution.
Sixth Object. - 'To develop and facilitate the working of the
mineral and other resources of the country.'
The above are the modest objects of the Confederation ....
Throughout the Articles you trace in vain what could have
been the cause of offence to the local Administration until you
come to Article 44. where provision is made for the purpose of
carrying on the administration of the Federal Government, to pass
laws. etc., for the levying of such taxes as may be necessary. In
other words, the question as to whether any native authority
should be suffered to levy taxes in the country was the crux of the
contention between the local Administration and the Confedera-
tors. Innocently asked the leaders of the movement, 'How possibly
are we to go to work at all without money?' They did not know
then, as events proved subsequently, that, notwithstanding all
protestations to the contrary, the intention of the British Govern-
ment was not to allow the people self-government at all, but to
govern the country as a Crown Colony. And, of course, the
Constitution went diametrically against that policy.

H
PART IV

Blyden's Racial Pride and

Cultural Conservatism
Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912) was born oj pllre Negro stock at
5t Thomas in the DOltish West Indies. As a youth his tducation was
sponsored by the American pastor oJhis local Dutch Reformed Church .
Whell their plan to complete his studies in the United States was balked
by American radsm, Blydetl emigrated to Liberia, under the auspices oj
the American Colonization Society. Blydett flourished in Liberia,
gaining a solid classical and theological education at the Alexander High
School, proving brilliant in class and teaching himself Hebrew and the
Romance langllages in his spare time. He was appointed Principal oJlhe
Alexander High School in 1858 and ordained a minister oj the Presby-
tery oj West AJrica itt 1860. In 1862 he shifted to the newly founded
Liberia College as Professor oj Greek and Latin, and visited the Middle
East to familiarise himself with Arabic in 1865.
As an accomplished orator and able joun/aUst Blydetl was swiftly
drawn into public 4iairs, becoming Secretary oj State 1864-6. How-
ever, his outspoken criticism oj the public and private morality of the
Liberian political elite, coupled with his fierce pride jn being a Negro
and his hatred of mulatto privilege and condescension won him powerful
enemies as well as many admirers. He saw the election oj the first True
Whig President, Edward James Roye, itt 1870 as a triumph for all dark-
skinned Negroes. But when Roye's goven/ment began to break up in
1871, Blyden wasJorced to flee, pursued by the accusation that he had
seduced the President's wife. He wetlt to Sierra Leone, through the
agency of Henry Vettn, and utilised his Arabic workingJor the Church
Missionary Sodety. When the Roye scandal forced him out oj this
appointment, Blyden found alten/ative employment with the Sierra
Leone goven/mmt as Agent Jor the Interior, conducting two expeditions
to the hinterland in 1872 and 1873.
2)0 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Already before moving to a base in British West Africa, Birden's

thinking had begun to take on wider dimensions, as he claimed to speak
Ofl behalf of the whole Negro race and identified himself more and more
as an African rather than jllst a Liberian. Although he often subsequently
retllmed to Liberia and accepted commissio1/S from its government, the
problems of Liberian nationhood nolV took their place as Simply one
aspect of his concern with the survival of the Negro race and African
traditional culture. Believing passionately in the importance of the
contribution that a distinctive Negro race and African culture could make
to world civilisation, he vehemently rejected the ideas of all those who
believed the best future for West Africa lay in its wholesale assimilation
to the institutions and values of Western Christian civilisatioll (IIOS. 17,
18,19,20,21).
17 Africa for the African
From African Repository. XLvm (1872) 14-20

[EDITOR'S NOTE. ALTHOUGH BLYDEN PERSONALLY INSISTED ON

SPELLING 'NEGRO' WITH AN INITIAL CAPITAL, HE OFI'EN HAD TO
PUBUSH IN MAGAZINES THAT ALTERED TlOS.]

Africa is the negro's home. No foreign race has ever been able to
expel him from it. Phoenicians, Carthaginians. Persians, Romans,
Vandals, Arabs. have all brought war into Africa - have all, from
time to time, made descents upon the continent or settled on its
coasts; but none have been able to penetrate the intertropical
regions, and take possession of the negro's home. In modem
times, Anglo-Saxon and Celt have formed colonies on all parts
of the coast, but they have been able to make no marked advance
into the interior. In North America, European pressure has well-
nigh destroyed the native races. In Australia and Tasmania they
have literally withered away before the footsteps of foreigners. In
New Zealand, they are being extcnninated. In Africa alone has
thedestructive influenceofEuropeancolonization failed tointerferc
with the growth of the aboriginal tribes. Whole tracts of country,
depopulated by the slave-trade, have, in their defenceless state,
withstood the colonizing cupidity of the white man. They await
the advent of their rightful and natural owners, now in exile.
And it is gratifying to notice that, since the war, the views of
the leading negroes of the United States in regard to Africa are
undergoing considerable modification. Their objection to the
Colonization Society as a pro-slavery instrument has been swept
away. The storm of controversy has subsided, the atmosphere is
clearer, and the outlines of the superstructure which the Society
has been aiding to erect on these shores for the glory of Africa can
be more distinctly appreciated. It is now seen that it is no dark
prison or charnel house, in which healthy souls have been im-
mured, happy lives embittered, and bright lives darkened; but a
wide, invigorating, and ever~panding scene, where noble negro
2)2 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

minds receive unfettered development, free from the foul fancies

and false doctrines which were invented in the long years of
slavery, to trample upon their nature and outrage all its sweet
humanities.
An able wrircr,* in recent numbers of the Christian Recorder, a
leading organ of the colored people in the United States, in a
series of weighty articles. stamped with power of thought,
practical knowledge, and peculiar fairness, has been forcibly
addressing his brethren on the subject of their duty to Africa. We
admire the frankness. cordiality, and love of race exhibited in the
articles, and the clearness, candor and promptitude with which
Mr. Whipper faces the question of the hour. We say the question
of the hour, because it is not difficult to foresee that the inevitable
result of the training which negroes are receiving now, in all parts
of the United States, will be to turn their attention to Africa.
They will fed more and more the force and correctness of the
following remark, made by Mr. Everett: 'It is unfortlmate for the
cause of Colonization that it has been considered mainly in direct con-
nection with the condition of the descendants of Africa in this cOlmtry.
But great as the object is, it seems to me subordinate to a dirtct operation
upon Africa itself; the regeneration of which, I cannot bllt think, is the
path appointed by Providence for the elevation of the descendants of
Africa throughout the world.'t
The 'regeneration' of Africa will doubtless be the final trans-
fonning power of her down-trodden descendants. And as they
rise in the lands of their exile, by education and culture, to the
threshold of a higher life - as their minds are strengthened and
expanded by the wide and glorious prospects which literature and
science open before them - they will become less pachydermatous
than they now are; they will feel the pressure of inAuences which
they now regard as natural and normal. The avenues they now
traverse with ease will become too narrow for them. They will
fmd that they cannot stir without the inconvenience of painful
sores and irritations. The encumbrances and obstructions of their
* William Whippt'r. ofPhilidelphia.
t Letter to Hon. Simon Greenleaf. daced May 1849.
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 2))

life will multiply, and they will long for a wider sphere for the
free play and development of their social, moral, and intellectual
nature. Shaking themselves free from the traditions and associa-
tions of the past, they will find that it is one thing to enjoy the
hospita1ities and indulgence of a mansion erected by and for
others, and another to occupy a dwelling, be it ever so humble,
constructed by one's self, for one's own purposes, and adapted to
one's tastcs.
'Tu proversi si come sa di sale
Lo pane altrui, e com' e duro calle
La scendere, e it salir per l'altrui scale.'*
The growth of the negro thus far in the United States has been
by accretion from without. He has grown out of the barbarism of
his ancestors by the action of physical impression. He has been an
outside spectator, and, in many instances, a dull and unimpressible
spectator, of the social and political progress of his superiors. His
training hereafter will be different: his progress will be from
within. 'The elements of real human progress,' it has been
remarked, 'must be freely evolved out of man, and cannot be
mechanically fastened on him.' Love of race will take possession
of the cultivated negro; and the enforced consciousness under
which he has been laboring, of oneness with the Anglo-Saxon,
will be extinguished. Under no other circumstances can he be
properly developed. Love of race must be the central fire to heat
all his energies and glow along all his activity. He must be ani-
mated by the earnest purpose and inspired by the great idea of a
genuine race development.
Hitherto the negro has been living overshadowed by a foreign
and powerful people, and many of the elements of true manhood
could not be developed. There were certain functions of humanity
which he was never called upon to discharge. Like entozoa, of
which naturalists tell us, living in the insides of other animals and
being constantly bathed by nutritive fluids, they absorb a suffi-
ciency through their outer surfaces, and so have no need of
* Dante, Paradiso, XVD, 58-60.
"'
234 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

stomachs and do not possess them. Politically and socially

speaking. the American negro has been without a digestive cavity,
or, to change the figure, plants and animals incessantly adapt
themselves to outward circumstances. The oak which grows in
the open field balances itself with lateral boughs; the fir which rises
in the forest rears its towering stem to the sky. Surround that oak
with thick neighbors, and its branches will perish; let in the heat and
light upon the covered shrub, and its growth will become thick
and bushy. Let education and superior culture nurse the well-
spring of a higher life within the negro, and he will readily
recognize the force of these principles. He will feel the necessity
of increasing measures of freedom, as the condition of social
advancement, so as to afford full scope for the inherent energies
of the mind. He will cease to regard the Anglo-Saxon and his
peculiar development as the ne plus ultra of human excellence, or
tho United States as the last theatre - the ultima thule - of human
exertion. Carried away by the line of Berkeley -
'Westward the course of empire takes its way.'
he has been unwilling to admit the idea of an eastern destiny for
himself. He has clung with such pertinacity to that particular
longitude, he has taken in so much west in his reckoning, that,
considering his northern birth and his ethnographical connection
with southern regions, he has assumed to our mind the peculiar
shape of that biblical haven of Crete, which 'lieth toward the
south-west and the north-west.' But as he rises to a higher plane
ofbcmg, he will come to believe that Africa too has a destiny, and
that the negro in his turn has lessons of wisdom to impart to
mankind.
'God sends his teachers unto every age,
To every clime, and every race of men,
With revelations fItted to their growth
And shape of mind, nor gives the realms of truth
Into the selfish rule of one sole race.'*
* Lowell.
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 2)5

With the sad lessons of the past before them. gathered partly
from their own experience. and partly from the unwritten but
enduring annals of the race, and guided by their instinctive desires
for unadulterated preservation. the framers of the Constitmion of
Liberia inserted the clause prohibiting white men from enjoying
full citizenship in the Republic. Providence seemed to indicate
the consistency of such a step in the physical influences with which
He has surrounded. the country. It was only putting the sanction
of hwnan legislation upon the enactments of God - re-enacting
the laws of nature. The climate, formidable and too often fatal to
Europeans, must ever prevent any considerable number of them
being resident in Africa.
There is a species of amalgamation that will be of incalculable
benefit to the negro rerurning from his exile, and that is such
amalgamation as took place when the Normans invaded England
- an amalgamation between cognate races, or different families of
the same race. The American negro will fmd rich and stimulating
blood in the Mandingoes and Jalofs and Foulahs; in the Veys.
Kroomen, and Greboes. Let him hasten home and mingle his
blood with the blood of these tribes. and the fusion will be
wholesome. 'When the Normans had conquered England. there
was but one alternative possible between them and the Saxon
race - fusion or extirpation; and a future England depended upon
severing the Norman tie with the continent, and grafting Norman
culture upon the Saxon race-stock. When Norman nobles. shut
up to England as their home. began to recognize the native beauty
of her Saxon daughters, the conquered race absorbed the con-
querors, and the English people. language, culture, grew from the
sturdy Saxon srock:* Thus will the negro, returning with his
culture from abroad, be strengthened and improved by blending
with the native tribes. And the wisdom of this policy is distinctly
recognized by the leading minds of Liberia. Said President War-
ner, in the last Annual Message he ddivered to the Legislature,
December, 1867: 'These tribes can and will furnish the Republic
with an dement more enduring physically, and which will, in
* Dr j. P. Thompson, in N t Ui Englandtr.january r869.
236 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

time, become as efficient, morally and intellectually, as that which

we are receiving from abroad. The incorporation of these people
with ourselves will be the commingling of no an tagonistic ele-
ments. Being of the same race, and in some instances of the same
tribal origin as ourselves, with all the natural alfmities, they will
easily assimilate. It will be but ingrafting the wild plant upon the
improved plant of the same common stock.'
To those who would charge us with narrow exclusiveness in
our preference for race, we reply, that we err in that respect - if
we do crr - with all the great patriots who have ever lived: with
Abraham and Moses, with David and Daniel and Paul; with
Solon and Lycurgus. with Demosthenes and Cicero, with Pitt,
Macaulay, and Palmerston; with Washington, Webster, and
Clay. There was more than simply rhyme in the lines ofBeranger:
•Jaime qu'un Rwse soit Russe,
Et qu'un Anglais soit Anglais;
Si l'on est Prcssien en Prusse,
En France soyons Francais.'
So say we: En Afrique soyons Ajricains! It is sometimes urged
upon us, that the country will be kept poor by the exclusion of
Europeans, who would introduce large pecwliary capital. This
may be so. But we are persuaded that, in spite of some possible
commercial and even scientific benefits, there would be, on the
whole, more loss than gain to the race by removing the restriction
in question; it wou1d be the victory of the gross and material over
the pure and ideal; the triumph of commercial greed over national
tastes and predilections.
By those who urge, with apparent plausibility, that the time
has arrived, in the history of the world, when all political barriers,
founded upon diversity of race, shou1d be swept away - that Liber-
ians, in view of the liberal course now taking place in the United
States, shou1d discard the jealousies of race, and act on a broader
and fairer principle of political policy -let it be remembered that
Liberia is still in her infancy, and that her law, excluding Euro-
peans from participation in the government, has a profoundcr
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 237
basis than mere jealow rivalry. We cannot lose sight of the fact,
that the character of nations is formed in their cradles. It depends
mainly upon the germ which is first planted. The character of the
United States is distinctly traceable to the character of the first
colonists, and to the persistent course of the United States....
'The growth of a nation,' says Dr. J.P. Thompson, 'is not through
external accretion, but by vital assimilation. There must be a
RACE-STOCK, sufficiently positive and vigorous to assimilate
all foreign elements into its own individuality.' And again: 'I
marvel that political economists, looking simply to the increase of
production. should stimulate immigration beyond our native
power of assimilation. Since the loose and partisan administration
of our naturalization laws makes the crudest immigrant an active
member of the body politic, we may increase our productive
strength at the hazard ofour politicd life; for a population which, for
any reason, we cannot absorb betimes into our proper race-stock,
becomes a cause of disintegration within the heart of the state...
We have seen in Austria how the molecules of diverse races con-
tinually tend asunder. because of such unassimilated races and
communities within her body politic. Turkey is sick and ready to
die. We cease to be a nation, if German influence and Irish
influence are to vie with American influence. We must sliffer in
this land no element of political power that is not thoroughly Ameri-
ctltlized.'*
Dr. Thompson, knowing the irresistible assimilating power of
the great American nation, can afford, as a philanthropist, to hold
forth the language of the last sentence just cited. But he must be
thankful that the original settlers of the country were nwnerous
enough to give tone and character to its institutions, and create a
public spirit before the operation of the 'loose and partisan
administration of the naturalization laws.' Suppose, in the infancy
of that country. there had flowed into it the annual thowands
which for the last thirty or forty years have been pouring in,
where would be the United States to-day? Would it be any
bener than Austria or the 'sick man,' Turkey? It is clear that the
* New Englander.Jlnwry 1869.
2J8 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

character of the accessions which a new country receives isa matter

of transcendent and vital importance.
The idea of developing a respectable negro state in Africa is
with Liberians the fWldamental idea of their nationality. It is more
important than the gold of California, or the diamond of Gol-
conda - more important than abundance of land or salubrity of
climate. It is something moral we arc seeking. We want here to
elaborate and express the idea which God has given to us: to
contribute our stone also to the great temple of human history.
'The great problem which human advancement requires to be
solved, is the formation of a civilized state within the tropics.
Until this is accomplished, it seems to me to be utterly absurd to
talk as we do about the progress of mankind and the civilization
of the human race. Such a state can never be established, except
by means of the black race; and. therefore. and in that sense,
except by means ofir, the earth itself can never reach that point of
advancement which God has put so palpably within its reach.'*
The introduction of Europeans among us just now would
retard this great work. expose our institutions to the dangers and
decay of mongrel ism, confuse our instincts. and postpone the
assertion of our individuality as a distinct group in the family of
nations - called by our traditions, our peculiar instincts. and our
geographical position to fulfill a special function in the great work
of the world's civilization.
'* Dr Robert J. Breckinridge. in a letter to the eolored people of Baltimore,
dated Marcil 1846.
18 African Accomplishments and
Race Pride
From The Prospects of the African (I874[?]) pp. 5- 7

There arc ... the great Mandingo and Foulah tribes, who are
Mohammedans, and the principal rulers of central Africa, extend-
ing their influence nearly across the Continent. They have schools
and mosques in all their towns, and administer their government
according to written law. There is a steady and improvable ele-
ment in their barbarism, which is leading them to develop the
idea of a national and social order. They read constantly the same
books and from this derive that community of ideas, and that
understanding of each other ... which gives them the power of
ready organization and effective action. There is a simplicity and
sincerity about them - there are features of purity and sobriety in
theif society which will fit them to receive and welcome certain
aspects of higher civilization .... Without the aid or hindrance of
foreigners ... they are growing up gradually and normally to take
their place in the great family of nations - a distinct but integral
part of the great human body, who will neither be spurious
Europeans, bastard Americans, nor savage Africans, but men
developed upon the base of their own idiosyncrasies, and accord-
ing to the exigencies of their climate and culture.... During all
the years which have elapsed since the commencement of modern
progress, the African race has filled a very humble and subordinate
part in the work of human civilization. But the march of events is
developing the interesting fact that there is a career before this
people which no other people can enter upon. There is a peculiar
work for them to accomplish, both in the land of their bondage,
and in the land of their fathers, which no other people can achieve.
With the present prospects and privileges before his race - with
the chances of arduous work, noble suffering, and magnificent
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

achievement before them - I would rather be a member of

this race than a Greek in the time of Alexander, a Roman in
the Augustin period, or an Anglo-Saxon in the nineteenth
century.
19 Africa's Service to the World
'Ethiopia Stretching Out Her Hands Unto God; or Africa's
Service to the World.' Discourse before the American
Colonization Society, May 1880. Christianity. Islam atlJ the
Negro Race (1887) pp. 113- 29

... There is not a tribe on the continent of Africa, in spite of the

almost universal opinion to the contrary, in spite of the fetishes
and grecgrees which many of them are supposed to worship -
there is not, I say, a single tribe which does not stretch out its
hands to the Great Creator. There is not one who does not recog-
nize the Supreme Being, though imperfectly Wlderstanding His
character - and who does perfectly understand His character?
They believe that the heaven and the earth, the sun, moon, and
stars, which they behold. were created by an Almighty personal
Agent, who is also their own Maker and Sovereign. and they
render to Him such worship as their untutored intellects can con-
ceive. The work of the Christian missionary is to declare to them
that Being whom they ignorantly worship. There are no atheists
or agnostics among them. They have not yet attained, and I am
sure they never will attain, to that eminence of progress or that
perfection of development; so that it is true, in a certain sense, that
Ethiopia now stretches out her hands unto God.
And if the belief in a Common Creator and Father of mankind
is illustrated in the: bearing we maintain towards our neighbour,
if our faith is seen in our works, if we prove that we love God,
whom we have not seen, by loving our neighbour whom we have
seen, by respecting his rights, even though he may not belong to
our clan, tribe, or race, then I must say, and it will not be generally
disputed, that more proofs are furnished among the natives of
interior Africa of their belief in the common Fatherhood of a
personal God by their hospitable and considerate treatment of
foreigners and strangers than are to be seen in many a civilized and
Christian commtmity. Mungo Park, a hundred years ago, put on
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

record in poetry and prose - and he wished it never to be for-

gotten - that he was the object of most kindly and sympathetic
treatment in the wilds of Africa, among a people he had never
before seen, and whom he never could requite. The long sojourn
of Livingstone in that land in contentment and happiness, without
money to pay his way, is another proof of the excellent qualities
of the people, and of their practical belief in an universal Father.
And, in all history, where is there anything more touching than
that ever memorable conveyance, by 'faithful hands'. of the
remains of the missionary traveller from the land of strangers over
thousands of miles, to the country of the deceased, to be deposited
with dClierved honour in the 'Great Temple of Silence'? ...
But there is another quality in the Ethiopian or African, closely
connected with the preceding, which proves that he has stretched
out his hands unto God. If service rendered to humanity is service
rendered to God, then the Negro and his country have been,
during the ages. in spite of untoward influences, tending upward
to the Divine.
Take the country. It has been called the cradle of civilization,
and so it is. The germs of all the sciences and of the two great
religions now professed by the most enlightened races were
fostered in Africa. Science. in its latest wonders, has nothing to
show equal to some of the wonderful things even now to be seen
in Africa. In Africa stands that marvellous architectural pile - the
great Pyramid - which has been the admiration and despair of the
world for a hW1(ired generations. Scientific men of the present
day, mathematicians, astronomers and divines, regard it as a sort
of key to the universe - a symbol of the profoundest truths of
science, of religion. and of aU the past and future history of man.
Though apparently closely secluded from all the rest of the world,
Africa still lies at the gateway of all the loftiest and noblest tradi-
tions of the human race - of India, of Greece, of Rome. She
intermingles with all the Divine administrations, and is connect-
ed, in one way or another, with some of the most famous names
and events in the annals of time....
I think we shall admit. after all, that there is nothing, in all these
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 243
transactions of history, which for vastness and for permanence,
can compare with the grandeur there is in the discovery of the
American continent by Christopher Columbus!
But in bringing about these great results, in helping to achieve
this material and moral grandeur, Africa has home an impor-
tant part. He who writes the history of modem civilization will
be culpably negligent if he omit to observe and to describe
the black stream of humanity, which has poured into America
from the heart of the Soudan. That stream has fertilized half the
Western continent. It has created commerce and influenced its
progress. It has affected culture and morality in the Eastern and
Western hemispheres, and has been the means of transforming
European colonies into a great nationality. Nor can it be denied
that the material development of England was aided greatly by
means of this same dark stream. By means of Negro labour sugar
and tobacco were produced; by means of sugar and tobacco
British commerce was increased; by means of increased commerce
the arts of culture and rcfmement were developed. The rapid
growth and unparalleled prosperity of Lancashire are, in part,
owing to the cotton supply of the Southern States, which could not
have risen to such importance without the labour of the African.
The countless caravans and dhow-loads of Negroes who have
been imported into Asia have not produced, so far as we know,
any great historical results; but the slaves exported to America
have profoundly influenced civilization. The political history of
the United States is the history of the Negro. The commercial and
agricultural history of nearly the whole of America is the history
of the Negro....
And now that Europe is exhausting itself by over-production,
it is to Africa that men look to furnish new markets. India, China
and Japan arc beginning to consume their raw material at home.
thus not only shutting Europe out from a market, but cutting off
the supplies of raw material. Expedition after expedition is now
entering the cOlmtry, intersecting it from east to west and from
north to south, to fmd out more of the resources of a land upon
which large portions of the civilized. world will, in no very remote
244 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATION A LISM

future, be dependent. In the days of the slave-trade, when the man

of the country was needed for animal purpose'l, no thought was
given to the COWltry• • . •
But now things have changed. The country is studied with an
almost martyr-like devotion, but with a somewhat contemptible
indifference as to the inhabitants. In their eager search, the
explorers have discovered that Africa possesses the very highest
capacity for the production, as raw material, of the various articles
demanded by civilized countries. English, and French, and Ger-
mans, are now in the struggles of an intense competition for the
hidden treasures of that continent. Upon the opening of Africa
will depend the continuation of the prosperity of Europe. Thus
Providence has interwoven the interests of Europe with those of
Africa. What will bring light and improvement, peace and
security, to thousands of women and children in Africa, will bring
food and clothing to thousands of women and children in
Europe.
Thus, Ethiopia and Ethiopians, having always served, will
continue to serve the world. The Negro is, at this moment, the
opposite of the Anglo-Saxon. Those everywhere serve the world;
these everywhere govern the world. The empire of the one is
more wide-spread than that of any other nation; the service of the
other is more wide-spread than that of any other people. The
Negro is found in all parts of the world. He has gone across
Arabia, Persia, and India to China. He has crossed the Atlantic to
the Western Hemisphere, and here he has laboured in the new
and in the old settlements of America; in the Eastern, Western,
Northern and Southern States; in Mexico, Venezuela, tho Wcst
Indies and Brazil. He is everywhere a familiar object, and he is,
everywhere out of Africa, the servant of others. And in the light
of the ultimate good of the universe, I do not see why the calling
of the one should be considered the result of a curse, and the
calling of the other the result of special favour. The one fulfils
its mission by domination, the other by submission. The one
serves mankind by ruling; the other serves mankind by serving.
The one wears the crown and wields the sceptre; the other bears
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 24l
the stripes and carries the cross. Africa is distinguished as having
served and suffered. In this, her lot is not unlike that of God's
ancient people, the Hebrews, who were known among the
Egyptians as the servants of all j and among the Romans, in later
times, they were numbered by Cicero with the 'nations born to
servitude', and were protected, in the midst of a haughty popu-
lation, only 'by the contempt which they inspired'. The lot of
Africa resembles also His who made Himself of no reputation, but
took upon Himself the form of a servant, and. having been made
perfect through suffering, became the 'Captain of our salvation'.
And if the principle laid down by Christ is that by which things
are decided above, viz., that he who would be chief must become
the servant of all, then we see the position which Africa and the
Africans must ultimately occupy. And we must admit that
through serving man, Africa - Ethiopia - has been stretching out
her hands unto God ....
Within the last thirty years. the sentiment of race and of
nationality has attained wonderful development. Not only have
the teachings of thinkers and philosophers set forth the importance
of the theory, but the deeds of statesmen and patriots have, more
or less successfully, demonstrated the practicability of it. The
efforts of men like Garibaldi and Cavour in Italy. of Kossuth in
Hungary, of Bismarck in Germany, of the Ashantees and Zulus
in Africa, have proved the indestructible vitality and tenacity of
race.
Notwithstanding the widespread progress of Mohammedanism
in Africa. and though it has largely influenced the organic life of
numerous tribes in the vast regions of the Soudan, yet the Arabs,
who first introduced the religion, have never been allowed to
obtain political ascendancy. None of the Nigritian tribes have
ever abdicated their race individuality or parted with their
idiosyncracies in embracing the faith of Islam. But. whenever and
wherever it has been necessary, great Negro warriors have risen
from the ranks of Islam, and, inspired by the teachings of the new
faith, which merges all distinctions in one great brotherhood, have
checked the arrogance of their foreign teachers, and have driven
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

them, if at any time they affected superiority based upon race,

from their artificial ascendancy ....
This seems to be the period of race organization and race con-
solidation. The races of Europe are striving to group themselves
together according to their natural affmities. The concentration
and development of the Sclavonic power in deference to this
impulse is a menace to other portions of Europe. The Germans are
confederated. The Italians are united. Greece is being recon-
structed. And so this race impulse has seized the African here. The
feeling is in the atmosphere - the plane in which races move. And
there is no people in whom the desire for race integrity and race
preservation is stronger than in the Negro.
And I may be permitted to add here, that on this question of
race, no argument is necessary or effective. Argument may be
necessary in discussing the methods or course of procedure for the
preservation of race integrity, and for the development of race
efficiency, but no argument is needed as to the necessity of such
preservation and development. If a man does not feel it - if it docs
not rise up with spontaneous and inspiring power in his heart -
then he has neither part nor lot in it. The man who needs convic-
tion on this subject, had much better be left unconvinced ... .
Africa may yet prove to be the spiritual conservatory of the
world. Just as in past times, Egypt proved the stronghold of
Christianity after Jerusalem fdl, and just as the noblest and greatest
of the Fathers of the Christian Church came out of Egypt, so it
may be, when the civilized nations, in consequence of their
wonderful material devdopment, shall have had their spiritual
perceptions darkened and their spiritual susceptibilities blunted
through the agency of a captivating and absorbing materialism,
it may be, that they may have to resort to Africa to recover some
of the simple elements offaith; for the promise of that land is that
she shall stretch forth her hands unto God.
And see the wisdom and justice of God. While the Africans have
been away rendering service their country has been kept for them.
It is a very insignificant portion of that continent, after all, that
foreigners have been permitted to occupy.... The most important
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 247
parts of the coast are still in the hands of the aborigines; and
civilized and Christian Negroes from the United States occupy
six hundred miles of the choicest territory in Africa, called the
Republic of Liberia. All travellers along the Coast pronounce the
region of country included within the limits of Liberia, as the
most fertile and wealthy along the entire coast, and commanding
a back country of untold resources. Europeans tried for centuries
to get a foothold in that territory; but the natives would never
consent to their settlement in it, while they gladly welcomed their
brethren returning from exile in this country.
The exiled Negro, then, has a home in Africa. Africa is his, if
he will. He may ignore it. He may consider that he is divested of
any right to it; but this will not alter his relations to that country,
or impair the integrity of his title. He may be content to fight
against the fearful odds in this country; but he is the proprietor
of a vast domain. He is entitled to a whole continent by his
constitution and antecedents .... The stranger visiting this land
and going among its coloured inhabitants, and reading their
newspapers, still hears the wail of slavery. The wail of physical
suffering has been exchanged for the groans of an intellectual,
social, and ecclesiastical ostracism ....
As a result of their freedom and enlarged education, the descen-
dants of Africa in this country are beginning to feel themselves
straitened. They are beginning to feel that only in Africa will they
fmd the sphere of their true activity. And it is a significant fact
that this impulse is coming from the Southern States. There is the
great mass of the race; and there their instincts are less impaired
by the infusion of alien blood and by hostile climatic influences.
There we find the Negro in the almost unimpaired integrity of
his race susceptibility, and he is by an uncontrollable impu1se
feeling after a congenial atmosphere which his nature tells him he
can fmd only in Africa. And he is going to Africa ...•
Has not Africa been, through the ages, sitting on the highway
of the world? There she is, south of Europe, with but a lake
between, joined on to Asia, with the most frequented oceans on
the east and west of her - accessible to all the races, and yet her
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

secret is unknown. She has swallowed up her thousands. The

Sphinx must solve her own riddle at last. The opening up of
Africa is to be the work of Africans.
In the Providence of God, it seems that this great and glorious
work is reserved for the Negro. Centuries of effort and centuries
of failure demonstrate that white men cannot build up colonies
there.... The most successful effort yet made in colonizing Africa
is in Liberia. This will be permanent, because the colonists are of
the indigenous stock...•
Now the people who are producing these changes have a
peculiar claim upon this country - for they went out from this
nation and are carrying American institutions into that Continent.
And this great country has peculiar facilities for the work of
African civilization. The nations of Europe are looking with
anxious eyes to the 'Dark Continent', as they love to caU it,
probably for the purpose of kindling their religious zeal, or
stimulating their commercial instincts. But not one of them has
the opportunity of entering that Continent with the advantages
of the United States. They cannot send their citizens there from
Europe to colonize - they die. France is now aiming at taking
possession, by railroads, of the trade of the Soudan, from Algeria
and Senegal. But the success of the scheme, through European
agency, is extremely problematical. ... The United States is the
only country which, providentially, can do the work which the
whole world now wants done. Entering on the West Coast,
through Liberia, she may stretch a chain of colonies of her own
citizens through the whole length of the Soudan, from the Niger
to the Nile - from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean .•..
20 Study and Race
A Lecture delivered 19 May, 1893 before the Ymmg Men's
Literary Association of Sierra Leone, at Blyden's Residence
in Free Street, Freetown. Sierra Leone Times, 3 June, 1893

. . .There are some men who heap up riches with no object

whatever in view, - simply for the regular satisfaction of posses-
sion - so some men heap up facts and burden themselves with
stores afknowledge without any regard to health, enjoyment, or
even utility in their proper calling. Like the 'wicked and slothful'
servant in the parable they lay on their talent in a napkin. But for
every one of you - every onc of us - there is a special work to be
done - work of tremendous necessity and tremendous importance
- a work for the Race to which we belong. It is a great Race -
great in its vitality, in its power of endurance and its prospect of
perpetuity. It has passed through the fiery furnace of centuries of
indigenous barbarism and foreign slavery and yet it remains
Wlconsumed. Wdl, now, there is a responsibility which our
personality, our members1Up in this Race involves. It is sad to
think that there are some Africans, especially among those who
have enjoyed the advantages of foreign training, who are blind
to the radical facts of humanity as to say, 'Let us do away with the
sentiment of Race. Let us do away with our African personality
and be lost, if possible, in another Race.'
This is as wise or as philosophical as to say, let us do away with
gravitation, with heat and cold and sWlshine and rain. Of course
the other Race in which these persons would be absorbed is the
dominant Race, before which, in cringing self-surrender and
ignoble self-supprcssion, they lie in prosrrate admiration. Some
are really in earnest, honestly thinking that by such means they
will rise to the cloudless elevation of Olympus or reach the sub-
lime heights of Pamass us, but the verdict of spectators is that they
qualify themselves for Bedlam. There is, only then, one fatal
250 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

influence against all this teaching. and that is, the whole course of
nature. Preach this doctrine as much as you like, no one will do it,
for no onc can do it, for when you have done away with your
personality, you have done away with yourselves. Your place has
been assigned you in the universe as Africans, and there is no foom
for you as anything else. Christianity pointed out the importance
and purpose of race preservation and development and provided.
for it. Science has recognized and accepted this truth, both as
regards individua1s and Races. But the world is far behind
Christianity, and still in the rear of science.
What men generally have not yet found out, as they have not
yet fully learned Christ, is the way to a righteous development of
racial personality. One race tries to force another into its own
mould and the weaker race is sometimes compelled to give way
to its own detriment and the detriment of humanity.
But the duty of every man, of every race is to contend for its
individuality - to keep and devdop it. Never mind the teachings
of those who tell you to abandon that which you cannot abandon.
If their theory were carried out, it would, with all the reckless
cruelty of mere theory, blot out all the varieties of mankind,
destroy all differences, sacrifice nationalities and reduce the human
Race to the formless protoplasm from which we are told we came.
Therefore, honour and love your Race. Be yourselves, as God
intended you to be or he would not have made you thus. We
cannot improve upon his plan. If you are not yourself, if you
surrender your personality, you have nothing left to give the
world. You have no pleasure, no use, nothing which will attract
and charm men, for by suppression of your individuality you lose
your distinctive character.
'Remember, every man God made
Is different, has some deed to do,
Some work to work, be undismayed;
Though thine be humble, do it too.'
There is hardly anything new, in a material sense, that the so
called civilized African can contribute to the world's resources,
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 251

but if his individuality is preserved and developed on right or

righteous lines, he will bring intellectual and spiritual contribu-
tions which Hwnanity will gladly welcome.
Remember, then, that these racial peculiarities are God given.
For his own glory they are and were created. To neglect them,
suppress them, or get rid of them is to get rid of the cord which
binds US to the Creator. Try and learn the important lesson that it
is God's intention for you that you should be different from all the
rest of mankind - that He placed you here to reveal a phase of His
character not given to others to reveal; our duty is to fmd out
what that is.
We have not yet as a people had the opportunity, either in these
West African Settlements or in the countries of our exile, to fmd
out our peculiar calling. But the time will come when we shall
fmd it out, and then it will be the idea which leads our life. We
shall guard it as the most precious possession. We shall carefully
develop it. But not for selfish purposes. The Negro was made for
service. He will put his peculiar power into vital action for the
human Race.
No foreign Race need be afraid of us, in spite of the universal
oppression and injustice of which we have been the victims. They
need not dread the development of our personality. It will be free
from any tinge of bitterness towards them or any pompous self
assertion. There will be the same receptive spirit and unfailing
good temper. It is not out of a genuine personality that vanity or
self conceit comes, but out of imitation - out of a fictitious per-
sonality, out of compromises which Nature abhors.
We were made for that highest of all glory, which is service for
Hwnanity. He that will be chief let him become your servant,
said the great Master. This is a different glory from that of other
nations; and in human view would not be considered glory at all.
'The glory of the Jew was pure conduct, and conformity to a life
of righteous law. The glory of the Oriental was calm. reached by
putting aside all the pursuits of earth and all the passions of self.
The glory of the Greek was divine harmony, the balance and
proportionate subordination of all things to one another and to
2$2 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the best, so as to produce a perfect whole. The glory of the Roman

was law, and obedience, as the worship due to law. The glory of
the African thus far has been the glory of suffering - the glory of
the cross - the glory of the Son of Man - the man of sorrows and
acquainted with grief But the future will have a different story
to tell. The Cross precedes the Crown. Per crucem ad llIcem, but
also per crucem ad coronam.'
You will see, then, that to give up our personality would be to
give up the peculiar work and the peculiar glory to which we are
called. It would really be to give up the divine idea - to give up
God - to sacrifice the divine individuality; and this is the worst of
suicides. We cannot compromise on this subject. But to retain
Race integrity and Race individuality is no easy work in the hard,
dogmatic and insurgent civilization in which we live. It has been
said that the fringe of European civilization is violence. All the
agencies at work, philanthropic, political. and commercial, are
tending to fashion w after the one pattern that Europe holds out.
Society is calling upon w to be like the rest of its worshippers. All
the books and periodicals we read - all the pictures we see beguile
us. Everything says to w, 'Efface yourselves: It is difficult to resist
these influences. Many are submerged and love to be submerged,
not believing in any peculiar calling or any special work for the
Negro.
Some have revelled in the prospect of hearing some fine
morning of the 'last o/the Negroes.' But there is a vast future before
this Race as there has been a hoary past behind it. The great mass
of the Race has not, thank God, been tampered with. At least 200
millions in the vast regions east and north and south of us remain
intact. The contamination has affected only a few millions in the
western hemisphere and a few thousands along the margin of the
continent. But no pure race has ever yet been destroyed. The
original races of the Eastern hemisphere have existed from the
beginning and no one of them can be exterminated, as degenerate
offihoots of them have been in America and the islands of the sea.
Notwithstanding the injwtice to which they are subject in South
Africa, they are steadily multiplying. Even in the United States
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 253
their rapid increase is a menace to their oppressors. The last census
(1890) revealed the astounding fast that there are 6,337,980 pure
Negroes in that country. There will never be of the original races
any 'survival of the fittest.' All are fit, equally fit, for the work
they have to do, and aU will continue. They are ro<lperacing
forces or forces that must co-operate in order to the progress and
perfection of Humanity as a whole [sic1.
To say only the things that others have said, to repeat only what
you have observed in and read of others, to speak only of knowl-
edge which you hear outside is to say and do things with no life
in them, dead things, which can impart no life to others.
The more you understand this, the more you reverence your-
self as a divine offspring, the more you will reverence others - the
more, because they too are personal and different from you. You
will pursue after the good and the ideal which God reveals
through them.
Yes, 1 believe that is the right way, but a way which men have
not yet learned. It is a way which fulfJls the second Command-
m ent in the Law, which Christ says is like unto the first in im-
portance. 'Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.' It is thus
personality which respects and preserves itself and respects and is
anxious to preserve others. It is this which interests and awakens
and has power to move the world. When it is generally under·
stood and acted upon then will natures the most diverse harmonize
and co-operate.
'The wolf shall also dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall
lie down with the kid; and the calf and the young lion and the
failing together, and a little child shall lead them.' Hwnanity will
have been revolutionized and reformed.
21 From African Life and Customs (1908)

Until the dose of the Civil War in America the Slave Power had
shaped the conceptions of the Western World as to the African.
his character, possibilities, and destiny. Divines and politicians,
physiologists and scientists, exhausted the resources of their intd-
leet in the endeavour to prove the Negro only quasi-human - an
excellent animal, but only an animal - born to serve a superior
race.
But the close of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the
twentieth have brought to the front a new school of thinkers on
African and racial questions. Among these Mary Kingsley leads the
way, owing to her original studies in the home of the African ....
It is not contended that the work of the Negro will be identical
with that of other races; there is no moral or material necessity
for this. The African will never move in the direction, for
example, in which Messrs. Edison and Marconi, Lord Lister, etc.,
are leaders. For him and his effective work in his own country,
the intricacies of sciences and its marvellous achievements are
neither accessible nor necessary. Owing to climatic conditions,
discoveries in that direction are entirely impossible. Nor will he
excel on the great political lines for successful pursuit in which the
European has been naturally endowed. Politics as understood in
Europe are not his Jorte. The African, at least in the present Age,
is to pursue the calling of man when in his perfect state. But some
may say the African is not in his perfect state. We admit this to
some extent, but only where he has been interfered with by alien
influence. His real work as we see it among the great tribes of the
interior is to speak to the earth and let it teach himOob 12, 8) - to
dress the garden and to keep it. In his normal state he does not
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 255
envy those who live by exploiting the man of the soil. The first
exploiter of the simple agriculturist, working innocently and
unsuspectingly in the Garden of Eden, was that eminent and most
ingenious of beings who is said to have led in the disloyal enter-
prise of the rebel Angels....
There is no question now as to the human unity, but each sec-
tion has developed for itself such a system or code of life as its
environments have suggested - to be improved, not changed by
larger knowledge. The African has developed and organised a
system useful to him for all the needs of life....
The facts in this African life which we shall endeavour to point
out are the following: -
1st. The Family, which in Mrica, as everywhere else, is the basic
unit of society. Every male and female marries at the proper age.
Every woman is required and expects to perform her part of the
function of motherhood - to do her share in continuing the
human race.
2nd. Property. The land and the water are accessible to all.
Nobody is in want of either, for work, for food, or for clothing.
3rd. Social Life. This is communistic or co-operative. All work
for each, and each works for aU.
4th. The tribes have laws regulating every function of hwnan
life and the laws are known to all the members of the tribe, and
justice is administered by the tribal chiefS in the presence of the
whole people in the village or town, where any violation of tribal
law may have taken place. There is no need for Standing Armies.
The whole people of the village or town are jointly and severally
guardians and preservers of the peace.
The foundation of the African Family is plural marriage and,
contrary to the general opinion, this marriage rests upon the will
of the woman, and this will operates to protect from abuse the
functional work of the sex, and to provide that all women shall
share normally in this work with a view to healthy posterity and
an unfailing supply of population.
It is less a matter of sentiment, of feeling, of emotion, than of
duty, of patriotism. Compulsory spinsterhood is unknown under
'56 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the African system. That is a creation of the West. Its existence

here is abnormal, anticlimatic. and considered a monstrosity, as
Miss Kingsley wittingly points out; and is destined, wherever it
seems to exist in practice. to disappear as an Wlscientific inter-
ference of good meaning foreign philanthropists with the natural
conditions of the COW1try.
The idea of increase of population in Africa, as in all Eastern
countries, is first and foremost. as should be the case, and over-
rides all other considerations. 'Multiply and replenish' is older
than any other law - written not only in the books of men, hut in
the 'manuscripts of God: and will abide for ever, outliving all
other arrangements, which for local convenience, have been
adopted by man in other regions of the earth ....
Under the existing social order of England, the Prime Minister
has declared: -
'That twelve millions of men, women and children are in
England living on the verge of starvation.' ...
By their socialistic and co-operative method in all material
things, the African system avoids all this. The main business of a
tribe - all the families co-operating - is to provide sufficient food,
clothing, house-room, and all the conditions of a reasonably
comfortable life for all- even the slaves - who are really domestic
servants, children of the household, such as Abraham and other
patriarchs possessed - are provided for.
The conditions which have secured these comforts to the
African from generation to generation throughout the centuries
are - first, the collective ownership by the tribe of all the land and
water; second, the equal accessibility of these natural objects to all
- man, woman, and child.
The people have free access at all rimes to the land and to the
water, to cultivate the land for food and clothing, to hunt and to
fish. All land animals, birds, and insects useful or harmful to man,
are theirs to enjoy or to destroy without let or hindrance.
Everybody has the right to sail upon river, lake, or sea and
retain for his own use and benefit every thing which may be the
result of his efforts in these elements. There is no law of property
BLYDBN'S RACIAL PRIDB 257
so sacred that any man, woman, or child would be allowed to
remain and suff"er either hunger or nakedness without a sufficient
supply of food or clothing provided such things existed in village
or community. When villages or towns become too crowded the
whole population turn out and build other towns in the vacant
places around. We have ourselves been witness to such improve-
ments in the countries in the interior, where we have seen places
cleared and buildings erected by the co-operative method for the
accommodation of three to four hundred person in one week.
When the full meaning to the life of the African of the two
conditions we have mentioned above, as regards land and water,
is understood, then it will be realised why the African everywhere
fights for his land when he will hesitate to fight about anything
else.
It is in view of these facts that so much apprehension is felt for
the future of Liberia as a State in Africa composed of African
Colonists. The settlers born and brought up under the individualis-
tic ideas of the West could not understand and hardly yet under-
stand that there is an African Social and Economic System most
carefully and elaborately organised, venerable, impregnable,
indispensable. Indeed, until very recent times, even the British
Government, which has always been most sympathetic in its
dealings with Africa, did not recognize that there was an African
social organisation, which influences every phase of African life,
from the cradle to the grave, as we said above; and Miss Kingsley
has done more than any other single individual to bring this
important fact to the knowledge of the British people....
Civilisation as it exists in practice is quite contrary - really
antagonistic - to the original and radical idea of the word ... , Its
modem tendency is to beget classes and masses - to emphasize the
I, and suppress the We, to create the capitalist and the proletariat;
and is a constant struggle between the 'top and the bottom dog.'
Renan, the great French critic and philosopher, declared that
'civilisation has always been a creation of aristocracy, upheld by a
small nwnber,'
The same disasters which the. competitive or egotistic system
122 ORIGINS OF WEST APRICAN NATIONALISM

produces in England and throughout Christendom it produces in

Africa even on the small scale on which it has hitherto been able
to operate - happily only in the coast settlements.
These deplorable results flow from the individualistic order as
naturally and regularly as showers from the clouds of swnmer.
If. therefore, Europe wishes to help Africa - and in her own
interests she must wish to help Africa - she can do so effectively,
as Sir Alfred Jones has recently suggested. only by assisting her in
the maintenance and development of her own social system.
There was a time when the native African. brought up on
European lines. looked upon everything European as absolutely
superior. and as alone indispensable to the attainment of man's
highest happiness and usefulness in this world. and even to salva-
tion beyond the grave. He looked upon the European method of
accumulating wealth, the wear and tear and excitement of trade,
upon the banking system. the individualistic possession, as the
ultima Thule of human development. But a vast, a sad, an increas-
ing experience has proved to him, so far as happiness for himself
or success for his posterity is concerned, that these things are but
'broken cisterns that can hold no water.'
Not one civilised native, who ftfty years ago was, for this
COWltry, independently rich in the European sense, has left any
descendant who is not to-day living from hand to mouth; and
there is no prospect that things will be any better in the future.
The African is, therefore, rapidly arriving at a revision of his
former inunature ideas on the subject. There are to-day hundreds
of so-called civilised Africans who are coming back to themselves.
They have grasped the principles underlying the European social
and economic order and reject them as not equal to their own as
means of making adequate provision for the normal needs of all
members of society both present and future - from birth all
through life to death. They have discovered all the waste places.
all the nakedness of the European system both by reading and by
travel. The great wealth can no longer dazzle them, and conceal
from their view the vast masses of the population living under
what they supposed to be the ideal system. who are of no earthly
BLYDEN'S RACIAL PRIDE 259
use either to themselves or to others, and the great number of
human beings fi-om whom these 'waste products' are recruited
generation after generation. And these so-called civilised Africans
are resolved, as far as they can, to save Amca from such a fate.
They observe that in the social structure of Europe there aro three
permanent elements - Poverty, Criminality, Insanity - people
who live in workhouses, prisons, and hUlatic asylums....
Now under the African system of communal property and
co-operative effort, every member of a community has a home
and a sufficiency of food and clothing and other necessaries of life
and for life; and his children after him have the same advantages.
In this system there is no workshouse and no necessity for such an
arrangement. Although according to European ideals the people
live on a lower level, still there is neither waste nor want, but
always enough and to spare. They have always the power and the
will for a generous hospitality....
The commwlistic order of African life is not the result of acci-
dent. It is born of centuries of experience and is the outcome of a
philosophical and faultless logic. Its idea among all the tribes is
enshrined in striking proverbs. Among the Vcys, for example, a
proverb runs thus, 'What belongs to me is destroyable by water
or flre; what belongs to us is destroyable neither by water nor by
flre.' Again: 'What is mine goes; what is ours abides.' And this
proverb never fails in illustration all over Africa. Among Moham-
medans the Koran comes to the help of this principle by its
remarkable utterance in the Chapter entitled the Spider. 'Surely
the frailest of all houses is the house of the spider,' referring to the
egotistic method of construction and purpose. Miss Kingsley
recites an Afi-ican legend, illustrating the saying of the Native that
'The White man is a great spider: ...
The property laws of Africa in intention and in practice make
for the widest distribution of wealth or well being and work
steadily against concentrating the wealth of a community, either
of land or production in the hands of a comparatively small
number of individuals.
From the Family Organisation and the property laws which
260 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

naturally follow, the whole Social System is regularly developed.

We have the village or the town, then the province or district -
all of these together form the State or Tribe; and the continuity
of the life of these institutions follows the general principle under-
lying the Family Organisation. There is Wlity. equality, and at
the same time priority or paramountcy, all the groups together
composing the social system. Self-govemment is exercised always
with the Family group; and there is also within every group
recognized and acted upon this general principle, that the efforts
of each and the efforts of all are and must be made for the good
of each and the good of all.
Each family is responsible for the care of its own weak ones,
the aged. the incurable. the helpless and the sick. If the family fails,
then responsibility falls upon the village or town, etc.
In matters of more general interest the village or town is
responsible, and as the interests widen the larger and higher social
groups become involved in their responsibility.
Under this system no hospitals are needed, which are necessi-
tated by the individualistic system of Europe and America and
the complications arising from foreign intervention.
Under the African system also no stealing takes place. The
necessity and the habit of theft do not arise, because everybody
has his rights, and everybody has enough. hl travelling through
London, every now and then one sees notices in railway carriages,
and other much frequented places, to the following effect,
'Beware of pickpockets: '75,000 thieves in London known to the
police,' etc.• etc. These notices are astounding comments on the
social conditions, though intended only to emphasize the adver-
tisements of Chubbs' locks, iron safes. and other contrivances for
guarding the property of one man against the encroachments of
another....
Nothing in Native life of value is ever really destroyed by
European indiscriminate interference. but everything is made
weaker. Some things wuepressed by philanthropy or legisfaction
continue to operate, albeit clandestinely, in their worst forms. The
African marriage custom, for example. never abandoned, con-
BLYDEN'S RAC IAL PRID B 261

tinues in its most degrading animal aspect, and a false life is

assumed, poisoning the social atmosphere and undermining the
moral character. The substructions of the social and moral struc-
ture being impaired. the whole building is shaky, and no man can
depend on his neighbour. So much for unscientific, if good
meaning. intermeddling in other people's affairs .. ..
The production of wealth in Europe is communistic in the
highest degrcc; but the distribution is individualistic in its most
intense form, hence the social unrest and discontent. The proleta-
riat are ever on strikes - men and women not only clamouring
for higher wages but for a more equitable division of the results
of the communistic labour; that is. the results which capital and
labour togethcr have produced. All combination for Industrial
purposes is co~pcrative, but the difficulty in Europe- we should
perhaps say the impossibility - is to get an equitable share of the
proceeds for each party who contributes to the result ....
Africans living under native laws and Institutions would never
co-operate with any man or company to the end that one man or
company should appropriate to his or their own use and benefit
the whole of the surplus w ealth resulting from their joint efforts.
The whole of the surplus wealth accumulated under our Native
System by co-opcrative labour is regularly and in a most orderly
manner subdivided among all the people co-operating, 'Unto
each according to his several ability.' Those whose efforts are
worth more receive proportionately a greater share of the surplus.
T he internal wars of the African havc been largely i n defence of
his Social Institutions, resisting men of his own tribe anxious to
aggrandize themselves at the expense of the people. His wars
against E uropeans have also been in defence of his Institutions
which he regards as sacred.
Our natives who have accumulated money under the indivi-
dualistic system of Europe cannot go back to their tribal home
because their wealth would be subjected to distribution according
to native custom and law; and in view of their training it is
impossible for them to submit now to such an arrangement;
therefore they continue to live under the European Ordt"r and are
262 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

amenable to its vicissitudes. All their wealth, sooner or later, goes

back to the European, in spite of the most stringent provisions of
Wills and Codicils. Men may doubt this, object to it, hate it, and
think that their case will be an exception to the rule, but the law
goes on all the same. It is not a rule but a law - the law of dis-
integration under the European competitive order.
Earnest missionaries in their innocence and goodwill strove
from the very first to destroy the conUnlmistic order of African
life because they saw that the whole system was based upon and
grew out of the family arrangement. which, in their lack of
scientific knowledge, and entire misconception of Scripture. they
'abhorred.' ...
Owing to the intense and increasing materialism of Europe,
especially Anglo-Saxondom, the people have lost touch with the
spirit world. This is no reason why Aflicans should forget the
privileges enjoyed by their fathers. The intcr-communion
between the people of the earth and those in the spiritual sphere
is a cardinal belief of the African and will never be uprooted.
Death is simply a door through which men enter the life to come
or the Hereafter. This being the basis of their faith they have like
the Japanese, no dread of death.
PART V

Responses to the Extension

and Consolidation of
European Control
 At the turn of the century West Africans had to come to terms with the
'New Imperialism' and the 'de-Africanisation' of the governmental and
ecclesiastical bureaucracies. Obviously there could be no quick realisation
oj the high hopes entertained by Horton's generation. Equally obviously
the new military technology meant that if protest spilled over into
rebellion it was doomed. This chapter illustrates Western-educated
West Africa's response to the new circumstances.
The Gold Coast proved especially fertile in men who could give
sustained thought to these matters. Most celebrated was Case1y Hayford,
who attempted to resolve the dilemmas oj the new elite in a broad
synthesiS, which I have reserved for the final chapter. But alongside
Hayford there were other important publicists and patriots, notably
Attoh Ahuma and Mensah Sarbah. The Reverent! Samuel Richard
Brew Attoh Ahuma (J863-J921) had once been known as S. R. B.
Solomon, but dropped this for the African form Attoh Ahuma in testi-
mony to his African patriotism. He had a varied career as an educationist
and Wesleyan minister, but journalism and speechmaking on behalf of
the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society best suited his robust person-
ality and talent for extravagant rhetoric. The lawyer John Mensah
Sarbah (1864-1910) was an altogether more sober and scholarly
writer. Both were involved in the Aborigines' Rights Protection
Society's opposition to what was taken to be ill-judged British inter-
ference with the traditional system of land-holding. Sarbah was
appointed to the Gold Coast Legislative Council as on extraordinary
member in 1900 and became a permanent unofficial member the following
year. The editorialfrom the Lagos Standard of 11 July 1906 illustrates
how 'Africa for the Africans' could be adapted even to the high nOOtl of
European imperialism. Finally, Pastor Mojola Agbebi, who had
changed his name from D. B. Vincent in Liberia in 1894, gives a
spirited defence of some traditional institutions at the Universal Races
Congress at London in 19 J 1.
n
22 Reverend Attoh Ahuma on
National Consciousness
From The Gold Coast Nation and National Consdousness (I9II)
pp. I-II

FOREWORD
The following chapters are reprinted from the colunms of the
Geld Coast Leader. The Author indulges the hope that the prin-
ciples therein set forth, and the sentiments to which he gives so
inadequate an expression, may influence for good, not his con-
temporaries only, but also - and especially - the members of the
rising generation, whose birthright, privilege, duty. destiny and
honour it is to usher in an era of Backward Movement, which to
all cultured West Africans is synonymous with the highest con-
ception of progress and advancement. Intelligent Retrogression is
the only Progression that will save our beloved. country. This
may sound a perfect paradox, but it is, nevertheless, the truth;
and if all educated West Africans could be forced by moral
suasion and personal conviction to realise that 'Back to the Land'
signifies a step forward, that 'Back: to the Simple Life' of our
progenitors expresses a burning wish to advance, that the desire
to rid ourselves of foreign accretions and excrescences is an
indispensable condition of National Resurrection and National
Prosperity, we should feel ourselves amply rewarded.

The Gold Coast Nation and National Consdousness

It is strenuously asserted by rash and irresponsible literalists that
the Gold Coast, with its multiform composition of congeries of
States or Provinces, independent of each other, divided by com-
plex political institutions, laws and customs, and speaking a great
variety of languages - could not be described as a nation in the
eminent sense of the word. The term, it is urged, presupposes in
its connotation, the existence of a homogeneous community
included in or bounded by one vast Realm, governed and con-
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 122

trolled by one potent sovereign, and possessed of one constitution,

one common tongue. But the objection appears to us to be purely
academic, and is obviously advanced without sufficient regard to
practical considerations. In spite therefore of the dogmas and
ipse dixits of those wiseacres who would fain deny to us as a
people, the inalienable heritage of nationality, we dare affirm, with
sanctity of reason and with the emphasis of conviction, that - We
Are a Nation. It may be 'a miserable, mangled, tortured, twisted
tertium quid,' or, to quote a higher authority, a Nation 'scattered
and peeled ... a Nation meted out and trodden down,' but still a
Nation. If we were not, it was time to invent one; for any series
of States in the same locality, however extensive, may at any time
be merged into a nation. We have a nation, and what is more, we
have a Past - 'though ungraced in story.' We own a Political
Constitution. a concentric system of government, of one Race,
born and bred upon our own soil. With the Akan language one
can cover a seaboard 350 miles in extent, and an area of 165.900
square miles, more or less. The so-called languages may perhaps
be simply regarded as so many dialects, often mere Provincialisms.
But why continue?
The objection indeed dwindles to a very fme point in iu
significance. force and effect. when it is remembered that for
more than sixty years there has been established within our
territories an imperium in imperio - the highest organized form of
government in creation, which binds us as an integral part of an
empire over which the sun never sets. We are being welded
together under one umbrageous Flag - a Flag that is the symbol of
justice, freedom, and fair play: and we have ruling over us, as
king of our kings and in the bond of peace, one paramount
emperor - His Majesty King George V. The Gold Coast under
the aegis of the Union Jack is the unanswerable argument to all
who may incontinently withhold from us the common rights.
privileges, and status of nationality.
But, if we are a Nation, are we self<onscious? Do we manfully
strive by legitimate means and methods to realise our responsibili-
ties and obligations? Have: we felt that we are endowed with
268 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

potentialities and aspirations which suggest larger and fuller things

than all we have yet seen and done? What reforming agencies are
at work in our midst, and what is our individual relation to them?
Our weaknesses. foibles, and susceptibilities; our resources, work.
and destiny - do these mean anything to us? Have we exhibited,
do we care to exhibit, that broad sympathetic interest in the things
which make for national progress and advancement? Are the
people - our own kith and kin - cultivating a national conscious-
ness, a national conscience. national affection, national passion,
and national vigilance? Bear with us. Have we the outward and
visible signs of the inward and spiritual graces of Cohesion,
Concentration, Continuity of Purpose, and the dynamic of sclf-
sacriflcc - so highly distinctive of other nations?
It does not comport with the dignity of a nation to be forever
absorbent and receptive without being in tum responsive and
reproductive. Says Emerson -
The benefits we have received must be rendered again,
line for line and deed for deed, to Somebody.
That is the eternal principle of Altruism - the death-kndl of
Egotism, the grand secret of national success.
That nations have souls is a re-discovered truth of supreme
importance. In the soul of the Gold Coast, and indeed of West
Africa, is focussed the corporate wisdom, knowledge, wishes and
desires, aspirations and ambitions, the ineffable joys and the
majestic pains of the people. It is the repository of all our fighting
force, the high intelligence. the irresistible power and might
behind aboriginal rights and immemorial privileges. The soul of a
nation gives periodic expression to the fundamental principles
and purposes of the people, however indeterminate, weak and
ignorant they may he.
Is the soul of our nation losing the glamour and romance
inseparably associated with primitive conditions of life? Is it
making intelligent and vigorous effort to deserve a seat amongst
the master-souls of the age? What are our credentials and pass-
ports? What are our assets as a nation? Can we, do we, stand
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 26<)
before other races and peoples with heads erect and with a free
independent spirit? What is our mental, moral, and social equip-
ment worth? These are pointed, dominant notes of interrogations
that demand sensible, direct, and practical rejoinders. They are
questions of unique importance and immediate urgency; for they
affect the honour, prosperity, and security - the very life of our
people and country. The blood of our nation requires enrichment,
and the freest possible circulation; it calls for invigoration; it
needs recuperation, that the Body Politic may be quickened,
strengthened, and purified. When altruism or passionate devotion
to hwnanity permeates every pore, and when true patriotism or
the love of service and sacrifice for the Homeland pours nutrition
to all parts of our national system, then shall we acknowledge
with joyful pride the existence of our nation and the destiny that
lies before us as members of the Negro race. When we become
conscious of the place we occupy in nature, and our eyes are
opened, all selfish individualism will sink into oblivion, and with
the expansion of the soul shall come the yearning, burning zeal
and love for country and race. Among the virtues necessary to
the development of the nation must be the assiduous cultivation
of public spirit, that animating principle that belongs to and
enthuses all collective bodies - an esprit de corps. The new element,
with its foreign attributes introduced by the dominant power in
its government and protection of our interests, has unpremedi-
tatedly made us self-suppressive. It is an axiomatic fact that
'where a dominant race rules another, the mildest form of
government is a despotism. It has been so at all times and among
all nations in every part of the world.' As a people, we are not
educated to the point of appreciating the finical forms and
methods of government which at present must necessarily spell
oppression and wanton waste. The various states included in the
nation have their customary laws to administer in the way
'understanded' of the people - the foreigner's weapons they have
not tried, and fmd them unwieldy to manipulate. In matters of
the soul our rulers are inaccessible, unapproachable. We need
intermediaries - Buffers between the people and the government.
270 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

The materials are ready to hand. and it is for the powers that be
to utilize them in His Majesty's service. There are well-tried and
experienced native Africans whose lUldoubted qualifications
might be usefully employed for executive and administrative
purposes. It is their duty to serve their coootry, and it is the duty
of the government to acknowledge the fact and give practical
effect to it. The sooner the better; for no foreign administration
that ignores or sets aside the people - such a people as those
inhabiting this country - can achieve any success in the long run.
For their own sakes, and for the sake of the people whose ancestors
vollUltarily placed themselves Wlder the guidance and protection
of Victoria the Good, we pray the authorities to afford to the
educated native of probity and worth such facilities as shall
enable him to discharge his national obligations, in spite of the
preposterous attitude taken by those whose chief end is to glorify
themselves at the expense of People, Country, and Race.

The Difficult Art of Thinking Nationally

... As a people, we have ceased to be a THINKING NATION.
Our forebears, with all their limitations and disadvantages, had
occasion to originate ideas and to contrive in their own order.
They sowed incorruptible thought-seeds, and we are reaping a
rich harvest to-day, though, for the most part, we are scarcely
conscious of the debt we owe them. Western education or civi-
lization undiluted, unsifted, has more or less enervated our minds
and made them passive and catholic. Our national life is semi-
paralysed; our mental machinery dislocated, the inevitable
consequence being. speaking generally, the resultant production
of a Race of men and women who think too little and talk too much.
But neither garrulity nor loquacity forms an indispensable
element in the constitution of a state or nation ....
Existence is a mere parody unless embroidered with the
flowers of the intellect and the fruitage of the soul. When the
executive forces of a man's life are wholly enlisted in the daily
gratification of selfish pursuits and individual aggrandizement -
when emergent novelties of a foreign strand absorb the energies
EXTENSION Of EUROPEAN CONTROL 271

of mind and soul and strength, Ideas carmot germinate though

disseminated by Cherubim and Seraphim. We shall always miss
the pulsation, vibrancy and full volume oflife as a nation until we
have understood what it is to think nationally - to spend and be
spent for the highest good of our country and our race. Until we
have discovered for ourselves this missing link, we do well to
despair of the collective realization of the ancient prophecy,
'Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands.' Africa shall rise, but
only when we begin to think continentally and nationally. This
want of real, vital and solid thinking has its moral dangers; for
'as a man thinketh in his heart, so is he.' In prehistoric days,
Europe looked to Africa for new ideas, for fresh inspirations, and
the saying was perpetuated and handed down from generation to
generation, Semper afiquid novi ex Africa - There is always some--
thing new from Africa.
Now lies she there,
And none so poor to do her reverence.
all because thinking in our age has become a lost Art. Freighted
with the impediments of other advanced races, and unable to keep
step with nations that once owed us allegiance in the domain of
Thought, if history lieth not, we are left behind, derelicts in the
onward march of progress, the flotsam and jetsam of exotic
civilizations. 'As it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be'
seems inscribed with an iron pen upon the walls of our Beloved
Continent. All praise to the men who are the acknowledged
architects of their own fame and fortune in our midst - men of
enterprise who arc honestly carving for themselves imperishable
names where mightier names have lost their charm and power -
all honour to rum who builds for himself mansions upon founda-
tions of gold, position, power and glory - that way does lead to
success as men count success - and yet there is a more excellent
way in the national economy. 'I weigh the man, not his tide,
'tis not the King's stamp can make the metal better':-
The rank is but the guinea's stamp.
The man's the gowd for a' that.
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Think, think, and again think of our Nation, our Country, our
People, for Ideas, we are told, rule the world, and 'those that
think must govern those that toil.'
The most difficult problem of our times is how to think so that
Africa may regain her lost Paradise. How to think the thoughts
that galvanize and electrify into life souls that are asleep uncon-
scious of their destiny; How to think the thoughts that produce,
multiply, divide and circulate for the general good - the thoughts
that make crooked places straight, that pulverize gates of brass
and cut in sunder all bars of iron - the power that gives friends
and foes alike the treasuries of darkness and hidden riches of
secret places - the Art that brings National Evangels, binding up
broken and despairing hearts, proclaiming liberty and freedom to
the captives, and the opening of the Prison to them that are bound
or have bound themselves. To effect such an end, we must
leave severely alone the empty pageantries of triBers, the eccen-
tricities of pedants, the inanities of agitators, and the ingenuities
of sycophants. These are novelties which must perish with the
using. There are conditions moro abiding and worth contending
for, achieving and overcoming; in this sign we shall conquer, if
we learn to think our hardest and strive to transmute our inner-
most thoughts into action for THE SAFETY OF THE PUBLIC AND
THE WELFARE OF THE RACE.

Yond' Casius has a lean and hungry look,

He thinks too much, such men are dangerous.
but dangerous only to time-scrvers, trencher-men and place-
seekers - dangerous to the selfish, but heroes and Heaven's mighty
men of valour to a down-trodden people. 'The man who thinks
must mourn' and yet there is no other way; we must continue
thinking - thinking of the days that are no marc, thinking of and
for the present, thinking of the unknown to-morrow.
We cannot apprehend and intelligently grasp the things that
make for regeneration unless we think for ourselves indepen-
dently, naturally, fearlessly and even aggressively. We must lay
violent hands upon ourselves, if needs be, and break the heart out
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 273
of those things which militate against all progress, which seek to
crush the soul of our nation. Tailor-made men do not constitute a
State: 'Clothes and the Man' is not the most engrossing subject
to engage the mind. We need men who know comprehensively
the duties they owe to their native land; men who 'know their
rights, and, knowing, dare maintain.'
At the Hippodrome in the west end of London, we have wit-
nessed on more occasions than one, the melancholy spectacle of a
huge Baboon in an irreproachable evening dress suit sporting the
latest vogue in silk hats, smoking the most expensive brand of
cigars, drinking his tot of Dry Monopole. and going through the
whole gamut of antics and capers peculiar to our race, but the
creature was none the less Simian for all that. This thin veneer of
extraneous civilization and refinement is the bar sinister that
blocks the way to real genuine advance. Some of us arc not at all
satisfied. with this dreadful state of affairs. Our Masters and
Teachers, both spiritual and temporal, have much to answer for,
but we ourselves are the most to blame. All, however, is not lost.
We may be our own Architects. Beneath the debris was a marble
out of which Michaelangelo liberated. an imprisoned seraph. Let
us help one another to find a way out of Darkest Africa. The
impenetrable jungle around us is not darker than the dark
primeval forest of the human mind uncultured, and the darkness
is only accentuated by the flickering glimpses of uncertain rush-
lights. Fierce and wild beasts still roam at large. and roar, and hiss.
and snarl and bite. We must emerge from the savage backwoods
and corne into the open where nations are made. We pant for the
restraining, softening, hwnanizing, formative influences that may
expose this gilded but terrible menagerie. and we have always
thought, even from the days of our youth, that the easiest way to
become civilized. refined and enlightened is to endeavour at all
times, in all places and circumstances. to remain a true-born W cst
African - nothing more, nothing less; and that Grand Reforma-
tion, which is after all an intelligent backward movement, should
begin here and now.
23 Fanti National Constitution
By J. M. S"b.h ('906)

PREFACE

... In the Spectator of December, 1895. a writer on the future of

Africans asked: -
'Why. then, have they never risen, never developed a civiliza-
tion, never learned that permanent obedience to a code which
enables men to aggregate themselves into mighty. and up to a
certain point improving, communities? Why - for this appears to
be the truth - has their point of arrest arrived so quickly that they
have been unable to remain at it, and have time after time fallen
hack into the jWlgle of life. have apparently "gone Fantee," as
the whites of the West Coast phrase it, in huge masses? It is the
inexplicable mystery of history, and is not solved in the least by
talking of deficient brain-power; for if there is onc thing clear
about the Negro, it is that there are individuals among them with
plenty of brain-force, who learn the difficult trades or acquire the
abstract ideas of the whites, or even master their sciences, like
medicines or mathematics.'
The reader will, perhaps, not fmd it difficult to answer some of
these questions. The American slave-trade, in the opinion of many
intelligent Africans, was Africa's greatest curse. The phrase 'gone
Fantee,' originated, however, at a time when Gold Coast natives,
being dissatisfied with the demoralizing effects of certain European
influences, determined to stop further encroachments into their
nationality. Fully convinced that it is better to be called by one's
own name than be known by a foreign one, that it is possible to
acquire Western learning and be expett in scientific attainments
without neglecting one's mother tongue, that the African's dress
has a closer resemblance to the garb of the Grecian and Roman
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 275

(the acquisition of whose languages and philosophies is still

promoted in modem European Universities, and the knowledge
of them the standard ofliberal culture), and should not be thrown
aside, even if one wears European dress during business hours -
Japan having since shown it is possible to retain one's national
costume and yet excel in wisdom and knowledge, - I say Gold
Coast men, by means of the 'Mfantsi Amanbuhii Fekuw,' now
the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Sociery, impressed
upon the people the necessity to reconsider the future of their
native land. The responsibilities of this and any similar society are
by no means small. And because the work before the members is
difficult, demanding from them constant application and trained
intelligence, and the necessity of supplying excellent training both
to the mind and the hand of youth is very great, I have so often
pressed the claims of a suitable national system of education
which, in addition to inculcating the essential virtue of self-help
and emphasizing the benefits of mutual co-operation derivable
from social family units, shall, among other things, teach how
best the agricultural and industrial resources of the country may
be so developed, as to create permanent national intere:~, whose
claim for effective representation in legislative and executive
administrations could not be legitimately refused ....
Some may say, What about the Liberian Republic - does her
rate of progress, if real progress it be, justify in the slightest
particular what you say? Brief is my answer: Liberians have
wrongly, in my opinion, tried tO!Wl a miniature United States
Constitution; what with counties and shires, American variations
of the laws of England. and other institutions and usages of Anglo-
Saxon origin. They do not seem to have attempted to develop
many important things on the lines of their own nationality, nor
to have made it their first and principal policy or mission to lead
the free and sturdy aboriginal tribes and peoples, such as the Kru,
whose industry has contributed, in no small degree, to the success-
ful development of British West African possessions. Liberians
are now correcting their past errors and are bridging the gulf
between themselves and the aborigines. They have succeeded
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

relatively as the Latins of the South American Republics, but

Liberia, unlike them, is not in a chronic state of intermittent
revolutions.
In addition to the remarks I have made concerning scientific
colonization, in which the guiding spirit is sympathy, I venture to
suggest what I hope might receive some consideration; let the
Public Council in each district, with its gradation of authority, be
recognized by the British Government as an cssential African
institution representing the people. At stated periods, the principal
Government officer of the district should attend the meetings of
the Council in his district, for the purposes of explaining new
ordinances, communicating any Government Orders, and, when-
ever he is appealed to for his opinion, of advising them. In
other words, he should identify himself with the people as much
as possible. By so doing, he will have many opportunities to
judge local men, things, and events, with kindliness and precision.
The principal officer of the district should be something like the
Collector or District Magistrate in India, with jurisdiction and
duties of a similar kind. When travelling through the district or
attending a meeting of the Public Council, he should be accom-
panied by a doctor, or an engineer, or an agricultural expert, or
other person qualified to give sound advice or assistance to the
inhabitants, in relation to such important matters as sanitation,
public hygiene, scientific agriculture, and the proper develop-
ment of the natural resources of the country. The proper represen-
tation of Africans from abroad should be provided for, and it
should be entirely left with Europeans to be represented in the
Council in the ordinary way, or in the principal officer's advisory
board. Town Councils and other municipal bodies by law
established should be subordinate to the Public Council. Brow-
beating of African rulers, and other lawless acts of the constabu-
lary in the country places, should be supprcssed. With the hope
that these suggestions, even if unconvincing, may nevertheless
induce a reconsideration of the principles determining the acts of
the administration, they are offered. In India, 1200 Englishmen
are employed, we are told, in the civil government of 232
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 277
millions of people, and in the partial control of another 62
millions. On the average, there arc no more than four Europeans
for every million Indians. Assuming the inhabitants of the whole
Gold Coast territories to be two millions, there is urgent necessity
for drastic reforms in the personnel of the government, and for
economy in public expenditure. Last, but not least, there should
be more of the unofficial or representative element in the Gold
Coast Legislative Council. ...

CHAPTER VI. Administrative Questions

There was a time. when the declared policy of the British
nation towards the West African protected territories was to
encourage the inhabitants to train and qualify themselves, so as to
make it possible for the administration of the settlements to be
transferred to them. This policy was never heartily supported by
British officials in West Africa. The new Imperialism of recent
times, however, altered it, and declared these territories unde-
veloped estates, to be specially exploited with all expedition,
primarily, if not mainly, for the benefit and profit of Great
Britain. While the policy was in vogue, much harm was done to
British West Africa. for there were not a few Government
officials, with more zeal than discretion and more assurance than
knowledge, who thought it good policy to ridicu1e and try to
break up the aboriginal institutions of the people, to undermine
the authority of their natural rulers, and to subordinate every-
thing possible to the paramount claims of what they called
Imperial uniformity. In the minds of such persons, the doctrine
of the individualism or distinct characteristics of each nation or
race had no existence; to introduce English laws wholesale,
abolish what is peculiar to Africans, and to treat them as subject
races. saved them much trouble, patient study and the effort of
thinking. Thoughtful men realize that each of the colonies
essentially British should develop her own individuality -
political. social, financial, and intellectual. These men have had
ample opportunities to acquire and study accurate information
about those colonies where Britons and other Europeans have
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

settled. But there are British possessions scattered the wide world
over. The circumstances of each are different; they are inhabited
by different races and peoples, whose national history and
institutions radically differ from each other to such an extent, that
it would seem as if the mind of his Majesty's Secretary of State for
the Colonies must have as many facets as there are possessions, in
order to direct or supervise the good government of each of them.
The administration of British West Africa in general, and the
Gold Coast in particular, gives rise to certain questions, the
satisfactory solution of which will not be made less easy by
groping in the dark instead of acquiring some accurate knowledge,
historical or otherwise, and endeavouring to appreciate, if not to
view, things from the standpoint of the African whom Great
Britain has undertaken to rule.
A few months ago, a governor of one of the British West
African possessions, in the course of a speech in England about
his administration, made certain remarks which one may consider
to be an authoritative pronouncement of the policy of tCKlay. 'It
is far better for us,' said he, 'if we can rule the people through
their cruefs, because they are ruled far more willingly in that way.'
But he proceeded to add, 'We have a very hard task; we have to
teach them in a few years the wisdom it has taken Europe cen-
turies to acquire.' One discovers at once what many think is one
of the weak spots in West African administration, the cause of
numerous punitive expeditions, and the origin of such prevent-
able incidents as the futile quest of the Asanti golden stool, with
its sequel an inglorious campaign ....
A short while ago, a Conservative Secretary of State for the
Colonies said the British people were ignorant of many things, but
there were few things they were so ignorant of as the Crown
Colonies. This admission explains why tropical Crown colony
administration is not up-to-date in these days of scientific knowl-
edge and practice, and initiative in thought and action is more or
less stifled or hindered by those rules officially called Colonial
Office Regulations....
The governor alone is responsible for the colony's adminis-
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 279
tration. His authority in the colony is practically autocratic. The
position of the official members of the Legislative Council has
been shown already. In the Executive Council, a member may
freely express his opinion, and, if opposed to that of the governor,
he may go so far as to record his reasons in writing, to be in due
course forwarded to Downing Street. Human nature, however,
does not encourage opposition; governors are but human. It is
no wonder, then, to find the governor's opinion prevailing, the
official members invariably supporting him, and uttering not a
word of comment, or criticism, or suggestion of any kind, when
the governor, introducing the annual estimates of revenue and
expendirure, discusses subjects of general policy and questions of
administration. One-man government has its advantages and
defects, but in West Africa the defects have outweighed. the
advantages. Government appointments to Crown colonies by
competitive examinations will serve to secure some promising
officers, to whom better prospects should be held out, promotion
being regulated not by favour but by merit. The necessity for
improving the personnel of Government officers was recently
impressed on the Government by more than one unofficial mem-
ber at the sittings of the Gold Coast Legislative Council.
European residents, with some show of reason, complain that
mere officialism is rampant in Gold Coast Colony; men in the
Government services being too prone to look down on the white
civilian engaged in commerce, from which the greatest part of
the public revenue is derived. As for the African, he does not count
in the estimation of these men, and, whether he remains as
he is or no, is generally viewed with unconcern when he (the
white official) is not otherwise engaged in his congenial task of
securing Imperial uniformity. Thoughtful observers, moreover,
think the most serious defect in Crown Colony rule of West
Africa is the tendency ro sow and disseminate amongst the
inhabitants distrust and suspicion of each other, fostered by the
employment or use of a large number of disreputable characters
more than is required, perhaps, by the exigencies of the secret
service, whose duty it is to give J?rivate infonnation. Probably
280 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

one of the principles of Crown Colony rule is - Divide et impera,

to be observed before an officer is expected to set about to gain
the confidence of the governed and enlist their co-operation,
which ought to be an easy matter if only the value of the popular
Council were admitted and realized.
There is much, therefore, to commend and defend the policy
to govern the African through his natural rulers under the
direction of the British Government. In these days of scientific
research, srudy. and experiments, the best means for carrying out
this policy, will be evolved without doubt in due course. To
climb steep hills requires slow pace at first. Direction in one form
or another is a principle running through the operations of every
human undertaking. Every one of us has been. and is still morc or
less, under direction of some sort. Up to a certain point it is good
and necessary; nay, indispensable in the proper and successful
conduct ofhwnan affairs. The State by sundry laws controls and
directs the conduct of its citizens. Children are directed by their
seniors. On the obedience or submission of the pupil to his
teacher, while he instructs him and ftlls his mind with the knowl-
edge of things, training him to think and act for himself, rests
the whole success of education and the proper upbringing of the
youth. He who cavils at a principle so universally at work has a
great truth yet to learn. The chief difficulty in the proper apprecia-
tion of this important principle is, however, the extent to which
it should be applied in the government of aboriginal nations, and
what lre called subject races. When the reasonable and legitimate
demand of a people for some or greater control in the manage--
ment of their affairs - political, municipal, or domestic - is met
by the negative reply that they are not ripe, it is forgotten that
only under favourable conditions do fruits and crops ripen
quickly and to perfection; in other words, suitable environment
is a controlling and essential factor. To smash up or gradually
lUldermine aboriginal authority, to degrade or belittle African
rulers, although professing to govern through thenl, can only
end in the failure of European rule and the demoralization of
Africans.
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 281

We repeat direction is a principle of universal application.

When a child is taught to walk, it is guided by the hand, and such
guidance is gradually relaxed, until at last its toddling footsteps
are supported by just a little help; then it walks unaided, and
fmally it runs unrestrained. The parent is thoroughly acquainted
with the child's condition, and is therefore in a position to en-
courage and direct its movements properly. The result is that at
each stage of its growth the child gains confidence, and eventually
realizes, or is conscious of, its individuality and capacity. The
backward races are looked upon and treated as children, but they
are not trained as children destined for some defmite career in the
future, and too often proper weight is not given to the fact that a
sign of an intelligent and wise statesmanship is to train and
devel~p a people to their utmost and highest state of usefulness.
Limbs tied down or held under restraint for long become numb
and useless; exercise and freedom of movement impart vigour
and strength. Function creates structure; and the higher the
structure the richer the flow of the life, healthy understanding,
accurate judgment, and practical tact. The process is visible every-
where. True, the effort required to gain freedom is not without
difficulties, and, in the impatience to teach in a few years the
wisdom it has taken Europe centuries to acquire, there has been
generally neglected the duty to understand the African - his life,
habits, cast of mind, institutions, and history. Europe has not
studied the African, nor understood him, but has preferred to
carry him away to the slave-markets of America, or, latterly, to
barter for or purchase at her own valuation such commodities as
the African could offer. Europe is apt to forget that Africans are
human beings, with human aspirations and instincts, and that they
cannot for ever be treated like so many dumb-driven cattle.
The similarity of the constitution of town and village com-
munities and of the principles regulating national public adminis-
tration and government among the aboriginal tribes of Africa, is
now admitted by students of jurisprudence and others who in-
quire into such matters. There are certain facts also which must
be frankly admitted. and questions somewhat difficult resulting
282 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

from them must he resolutely faced. The contact with Europeans

and the advance of British ideas tend to change, if not to break
up. some distinctive features of the African social system, which
is communalistic. The discovery of new industries requiring skill
and producing great rewards, gives scope for each individual
member of the family to exercise his talents, skill, and ingenuity
in the acquisition of wealth and private property. The result is
that the authority of the head of the family is not as patriarchal as
formerly. but gradually becomes weaker; and thus the basis of
family government, on which African society rests, is under-
mined. causing no end of confusion, which, in the presence of an
unsympathetic European direction, disconcerts and embarrasses
the African, who, restrained from adjusting things, is fuled with
discouragement. It were undesirable, even if it were possible, to
stay the operation of the natural laws of evolution. But were the
Government sympathetic. it would not practically view with
unconcern the widespread demoralization of the rising generation.
which is mainly caused by the restraints against wrong-doing
between the sexes becoming noneffective, through the absence of
recognition and due enforcement of the customary laws relating
thereto. It has been shown that these laws embody the convictions
as well as the will of the community. whereby. for its protection.
racial as well as individual. punishments for moral misconduct
were adopted by common consent to regulate and govern the
people in their relations with each other. An example or two will
suffice: to say falsely of a single or married woman that she is
incontinent is an actionable slander without proof of special
damages. An unwedded girl who is unchaste is considered a dis-
honour to her parents and a disgrace to herself; and so particular
are people about such behaviour, that in the country places. where
the influence of European civilization is not much felt. any person
offending in this respect is liable to be hooted around the village.
Parents and guardians may bring an action in their aboriginal
tribunals to restrain the unwelcome attentions of any person to
their children or ward. British courts do not entertain such suits.
and decline to support such a customary usage. which is pre-
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 283
eminently suited to protect and safeguard the purity and sanctity
of African family life. Or, take the case of apprentices. According
to Gold Coast customary laws, when a lad is apprenticed to be
taught a trade, such as that of a goldsmith, carpenter, or brick-
layer, he is bound for a certain period to live with his master,
whose duty it is to feed and clothe him. Half of whatever the
apprentice earns is paid to the master, who has the right to enforce
and recover payment of such earnings from any person liable
therefor. When he has learnt all that the master could teach him,
the apprenticeship is terminated by the payment of £3 I2S. or
other fee to the master. There is every inducement, therefore, on
the master's part to teach all he knows, and that thoroughly. But
in the present-day insistence on the development of individualism,
Wlless there is an apprentice contract under the Master and
Servants Ordinance, 1893, the courts do not protect masters nor
compel apprentices to perform and carry out their duties in a
manner which they know perfectly well they ought to; in fact, in
matters of this kind, local legislation has proved, in the words of
Lecky, pernicious and inoperative....
When we remember also that in one part of Africa, that is,
Egypt, parental responsibility is cultivated in the national schools,
whereas for some time, English influence has been against parental
authority and responsibility in British West Africa, there is much
food for thought.
The world moves on, the saying of Ansa the king still holds
good: the sea and land are continually at variance and contending
who shall give way; the sea with violence attempting to subdue
the land, and the land with equal obstinacy resolving to oppose
the sea. So far, tropical Africa - the land - has successfully opposed
Europe - the sea. It seems that science and the scientific method
alone can effect a successful and permanent reformation. The
African must know himself, his country, and his destiny, and such
knowledge within him will in due course permeate the possibilities
outside until it fills his country with wonders. The horizon of his
prospects will widen and become brighter from day to day as his
mind is enriched.
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

To rule the people through their chiefs successfully demands

knowledge, more or less intimate and accurate, of their COWltry,
and the principles of the constitution of their own government;
the sympathetic encouragement and support of whatever in their
institutions is sound; the gradual elimination of what is injurious,
or has the tendency to hinder or suppress the sturdy and vigorous
development or growth of the national character racy of the soil
to a higher standard; some attempt to understand the common
language of the people; due recognition of the thousand and one
indescribable influences and things, prejudices and traditions,
elusive processes of thought and action, which go to make up
life, and constitute in every part of the world the tone of each
locality, which, though lUlSecn, are nevertheless felt, and are
potent factors promoting and controlling public opinion; and,
last but not least, the impartial and even-handed administration
of justice, irrespective of position, condition, or race, after a
patient hearing of both sides, for only that State can live in which
an injury to the least nwnber is recognized as a damage to the
whole.
Travellers and writers of various anainments, and reports of
Government commissions of inquiry in different parts of Africa,
are now contributing largely to general knowledge some reliable
information about the aboriginal races of East, W cst, South, and
Central Africa. The absence of such knowledge has furnished
many an excuse for errors committed during many past years. Had
it been known that an African king or other ruler is not ordinarily
a despot or other irresponsible person, but is, as a matter of fact,
the first among his equals, and controlled by them in the Council
which represents the whole people and expresses their will,
possibly the deportation of African rulers would not have been a
conunon occurrence. Were the gradation of authority, which is
universal in African communities, properly recognized, and its
uses fully appreciated and valued, civilization would, perhaps,
make great strides, improvements of a permanent nature would
doubtless be increased, and progress become better and more
rapid. Some knowledge of the Council, whether of village, town,
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 28 5
or district, of its nature, and the qualifications and duti~ of the
councillors, is not only essential, but also of vital importance.
Without a correct grasp of the principl~ of these things which
pertain to the very foundation of the body politic, it will not be
easy to give those whom Great Britain has taken under her rule
and protection, all the faciliti~ and such reasonable advantag~ in
their spirit and effect which, as individuals or communiti~, as
rulers or people, they would enjoy with proper and enlightened
guidance under aboriginal conditions. The African, unfortunately
for himself, is not always alive to his interest in safeguarding and
protecting from neglect and discredit, when he comes under
European jurisdiction, his greatest and priceless heritage - the
Council. When men with suitable education and better training
fully understand, the invaluable nature of this popular assembly
and its great possibilities, at present lying dormant or undeveloped,
they will be as proud and jealous of its efficiency and good name,
as the Briton is of the Houses of Parliament. It will be then im-
possible for anyone but the best men in the commWlity to have
a predominant voice in the deliberations of the ruler and coun-
cillors; and the danger arising from certain characters capturing
the Council, misguiding the other members to their Wldoing and
to the serious detriment of the public welfare, will be minimized,
even if unchecked. Properly looked after and gradually made to
meet the needs of modern times, this will be found to be the means
best suited. and adapted for municipal or local self-government,
thus becoming in due course the constiruency upon whom the
right shall be conferred to nominate as unofficial members of the
Legislative Council, men who by their good character, influence,
capacity, acquirements, and the confidence they inspire in their
fellow countrymen, are worthy of honour. When such a time
arrives, the more important rulers should possess the right to elect
two or three representatives of their order as members of the Legis-
lative and Executive COlUlCils. The promoters of the Fanti Con-
federation strove to put in practice the true patriot's highest ideal
- giving the people good education, thorough industrial and agri-
cultural training, with ample opportunities for self-devclopment
286 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

and self-advancement. That ideal Japan has successfully kept in

view to the admiration, if not the wonder. of Christendom. No
Mary Kingsley, however, had arisen at that period to help
Africans and explain such principles to England, and so they
failed; but we are moving on. Even now, not a few discern
dimly the possibilities that lie before their race. Past errors have
generally been due, among other things, to the fact that the right
path to the goal had not been discovered. Many short cuts in the
uprsuit of Anglo-Saxon ideas, more or less vague, have been
tried. only to end in divers morasses. At one time, some re-
formen went so far as to advocate the suppression of the common
language; they expressed the hope, that in the course ofa few years,
they would be able to bring thousands of the inhabitants, into
the habit of changing their own for European dresses. Although
rhis hope was first expressed by Meredith in 1811, it has not been
realised, nor is likely to be for many a long day.
Africans have been learning the ways of Europeans. By reason
of their dealings, commercial and otherwise, they have been
imbued with foreign ideas which have affected the national and
social character. With continued and more intimate intercourse,
promoted by greater travelling facilities in modern rimes, and in
the increased knowledge on all hands that they are dependent on
each other for their mutual advantage, the number ofsuch Africans,
more or less educated, must of necessity be on the increase, till
from being a small minority (in some districts quite insignifi-
cant), placed between the uneducated masses on the one hand
and the white men on the other hand, it will become a great
majority.
It has been fashionable to disparage the educated African, and
no opportunity is missed by his unfriends to degrade. ridicule, or
point the finger of scorn at him. Many are unaware, the African
returns the compliment in terms more vigorous than polite, as
those know who understand the saying, 'Wo si ko man kotu, wo
nsi ko man kasin,' meaning in effect, 'Let not the stranger or new-
comer be overbearing, but rather let him give due deference to
those whom he fOWld on the spot:
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 122

The masses take a keen interest in the actions of their European

rulers, and do not the less feel the effects of misgovernment. Their
legitimate complaints and grievances may not be as quickly
expressed as those of their educated brethren, who are accordingly
considered troublesome. It were well to give heed to these com-
plaints and deal with them on their merits, but it were far better to
remove all reasonable causes from which they spring. At any rate, it
is absurd to ignore the fact, that on the educated African depends
the successful administration of these tropical cowmies; nor should
a greedy and selfish commercialism, which threatens to override
every sense of justice and every principle of our common
hwnanity, be permitted to inspire and create, what will defeat
the high aims of the statesman.
The Government does not attempt by any means whatever to
commWlicate to the people new legislation; information con-
cerning acts of government fmds its way as best it may to the
public. Now and then a white officer goes on a tour of inspection,
and is thus .brought in touch with the principal men of his
district; but inasmuch as he does not speak and Wlderstand the
vernacular. and perforce depends on the services of an incom-
petent or indifferent interpreter, who is the mediwn of com-
mWlication between these men and himself, he is Wlable to
improve to the fullest extent these few opportunities. It is doubtful
whether any benefit is gained by the Government and people
from the large quantity of message-canesticks which are distri-
buted wholesale from year to year. From whatever sources the
Government obtains its knowledge of public opinion, and
acquires information about the needs and requirements of the
Wlcducated masses, it cannot be denied that what is filtered
through the bazaars, markets, and streets is fragmentary, and is
frequently much distorted as well as Wlreliable. For all practical
purposes, defmite public opinion about the acts of the Govern-
ment and legislature emanates from the educated classes, and
whenever the untaught masses study and examine political
questions, which directly affect them, such as the Lands Bill
of 1897 and the Town COWlcils Ordinance, they gain a great
288 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

deal of their knowledge and ideas from what their privileged

educated brethren tell them. Further, the fact remains that
the African unofficial members of the Legislative COWlcii are
taken solely from this class, which alone reflects the construc-
tive views of local politics and makes prominent suggestive
reforms: it is narural to expect the opinions of this class to gain
force and weight as time goes on, and to become prominent at
last.
Colonization in the true sense of the word has never been
attempted in any part of British West Africa. Until the advent
of railways, a few public works of general utility were erected;
they are not conspicuous for their suitability, or any lasting
benefits derived from them by the people. Here and there, one
may fmd some attempts at improvements, hut they are usually
fOWld in places where the European official is stationed; they are
for his benefit and comfort, the people have no interest therein.
Wherever you fmd a road in decent condition, it is sure to be in
some Government station or its immediate neighbourhood. Con-
trast this state of things with what France insists on and what
Japan has accomplished. The former inculcates the principles of
hygiene, and gradually trains the natives of Madagascar and
Indo-China to fill responsible posts in the civil service as well as
in the social administration. In the French possessions may be
seen, what one rarely, if ever, sees in any part of British West
Africa, European subordinates serving Wlder African officials,
who are promoted by merit, recommended and guaranteed by
long faithful service.
The Japanese method [in Formosa] is similar to the French, and
well repays study for its suggestiveness; it should stimulate and
encourage the African, to disprove that theory of racial superiority,
by reason of which he has been treated as a child, but with the
onerous obligations of a man .... A study of the Franco-Japanese
system leaves the impression on one, that it seeks to raise up and
make the aborigines efficient through their co-operation by
scientific means.
On similar lines should Gold Coast be administered. In 1894
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 122
the whole revenue of this COWltry was £218.261 5s. 7d.; from
the same sources this sum had increased to £472.355 in 1905. The
total expenditure in the year 1894 was £266.931 19s. 4d.• against
an estimated expenditure. including the cost of Asanti and Nor-
them Territories administration. amounting to £68r.000 odd. For
many years the Colony paid its way and had a handsome reserve
food. some of which was given on loan to other Crown Colonies.
Since the fall of 1895 this position has been reversed. what with
the Prempe expedition. and other excmes for questionable ex-
penditure. including the scandalous cost and expense attending
the construction of the Sekondi-Kumasi railway, which cannot
be passed over in silence. unless one is determined to economize
truth when discussing administrative acts. or is of opinion that. in
examining questions of general policy. truth. like all other good
things. may be loved too oowisely. may be pursued too keenly,
may cost too much.
In preparing the estimates showing the revenue and expen-
ditures from year to year. the Gold Coast Government follows
no system at all. Items under each heading are so often ahered
that comparison is by no means easy. Bearing this in mind. one
may. however. take a broad view and roughly compare the
actual revenue and expenditure of 1894 with those of the next
decade. It will be foood that the whole revenue of r894 was
£218,261 5s. 7d.; from the same sources this had reached in 1904.
£471.374 5s. lld.• an increase of £253.1I3 os. 411. The total
expenditure in 1894 was £226.931 19s. 411.• against £622.376
lIS. 5d. actual expenditure in 1904, an increase of £395.444 125 Id.
and an estimated expenditure of £681,000 12S. 6d. in 1905. in-
clusive of the cost of administering Asanti and the Northern
Territories, an increase of £454.068 odd. A comparison of the
expenditure of a few important items will perhaps give more
information about Crown Colony administration common in
West Africa. A plus or minus sign opposite the figures herein
given indicates whether the expenditure under that head had been
increased or decreased in the estimates for the year 1906 recently
approved by the Gold Coast Legislature-
•
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

1894 1904
£ s. d. £ s. d.
Sanitation 2.715 19 8 5.31I 7 8-
Education 5.541 15 I 9.125 14 2+
Prisons 5.720 13 I 12.999 7 3+
Botanical and Agriculture Nil 6.171 I I 1+
Pose and Telegraph 9.436 9 I I 23,400 8 0+
Medical .. 12.610 9 2 30.869 14 2+
Constabulary and Police 39.318 5 10 105.382 0 8+
Public Works 54,163 0 3 62.239 17 6+
In the beginning of the year 1889 the whole area of the Colony
and Protectorate was about 29,401 square miles. since nearly
tripled by the inclusion of Asanti and the Northern Territories
under the administration. The greatest portion of the Gold Coast
Regiment does not serve in the Colony proper. The cost of their
up-keep in the year 1906 will be £126.260 I7s. oJ.
Now. a comparison of the sums spent on education. prisons.
and public works. tells its own tale. especially when one knows
that included in the sum of £31.001 for extraordinary public
works more than 50 per cent., that is. the sum of £17.450, was
for the erection of quarters for officials. police barracks; and a
portion thereof, that is. £5000. on a prison at Sekondi which
has already cost more than £14.000.
Very many Gold Coast residents are dissatisfied with such a
state of affairs. but are unwilling or unable to suggest a remedy.
They see men utterly ignorant of the vernacular appointed to
inspect schools. These men examine the African youths attending
the primary schools from year to year; an annual report is
written on the results of such perfunctory examinations; it is
presented to a Board of Education for what it is worth. But is it
not passing strange that, although the Education Ordinance was
passed on the 8th September, 1887. that is, nearly twenty years
ago. for the promotion and assistance of public education, no
person. African or otherwise. thoroughly acquainted with any of
the principal Gold Coast languages, has been trained to be or
appointed an Assistant School Inspector at least? It would have
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 291

even proved a saving to the public revenue, did the Governmcnt

send two or three promising lads abroad, to be properly and
efficiently trained as headmasters. Beyond a smattering of the
three R's, the Education Board has not in the past encouraged
soood learning; but, fortunately for the country, there are now
signs of an improved educational policy. In the Native Affairs
Department one would expect naturally, the secretary or his
chief assistant to be a native, or other person convcrsant or
acquainted with the manners and divers customs of the people.
This office was apparently created twenty-three years ago for that
very purpose, but with the exception of the late Hendrick Vroom,
C.M.G., a Gold Coast man, who acted as secrctary for a short
time when Sir William Maxwell, K.C.M.G., was governor, no
native has held that office.
These causes for complaints, legitimate or otherwise, would not
be so numerous, nor perhaps exist, were public opinion more
intelligent, united, and assertive. The Governmcnt of even a
Crown Colony is boood to study and care for the interests of the
general public; it should not be indifferent to thcir wishes. If,
therefore, in matters affecting the country and the destiny of his
race, anyone, whether through crass ignorance or stupid apathy,
prefers to imitate the unconcerned citizens of Meroz, he is not
helping to hasten reforms by such a line of conduct.
One has already thought proper to remind the educated in-
habitant of Gold Coast of certain duties, and has gone so far as to
tell him to review his mental equipment, and settle down to solve
the hard task of adapting all the best fcatures of his national
institutions for use in thc inspiring work of good government, for
no person fully values or appreciates his rights, who neglects the
calls of duty, and does not give heed to the pressing claims of a
strenuous and useful life. Says the Bard of Avon, 'Our remedies
oft in ourselves do lie, which we ascribc to hcaven.' The educatcd
African is at present like a pioneer in a forest primeval. Whatever
visions he may have about the fair city that is to be, his prescnt
task is to cut down the trees, root up the stumps, clear the ground,
and prepare the site for the city of the morrow. The yield of the
292 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

harvest depends on the spade-work now done, and on the deep

ploughing of the furrows to-day. In the ranks of the educated
Africans, one fmds all grades of European learning and culture _
the man who can only scrawl his name, and cannot without much
labour struggle his way through the spelling primer; the petty
clerk, who, having a fair knowledge of reading. writing, arith-
metic, had received some Christian instruction of a superficial
kind. thinking himself very high above the masses; he despises the
dignity oflabour, because he has not been taught a more excellent
way; called by everybody a SCHOLAR he has no ambition to
acquire more learning. Next to the SCHOLAR are the inrellec-
tua1ly ambitious men, who by assiduous application have mas-
tered the English language, and attained proficiency in many
subjects of commercial utility. By probity, integrity, and strict
attention to business, and the exercise of those qualities which
produce the most useful of men, most of them succeed in trade
and gain wealth; many earn a fair competence; a few, however,
fail; but every one of them is known and respected of all men.
Persons of means from this class usually send their sons abroad,
some to be trained in the British Universities, where a few
graduate, and others to study the learned professions which they
now practise with ability and generally with conspicuous success.
When due weight is given to the fact, that the men so sent to
Europe were not the most brilliant or promising of their school-
mates, that they were not picked students, hut were sent because
their parents or guardians had the means, the African himself
should realize the great loss sustained by his race, whenever he
neglects to support higher and improved education. These
privileged persons themselves admit, there are many clever
promising ones of sterling worth, who would do credit to them-
selves and nation, did they have similar advantages and oppor-
tunities. Ambitious to shine, they are by circwnstances compelled.
to remain Wldiscovered in the depths of profoWld ignorance and
surrounding superstition.
But the task. before educated Africans is very much complicated
by the failures and wastrels, who in some instances, starting life
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 293
with the best advantages and with brilliant prospccts, have btx:ome
social and moral wrecks. The worst of them are lost to every
sense of shame and infamy ; they live by their wits; they are not
ashamed to beg or steal; they look upon their untutored kith and
kin as lawful prey to be flattered and threatened, bewildered and
tricked, cheated and deserted. misguided and betrayed, as it suits
their reprehensible purpose. The African's unfriends, never more
candid than when referring to such men. dtx:larc the black man's
education has proved a failure, to which statement one may
corrtx:t1y retort that it has never been properly tried. It is not one's
intention to be engaged in mutual rtx:rimination, a task as un-
congenial as it is uninstructive; which serves no good purpose.
only does much harm and causes morc mischief But were one so
minded. instead of the hearsay yarns and other tittle-tattle and
garbled stories which are related by some writers, one could from
the rtx:ords of the Law Courts show to what extent the simple
African merchant has had his confidence in the honesty and
rectitude of tllC European merchant abused to his undoing; and
when such things are exposed in the course of a trial in Court, the
excuse given is either in Gold Coast, 'they do not Wldcrstand
these things,' or, 'it is customary.' It is not wise to charge a class
indiscriminately with wrong-doings. It is folly to indict a nation.
For any real progress to be made, new methods must be
attempted. Mary Kingsley visited and studied the African in his
own home. She supplemented her knowledge of things about the
African on the spot, and corrected erroncous ideas not a few. She
discovered that Europe had failed to teach Africa; so to arouse her
countrymen from their mistake she used rather strong language.
'You have a good rich region there,' said she. 'populated by
uncommon fme sort of hwnan beings. You have been trying
your present set of ideas in it for over four hundred years! They
have failed in a heartbreaking. drizzling sort of way to perform
any single solitary one of the things you say you want done there:
When she found African affairs cIwnsily handled. she was restless.
she could not help dissenting from what she called the confusion
or darkening of counsel.
294 ORIGINS Of' WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

hl. speaking of the essentials of a successful administration,

mention was made of a national character racy of the soil which
can be properly moulded and guided only by suitable education.
Now, education is a word very often misWlderstood in West
Africa. It means something better and higher than the mere
passing of the low standards in elementary subjects set by West
African Boards of Education. In its truest sense, it aims at the
progressive and orderly development of all the faculties of the
mind. to the intent that it may form good character and teach
right conduct. In other words, it is a serious preparation for
the business of life in the accomplishment of strenuous, useful,
and congenial labour; for the work of really competent persons
is generally distinguished and characterised by decisiveness and
defmiteness. What generally discloses the secret thoughts and
opinions of men concerning public questions is their unconscious
attitude. Public opinion of Gold Coast people has been dissatisfied,
with the rate of progress, and it is admitted on all hands that, as
with the individual, so must it be with a nation, there are no short
cuts to learning or fame. History teaches us, the ruler's influence
and the work of the legislarure are in no way equal to the com-
bined effort of the individuals of the race, who, each in his place,
or within his sphere ofinBuence, shows srrength,energy,initiative,
and general uprightness.
Those who are not intimately acquainted with the African in
his home are, by some irresponsible writers, made to believe that
he lacks will-power; he is unable to take the initiative, his ex-
citability and lack of reserve being two powerful integers in his
mental make-up. To bolster up this nonsense, the black man's
cranial capacity is compared with the Australian and Caucasian.
These investigations are generally made in the United States of
America, in the West Indies, and other places, where the African
has been in bondage for ages, during which his natural powers,
spirit of independence, and very manhood have been stunted. if
not destroyed. So much have some lost self-<:onfidence in their
intellectual powers, so far have they lost all traces of pride of race,
that. for every word or act, they unconsciously turn to the white
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 295
man for his approbation, or to fmd out whether, in his opinion,
they had spoken or acted correctly or properly. West Africans have
not yet lost their manhood or manly qualities; and became they
will not throw aside their self-respect, and cringe, bow, salaam,
and grovel in the dust at the sight of a man merely because his skin
is white, they are deemed to be incapable of any useful labour.
These few shortcomings have been mentioned candidly and
without reservation. They must be corrected before rcal progress
can be made. He who uses his opportunities to help raise the
masses of his brethren to his own high level is following his des-
tiny, and cannot be engaged in a nobler work. But when, from in-
difference or deliberate choice, an educated African becomes a tool
of Europeans of the baser sort, and keeps back, directly or in-
directly, the masses in ignorance and superstition, he becomes the
greatest enemy of his down-trodden and long-suffering race; and
the greater his educational attainments and opportunities, the
graver his fault and personal guilt. The legitimate demands of a
united people, intelligent and educated, shrewd and self-respect-
ing, is bound to carry weight within the confmes of the British
Empire. That being so, is it not the best and wisest policy for the
educated children of the soil to take earnestly in hand the task of
pioneers at once, and leave no stone unturned, Wltil proper
education is within the reach of every one in Gold Coast territo-
ries? The fact that a man cannot read or write a foreign language
is not a proof positive, that he is not astute in business, or that he
is ignorant, or possesses no natural intelligence or ability for any
useful work. Placed as he is between the white man on the one
side and his wltutored brethren on the other side, the educated
African has special difficulties to contend with; but at the same
time, he is in a position to note and recognize such natural talent
as should be brought to the knowledge of the well-disposed white
man for encouragement, nurture, and proper training. Because
the educated African has not in the past laid stress on the necessity
for a general levelling-up of the masses. but shown a tendency at
times to prefer the white man's food. dress, habits, tastes, and othcr
ways, the latter has not hesitated to call him a self-seeker prepared
122 ORIC"INS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

to sacrifice his untutored hrother for his own ends. As already

stated, educated Africans have been, and still are, in a very small
minority. Unwisely imitating and adopting the white man's style
of living in every respect, they too often undergo a continuous
struggle to support an Anglo-African position of spurious re-
spectability, suffer no end of privations to keep up an appearance,
which is as unsuitable in the tropics as it is unnecessarily expensive,
leading to monetary embarrassments, which at times end in
crime, with its concomitant disgrace and consequent sorrow.
Now, when anyone of cltis class falls, he is pointed out as another
example, proving the utter fatuity of negro education, which
should therefore be suppressed; whilst latter-day apostles, in
season and out of season, proclaim the African is best employed
when forced to labour for the European, but deliberately ignore
the other obligation, that the labourer is worthy of his hire. Those
who know the great proportions to which Gold Coast timber
industry attained, the privations, dangers, and risks connected
with rubber collection, the extent of cocoa cu1rivation, and the
patience and skill exercised in the preparation of palm oil and
palm kernels, we say, these persons will be the last to say Africans
are hopelessly lazy, and therefore shou1d be forced to work. They
are also aware that, side by side with the aforesaid operations,
which arc for export trade, these men have to make a large pro-
vision for their daily requirements. Experience has shown over
and over, that an African works as much as anyone else of human
kind, provided he is paid a fair price for his produce, he is not
cheated of his wages, he is not knocked about and badly treated.
Monthly engagements as practised by Europeans have proved
demoralizing. Commonly called Brofu edwuma, i.e. white man's
work, in practice it means rcgular pay, marc days, more dollars,
leisurely activity. By hired labour Wlder monthly engagements
farming can hardly be profitable; contract work is more hopeful;
piece work is the best thing.
To shun these pitfalls and snares, and to escape from such false
position and the divers temptations connected therewith, is surely
the highest wisdom. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 297
a reproach to any people. Morals are of primary importance to
the well-being of sociery. Hwnaniry generally estimates a man's
worth by his character, the value of institutions by the moral
principles on which they are founded, and assigns to a nation its
scale of importance in proportion to the puriry of its mora1s.When
we know the secret springs of a man's action, his knowledge of
right and wrong, his principles, his motives, and his sense of dury,
we can fairly tell his character.
The masses can be best taught by precept and example what
their enlightened brother has proved by experience to be useful
and beneficial for the race. They must not cease to possess and
cultivate that self-respect which characterized their ancestors, and
was such a trait in them as to win the admiration of high-placed
European military officers, one of whom wrote to the War Office
in London that 'they are a high-bred, aristocratic race.' Just as only
the mere surface of Gold Coast territories has been scraped by
alluvial washing, but the great deposits of precious gold and other
minerals in quartz or banket formation have hardly been touched
as yet, even so the mental capaciry and capability of the African
have not been probed, nor the vast store of his wisdom, natural
powers, and other special gifts best fully disclosed to incredulous
Europe.
It will thus be seen that what is of vital importance, and must
be encouraged at all cost, is a system of national education, which
shall build up a national character racy of the soil; character which
makes men work for the sake of duty, which makes a man shun
subterfuge and shirking, but keeps him truthful and self-respecting
and jealous of his manhood, and, above all, a true servant of God.
In the struggle, individual or national, there is always plenty of
room at the top, and the supply of men of good character falls
lamentably short of the demand the wide world over; nor can it
be seriously denied that there is no short cut to the formation of
national character:
'Who would be free, themsclves must strike the blow.'
Freedom is not fully enjoyed or appreciated where ignorance
"
122 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

reigns supreme. It is a sure indication that we are advancing and

making progress in the attainment of knowledge in proportion
as we get acquainted with our ignorance and shortcomings. We
repeat, knowledge is best acquired by education, which also means,
the work or endeavour of a greater or better informed mind
leading others through lUlfamiliar paths of knowledge; inspiring
them with fresh ideas; imparting to them new and useful instruc-
tion, whether in handicraft or literature, manual labour or science;
pouring fresh energy and encouragement into them, and lifting
them up to its goal a standard and plane of greater usefulness, and
a further acquaintance with the serious claims of national obliga-
tions. But this goal is not reached by the entire suppression of a
person's individuality. As no man expec£s the feeble steps of a
child to be changed in a couple of years into the swinging strides
of an athlete, even so, should not one be anxious to cram the
African, in three or four years with the wisdom, it has taken
Europe long cenwries to acquire. Political power is but the reflex
of national character and national desert; those who claim or wish
to be patriots will be well advised to co-operate heartily in a
properly arranged scheme for national education steadily carried
out, which shall certainly in due course create a higher national
character racy of the soil, strong, independent, able to stand
changes, worthy of imitation, and admired.
On the 24th November, 1871, was published the Constitution
of the Fanti Confederation to promote, inter alia, the public
education of all children within the limi£s of the Confederation,
to encourage agriculture, industrial pursuits, and development of
the mineral resources of Gold Coast Protectorate. Provision was
also made for the proper training and instruction of females. By
a wonderful coincidence, during the same month of November,
1871, the Emperor of Japan, addressing the nobles of his empire,
is reported to have said in the course of his speech: 'After careful
study and observation, I am deeply impressed with the belief that
the most powerful and enlightened nations of the world are those
who have made diligent effor£s to cultivate their minds, and
sought to develop their COlUltry in the fullest and most perfect
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 122

manner .... We lack. superior institutions for high female culture.

Our women should not be ignorant of those great principles on
which the happiness of daily life frequently depends. How im-
portant the education of mothers on whom future generations
almost wholly rely for the cultivation of those intellectual tastes
which an enlightened system of training is designed to develop t'
Fanti patriots and Japanese Emperor with his statesmen were
both striving to raise up their respective countries by the proper
education and efficient training of their people. The same laudable
object was before bom. The Atrican's attempt was ruthlessly
crushed, and his plans frustrated.Japan was not under an unsym-
pathetic protection; she has succeeded, and her very success ought
to be an inspiration as well as an incentive to the people of Gold
Coast Territories to attempt again, keep on striving. until they
win in the twentieth century what was sought for thirty-five
years ago.
With Great Britain is linked the destiny of the Akan nation as a
whole - Asanti, Fanti, Twi. and all Gold Coast tribes. W ith the
people there is no thought of any other European nation. They
are proud of their inheritance, nor are they ashamed of their
ancient history. Their kith and kin, taken away and sold in
American slave-markets, were described as of superior physique
and commanding highest prices. Even Gold Coast children
showed an evident superiority, both in hardiness of frame and
vigour of mind. over all the yOWlg people of the same age im-
ported trom other parts of Africa. An author has remarked that,
the same firmness and intrepidity distinguishable in Gold Coast
adults were seen in their boys, at an age which might be thought
too tender to receive any lasting impression, either from precept
or example. Their love of freedom and liberty was well known,
hence some were described as desperate fellows who despised
punishment, and even death itself. When certain men in a slave-
ship were asked, why they had mutinied and attempted to escape,
they boldly replied, that the captain was a great scoWldrel to have
bought them for the purpose of taking them away from their
native land, and that they were resolved to obtain their liberty jf
300 ORIGINS OF WI'ST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

they could. A Gold Coast writer [Attoh Ahuma] thus expresses

public opinion on this matter: 'Our rulers are our friends and
nothing more, -valuable acquisitions, friends in need and in deed,
true friends, good friends - to use Governor Griffith's time-
honoured formula - but still friends; and being friends, and
nothing but friends, to seek insidiously to enslave us, to brand us
with the hallmark of conquered subjects, is to outrage good faith
and commit a breach of confidence. But PWlic faith is impossible
to the genius of the British constitution, and our budding ideas of
British jurisprudence are fraught with peace, fair play, and justice
- especially justice;' in other words, friends, allies, comrades. To
be worthy of such birthright is the ambition of all right-minded
children of Gold Coast.
Japan in seven years has transformed a savage island into a most
promising possession. What she has done, surely, surely British
statesmen can accomplish. Let us therefore frankly acknowledge
our own limitations, not with an intention to rest and be thankful.
but to make good our defects and press on to a higher level of
usefulness. Let every one cultivate self-respect and have faith in his
or her capabilities. Let us leave the gloomy shades of the lowly
tamarisks. and, beneath the warm rays of the noon-day SWl,
learn to sing somewhat higher strains befitting children of the
tropics, for we are not destined to live as hewers of wood and
water-earriers only. No matter the opposition of those who would
like to use the African as a well-trained useful beast of burden,
docile, manageable, and uncomplaining. Provided one is careful
less to occupy high position than to perform his allotted task
perfectly, even discouragements should stir up the flagged energy;
taunts and revilings, merited or undeserved, nerve to greater
efforts and the pursuit of higher and loftier ideals. The fleshpots
should cease to be attractive any longer. To be God-fearing,
truth-loving, and industrious ought to be the highest and noblest
ambition of each of us. And in whatever positions of trust or
honour one is placed, he ought to consider himself as put there to
prove as well as to show the fitness of his class or tribe or nation;
for, as he conducts himself and performs his duties and obligations,
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL lO'
so oocs he create a precedent for or against the present or future
prospects of the African.
Assisted by deftness and aim, perseverance and steady applica-
tion assuredly increase one's talents, and strengthen his character.
The ambition to excel in whatever is of good report is not
insolence, neither is the determination to cultivate self-respect and
to cherish a manly independent spirit impeninencC', nor is pride
of race in the African a sign of disloyalty. That the African can
ever succeed once he sets his feet 011 the right path, is denied by
his unfriends, and doubted by the sceptic; but, after all, could
there be an answer more convincing and conclusive, than the
chapels and conventicles, churches and cathedrals ofChristcndolll
to the cool, cynical challenge - Can any good thing come out of
Nazareth?
24 The Abiding Meaning of 'Africa
for the Africans' in the Age
of Imperialism
'Problems to be Solved'. in Lagos Standard. II July 1906

Europe has not yet conquered native Africa; this is daily be-
coming patent, and the difficulties in the way of effecting this
subjugation are varied and multipliable. The experience of the
Germans in their contest with the Hereros in the Southwestern
portion of the continent, has disclosed to their cost ... the knowl-
edge of what this means. England is not less fortwlatc, as the
troubles in Natal would testify to, and the difficulties existing in
both her Nigerian territories; all tending to the demonstration of
the fact, that there must be something wrong somewhere ... in the
dealings between the native and the alien .... There have been
but only two ways of opening up Africa, the peaceful and the
warlike, the method pursued by a Livingstone, and that by a
Stanley; but as to which of the two has proved of greater benefit
to the outside world. let results bear out the testimony. It is not a
little puzzling, noting the fact that in former years, and there can
be no doubt that it may even be found so now in certain districts
where the civilizing influences of modem machine destructives
are wlknown ... the greatest safety to life and protection of his
property has always been the lot of the foreign traveller, in his trot
through the length and breadth of what was once fondly daubed
the Dark Continent; unarmed and generally unaccompanied was
the vogue of the period; whilst at the present time the greatest
confusion and unrest prevail where the appearance of the Anglo
Saxon is announced .... A curious tuition appears to have been
imparted,judging from these sinister results, to the new Coasters
weekly flooding these regions, of bullying or browbeating the
native. whoever he is or whatever he may happen to be. ... The
depopulation of the continent of Africa, strangely enough,
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL ]0]

whether at a near or distant future we know not, seem ... the

ftrm creed and conviction of modem advenrurers of all classes .
. . Possibly
. carried away with other wild delusions, this otherwise
mental derangement continues to the detriment of nature and the
soil. It must never be lost sight of however, that Africa for the
Africans is not the involuntary expedient of a local spasm nor the
mere ebullition of a heroic sentiment. The land is his and he is
content to remain on her; he could not do otherwise; he never can
live in Europe for a very lengthy period without incurring mental
or physical defection; nor can he become a European. He is
altogether wlconstitutioned for Europe and its conditions; he has
no home but his African home. The Trans-Atlantic excursion and
his own incessant. though now happily abolished intertribal feuds
have. after ali, affected but very little in the way of his extirpation;
rather has his evolution been inimitable. The foreigner comes and
goes that he must do if he means to abide here long; but the native
has it all to himself. He stays on forever ... .
25 Pastor Mojola Agbebi on the
West African Problem
From Papers on Inter-Racial Problems Communicated to the First
Universal Races Congress, ed. G. Spiller (I9II) pp. 343-8

... The introduction of the usages and institutions of European

life into the African social system has resulted in a disordering and
a dislocation of the latter which threatens to overthrow the system
altogether and produce a state of social anarchy. Dire evidence of
the resultant social chaos is to be found in the total breakdown of
parental control, and the advent of a life of wild licence mistakenly
taken to mean the rightful exercise of the rights and prerogatives
of individual liberty. as defined and permitted under the customs
and usages of European life. This fatal mistake. with the fWlda-
mental fallacy it involves of abnegating African social laws on the
part of Europeaniscd Africans, growing out of the dislike and
contempt for which unfamiliarity with African customs on the
part of the European is largely responsible, comprises a phase of
the African problem which calls urgently for attention and con-
sideration. Social organisations are the outgrowth of a people's
life, and, founded more or less upon innate racial characteristics,
are incapable of being transferred from one people of a certain
type to another of a different type and condition. The phrase 'state
of transition' usually applied to people who are supposed to be
affected by passing social conditions, but who really are in the
unfortunate dilemma of having their social order oflife dislocated
by the introduction of a foreign order, really implies a state of
transition from a regular order of life ingrained in a people and
practised by them, to a social whirlpool of confusion and disorder,
where there is no sufficient material for, or the materials which
exist do not contribute to, social reconstruction. On the other
hand, there is the powerful and irresistible current of man's wild
will and passions arrayed against reconstruction and social regu-
EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CONTROL 30 5
lation. It is conceivable what a state of social anarchy means in the
sense of moral deterioration, with its concomitant of physical
impairment. By most positive and impressive evidences the
African has come to feel that this is the heritage which the African
problem entails for him, a heritage due to lack of knowledge of
and contempt for his institutions and customs, and also for the life-
problems founded upon these customs and institutions.
Inter-racial Marriage. No un-Europeanised native of Tropical
Africa seeks intermarriage with white people. Commercial inter-
course and other unavoidable contact with white people may lead
to a progeny of mixed blood, but no Tropical African pure and
simple is inclined to marry a European or appreciates mixed
marnages.
Segregation. The fad of segregation in social gatherings and
religious worship recently brought into prominence by the im-
prudent and impolitic among white people is not distasteful to
the un-Europeanised African. The great Architect of the Universe
has originally 'determined the bounds of the habitation' of every
race of man. The African has not overstepped those bounds to
seek fellowship, social, religious, or otherwise, with white people.
It is a matter of ridicule to the African therefore that white people
should not only trespass into Africa, but come there to propotuld
the doctrine of segregation which Nature has all along placed
boundless seas and countless barriers to indicate. The unsophisti-
cated African entertains aversion to white people, and when, on
accidentally or unexpectedly meeting a white man he turns or
takes to his heels, it is becawc he feels that he has come upon some
lmusual or unearthly creature, some hobgoblin, ghost, or sprite;
and when he does not look straight in a white man's face, it is be-
cause he believes in tlle 'evil eye,' and that an aquiline nose, scant
lips, and cat-like eyes afflict him. The Yoruba word for a Euro-
pean means a peeled man, and to many an African the white man
exudes some rancid odour not agreeable to his olfactory nerves.
Moreover, Europeans are regarded as plague carriers. The
plagues hitherto known to the people of Tropical Africa are
very few, and are subject to already known treatments; but the
J06 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

advent of an influx of Europeans is regarded with evil foreboding

by a great many, owing to the plagues and diseases that follow in
their wake, and to which Africans are strangers. Witness bubonic
plague, syphilis, cholera. and others.
Secret Societies. Secret Societies arc many in Africa, and arc
fOlUlded for many and various reasons. If carefully investigated, it
will possibly be discovered that the secret societies of Europe and
other Western peoples took their rise from Africa.
The rites and ceremonies of some secret societies in Africa rally
in a large measure with some of those in Europe, and while many
secret societies in Europe can show no greater uses than occasional
deeds of benevolence, post-mortem benefactions, encouraging tem-
perance and thrift, some secret societies in Africa are cults for
initiation into the mysteries of womanhood, for teaching the art
of midwifery and motherhood. to inaugurate funeral obsequies,
to inculcate the principle of immortality or life after death, some
to_fulfil the role of a national court of appeal, some to protect
trade, others to preserve national pedigree or tribal dignity, some
to assist men, others to assist women, and all for, as believed by
the promoters, the general well-being of society. Freemasonry in
its most exalted degrees can show no better or more innocent rites
than those of some of the secret societies of Africa. The principle
is the same. Even when their deeds may not be branded as evil,
'men love darkness rather than light' for secret society purposes.
The more a man proceeds to the higher degrees in Freemasonry
the more undignified, should I not say degraded, are the rites he
has to perform. and Freemasonry is regarded. as a European
production and not African. Freemasonry as a secret society
excludes women from its membership; but in Africa there are not
only secret societies formed of and by men, but there are also
secret societies formed of and by women . Sometimes a place of
importance in a man's secret society is filled by a woman. In
Freemasonry even men who are not members are not admitted
into its lodges; but in the Egungtm and the Oro, African secret
societies in the Lagos district, men of whatever colour and clime
can enter the grove and pass free and tmmolested through a whole
EXTENSION OF EUROFEAN CONTROL 30 7
town which is 'under orders' from one or other of these St:(:ret
societies.
Human Sacrifice. Human sacrifice in Africa is based 011 strictly
religious principles. There is no wanton massacre of human lives
or uncalled-for immolation of men . European intervention has
put a stop to it in many parts. But it should be understood that it
represents the highest of human motives, though Self-sacrifice -
the sacrifice of one's self - is superior to it. Self-sacrifIce, however,
is also human sacrifice. Christianity is based on human sacrifice,
its Founder being 'the Lamb slain from the fOWldations of the
world.' ...
Cannibalism. Cannibalism is not general in Africa. What led
some communities to institute a sacrifice of hwnan victims led
other communities to go a step further and turn the sacrifice into
what they consider profitable use by solemnly partaking of it as a
sacrament. In some cases victims of human sacrifice consider it
more honourable to be eaten by men to whom they are supposed
to be imparting some virtue or for whom they are fulfilling some
indispensable and important function, than to be devoured by
senseless and ignominious worms. The eating of human or non-
human flesh differs only in kind, and human flesh is said to be the
most delicious of all viands; superior in culinary taste to the flesh
of either bird, beast, fish, or creeping things. Christianity itself is
a superstructure of cannibalism. The Founder of the Faith is
recorded to have said, 'Except ye cat the flesh of the Son of man,
and drink his blood, ye have no life in you: In administering the
Lord's Supper to converts from cannibalism I have often felt some
uneasiness in repeating the formula, 'Take, eat, this is my body,'
and the other 'This is my blood.'
Marriage in Africa. Plural marriage is the social law of Africa. It
is the basis of political economy and human happiness in the
country. Single marriage is sin in Africa, and plural marriage is
righteousness. The woman inherits her husband's property in
Europe; but in Africa woman is property, and is subject to in-
heritance as other property. It is on record in the Christian
Scriptures that -
30 8 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

'There were with us seven brethren; and the first, when he had
married a wife deceased. and having no issue, left his wife WltO
his brother. Likewise the second also, and the third. unto the
seventh. And last of all the woman died also. Therefore in the
resurrection whose wife shall she be of the seven? for they all had
her:
She was their property. In the social and rdigious economy of
Africa, therefore, it would be wise to recognise the social laws of
the country and to deal with plural marriage as the foundation of
the home and, consequently, of abiding welfare in the country.
In Tropical Africa no un-Europeanised woman desires to live
alone in her husband's house. She prefers to have company, and
often plans and paves the way for such company. So-called 'holy
mauimony' has placed human life in jeopardy in ·Africa. 'In the
midst oflife we are in death.' By single marriage many marriage
beds have been defIled and 'holy matrimony' rendered unholy by
the unrestrained and criminal liberties taken by monogamic
husbands under the sanction of European law, while their children
are in the womb and while they are at the breasts. Men are reduced
below the level of the brutes that perish.
The doctrine of plural marriage in Africa does not stand in the
way of the progress of womanhood in any of the activities of
human life. Careful and sympathetic inquiry will reveal the fact
that women have not only been rulers, leaders, 'mothers in Israel:
priestesses and heroines in Africa, but have also been deifIed after
their death and worshipped by men and women alike. The homage
paid to womanhood in Africa is the homage ofworth, not ofwords,
oflove not oflaw. Unless perhaps as a religious leader, officer or
functionary, or as a man of poor means, the African as a rule will
publicly or privately always be a polygamist....
PART VI

Casely Hayford's Synthesis

 The most wide-ranging attempt to define West Africa's problems and
what should be the new elite's response to them came from the Gold
Coast barrister, Joseph Ephraim Casely Hayford (1866--1930). Casely
Hayford was educated at the Wesleyan Boys' High School, Cape Coast,
and at Fourah Bay College, Freetown. Returning to the Gold Coast he
tried his hand at teaching, journalism and law-clerking, then went to
Britain to complete his education and gain professional legal qualifica-
tions. When he returned as a newly fledged barrister in 1896, he quickly
took a leading role ill the dispute over the colonial government's attempt
to control the administration and alienation of land. In his work as
journalist and advocate for the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society he
acquired a solid grasp of the functioll of indigenous Gold Coast institu-
tions and published his ideas in Gold Coast Native Institutions in
1903. He also became a disciple of Edward Blyden, and his Ethiopia
Unbound, 1911, is all intellectual autobiography, in novel form ,
which sought to work Ollt all acceptable patriotic role for the Western-
educated elite.
Hayford was Jascinated by the work of the wandering revivalist the
Prophet Harris, a Grebo from Liberia, whose greatest successes came
outside the Republic in the Frellch-domillated Ivory Coast alld the Gold
Coast. Hayford's illustratiolls to his short 1915 pamphlet on Harris
catch the spirit oj this mass revivalism (see Introduction, p. 41).
26 From Gold Coast Native Institutions
with Thoughts Upon a Healthy
Imperial Policy for the
Gold Coast and Ashanti

By Casely Hayford (1903) pp. 124-270

CHAPTER Ill. The Conflict oj Systems

... It so happens ... that when the people think themselves
seriously affected by the provisions of a given Bill, they resort to
the expediency of getting themselves represented by counsel in
the Council Chamber. For the rest, they allow legislation to pass
over their heads by default. The right of the people to prescnt
petitions is admitted in theory, but in practice, if the petition is
ever attended to by the Council, the attention is given after the
evil prayed against has become an accomplished fact ....
What system is this which places in the hands of the Governor,
as the obedient servant of the Colonial Secretary, a power beyond
that exercised by the Sovereign, Emperor-King of the British
Dominions? A curious arrangement this, surely, by which the
Governor is not responsible to the taxpayers, who keep the
machine going, and who do really know what is good for them,
but to an overtasked official, some 3,000 miles away, who mayor
may not be a capable man, and who gleans his information as to
the local conditions from his obedient servant, the Governor!
How long will public opinion tolerate a system which makes
against true imperialism and the expansion of British influence
and prestige in the dark comers of the earth - which throws a
damper, in several directions, upon British capital and enterprise?
The laws passed by the Legislative COWlcil are put in force by
the Executive Council, which consists of the official members of
the Legislative Council, save one, with the Governor, again, as its
president.
Sometimes the only information that an ignorant Native has of
CAS ELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHES I S JIJ
the passing of a given law is when he has to pay the penalty. A
typical case is that of the Criminal Code, which penalises a good
many acts which are not offences by the general principles of the
Criminal Law of England, or by the Customary Law of the Gold
Coast.
We have seen from the discussion of Native Institutions how
widely diffused among the people is the idea of representative
government. It is the very essence of the Native State System. In
that System, the right of every adult member of the community
to be represented in the State Councils is fully recognised and
guaranteed. What conflict of ideas must there be in the mind of
the Native when he contemplates the farcical pretext in respect of
the representation of the country in the presence of the non~fficial
members of Council in the Council Chamber!
The trend of progress the whole world over is toward free
institutions - a state of society whose members are free to govern
and regulate thcir own affairs. It is the keynote of healthy im-
perialism. It is this very principle, recognised by Great Britain in
her relations with the Dominions over the Seas, which is strength-
ening and consolidating Greater Britain. But I shall possibly be
met with the criticism that self-government is reserved by Great
Britain for those English-speaking Colonies whose populations
are nearly or wholly white. That may be. But what is the essence
of the matter? I am inclined to think that it is not so much a
question of the particular people inhabiting a particular Depen-
dency, as a yielding to the logic of facts in the given circumstances.
Statesmen, in time, have come to learn the hidden meaning of the
bitter lesson which cost Great Britain the loss of the American
Colonies, and the world one of the greatest opportunities of
conserving universal peace, progress, and goodwill among men.
In the case of the Gold Coast we shall appeal to the logic of facts,
and shall not appeal in vain.
I believe, therefore, that whenever a strong case has been made,
showing the capability and the right of any given community in
free alliance and friendship with Great Britain, call such connec-
tion by what name soever you please, to manage its own internal
J 14 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

affairs, Great Britain will not be backward in extending to such a

community the blessing of free institutions, feeling certain that
therein lies the fastest bond with the Mother-Country. In the case
of the Gold Coast, we simply say, 'Allow us to make use of our
own Native Institutions, which we understand, and which from
experience are adapted to us.' We shall ask once, twice, and ask
again, and, if this generation is not listened to, we shall hand on
the legacy of legitimate and constitutional request to the next
generation.
But where are your facts, you will rightly ask, making it
logically proper to ask for the revival of representative govern-
ment, on native lines, on the Gold Coast? To a fair question allow
me to return a fair answer. I have endeavoured to show that, on
the Gold Coast, you arc not dealing with a savage people without
a past, who are merely striving to copy or imitate foreign
Institutions. I can understand why, for example, you will rightly
or wrongly refuse full representative government, say, to Jamaica
or Trinidad. There you are not dealing with an indigenous people.
You arc face to face with the problem of trying to train up a
people who have lost touch with their past, and whose immediate
past dates from the time when Europe went into sackcloth and
ashes over her grievous sin against the African race. You may
seriously or not assume that they are not ripe fo r self-government,
and postpone the time till the Greek calends. But here you are
confronted with no such difficulty. On the contrary, you are
stimulated by the circumstances of the case. If you are free to
admit it, you will see that you fmd here already a system of self-
government as perfect and efficient as the most forward nations
of the earth to-day can possibly conceive. A people who could,
indigenously, and without a literature, evolve the orderly repre-
sentative government which obtained. in Ashanti and the Gold
Coast before the advent of the foreign interloper, are a people to
be respected and shown consideration when they proceed to
discuss questions of self-government.
Nor in discussing this matter must we lose sight of the fact that
the position of the Gold Coast is perfectly unique among all the
CASELY HAYfORD'S SYNTHESIS l'S
other so-called Dependencies of Great Britain.Without anticipa-
ting the discussion in the next chapter, I may broadly state that the
relations between Great Britain and the Gold Coast originated in
friendship, mutual trust, and commercial alliance. It will be seen,
therefore, that the people have a: right to mould their institutions
upon their own lines, Great Britain being merely a Protecting
Power, and only properly concerned with their rdations with the
outside world. It will be also seen that at no time have the people
divested themselves of their right to legislate for themselves.
Before the spread of education in the land, they did these things
for thenlselves, sometimes in co-operation with their Friends and
Protectors. Why not now?
It is sad to reflect in this connection that the policy of the British
Government has been retrogressive rather than progressive. It is
as if the Colonial Office had resolutely set to work to discourage
national spirit, and to destroy every vestige of it, in the breasts of
the people. But this kind of thing will not do. Hence the humble
appeal to-day that Great Britain should fully and seriously con-
sider this question of free institutions for the Gold Coast, upon
which so much of the future progress of the country depends.
It is conceded, [ believe, on all sides that the Crown Colony
System of administering the affairs of the Gold Coast has failed,
hopelessly failed. What then? Is the country to be left to go to rack
and ruin? It may mean nothing to the Colonists, but to the
Aborigines it means everything that is dear to them of country,
home, and fatherland.
If the Gold Coast were a country with free institutions, free
from the trammels of Downing Street rcd-tapism, we shou1d soon
have good wharves and harbours, gas works, water works, and
railway communication all over the country. Prosperous citie.;
would grow up, and knowledge would spread among all classes
of the people, producing a willing and an efficient body of work-
men for the material development of the vast wealth and resources
of the country.
In a well-regulated system the whites would find they could
not do without the blacks, and vice versa, and soon would grow
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

up a spirit of forebearance, tolerance, and mutual respect, each

race doing its allotted work upon naturallincs in a prosperous and
comented federal Gold Coast and Ashanti.
All this may be a dream. At least, so you may think. But if a
dream, it is one worth attempting to realise, instead of sitting
bound hand and foot in the face of ugly facts.

CHAPTER VI. The CO/lflict of Sentiments

... Mark the following winding up of a lettcr to the Gold Coast
Aborigines' Rights Protection Socicty, dated 18th January, 1902,
by the Colonial Secretary of the Gold Coast:
'His Excellency considers that if the Aborigines' Rights Pro-
tection Society could impress on chiefs that more profitable ways
of spending their money would be by the establishment of
schools, the promotion of agriculture. and the proper mainten-
ance of their roads and bridges, they would be doing good work
for the colony and obviate the necessity fot Government action.'
Sound advice, surely. this, if only you could calm the fears of
the people. You sec, it might come to tills in plain English. The
Government Treasurer in an 'entirely benevolent' way acts as
treasurer for the Chiefs of the country. The Treasurer alone can
give valid discharges for all revenue coming to the Chiefs. The
Govenuncnt in an 'entirely benevolent' way take 'Government
action,' deciding that in future the Chiefs shall maintain the roads
and bridges of the country. and. being trustees for the Chiefs
whose duty as wards is to obey, they perforce will obey, and obey
they must. It is simple enough. It becomes simpler still when once
you emphasisc the suggestion, in a plausible way, that the Govern-
ment have the right to deposc any recalcitrant Chief. It is but a
specimen of the 'solvent influence' of British administration over
native rights. Unhappy Gold Coast, unless thy sons are true to
thee, the days of thy freedom are numbered!
Really, it is time all sentiment were done away with in such a
practical matter as the moulding of a people's destiny. It would be
better for all concerned to call a spade a spade, instead of this
nauseous play with fmc words. But whether you openly go to
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 317
work in breaking down native Authority, or you prefer to arrive
at the same result by a back door, mark this, that it is but an
attempt to fight against Nature, which has decreed that the Gold
Coast and Ashanti shall be only successfully administered, fairly
and righteously, through the sons of the soil.

CHAPTER VII. Imperial Gold Coast and Ashanti

Were there such a thing as Political Ethics, or a pretence to
semblance thereof among Christian nations, as there is a semblance
of some sort of Christianity in so-called Christian coWltries, it
might be permissible to enquire how far the conduct of Christian
nations in relation to aboriginal races, sometimes charitably called
subject races, conformed to the Christian standard of morality.
That different principles prevail in the life of nations is evident
from the trend of modem history. Men ask, with apparent
seriousness, 'Who is my neighbour?' and when they receive the
answer in the words of the Gospel, they immediately retort, 'Am
I my brother's keeper?'
But since, in the nature of things, there should be, if there is not,
such a thing as Political Ethics, let me examine some of the funda-
mental ideas in this connection as they appear to an aboriginal
mind in the first instance.
Let me premisc that almost the first element which confronts
the aboriginal mind, as it emerges from its primitive conceptions
of things, and stands face to face with the forces of European
civilisation, is the Christian propaganda. It is a favourite practice
with European nations to precede the Flag with the Gospel of
Jesus Christ. The missionary points to the present influence of the
Christ life in moulding the life and character of the individual.
He points to the cardinal lessons of truth, love, and brotherhood
as proclaimed by that Gospel, which accord with the higher
impulses of the Native, and command his ready respect and
obedience. Moreover, the missionary hopes to prepare the way
for civic life by specifically teaching the doctrines of the Ten
Commandments. He particularly lays stress on the sixth, 'Thou
shalt not steal,' which, in his view, becomes the groundwork of
318 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

after respect for property rights on the part of the Native. What
a deal of trouble, he fancies, the Flag would have afterwards, if
this particular doctrine was not well rubbed in !
And so, in course of time. the Flag makes its appearance, and
with it boldly the merchant and the tradesman, who before were
merely sneaking round the comer.
Presently, the standard of truth held up to the aboriginal mind
receives a rude shock:. The methods of the merchant and the
tradesman are not always above board; and when the Native
begins to adulterate his oil in retaliation for adulterated spirits, the
Flag promptly legislates against the Native's dishonesty, which
thing is not fair. CWlning for cunning, dishonesty for dishonesty-
surely that is fair play. But it sounds like striking below the belt,
where I may endure my neighbour's dishonesty, but he not mine,
which thing is not an allegory.
The early stage of the acquaintanceship between the Flag and
the Aborigines is in the nature of what is euphemistically called a
protectorate. Now, the term 'protectorate' connotes the depen-
dence of a weaker upon a stronger. And as the Gospel of Jesus
Christ, which, we shall say, in the first instance, was in good faith
taught the Aborigines, insists upon the full brotherhood of the
hwnan race - and the Native, you must grant, whether you like
it or not, is a member of that race - a protectorate, surely must
mean the dependence of a weaker upon a stronger brother. But
here, again. facts falsify first impressions. The very missionary
who preaches the gospel of universal brotherhood seems to scout
the idea of the black man, cultured or uncultured, being on the
same plane of life as himself. He beholds the Aborigines afar off,
and believes in the Native being kept in his place. He merely
intends to raise him a wee bit higher in order that he may be useful
to his white brother by more intelligently hewing his wood and
drawing his water, which the latter is too good to do for himself.
This is the black man's burden. In all honesty, let the reader ask
himself the plain question, When. in history, has the Caucasian
approached the Negro, or the Mongolian - the black, the yellow,
or the brown man - in the spirit of full brotherhood, in the spirit
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 319
in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ teaches us one race should
approach another - not because of its markets and rich natural
products, but simply to raise up the race to the measure of true
manhood and true freedom enjoyed by the Caucasian?
Talking of markets and rich natural products, there is haldly a
European Power which will not fight its way to the possession of
spheres of influence which are reputed rich in gold and diamonds,
particularly if the country belongs to an aboriginal race that
cannot work the Maxim or the Long Tom. The cry of gold calls
up the spirit of strife. The love of gold dissipates the love of man;
for is not the love of gold the root of all evil? Ah! if it were not
for the something which the Aborigines have which the white
man wants, but cannot get otherwise than, if need be, by breaking
the sixth and eighth Commandments at one spell, how dearly
would the white man love his brethren the Aborigines of the
waste places of the earth? Such surely is a wrong feeling! But
Jesus Christ sought to change all that, and you say you are His
followers, you Christian nations of the earth.
Really. it is about time in the earth's history that the swords
were beaten into ploughshares. But, if strife there must be, then
we beg of you, the mighty ones of the earth, to turn your arma-
ments upon yourselves. Pray, give us peace; save us from internal
dissensions and turmoil; grant that we may live under our own
vine and fig trees in the portion of the earth where Providence
has placed us.
Surely. we can look to England for a certain amount of fair
play. The history of your relations with weaker races is not
altogether such as to fill us with despair, or to make us think that
you will go the way of all flesh. We believe and hope that when
the crooked has been made straight to your moral line of vision,
you will stand corrected. We see and appreciate the huge efforts
that you are making to reconcile the forces which make for
national gain, as against the forces that make for the pure advance-
ment and progress of the Aborigines; but we do not fail to notice
at the same time your shortcomings so far. We notice, with
aching hearts, for example, that, in your haste to fill the colonial
320 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

exchequer, little regard is paid to what will work for the material
advancement of the Aborigines, whose mites help mostly to fill
those coffers. forgetful that the greatest good of the greatest num-
ber is the keynote of a healthy administration.
Again, we see what efforts you arc making in constituting the
COWltry into districts. and consolidating your authority and rule;
but we also see that you must fail in the end; for you have gone
the wrong way to work. We see, for instance, that in Ashanti and
elsewhere you are building upon the sand and not upon the rock,
and presently the rains will descend and sweep the entire structure
away. It is bound to come, if I am right in thinking that the
destinies of nations are regulated with mathematical exactitude by
a Power Wlsecn.
If you earnestly sought the material advancement of the people,
you would remove obstacles from their line of progress. What
part have they in the government of their own country? To
whom do the big appointments and the big salaries go? To their
white brethren, of course. Why? Because they are competent,
and the Natives are not? Time and again the Native does the hard
work, and the European draws the hard cash. When the European
does the work, it happens sometimes that he gains experience from
the Native. He comes to know the work after a bit, and then there
comes the rub. Of course, down goes the ladder by which he had
climbed. This is brotherly love with a vengeance! We know we
have only to point out these things and England will remedy
them.
Again, take the labour question. It is dear to the heart of the
European. Herein he shows his love for his black brother beyond
all question. The black man fully understands that he has been
expressly created by kind Providence to provide labour in the
black man's country for the European. And do it he must. There
are no two ways abour it. If he does not obey the instincts of
nature, he will be driven, if needs be, into labour compounds, and
made to work, as the Israelites of old were made to work for their
masters. He understands this so thoroughly, and it does not
matter to the task-master if, in the process, he, the Native, loses
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS )2 1

all touch with the former habits of his ancestors, which made them
contented men and women, when they stuck to the soil and
caressingly coaxed from it what Mother Earth gave up liberally in
response. It does not matter if, in the process, he exchanges all the
fmer manly qualities, which agriculture fosters, for the common-
place dram-drinking, - the cursing and the devilment of the
mining camp. It does not matter to some that the best manhood
of the COWltry is being drained for this sort of work, while the
ancient farms lie neglected and Wlattended to, and food gets
scarce, and yet more scarce, in some districts. Gold ! gold! gold!
that js what the white man wants; and gold he must have at any
price.
Then there are some chatitable people who suggest that jf you
cannot get the black man to wotk, and if you may not drive him
into labour compounds, you must import the Chinaman. John
Chinaman is John Bull's last hope. But have you never heard of
the late Governor Maxwell's Chinaman, who declared that the
Gold Coast was neither 'fit' for awhite man, nor ablack man, nor
a Chinaman, nor yet for a dog? He was a hit wrong though. The
Gold Coast is, and will always be, 'fit' for the Gold Coast man. So
has God ordained it. Long after the members of your mining
companies, with their huge speculations on the Stock Exchange,
will have ceased to speculate in things temporal, and the cedar and
the odum, the cotton and the dubetz trees will have reared their
majestic heights to heaven where now stands the noisy mining
camp, the Gold Coast Native will still be quietly toiling in the
yam and corn-fields of his ancestors, grateful at last to have the
opportunity of working out his own salvation. It may be that
your very Government may grow sick and weary of bearing the
white man's burden, when a just Providence indicates what that
burden really means, and may give up the business in disgust.
History may here, indeed, repeat itself Have you not heard of
Roman Catholic monasteries, with beautiful frescoes and paint-
ings, crwnbling to dust in the heart of Africa? Go along the coast,
from Assinee to the Volta River, and mark how many are the
castles and. fortresses, emblems of European greed, that are now
c
32' ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the habitations of owls and bats, as a native wit once put it. Instead
of castles to-day, you build bWlgalows. those structures which
take a few weeks to put up, and which, again, you can pull down,
take, and carry away at will. Yes, we know fully well. our good
Friends and Protectors, that if. on the morrow, you found the
game was not worth the candle, you would close up business
altogether. no matter what became of the black man or the black
man's COWltry. To you it may he a light thing. To us it will be
incalculable loss - loss in the sense that we shall have to begin it
all over again with, or without, your distorted version of the
Gospel of love, truth, and universal brotherhood.
Therefore. we say to you, we have a right to be heard in this
matter, and we beg of you calmly to hear us. We ask you to apply
a little common sense and practical statesmanship to the situation.
Take the case of your own national evolution. It is a matter of
history that, at the beginning of the Christian era, you were worse
off than we are to-day; greater darkness brooded over your
intellectual horizon. By the absorption of Grecian and Roman
culture and the science of Eastern worlds, you gradually emerged
from darkness into light, and were able to develop what was
natural and innate in you, and to, in time, contribute your quota
to the world's work. In a word, given the conditions of develop-
man, you developed on your own lines, until you became the
great nation you are to-day.
Surely, then, the first condition of the proper development of
the peoples of the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the possession of
knowledge in its fullest sense, that educational element which will
draw out all the best qualities innate in the Gold Coast and Ashanti
Native, preparing and making him ready to contribute to life's
work. Remember, after all, that the Aborigines of the Gold Coast
and of Ashanti, as Tennyson has it, are 'the heirs of all the ages';
and who knows but that there may be higher things destined for
their achievement than you can conceive of? But the responsibi-
liry rests primarily with you, and if you do not discharge it,
Providence will raise others up to do the work. Assuming, then,
that you have stretched out your hands in true brotherly fashion
CASELEY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS )2)

to the Native of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, not over a palm-oil
cask, or a piece of elephant's tusk, but over the heart of Jesus
Christ, thrilling your very being with true brotherly love and
sympathy, and filled the land with schools and colleges, seminaries
and seats of learning and culrore, what is your next duty in the
building up of the Empire?
It is plain and simple; but before grappling with it, you will
take care that the spirit of pettiness does not creep in. You are now
going to allow the free development of Native Institutions in a
healthy atmosphere. You have before you the task of building up
Imperial Gold Coast and Amanti, as a basis for Imperial West
Africa.
Your first stumbling-block will be the treatment of Ashanri.
Shall the Ashantis be treated as a conquered people, or as friends
and allies? This will be the question of questions, the test of true
statesmanship. To answer this question, you must fmd out what
you want to do. Now, you aim at nothing less than the fusion of
the Fantis and the Ashantis into one people. Remember that by
language, traditions, customs, and laws, they are practically one
people. Remember that they are cousins, and that in remote times
they lived together in brotherly unity and concord at Tooman,
until one day they quarrelled and split. Remember, too, that the
present difference in the characters of the two peoples, really one,
is due to your own unwholesome influence over the Fanris. There-
fore, it is the most natural suggestion that the two peoples should
be merged into one; and it will be easier for you to entertain this
suggestion, when you consider that the chastisement of Ashanti
was really due to a mistake.
Surely, this is a sound proposition. You will find it so if you
tum to history. For a century and a quarter, at the least, Nature
has been preparing the way for this very consummation. The
Fantis having settled on the littoral and established trade relations
with the Europeans, the Ashantis did not see why they should be
precluded from participating in the gains. Gradually the Ashantis
worked their way to the coast, and diplomatic quarrels ensued.
with the result that the King of Ashanti was, in the end. able to
324 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

claim a right to the 'notes' for rents in respect of some of the forts
on the coast, thus establishing direct trade relations with Europe.
That was his only ambition, his only sin. Said he in substance:
'Elmina is my factory; I acquired it by force of arms, and estab-
lished trade rclations with the Dutch. Now, the Dutch are going
to give up my factory to the English, and my people must
henceforth deal through Fanci middlemen, which thing must not
he.' Hence the Calcalli war of 1873 and 1874. and the sequence of
events culminating in the ruining of Ashanti trade with the Gold
Coast. Soon after the war, the Ashantis began to trade directly
with Assince; and it is a question of time whether the English, or
the French and German, will ultimately capture the hinterland
trade.
The obtuseness in certain respects of the British Administration,
since Governor Maclean's death, has been something amazing.
That far-seeing man saw through it all, and framed. his policy
accordingly. He understood that the business of the Administra-
tion was not that of Wlduly interfering with the internal affairs of
the protected. people, and, therefore, sought to consolidate and
strengthen Native Authority. What is more, he perceived that
England's true interest in the Gold Coast was to make it an open
market through which the trade of the hinterland might pass
freely. Therefore, without over-estimating his authority or his
strength, by conciliation and moral persuasion he encouraged. the
Ashantis to come down freely to the open market of the Gold
Coast, guaranteeing them safety by prevailing on the Fantis to be
on their good behaviour.
In his mental vista. he beheld a prosperous Gold Coast. with
Amanti, as a great emporium of trade, interchanging with and
pouring into the lap of the Gold Coast the rich resources and
products of that now blasted land. He encouraged and was
instrwnental in the training in England of the Princes Quanta-
missa and 0500 Ansah to he the medium of intelligent influence
in the hinterland; and who, having the slightest acquaintance with
Gold Coast history, can say that the late Prince 0500 Ansah did
not do his best to bring about a permanent friendly Wldcrstanding.
CA$ELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 325
in his day, between Ashanti and the Gold Coast? It was a policy
full of common sense and practical statesmanship. It was the work
of the Colonial Office, in recent years, to have struck at Governor
Maclean's work, root and branch, by attempting to discredit, but
without success, the sons of the late Prince Amah in the eyes of
their countrymen and the British public.
A different policy was that of Sir Charles Macarthy, another
British Governor, who flourished, as far as the Gold Coast is
concerned, in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. He also
saw in the distance, but saw differently. He was deeply conscious
of the power of England - a power which, he considered, no
subject race could withstand; and he was impatient of what
seemed an impediment in the way of England's aggrandisement
in these parts. If he could only pierce into the interior, what un-
told treasures would not be open to England to gather in? In this
spirit, he, the faithful servant of the Crown, went forth with the
drawn sword breaking down the power of the Chiefs, and sub-
duing all before it. Impatient of obstacles, he was also impatient
of counsel as to the best way to overcome such obstacles. Accord-
ingly, he went forth in the faith and in the strength of the con-
queror, seeking new territories which should own allegiance to
Great Britain through his prowess. He considered the kingdom of
Ashanti a barrier to British commerce and enterprise piercing the
interior, and he fondly wished to see that barrier down. He tried
to break through, and died in the attempt. To-day, a frut-rate
Colonial Minister, persistently pursuing that policy, has brought
down that barrier, only to behold beyond, if the truth may be
told, a land of dreams and disappointments.
It is about time to pause and think. And the thinking must be
done by the British nation. The matter must be reasoned out
calmly and deliberately; and if there be fifty men in Israel who
have the interest of the Aborigines at heart, the right course will
certainly be taken, and the right thing done. Which is it to be?
Will the British nation sanction a policy which will tend more and
more to alienate the Ashantis, and drive them into the bosom of
the French or German, or will it pursue a conciliatory policy?
)26 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Will the nation consent to the utter destruction of all national

spirit from the life of the Ashantis, or will it foster the spirit
of self-respect and national development on natural lines? Will
Great Britain forget that Ashanti is a conquered country, and will
the conqueror be benevolent and reckon the Ashantis. as their
cousins the Fantis are reckoned, as the friends and allies of His
Majesty King Edward VII?
Will the nation quietly look on while an agrarian grievance is
engendered in the breast of the Ashantis. or will the lands be
restored to their legitimate owners, gradually assimilating the
land laws of the Gold Coast and of Ashanti? Please note that you
are deciding the fate of a nation, a people with grit and backbone.
of men and women richly endowed by nature with intellects and
instincts which make for organised government of a high order.
You are deciding also, let me entreat you to remember, the fate
ofImpcrial West Africa. Yes, Imperial West Africa that shall be.
Nature has decreed that it shall be, but not in your way - not with
the sword, or the Maxim, or by coercion in any shape or form.
The thing will be done with the free will and consent of all the
peoples of West Africa upon native lines; and in all this the Gold
Coast and Ashanti will lead the way, because their sons are
richly endowed by Nature with the qualities for leadership and
guidance.
If you believe me that the Gold Coast and Ashanti will lead the
way in what will prove the grandest conception of the twentieth
century - grandest because Ethiopia will have at length raised up
her hand unto God, - allow me to indicate what sort of an empire
this shall be, and on what lines it shall work. You will allow, as a
working hypothesis, that all the other races of mankind have had
their day, and that the black man is about to have his day. The
common Father of the human race is bringing it about that
the white man shall warmly shake the hand of his fellow black
man in true brotherly grip. There will be fraternity without
hypocrisy, intercourse without compunction, and the question of
colour will be a trifle, because there will be equality of intellect
and oneness in aim and purpose.
CASELY HAYfORD'S SYNTHESIS 327
The black man, you know, has had no chance inAmerica. How
could he? The environment has been dead against him, and,
though emancipated, he remains in many respects a bondman.
The American white would like to get rid of the American black,
but he cannot. It-is the law of compensation. It is like the law-
breaker trying to shake off from his memory the image of his
victim, and the circumstances attending his wrong act. How can
he? No more can white America. This is Nemesis indeed - the
sins of the fathers upon the third and fourth generation. Nor is it
much different in the case of Hayti, or Liberia, or even Sierra
Leone. The nightmare lingers, only in a different form.
But out here, in the primeval forests of the Gold Coast and of
Ashanti, with a simple faith in God, the Aborigines may be trusted
to work out for themselves a civilisation whose fruits shall abide
and influence sister communities, because they will be the fruits
of peace and good-will among men.
How do I know that? I know this, that out here we shall not
have the cry of the working-man for the comforts oflife which his
next-door neighbour enjoys. We shall have no question of the
housing of the poor, or an eight hours a day labour trouble.
Whoever heard on the Gold Coast or in Ashanti of a native who
had no home, or not enough to eat, or more work to do than was
physically good for him? Why, such cannot happen in the nature
of things out here. The founders of the African S.tate System were
men of wisdom and forethought. They cut the Gordian knot of
social unrest in the distant future at a stroke. They ordained that
the interests of the members of a family should be identical. They
evenly balanced the interests of the peoples of a given community,
so that, when swords should have been beaten into plough-shares
in the new civilisation, there would be truly peace and good-will
among men.
Therefore do I hold that, while the social systems of the old
civilisation will be torn aSWlder by communism and socialism,
the new civilisation will enjoy rest and quietness, for the founda-
tions of society are here based upon a rock, and that rock is the
native law of Inheritance. We have no poor laws out here. Every
]28 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

man or woman you meet claims connection with some family or

other. And the members of a family share the fortunes or mis-
fortunes of each other. Hence it is that we have no excessively
rich men or the excessively poor. Talk of the dead upheaval of
the lower classes! Here all members of a family are equal, and yet
there is one above all, namely. the head of the family. To him the
members of the family pay patriarchal honours. While there
prevails this equality, there is yet scope for individual effort,
success, and distinction. We have, in the family system of the
Pantis and Amantis, the panacea for all the ills of the socialism of
the present day.
To return to the argument: when you have two peoples so
nearly related as to be, in fact, one people, welded together by a
common language, by common customs, common laws, com-
mon aims, hopes, and aspirations, it is madness to try and keep
them separate. It is like trying to keep away the SWl fcom kissing
the sea on an African summer day. The only question is, who will
work this fusion and bring about this long-wished-for union? It
is obvious that the foreign intermeddler is an utterly hopeless
individual for this task. He has neither the requisite knowledge,
nor the patience and coolness necessary for the great consumma-
tion. It must be the work of the educated Native, if the British
Government will trust him to do it. On what lines will he pro-
ceed? He will take the Native State System as he fmds it, and
develop and improve it on aboriginal lines, and on scientific
principles.
Let me indicate how harmoniously this System works, how frcc
from internal strifes and heart-burnings. We have seen, in the
earlier chapters of this book, that every individual of a given
community is, by distinct stages in the working of the body
politic, connected with the central State, and, in a measure, shares
in the government thereof. To accentuate the proposition, let me
summarise here briefly how the System works.
Every Native of the Gold Coast or Ashanti is a member of a
family. He sinks or swims by the fo[tWlcs of the family. There is
a community of interest among the members of such family, who,
CASELY HAYfORD'S SYNTHESIS 329
as a rule, trace their ancestry from a common materfamilias. The
male members of such family regard the children of their sisters
with peculiar feelings of kinship. In former times, in a case of
pecuniary difficulties, the nephew or niece would willingly go
into servitude to relieve the uncle, who invariably redeemed his
kith and kin at the first opportunity. The relationship existing
between an uncle and a nephew or a niece is tersely expressed by
the phrase, na dzj yjnaii, meaning 'he is his all in alL' You have
here the bed rock basis of the Native State System. let us proceed
a step higher in the order of development.
Now, a given community, it may be a village community or a
township, consists of individual families, whose heads represent
such individual families in the Village or Town Council. So that
you have here an elective system which is at once natural, and
commands the confidence of the electors. In large townships you
will have the different wards (being, for convenience sake, the
different sections into which the community is divided), consisting
of a given number offamilies, such wards having the right to elect
their most intelligent and influential members into the Town
Council. The heads of the families are known as Palljns, or Elders,
and the head of the ward is the Head Panill, or Chief Elder. To
him all the members of the ward pay the greatest homage and
respect.
But how came families to be congregated together thw into
wards, or into given sections, of the township? If you examine
the matter carefully, you will find that the original members of
the ward are members of the same tribe; for it is a thing practised.
to this day that when a stranger enters a village or township, and
desires to become a member of the community, he fmds out
where the members of his tribe live, and would invariably live
among them, rather than dwell with a different tribe.
Now, since a man belongs to his father's Company, and his
father generally lives with the members of his family, it does,
indeed, happen that the sons of the male members of a given ward
join themselves to such ward. We have thus the beginnings of the
.Arsafu, or Company System, the word Arsafu being a corruption
"
JJO OR.IGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

of ItlseJu, meaning friends, and by extension friends in arms. A

son, in early life, lives with his father, and, naturally, the friends
of his youth would be the youth of his father's ward, and he
would, therefore, as he grew to manhood. associate himself in
arms with the friends of his father's ward. who together would
form an Arsafu, or Company. The principal Panins of the ward
and the principal Captains of the ArsaJu would be entitled to
represent the ward at the Council meetings of the township.
We come next to the Civil ChiefS who form part of the Town
CoWlcil. These generally represent the aristocracy of the tQ'Wl1-
ship, in most cases their ancestors having first settled in the country
with the ancestor of the King or Head-Chief. Then comes the
Linguist. who, as I have shown in an earlier chapter, is the Spokes-
man of the King.
We have thus in the Council of an aboriginal township,
analytically, fust the King, then the Tufuhin. then the Civil Chiefs
in their order of importance. then the Captains according to their
rank, then the Linguists. then the Panins of the several wards.
We have seen that a Village Council is only a miniature Town
COWlcil. Even so is the Town Council but a miniature District
COWlcil, the latter being but a miniature of a Provincial Council,
which again is a miniature of a State Council, the great Parliament
of the people.
Now, to elucidate the foregoing, take for example the town-
ship of Agambra, whose stool is under that of the district of
Princes, whose stool is under that of the province ofAxim, whose
stool is under that of the State of Ahanta. Imagine for a moment,
then, that there is a big political issue affecting the whole State of
Ahanta to be discussed. Notice by gong-gong would be given in
every village community and township throughout the entire
State. The Panins and Captains of the wards of a township, who
would be joined by the Panins of the village communities, would
discuss the matter and arrive at a conclusion among themselves.
They would next appoint the most intelligent of their nwnber
with a Linguist to represent them at the Council of the disttict,
where also the matter would be discussed a second time, and a
CASELY HAYFORD "S SYNT HE SIS JJ I
decision come to. Next, each district would send its representa-
tives with the Head Linguists to the Provincial Council. Lasdy,
the several Head-Chiefs of the provinces would attend the State
Council in great state, with their several principal Councillors
and Linguists, where the King paramount would sit in solemn
conclave with his vassals, and fmally dispose of the matter, such
plebiscite, of course, binding the entire State. It is a beautiful
system, this wheel within wheel, which brings satisfaction to the
minds of the adult members of the entire State, when any matter
affecting their vital interests happens to be under discussion. When
you add to this the further consideration of the almost com-
munistic method of holding property, you have a perfect system,
which, properly developed and worked, would usher in a new
civilisation, the like of which the world has probably never seen.
Now imagine, if you can, the Gold Coast and Ashanti flooded
with knowledge and culture of the best order, and the several
States of the two countries federated together in one Union-with
the same laws, the same customs, the same hopes, and the same
aspirations; working under conditions and arnld environments
peculiar to themselves as unto a peculiar people. Imagine, if you
can, all flying the Union Jack, not by coercion in any shape or
form, but by free choice, as becomes a free people. Think of them
developing the natural resources of the land - a rich legacy be-
queathed. unto them by kind Providence - and pouring into the
lap of Britannia gold, myrrh, and frankincense, the swords for
ever beaten into plough-shares as far as the Gold Coast and
Ashanti are concerned. Imagine what all this would mean! You
may call it a picture of Utopia. I call it a picrure of the new civili-
sation that is to be, when a portion of down-trodden Ethiopia will
have at length raised up her hand unto God.
It is bound to come. The world is moving fast, and the Gold
Coast and Ashanti with it. Will British capital, energy, and
intelligence do it, or will the millionaire from the other side of
the Atlantic, in these days of combines, come along and sweep
the stakes? In any event, the country must move with the times,
and we do not intend to stand still.
332 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

CHAPTER VIII. Wrecking the Empire

... take the case of King Prempeh of Ashanti. now pining away
his days in exile.... The Authorities ... saddled the sins of omis-
sion of all Ashanti upon Prempeh. whose claim to the sovereignty
of all Ashanti they had previously denied. It may be Britishjusticc;
but it certainly does not appeal to the sense of jwtice of the un-
tutored Ashanti now roaming in the wilds of the back country.
an outcast from his former home. This is, again, another way in
which is wrecked the hope of empire in West Africa ....
We have seen how beautifully arranged is the system of
aboriginal representative government, which practically gives the
franchise to every adult member afthe community in the National
Assembly, presided over by the paramoWlt King. When the
Native recalls to mind his own System, the way he is at present
governed, and the suggestion on the part of the British Govern-
ment that they are training him up for self-government, he knows
that such a suggestion is not sincere, and that his national spirit
and independence are being dwarfed the whole time, which,
surely, is another way of wrecking the empire.
But the Native is sure ofms destiny, and, therefore, calls loudly
for reform. . . . The ill-advised hunt for the golden stool by
Governor Hodgson was in 1900. A membcr of Council then said
the Legislative COWlcil had not been consulted. See what a waste
of money and blood would have been saved if this simple prayer
had been granted. Had the representatives of the people from the
Volta to the Assince River been sitting at Victoriaburg, with eight
votes in the Legislative COWlcil and a controlling voice in the
Executive COWlcil of three votes, the greatest blunder of the last
decade in Gold Coast and Ashanti affairs could never have been
committed. For every Nativc knows, as a fundamental principle,
that to ask for a king's stool is to ask for the surrender of the
national integrity, which is the one thing, as an abstract idea, that
a native will keep hold on to after he has lost all.
Moreover, an honourable membcr could have urged that the
policy of the Gold Coast Government should be thc gradual
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS JJ3
healing up of the wowlds so grievously inflected upon the sense
of justice and fair-play of the people of Ashanti, rather than to
keep them open. For, mark you, the talk about human sacrifices
and barbarous customs and slave-raiding is aU cant. What lies
behind it all is the desire for the good things of Ashanti that would
come into the pockets of the British capitalist. How many
thousands are mowed down by the Maxim in a single expedition?
And in times of peace are not 'rebel chiefs' freely hanged? The
Ashanti loathes the hangman's noose, but gladly lays his neck
upon the execution block. The latter he accounts honourable
death, if death he has deserved; the former he regards as a disgrace-
ful exit which his soul abhors. I do not personally approve of
executions and slave-raiding. or of slavery in any shape or form.
But what calls for loud protest is, that these should be made a cloak
for cant - an apology for the usc of the Maxim gun - when all
the time all the world knows that you arc simply taking part in
the scramble for the black man's country. It is unpalatable, I
know; but it is true all the same.
I dearly love this ideal of Imperial West Africa, and I sincerely
desire that the golden hope may not be wrecked. The country is
flooded even now with intelligence. With hardly sixty years'
educational advantages. we have a remarkable band of able men
in all walks of life, asign of the coming greatness of the people in
the new century and in the new civilisation. We only ask for
opportunity, that opportunity being fundamentally the prayer
that the Aborigines may now be allowed to take part in the work
of legislation for their native land.
Will Great Britain do her duty to the Gold Coast and to
Ashanti, or will she turn away from the prayer in scorn?
27 Ethiopia Unbotmd:
Studies in Race Emancipation
(19II) pp. 1-197

CHAPTER J. An Ethiopian CotlSerllatilit

At the dawn of the twentieth century, men of light and le.lding
both in Europe and in America had not yet made up their minds
as to what place to assign to the spiritual aspirations of the black
man; and the Nations were casting about for an answer to the
wail which went up from the heart of the oppressed race for
opportunity. And yet it was at best but an impotent cry. For there
has never lived a people worm writing about who have not shaped
out a destiny for themselves, or carved out their own opportunity.
Before this time, however. it had been discovered that the black
man was not necessarily the missing link between man and ape.
It had even been granted that for intellectual endowments he had
nothing to be ashamed orin an open competition with the Aryan
or any other type. Here was a being anatomically perfect, adaptive
and adaptable to any and every sphere of the struggle for life.
Sociologically, he had succeeded in recording upon the pages of
contemporary history a conception of family life unknown to
Western ideas. Moreover, he was the scion of a spiritual sphere
peru1iar unto himself; for when Western Nations would have
exhausted their energy in the vain struggle for the things which
satisfy not, it was felt that it would be to these people to whom
the world wou1d turn for inspiration, seeing that in them only
wou1d be found those elements which make for pure altruism, the
leaven of all human experience.
Again, the art of the caricaturist had by now been played out.
It was no longer possible, as far as this race was concerned, to
depict the Sultan of Zanzibar. for example, other than as an
Ethiopian gentleman, 'clothed and in his right mind.'
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS III
And there were sons of God among them, men whom the Gods
visited as of yore; for even now three continents were ringing
with the names of men like Du Bois, Booker T. Washington,
Blyden, Dunbar, Coleridge Taylor, and others - men who had
distinguished themselves in the fields of activity and intellectuality
- and it was by no means an uncommon thing to meet in the
universities of Europe and America the sons of Ethiopia in quest
of the golden tree of knowledge.
Here, in London, about the time of which we write, were to
be seen two young men, walking arm in arm up Tottenham
Court Road, and, ever and anon, stopping to examine old dirty
books in some second class bookstall, or some quaint relics in a
curiosity shop.
Presently, the twain stopped at a particularly ancient looking
bookshop off a by-street leading to Upper Bedford Place. The
darker man of the two picked up from the stall outside, a well-
thumbed copy of Marcus Aurelius, and began carelessly to tum
over the leaves. Suddenly he stopped, and his face grew pensive.
Turning to his friend, he said, 'Isn't it funny, Whitely, the remark-
able similarity of thought and almost of expression there is
between all the great teachers of the past? Listen to what, for
instance, Marcus Aurelius says here,' reading aloud a paragraph
from the Meditations, which ran thus: "'Pray not to save thy child,
but that thou mayest not fear to lose him." Now, you, a Divinity
student, what do you make of that?' And without waiting for an
answer, he added, 'Does it not read very much like the teaching
of the holy Nazarene - "He that fmdeth his life shall lose it," or
words to that effect? Now, what I wish to know is what hadJesu.~
Christ in common with Marcus Aurelius?'
'Candidly, Kwamankra,' said Whitely, 'I have never given the
matter a thought; but since you put the question, and viewing it
from a merely debatable standpoint, I am inclined to say that the
first question to consider is whether Jesus Christ was man or God.'
Kwamankra raised his eyes in astonishment. 'You do surprise
me, Whitely; how can you, of all others. have any doubt upon
the matter? I thought you were going up for Orders.'
JJ6 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Whitely appeared confused, hut soon regaining composure, he

said to his companion, 'Let us move on:
As they sauntered along, Whitely began: 'You know, Kwa-
mankra, I can talk better walking, and I will not answer the
question you put to me a while ago. At one time I thought of
taking Orders. and even now I may do so. But a little evil thing
in the shape of an unanswerable doubt haunts me by day and
night, and it is even the self-same question I put to you at the
book shop.'
'Well, I hardly know what to say. Whitely. In these matters, I,
of course, regard myself as an outsider. You sec we pagans come
all the way here to sit at the feet of Gamaliel,' he said with a little
mischievous laugh, 'and it is uncommonly hard upon us for you
to entertain doubts upon the broad questions upon which we seck
comparison and light. But I can conceive of no such difficulty as
you experience in our system. Jesus Christ man or God?' he
repeated slowly and musingly unto himself - thell turning some-
what suddenly to his friend, he said, 'You know, Whitely, since
I learnt your language, not as a vehicle of thought, but as a means
of more intimately studying your philosophy, I have been trying
to get at the root idea of the word "God"; and so far as my
researches have gone, it is an Anglo-Saxon word, the Teutonic
form being Gutha, which is said to be quite distinct from "good".
Whence then. one may ask, come your ideas, as associated with
the fountain of all good. of omnipresence. omniscience. om-
nipotence? Of coune they are borrowed from the Romans. who
were pagans like ourselves, and who, indeed. had much to learn
from the Ethiopians through the Greeks.'
A turn or two took the young men to Russell Square. and soon
they found themselves at Bedford Place. The darker man of the
two produced a latch-key, and invited his companion to come in.
There was nothing remarkable about the rooms except that they
were furnished in the Oriental style. Here and there, at convenient
comers, were divans with rich cushions, embroidered in silk. and
carpets of leopard skins into which the feet sank as one walked.
On the walls were trophies, consisting principally of African
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHES I S 3) 7
weapons. There werc to be seen a collection of musical instru-
ments of all descriptions, some so simple as to make one wonder
how any symphony could be got out of them. A well-filled shelf,
with a plain oak desk, littered with written matter, with some
flowers here and there, about completed the outward circumstance
of the room into which our visitor was ushered. Pushing well
forward the only easy chair in the room, and placing his friend
in it with a smile of welcome, he threw himself upon a low seat
beside him, touched a bell on a side table, and ordered some
refreshment.
'{ hope you don't mind myoid-world ways,' remarked
Kwamankra. 'You know, though I have lived in this country
fairly long, off and on, I like to sniff a bit of tht' African air
somehow where'er I go.'
'That is perfectly natural, at least with a well-balanced mind,'
correcting himself, said Whitely; 'but what I can't under~tand is
that you don't seem a bit Eastern in your methods of work. To
judge from that pile yonder,' eyeing the notes mischievously, 'one
wouldn't think you were over here for a holiday.'
'Oh, that is only a bit of derivative work. You have no
idea how interesting it is. Would you like to see what I am
doing?'
'How good of you! I should be delighted.'
'I shall soon be finishing now,' said Kwamankra excitedly. 'You
see 1 am at the letter "y". And that reminds me: you remember
a while ago my taking you to task over the feebleness of the idea
of "God" in the AngllrSaxon language. I have just got the
corresponding word here in Fanti. It is a hig word, so big that
you can hardly manage it:-
Nyiakropon.
Docs it convey any meaning to you? How can it? And yet. I can
assure you, my friend, it is no mere barbarous jargon. It is the
combination of distinct root ideas in one word. It relateS back to
the beginning of all things visible, and links the intelligent part
of man with the great Intelligence of the Wliversc. Breaking up
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the word into its component parts, as I have done, we have: -

Nyia nuku ara oye pon. That is,
He who alone is great.'
'How very suggestive. Who should have thought it?' observed
Whitely, enthusiastically.
'Well, let us take the next word, then,
Nyami,
which is still more suggestive, and analyse it. Broken up, it stands
in bold relief thus: -
Nyia aye emi. That is,
He who is lam.
Now compare the Hebrew lam hath sent me, and you have it.
Nor is this a fanciful play upon roots, for our people slng unto
this day:
.. Wana si onyi Nyami se?
Vasayi wo ho inde, okina na onyi,
Nyami firi tsitsi kaisi Odumankuma."
meaning:
"Who says he is equal with God?
Man is to-day, to-morrow he is not,
lam is from eternity to eternity." ,
'You can now Wlderstand: continued Kwamankra in a low,
sad tone, 'why your difficulty surprised me. But now that I come
to think of it, it may be due to the limitations of yow language.'
'After what you have just shown me, I must confess there is a
deal in what you say; and somehow you Orientals manage to
keep yow hold on the eternal verities, where we Botmder and are
lost.'
'Pardon me, my good friend, not quite that. As yet you arc only
drifting, drifting, drifting away from the ancient moorings that
you Westerners built in sand. Jesus Christ came from the East. In
Bethlehem he was born, and in Egypt was he nurtured; and, yet,
you seek to teach Him us. We have caught His Spirit and live;
CASELY HAYF ORD ' S SYNT H ESIS 339
you follow the letter and are tossed hither and thither by every
w ind. Forgive me when I say that the future of the world is with
the East. The nation that can, in the next century, show the
greatest output of spiri tual strength, that is the nation that shall
it.-ad the world, and as Buddha from Africa taught Asia, so may
Africa again lead the way.'
'I am not prepared to dispute the matter with you, Kwamankra,
and there seems to be a good deal of truth in what you say; but
how about the doubt deep down in my own heart? That is a
personal affair, you know. In a word, what think you of the
Christ?'
'What a clever dialectician you are, Whitely, to be sure? If I
did not know you so well, I would hardly think you were serious.
You throw back to me the question I put to you a while ago, and
lay upon me the burden of solving my own riddle:
Whitely's voice was low and sad with a suspicion of emotion in
his whole manner, as he said: 'Forgive me, Kwamankra, if 1 have
seemed A.ippant;I was never more serious in my life.l have arrived
at acrisis in my career which may mean disaster at any moment;
and, what is more, Wltil this day I have never had the courage to
speak it out to any of my friends for fear they would mock at my
doubts.'
Kwamankra turned upon his friend a look full of penetration
and sympathy; and, for the moment, Whitely felt wleasy Wlder
the searching glance of the Eastern student. It seemed to him as if
in that instant Kwamankra had probed his inner nature and fOW1d
it shallow.
'According to our ideas, Whitely, one broad divinity nms
through humanity, and whether we are gods, or we are men,
depends upon how far we have given way to the divine influence
operating upon our humanity; and, comparing one system with
another, I must confess there was in the man Christ Jesus a g reater
share of divinity than in any tcacher before or after Him, and that
was in my mind when I was wondcring what Marcus Aurelius
had in common with Jesus Christ.'
'But tell me, Whitely, supposing Jesus Christ had been born of
3,0 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

an Ethiopian woman instead of Mary of the line of David. do you

think it would have made any difference in the way he influenced
mankind?'
'What a strange question,' rerurned Whitely; 'our Lord born
of an Ethiopian woman?' - forgetting his doubts for the moment
- 'Whatever put such an idea into your head? I am sure you arc
the first man who has given expression to such a thought.'
'Yes, it is strange' - and there was a vibration of the intcnsest
pathos in Kwamankra's voice - 'that an African should venture
to think that the Holy One of God might have been born of his
race. I can easily interpret your thoughts; but. tell me, what is
there extraordinary in the idea?'
'Oh, I don't know. Habits of thought. convention, and all that
sort of thing, I suppose. And yet I am hardly qualified to speak
upon these things: said Whitely, softening.
He rose to go. He was due farther west to see his people. Before
leaving, he laid a hand on Kwamankra's shoulder, and looking
gravely into his face, he said: 'It is a pity, Kwamankra, I did not
meet you a little earlier in my career. But even now, it may not
be too late. Good-bye! Mind you meet me at Liverpool Street
Station before the hour for the night train up. Good-bye l'

CHAPTER v. In the Metropolis oJthe Gold Coast

In the year of grace, 1904, there was no such thing as a water
supply in the town of Sekondi, the pet little preserve of His
Majesty's Gold Coast Government. Nor was this in any way
strange. The Government and the people of the Gold Ceast had
always depended upon Providence for such a common necessary
of life as water. So, it happened, that when the Metropolis was
being laid out into 'High Streets' and open spaces. it had not
dawned upon the authorities that man was a thirsty animal, and
this notwithstanding gentle reminders on the part of experienced
men in the past. If you search the Colonial archives, you will ftnd
that in the eighties of the old century Dr. Lamprey of the Army
Medical Service proposed a simple scheme for supplying the
ancient town of Cape Coast with fresh water. The Governmem
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 34'
went to sleep over the proposal, nor did it wake up over the sug-
gestion to lead the waters of Homo to Accra, the headquarters of
the Government. As matters stand, when Providence fails the
Metropolis, men are known actually to resort to soda water for
the daily ablution.
Now, if you want to see Sekondi at its best and the water
question at its worst, you must approach the town in the month of
March on one of Messrs. Elder Dempster's boars, at the season of
the year, that is to say, when other parts of the COlllltry are already
being bathed in refreshing showers. As you rOlllld off Tacradi
Bay, you see the mother of Gold Coast civilisation enveloped in
a sheet of overhanging clouds charged with electricity. The side
view that is presented shows a city of great promise. Already
there are signs of the heavens giving way, and raindrops patter on
the ship's deck. But even while you are wondering what a wet
landing you are going to have, a blaze oflight breaks out on the
north-east, and the Titan of the upper sphere leaps forth triumph-
antly over thllllder and storm. As you divest yourself of your
mackintosh, a cynical old coaster says to you: 'That's Sekondi all
over; I shouldn't be surprised if the tanks are all dry.'
In other parts of the world harbour works generally precede
railways; but here an apology for a pier-head does service for
harbour accommodation. The result is you have to land in an open
boat often with an angry surf surging around you. Let us assume,
however, that you have landed safely. If you had known Sekondi
in the days of its pristine innocence, you will fmd that an iron
bridge now spans the ancient natural bOlllldary between the
English and the Dutch towns. From the echoes beneath proceeds
forth the monotonous dirge of an asthmatic engine which appears
to be trying to do the work of two engines in a climate which,
according to some, is bad for man, beast, and locomotive.
Where once stood the English town and the uplands beyond,
one can see at sunset a nwnber of well-arranged wooden houses
on brick pillars, looking quaint and striking in the distance, but
disappointing upon nearer view. At the foot of the hill lies the
railway station, the first sign of civilisation, as you meet it on the
)42 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Gold Coast. It is the terminus of the Great North Western of the

the Gold Coast. And a beautiful line it is with its sprightly curves
and gradients and its thirty-nine miles in something like three
hours. But I am anticipating.
If you arc not in a hurry to descend, you may come with me to
the Manager's bWlgalow, from the spacious verandah of which
YOllcan catch a bird's-eye view of Sekondi, bathed in the twilight,
as the SWl moves leisurely in the western sky right into the bosom
of the mighty ocean. So restful is the scene!
If you know the history of this town, a momentary sweep of the
eye will bring back to memory signs of a former strife; for over-
looking the Bay, there stands the old Fort, a symbol of the strife
between the Dutch and the English in pre-locomotive days. The
struggle, in name, was between two European nations, in reality
between two aboriginal factions, who, for aught one knows to the
contrary, might have otherwise lived in peace. The Dutch or the
English flag was the standard which drew the natives in thousands
into opposing camps, and for which they shed their blood freely,
only that the white man might obtain freer scope to barter
spurious drinks for the precious metal which the torrential rains
washed to the very doors of the aborigines.
It is a sad reflection, but a legitimate one, that in the present day
the successors of the leaders, who bore the heat and the burden of
the day in order that British commerce might gain a footing on
these shores, are not remembered as they should be by the British
Government. But it is true that they are protected; it is feared
very much protected. To be accurate, they are remembered some-
times in the partitioning of their territories, the minimisingof their
authority, and, worse than all, in some cases, in the sowing of those
seeds of discord, calculated to destroy the integrity of a people.
The work of destrllction, speaking generally, goes on not in the
light of day, but, metaphorically, in the dark hours of night. The
mighty Titan does not knock down his victim and deprive him of
life outright. Oh no! that would be too crude a way. With the
gin bottle in the one hand, and the Bible in the other, he urges
moral excellence, which, in his heart of hearts, he knows to be
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 343
impossible of attainment by the African Wlder the circwnstances;
and when the latter fails, his benevolent protector makes such
failure a cause for dismembering his tribe, alienating his lands,
appropriating his goods, and sapping the fOWldations of his
authority and institutions. To apply Tennyson's simile, the Titan
only knows what the Titan wants, or what he means. And all the
while the eternal verity remains that the natural line of develop-
ment for the aborigines is racial and national, and that this is the
only way to successful European intercourse and enterprise. The
situation could not be better hit off than in the suggestive lines of
Mr. Guy Eden who, with marvellous insight, has wriuen in the
'King of the Blacks':
'Clad in the civilised rags of hwnanity,
Blear-eyed and shaggy, he limps down the street,
Grinning about him with childish urbanity,
Begging of all whom he chances to meet.
Begging, but not for sound garments to cover him,
Nor for the food that he longs for, you'd think.
No, for a civilised passion is over him,
All that he asks and he craves for is drink!

'But in the days long before the white man appeared,

Here on this spot where a town was unknown,
HWlger and thirst were two things Billy never feared,
Round him was plenty, and all was his own.
All was his own, for a tribe paid their court to him,
Called him their King, in those days that are past,
Subjects in scores all their loyalty brought to him,
First amongst men was he then - now, the last!

'Where are all they who would make such a "bobbery",

Roaming the bush like glad children at play,
Where the mad whirl oft the tribal "corrobboree",
Where the wild chaunt at the close of the day?
Scattered and gone, for the world had no room for them,
Far o'er the seas came the pitiless cry:
344 ORIGINS OF WEST AFR I CAN NATIONALISM

"Why should they live? Fate has writ large its doom for them,
Laud for the whites! Let the black fellows die!"
'''Land for the whites!" Aye. the answer came speedily,
Civilisation. with hot eager stride,
Sweeping upon them with maw gaping greedily,
Swallowed. them up in their pitiful pride.
See there the last of them, King in the days of old!
Now 'midst the lowest he takes the last place.
Surely some day, when the story of life is told.
Angels will weep for the last of his race!'
But we were taking a passing view of Sekondi, and our com-
panion was none other than Kwamankra. We have retraced our
steps over the railway bridge, and are now in Dutch Sekondi. On
the left wing of the street are a number of substantial business
houses looking defiantly down upon a small building offout bare
walls which represents the Wesleyan tabernacle at Sekondi.
The spot upon which this simple building stands is historic.
Here, half a century ago, was waged the civil war between the
English and the Dutch, in which the good African missionary,
K wamina Affua, who had been baptised by the good missionaries
as James Hayford, sometimes British Resident at Kumasi, an
ancestor ofKwamankra, and a brother of Kweku Atta, the then
Omanhin of Cape Coast, lost his life. As peacemaker, he had gone
to help separate the combatants. In the struggle he was brutally,
though perhaps, Wlintcntionally, struck down. Peace be to his
ashes! It is a sacred spot, and no wonder that the stars in their
courses would seem to fight against the powers of mammon in
their efforts to dislodge the worshippers.
It being the hour of prayer, Kwamankra followed the crowd
into the holy edifice, resolved to see for himself the result of fifty
years of missionary effort. He noticed familiar faces here and there.
There was Kwesi Yaw. who was quite a kid. and a carpenter's
apprentice. in his school days at Cape Coast. How he had aged!
The lines of care were thickly marked on his face. Yonder was
Essi Maynu. who used to be the JalUldry maid at the old boarding
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 345
establishment. Marks of age were upon her too; and when he
remembered how gay and sprightly they, the young people, were
in those bygone days, a sense of sadness came over him.
What were they doing here? They had come to worship, of
course. Did they worship, or did they not, in those far away days
when they, the young people, joined hands together in the moon-
light under the open sky and sang Sanko songs? Even then, to
Kwamankra, the words of their familiar Sanko were full of
meaning; and as he listened to-day to the wheezing sound of an
old harmonium upon which a missionary boy was performing, he
could not help thinking how much his people lost in passing from
their ways to those of the white man. For a harmonium they had
castanets with which they kept time as one of their number,
Kobina Edu it was, gave the solo of the favourite Sanko while
they joined in the chorus. He remembered the words so well, and
readily recalled them:
Mi sankofu, wo nwhe bra yaku apa,
Inwhe bra wumba arku awiay;
Aryarsa, ye yi WII be ye biada!
Obiri, Osawu si ay!
Adapawi, osawIIsi,
Mimpona, bada miyamu.
Aft yi na nisini yafuna!
Anapawi, mi dofll, mimpona ba da miyam!
Meaning:
Companions mine, see how well we've struggled,
Behold how far thy children have striven;
If so be, we shall still struggle on!
She is black and comely, she is like unto her sire!
Morning star, thou art like unto thy sire!
My sweetheart, come to my embrace;
My Saviour, come to my bosom.
How wearied are we this season!
Morning star, sweetheart mine, beloved, come to my
embrace!
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRIC .... N N.... TION .... LISM

How simple, how natural, how spontaneous all this was com-
pared with the refrain of 'Dare to be a Daniel,' composed and
sung by Ira D. Sankey, which the missionary boy, with so much
effort, was trying to play in tune. Those were the days of healthy
Fanc manhood. The nation has missed the promise of her prime,
and is likely to bow her gray hairs in sorrow and shame to the
grave.
The congregation was composed for the most part of children,
clad each in a few fathoms of Manchester home-spuns. At the
head of the choir was the schoolmaster whose attire certainly
invited attention. In his elegantly cut-away black morning coat
and beautifully-glazed cuffs and collar, not to speak of patent
leather shoes, which he kept spotlessly bright by occasionally
dusting them with his pocket handkerchief, tucked away in his
shirt sleeves, he certainly looked a veritable 'swell,' but he also did
look a veritable fool.
And this was the Stull total of half a century of missionary zeal
and effort. Could it be for this that the simple good-hearted
fathers of our race had suffered and died? They prayed for light
fat themselves and for their children's children. But instead of
light, say ye Gods, does not darkness brood over the land?
The preacher was a white man, preaching to a black congrega-
tion; and outside on the front wall of the holy edifice was to be
seen a notice which informed all whom it might concern that there
would be a service for Europeans in the Club House at the station
at a certain hour that day. Kwamankra turned away in disgust.
Later in the day he came across Essi Maynu, the selfsame
laWldry maid of old days. He said to her: 'Do you remember me,
Essi?' She looked him up and down, and made a move as if to
embrace him, but she checked herself.
'What's the matter.' said Kwamankra. 'Does your new religion
teach you to be shy of old friends? Now, to show you that I, at
least, am not changed, I shall come rOlUld this evening with some
of my Sankofu; and shan't we have a nice time with music and
with dance?' She raised her eyes in holy horror as much as to say:
'Get thee behind me Satan.'
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 347
Kwamankra retreated like a beaten man; but the lesson was not
lost on him. Henceforth he was resolved to devote the rest of his
life in bringing back his people to their primitive simplicity and
faith. And, in that resolve, he mused upon the words: 'Bushido
(Shintoism) offers us the ideal of poverty instead of wealth,
hwrulity in place of ostentation, reserve instead of redame, self-
sacrifice in place of selfishness, the care of the interest of the State
rather than that of the individual. It inspires ardent courage and
the refusal to turn back upon the enemy. It looks death calmly in
the face. and prefers it to ignominy of any kind. It preaches
submission to authority and the sacrifice of all private interests,
whether of self or of family, to the common weal. It requires its
disciples to submit to a strict physical and mental discipline,
develops a martial spirit, and by lauding the virtues of courage.
constancy, fortitude, faithfulness, daring, self-restraint, offers an
exalted code of moral principles, not only for the man and the
warrior, but for men and women in times both of peace and
,
war.
'That is it; that is it; I have it,' said Kwamankra. 'If my people
are to be saved from national and racial death, they must be
proved as jf by fire - by the practice of a virile religion, not by
following emasculated sentimentalities which men shamelessly
and slanderously identify with the holy One of God, His son,Jesus
Christ.'

CHAPTER VI. The World, the Flesh and the Devil

For the Rev. Silas Whitely the die was cast. Passing from college
to ordination without any fixed ideas as to his own relation to
God in his son Jesus Christ, or otherwise, and yielding to the
advice of an old college chum, Kennedy Bilcox by name, who at
this time was holding the post of Political Officer on the Gold
Coast, he had made up his mind to put in an application for the
Colonial Chaplaincy at Sekondi rather than continue to face a life
of penury as a curate in East London, particularly as he knew a
friend or twowhowould work the back door influence beautifully
with the officials at the Colonial Office on his behalf.
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

'And what is the screw like,' eagerly asked Whitely, when

Bilcox first made the suggestion to him.
'Oh, it is only a matter of some five hundred a year with an
annual rise of twenty-five pounds, until you reach six hundred
pOWlds, besides fees and allowances thrown in here and there,
passages in and out free every twelve months, etcetera, etcetera,
etcetera, with an assistant chaplain, a black. man of course, to save
you unnecessary drudgery.'
'That is quite good enough for me, minus the etceteras, and I
am sure I thank you from the bottom of my heart for giving me
an inkling of such a billet. By George! how spoilt you Colonials
arc; and to think I was going to immure myself in East London
for the rest of my narurallife!'
'But, remember,' put in Bilcox, 'you will be subject to disci-
pline. You must not, for example, join the silly band of "progres-
sives," or your chances of promotion will be absolutely nil, and
you may even run the risk of being shelved altogether. The
process of shelving is a simple o ne. You get down with fevcc;
you are invalided home; you never return again, that is all.'
'You needn't fear about that. I have no proclivities that way,
but tell me all about the "progressives" on the Gold Coast.'
'Why, they are a mere handful of white fools who are blind
enough not to see where their bread is buttered, and who advo-
cate equal rights for the native, and all that sort of tommy rot.
Now, betwccn ourselves,' breaking out into a ow l mischievous
laugh, 'the Lieutenant-Governor himsclfhad progressive leanings
when he first came out among us, and would not take the advice
of w, old coasters. Heseemed then as if he could dine off niggers,
pardon a bit of Coast slang, until he was bitten, and bitten
pretty sharply too, I can tell you. Now he sings the "progres-
sive" tune no longer,' laying particular emphasis on the last
sentiment.
'But how was he bitten, and by whom?'
'By the Fanos, of course. Didn't you read in the papers at the
time how he was hooted by the Fanti women in the central
province? I was for bombarding their stronghold and sending the
CAS ELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 349
niggers Bying all over the country, but the old hounder, the
Permanent Secretary at the Colonial Office. who, hy the way, is
the one who really rules the roost, wouldn't let us. The thing is
too bad, to think of niggers hooting a Lieutenant-Governor.'
'I confess, Bilcox, I cannot see the magnitude of the offence. I
suppose there must have been something to hoot the good
Governor for.'
'Oh, it was all about the Provincial Council question', answered
Bilcox, wearily, as if struck by a sudden thought. 'I must he
going home now. My little daughter will be all eagerness to
welcome her papa. I came up to London to draw my pay, and
meeting old coasters seems always to arouse the brute part of one
somehow.'
'How do you mean, Bilcox?' said Whitely. 'Surely you must
have a better account of your fellows than that.'
Bilcox, ignoring the thrust, said in a sad tone:
'You know, Whitely, sometimes 1 cannot stand the funny little
questions my little daughter puts to me when 1 return home from
Africa. She has an idea that God has made of one blood all nations
to dwell on the face of the earth - you know the quotation; it is
more in your line. I don't know whence she got the notion , but,
"papa," she would jwnp on my knee, and looking me straight in
the face with her delicate blue eyes, "papa," she would begin, "I
hope you were very good to those poor African people whom
you have to look after. They say they are sometimes badly treated,
but you will be kind to them, won't you?" When 1 am alone, I
do think of these things, and my better self whispers to me that
the child's sentiments ate right, and that they are directly contra-
dictory to my line of official work.'
'There is a great deal in what you say. To be frank, Bilcox, I
must say I cannot see, for instance, why sensible men should go
into hysterics because a Lieutenant-Governor was hooted at.
Why, 1 was at a meeting the other day at the Queen's Hall when
Mr. Balfour was hissed at,and for a considerable length of time he
could not get a heating. 1 don't remember the Hussars being
called out to punish the naughty little band of British barbarians,
ljO ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

as Grant Allen good-humouredly dubs us. And mind you he was

the Prime Minister.'
'Perhaps that is the reasonable way oflooking at the matter, but
we all suffer from an affliction known as Coast conscience, and
the powers save you, if you, as parson, should get a touch of it
when you get out there. As for mysdf, I shall go quite crazy one
of these days, if I don't soon give up this job.'
In due course the Rev. Silas Whitely received his appointment
as Colonial Chaplain of Sekondi. nor did he fmd the emoluments
of the office in any way exaggerated by his friend the Political
Officer. His mother was satisfied, but to do the reverend gentle-
man justice. before sailing out, his own heart was full of misgiving
first as to his own spiritual condition, secondly as to whether he
would have the moral courage, in the face of official stress, to do
his duty as a man. A few months of coast life, however, soon
settled all his doubts. Why should he worry about the matter of
his spiritual condition. He was not the ftrst clergyman who had
been troubled with conscientious scruples. He would go through
the ordinary routine of his work, and, when his term was ended,
he would pack up his traps and go. Besides, it appeared that he had
set too high an estimate upon the black character. The blacks, he
had come to consider, were nothing but a pack of dishonest
people, robbing white traders right and left, smuggling contra-
band goods, and defrauding His Majesty's Government when-
ever they could. His duty as a Colonial Chaplain was plain. He
must teach these people the elementary principles of honesty,
thereby working hand in hand with His Majesty's judges who
had arrived at the same result. It was true there were a few
exceptions among the educated class, but he was beginning to
entertain doubts as to how to place even that class, and he was not
at all sure how he would receive Kwamankra even, whom he
assured himself he had known just slightly in the 'Varsity, ifhe
happened to meet him on the Gold Coast.
The Assistant Colonial Chaplain was the Rev. Kwaw Baidu,
who drew an annual stipend of one hundred and fUry pounds.
Besides doing the pastoral work along the railway line, including
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 351
the management of a mission at Tarkwa, he had the bulk of the
chaplaincy work thrown upon him, while the Chaplain himself
was content to draw his fat pay and take things easy, as, he took
care to explain, the medical officer had advised him to do as little
as possible on account of the dreadful climate. Outside purely
official duties, the Colonial Chaplain had nothing to do with his
assistant, who was a highly cultured man, and, in some respects,
his senior, having taken a better degree than the Chaplain. Not
that the Chaplain was in any way unkind to the Assistant Chap-
lain. Oh, dear no ! He only wished it to be mutually understood that
between them was a natural gulf fixed - the gulf of a difference in
their respective social status. So that if the twain happened to be
at work together at the chaplaincy, and the Supervisor of Cus-
toms. let us say, called, he would politely say: 'Mr. Baidu would
you kindly excuse me. you will fmd the verandah cool and
comfortable,' and would never venture upon an introduction.
The Rev. Kwaw Baidu was an humble-minded man, and so
long as the Colonial Chaplain did not come in conRict with him
upon matters of principle, he did not mind. But, at last, an occa-
sion for stwnbling and a rock of offence arose in the shape of the
segregation question. The town of Akrokeri had been laid out
into a European quarter immediately fronting the railway, and
occupying the finest site the neighbourhood yielded, while the
native chief and his people who by rights should own the whole
surface, save such as was actually required for building purposes
by the mines, had. with the connivance of the Government, been
located on the steeps of a line of hills to the east, for which they
had to pay quarterly rent. But when the question of building a
cemetery for the interment of Akrokerites arose, and the European
inhabitants put forward the view that on no account would they
commingle their dead with the dead of 'niggers,' and the matter
was by the Political Officer referred to the chaplaincy for opinion,
the Rev. Silas Whitely held that the Europeans were right, and the
thing put the Rev. Kwaw Baidu's back up.
'Do you mean to say, you an ambassador of Jesus Christ, that
you are going to support any such nonsense as this which knocks
352 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

the bottom out of all Christian charity? No wonder that the

people turn a deaf car to all my appeals. I will speak plainly to
you for once. If you do not yield to reason and the spirit of Christ,
whom you and I profess to follow, I will report your conduct to
the Bishop. and, if need be, I will appeal to the Archbishop of
Canterbury.'
'You may do what you like, Mr. Baidu, but you seem to forget
that this is a British Colony, and that the salaries of you and me arc
paid by the Colonial Government, and not by the Archbishop of
Canterbury. Besides, I consider your opposition a piece of im-
pertinence, and you must consider yourself suspended until I have
recommended your dismissal to headquarters.'
In due course the Rev. Kwaw Baidu was compulsorily retired
from the Colonial service, and a path, thirty-six feet wide, was
marked between the European and native cemeteries, and the
former beautifully fenced in with money mostly contributed by
the black folk. But the matter got noised abroad, and there wasn't
a soul in the diocese of Sekondi that did not come to know
of it....

CHAPTER VII. Signs of Empire: Loyal Hearts

It was Empire Day - the 24th of May - the day on which was
commemorated throughout the Empire the birth of the great
white Queen who, in her life, surroWlded the British throne with
a halo of womanly virtues, the kind of thing before which, in all
ages and in all climes, the heart of Wliversal man bows low in
reverential homage and respect.
The Gold Coast is also a component part of the British Empire-
as necessary to the complete whole as the smallest link to the
complete chain; and so, as the women trooped out this morning
in their hundreds in Ethiopian costumes with their hair done up
in the most graceful, yet picturesque, fashions, and the children
with bunting and palms and flowers, all gay and merry as for a
wedding feast, one could easily realise that the heart of the people
was true. What could not be made of material such as this - the
nucleus of the free Ethiopian Empire that is to be?
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNT H ESIS 353
Why had they thus turned out? What meaning had 'Empire
Day' for these simple folk? All they knew was that the great white
Queen, the great AlVuraba, or mistress, whose son now reigned
over them, had been born on this day, and her they delighted to
honour; but if you asked them wherefore they loved and cherished
her memory, they could not tell you why. Perhaps it was an in-
stinctive feeling that she, a good woman, could never be unkind
to them and their people, and sympathy had begotten loyalty.
After she was gone, they familiarly referred to her, and said :
'[nde AWllraba niba adzi adzi, wo ma ye nkoko sumunu,' that was to
say, 'Now our mistress's son reigns; let us go and serve him'.
It was a day to be remembered by the merchant, because he
lost money by the closure of his factory; by the official, because
it gave him a day off and extra drinks; by the school children,
because they came in for a treat gratuitously supplied by the simple
folk of the community, as a kind of offering to the great white
throne. And so it happened that all had enjoyed themselves and
made merry.
By Kenny Bilcox this day of days had been spent in looking
over the District Record Book for the past six months during
which he had been away on furlough. He was to take charge on
the morrow, as his assistant was due for leave. But the more he
read the more furious did he become. Things had not altogether
gone to his liking. It was late in the afternoon; the day had been
sultry; and he, faithful servant of the King, had worked late and
long. Suddenly, turning round to his orderly: 'Kwesi,' he said,
'run
. fast,
,
fast, to Mr. Macan and tell him I want him here one
time.
'Yes, Sar!' and, in a moment, Kwesi was racing down the main
street in the direction of the parade ground.
'Maser want you, sar,' said Kwesi to Macan. who was enjoying
himself immensely in his own fashion.
'And whar on earth does "maser" want wjth me on a day like
this? Say to "maser" I dey come.'
'Tut! tut! tut! whatever good are you for, I should like to
know,' said Political Officer Bilcox to his assistant. David Macan .
•
354 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

as in return to a low respectful bow, he merely glanced Macan's

way in a half nod, half menace. 'The fact is,' he pursued, 'you are
too d-m straight for the Gold Coast Diplomatic Service. It is
like you Scotch people. you arc always putting your confounded
conscience before obvious duty. Here you have gone and spoilt
a whole eighteen months of strenuous work on my part to put
into operation in Insima District the policy mapped out by the
Lieutenant-Governor. '
David Macan was somewhat taken aback at this sort of recep-
tion. and, at first, did not know whether to put it down to the
extra rise in the thermometer, extra whiskies and sodas, or to his
ill luck in being born with a conscience. Truth to tell. David
Macan was a typical Scotchman, as straight as a die, and had already
gained for himself among the Africans the sobriquet of 'honest
David.' ReSecting a moment, David said, 'Excuse me, sir, but I
don't know in the least what you are talking about. Perhaps if you
took the matter calmly, I can understand you better. In the mean-
while, let me warn you, sir: his Scotch blood for the nonce
getting the better of him, 'that much as I respect you, I shall
seriously resent the next rash reference you make to my people.'
'And what on earth do you mean by allowing that impudent
rascal Kwamankra to sneak into this district?' angrily demanded
Bilcox, and ignoring Macan's remonstrance. 'We'll have our
hands full, I can assure you, and you will have to answer for it at
headquarters. But whether or not, I won't have you in this
district, do you hear? I'll recommend you for leave at once, and
when you return, if you ever do, you may go to Kintampor, or
some hotter place, for aught I care.'
'How absurd you arc this evening, Mr. Bilcox, to be sure! How
coold I prevent Kwamankra coming into the district to practise?
Besides, he is a native of the country; the chiefs look up to him;
and I had always Wlderstood we were to work through the chiefs,
and, by parity of reasoning, through their natural leaders.'
'Do you call it sound policy to play into the hands of a man
who can write such rubbish as this Kwamankra does?' throwing
heavily upon the table a thick volwne which had been standing
CAS ELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 355
on the dirty shelf. 'Pray listen to this and tell me whether your
senses have fled,' this as he read from the open page the following:
, "Were there such a thing as political ethics, or a pretence or
semblance thereof among Christian nations, as there is a semblance
of some sort of Christianity in so-called Christian COWl tries, it
might be permissible to inquire how far the conduct of Christian
nations in rclation to aboriginal races, sometimes charitably called
subject races, conformed to the Christian standards of morality-"
Now that is rank heresy, teaching the aboriginals that we are a
parcel of hypocrites and cut-throats; and to think that the writer
of this vile stuff has been let in here through your stupidity!'
pursued. Bilcox breathlessly.
Macan made a move as if to knock the Political Officer down;
but just then a voice from the verandah attracted his attention,
and. in a twinklingWhitely had placed himself between the two.
'There is no reason,' said Whitely, 'why you two gentlemen
should not repair to the back yard and have it out in true sports-
manlike fashion. But as for expressing your opinions of one
another freely in the hearing of the black boys, I don't know what
to say of it. By George! how they swarmed at the foot of the
stairs. peeping one behind the other, until I kicked them off the
premises as I came up. Besides, we did the thing differently in my
youthful days. Fewer words, you know; but, perhaps, the heat
had something to do with it, or I mightn'r have had the trouble of
interfering,' placing himself in pugilistic attitude first towards
Bilcox, and then towards Macan. The situation was fast bordering
on the ridiculous, and as Macan was in no mood for fun, he
snatched up his hat, bowed low, and in a moment he was gone.
'B-oy! b-oy! cocktails, two cocktails, do you hear? and look
sharp about it, or by Jove, I will break every bone in your body!'
Then turning to Whitely - 'The idea of these boys always hanging
round and eavesdropping. The worst of it is one can't do without
them.'
When the servant had placed the drinks on the table and
departed, Whitely said: 'I would advise you, Bilcox, to be careful
what you say in the hearing of these native boys of the man
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Kwamankra. You have no idea what a hold he has upon the

popular imagination, and how widespread is his influence. Per-
sonally, there is something irresistible about him I could never
withstand. I knew him in my student days. Under normal con-
ditions, I should say it is the charm of a manly purpose and force
of character. But, then, no one is normal in these parts.' And there
was a strange sadness in his voice which Bilcox could not help
noticing from the way he laid stress on the words 'no one:
'Mind you don't miss the Chief Magistrate's dinner, or he'll
never forgive you; the hour is 8 p.m.,' said Whitely, as he slowly
descended the stairs.
As for Macan, he could not help turning over in his mind the
strange medley which was labelled the Gold Coase Diplomatic
Service. He remembered reading somewhere before coming out
the following: '1t fllIIst strike the careful observer that the position of
a man in the pllblic service of the Gold Coast is often a diffimlt one. If
such a man is honest and imelligetzt, he canllot fail soot! to discover the
peculiar conditions under which he is called upon to discharge his duties.
The first thing that will occur to him will be the dog-in-the-manger
policy of the Administration, whose servant he is. He will find that,
theoretically, the people arefree, having their own laws and institutiollS.
He will see that the Government, apparently, recognise this fact; but
that in practice, he, the pllblic servant, is expected to imerfere with the
ins/itlltions of the people as far as he dares. Neither is he told to allow
the natural development of the institutions oj the people, nor is he
directed, in so many words, to attempt to mould them. What he does
to-day, which is considered wrong by his superiors, may be done
to-morrow by another and applauded.' As he put two and two to-
gether, trying to fathom the real cause of his superior officer's
annoyance, the tcuth gradually dawned upon him. He had acted
by the natives as an honest man should do. During the time he had
acted as the head of the Diplomatic Service he had given the chiefs
every encouragement to unite with one another and to consolidate
their authority and jurisdiction over their people. He had en-
couraged national schools throughout the district, and supported
the Chiefs to make bye-laws, requiring every child to attend the
CASEL,"( HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 357

schools until the age of fourteen. All these were in the line of
normal and healthy growth of the people in enlightened progres-
sive ways, and he had worked with a will and a great deal of
intelligence and tact. It had never dawned upon him that there
was a theoretical policy and a practical one, the latter having as
its aim such a shaping of circumstances as would for ever make the
Ethiopian in his own country a hewer of wood and a drawer of
water unto his Caucasian protector and so-called friend. This then
was what he was expected to do. Was it right, could he con-
scientiously do it?

CHAPTER XIV. The Black Man's Burden

.•. The next day Kwamankra was due down the Coast, and he
took the afternoon tram with the 'Professor' for a companion.
The second-class compartment was full, so they travelled first, and
though there were many angry glances. none dared question
them. Kennedy Bilcox, the Political Officer, was also going down
by the same train, and being minded to be gracious, and having
had an extra parting glass more than was good. for him, he was
inclined to be confiding. Besides, though he immensely disliked
men of colour, he judged it politic outwardly to be on the best of
terms with the leaders of the people. He thought he gamed their
confidence that way. Rather he raised their suspicions, and was
accordingly mistrusted.
On this auspicious occasion, he was full of the big things he had
done up country - how he had metaphorically thrashed the Chief
ofTandosu into humility, and how he crouched before him with
fear, poor man! Presently he turned to Kwamankra and said: 'I
say, do you know that rascal Kobina Bua? I hear he is your client.
You had better advise him to behave properly in future. or, by
Jove, he will find himself at St. Jago.'
'But what has he done?' queried Kwamankra.
'What has he done? Why the fool is perpetually drunk, has lost
all sense of decency, and is always making a "palaver" at Tandosu.'
'Oh, is that all?' said Kwamankra, provokingly.
'You do surprise me, Mr. Kwamankra. To think that a man of
M'
l'S ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

your position and education should see nothing to condemn in

the disgraceful conduct of Kobina Boa!'
'Personally I condemn no man, but since you talk of condem-
nation, permit me to point out to you that the greater condemna-
tion lies at the door of the Government whom you represent, and
whose servant you are. You condenm Kobina Bua, and you
presume to do so by reason of the fact that you are a Political
Officer. As a fair-minded man, let me invite you to look at the
other side of the picture. You know that trade gin contains fusel
oil and othcr deadly noxious ingredients. You also know that that
is thc stuff the Government permits to be imported into the
country and which eventually fmds its way down the throats of
"rascals" like Kobina Bua. You dare not stop the importation of
the vile stuff. Why! because it would affect salaries and pensions
and duty allowances and other perquisites. In the name of reason,
how can you expect the average black man having the means to
indulge in gin drinking to keep his head and behave decendy?
And so when a Government Officer pays a visit to one of these
otherwise harmless African dignitaries, and he is received by the
latter with extra warmth, whereupon the Officer losing his self-
control, vents upon him his wrath in eloquent periphrasis and
damning reports reach headquarters, the observer, ifhe is a seeker
after truth. certainly feels tempted to tap the Officer Iighdy all
the back and say: "Thou hypocrite, first cast the beam out of
thine eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of
thy brother's eye.'" Kennedy Bilcox appeared thWlderstruck,
but Kwamankra. unheeding, continued: 'You know, and the
whole world knows. that if the black chief and his people stopped
consuming the vile stuff the merchants offer them, the whole
machinery of Government would stop running for want of the
necessary grease. You are a Christian, of course. When you meet
your friends, and, in conclave, you are inclined to be hard on my
client, remind yourselves of the Master's saying : "Ye make clean
the outside of the cup and platter ... ye tithe mint and rue and all
manner of herbs and pass over judgment and the love of God." ,
CASELY HAYf ORD'S SYNTHESIS 359
As the Professor and K wamankra shook hands at the station,
the fonner said to his friend: 'Those were brave words. But you
may be sure this kind of thing will get you into trouble one of
these days, But here's my hand on it, whenever you need help I
am your man,'
Kwamankra spoke low: 'I have COWlted the cost, and, it may
be, I shall need thy help when the hour comes.'

CHAPTER xv, As in a Glass Darkly

Not so very long ago in the age of the world, the Nations were
gathered in council upon Mount Atlas, even at the point which is
nearest the ancient city of Constantine, and there were no people
that were not represented, save the Ethiopians, whose kingdoms
stretch from the shores of the Mediterranean, where it washes the
Lybian coast, across the great desert, taking in the arms of the
mighty waste from ocean to ocean, thence sweeping down to the
remotest parts of the provinces inhabited by the Kaffirs, a race of
mighty men,
It was like the meeting of the gods, the gathering of the
Nations, for they had mastered all knowledge and gotten them-
selves such power as to make men forget the Power beyond,befOle
whom the Nations of the Earth are as grasshoppers.
These Nations, who, in the old pagan days, struggled the one
against the other in true manly fashion, had learnt a new method
of warfare, which they labelled. 'Diplomacy'; and when the un-
initiated. asked the reason for the change, it was explained that
it was dictated by the spirit of their common religion which
inculcated universal brotherhood, and the beating of swords into
plough-shares. Wherefore it came to pass, that at this lUliversai
conference the Nations said smooth things to one another which
no one believed.
But there was one thing concerning which these mighty men
were in earnest, and that was the capture of the soul of Ethiopia.
Said they, 'We have all increased in knowledge and power, and,
being brothers, we can no longer devour one another. Yet must
we live. Taught by the instinct of self-preservation, we must have
360 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

elbow-room wherein OUI children and our children's children

may thrive. Now, before our hosts lieth the whole stretch of
Ethiopia from sea to sea. Come. let us partition it among our-
selves.' They were well agreed upon this matter, but not upon
the way of encompassing it.
One Nation said, 'How shall we do this thing, seeing we arc
Christians?' Another said, 'Thou that doubtest, thou art merely
slow of cOWlsel. This thing is easily done. We shall go to the
Ethiopians, and shall teach them our religion, and that will make
them ours, body and soul - lands, goods, and all, for all time.'
And the saying pleased them all ....
CHAPTER XVI. Race Emancipation - General Considerations:
Edward Wilmot Blyden
The year 1904 found Kwamankra at Hampton, in the United
States of America, as the guest of the African National University.
which had been founded earlier in the century as the outcome of a
spirit of intelligent co-operation on the part of the thinkers of the
Ethiopian race both in the Mother COWltry and in their exiled
home across the Atlantic. Gradually it had come to dawn upon
educationists that the error of blindly imitating western methods
must give place to original lines of racial intellectual development;
and for that reason centres of learning were eager for information
as to where mistakes had been made in the past, and how they
might be remedied in the future.
Hampton has been described as one of the frnest seats oflearning
in America. It is the work of Samuel Chapman Armstrong, a
name which will ever be remembered with honour and venera-
tion among cultured Ethiopians throughout the world, for it was
left to him to point the way of freeing the souls of Africans in
America after Abraham Lincoln and his stalwart men of iron will
had freed thei, body.
It was 'Emancipation Day,' and the contrast between how the
day was observed in earlier times on the plantations and the way
the event was marked at Hampton on the occasion of Kwa-
manha's visit was extremely remarkable. The boisterous, rowdy,
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS l'S
senseless jubilation.of young and old had given way to a purpose-
ful intent to mark each passing year with some record of national
progress and efficiency; and it was inspiting to see the modest
manner and the dignified calm of the srudents as they filed into
the Chapel Theatre to the music of the University orchestra. But
they had not long been seated when a low murmur could be
heard all over the building which soon rose to a ringing cheer, as
a side door opened, and the Principal of Hampton mounted the
rostrum with Kwamankra and the professors following. Kwa-
mankra had been announced to speak upon the work of Edward
Wilmot Blyden, about the foremost thinker of the race, and
great was the enthusiasm of the audience as with craned necks
they took in every word of the speaker, as if it were a message
from a new sphere. The speaker dwelt on the broader outlook
which Dr. Blyden had, for at least forty years, presented to his
countrymen in his writings which he passed under review, dwell-
ing upon each distinctive note, and wound up in the following
graphic words: -
'The claim of Edward Wilmot BIyden to the esteem and regard
of all thinking Africans rests not so much upon the special work
he has done for any particular people of the African race, as upon
the general work he has done for the race as a whole.
'The work of men like Booker T. Washington and W. E.
Burghart Du Bois is exclusive and provincial. The work of
Edward Wilmot Blyden is universal, covering the entire race and
the entire race problem.
'What do I mean? I mean this: that while BookerT. Washing-
ton seeks to promote the material advancement of the black man
in the United States, and W. E. Burghart Du Bois his social
enfranchisement amid surroWldings and in an atmosphere un-
congenial to racial development, Edward Wilmot Blyden has
sought for more than a quarter of a century to reveal everywhere
the African unto himself; to fix his attention upon original ideas
and conceptions as to his place in the economy of the world; to
point out to him his work as a race among the races of men;
lastly, and most important of all, to lead him back unto self-
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

respect. He has been the voice of one crying in the wilderness all
these years, calling upon all thinking Africans to go back to the
rock whence they were hewn by the common Father of the
nations - to drop metaphor, to learn to unlearn all that foreign
sophistry has encrusted upon the intelligence of the African. Born
in the West Indies some seventy years ago andnurtured in foreign
culture, he has yet remained an African; and to-day he is the
greatest living exponent of the true spirit of African nationality
and manhood.
'To emphasise an important consideration, in the Afro-Ameri-
can school of thought the black man is seeking intellectually and
materially to show himself a man along the lines of progress of
the white man. In the African school of thought, represented by
Dr. Blyden, the black man is engaged upon a sublimer task,
namely, the discovery of his true place in creation upon natural
and national lines. That is the striking difference between the two
great schools of the thinkers of the race. And it has been the work
of Edward Wilmot BIyden to accenttlate this difference, and
to-day he, of whom we are all so proud, is the leading thinker of
the latter school of thought.
'Apart from the magnetism of his personality, the great in-
fluence of Dr. Blyden over the rising thinking youth of the race,
lies in the fact that he has revealed in his writings and utterances
the true motive power which shall carry the race on from
victory unto victory. And all he has to say to his people, summing
up his teaching in one word, is: man, know thyself.
'The voice that was aforetime crying solitarily in the wilderness
has suddenly become the voice of a nation and of a people, calling
unto their kindred across the Atlantic to come back to their way
of thinking. We notice with a pang the strivings after the wind in
which our brethren in America are engaged, and we ask them
to-day to return to ftrst principlcs and to original and racial
conceptions - to those cooling streams by the fowltains of Africa
which would refresh their souls.
'To leave no possible doubt as to my meaning, Afro-Americans
must bring themselves into touch with some of the general tradi-
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS l'S
tions and institutions of their ancestors, and, though sojourning
in a strange land, endeavour to conserve the characteristics of the
race. Thus and only thus, like Israel of old, will they be able,
metaphorically, to walk out of Egypt in the near future with a
great and a real spoil.
'Edward Wilmot Blyden is a leader among leaders of African
aboriginal thought; and, lest a prophet should be without honour
among his own kindred, I am happy on this occasion also to have,
among others, cile privilege and the opportwlity of giving him
the recognition that is his due.'
For days and days the students of Hampton talked oflittle else
besides the new conception of national aims presented in the
address; and, in after years, it was noted that it gave a new colour
and meaning to the good racial work done at Hampton.

CHAPTER XVII. Race Emancipation- Particular Considerations:

4frican Nationality
In thenameof African nationalitythethinkerwould, through the
mediwn of Ethiopia UnbolUld, greet members of the race every-
where throughout the world. Whether in the east, south, or west
of the African Continent, or yet among the teeming millions of
Ethiopia's sons in America, the cry of the African, in its last
analysis, is for scope and freedom in the struggle for existence, and
it would seem as if the care of the leaders of the race has been to
discover those avenues of right and natural endeavour which
would, in the end, ensure for the race due recognition of its
individuality.
The race problem is probably most intense in the United States
of America, but there are indications that on the African Conti-
nent itself it is fast assuming concrete form. Sir Arthur Lawley,
the present Governor of Madras, before leaving the Governorship
of the Transvaal, is reported in a public address to have said that
the 'black peril' is a reality, and to have advised the whites to
consolidate their forces in presence of the potential foe. The
leaders of the race have hitherto exercised sOlUld discretion and
shown considerable wisdom in advising the African to follow the
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

line of least resistance in meeting any combination of forces

against him. The African's way to proper recognition lies not at
present so much in the exhibition of material force and power, as
in the gentler art of persuasion by the logic offacts and of achieve-
ments before which all reasonable men must bow.
A two-fold danger threatens the African everywhere. It is the
outcome of certain economic conditions whose method is the
exploitation of the Ethiopian for all he is worth. He is said to be
pressed into the service of man, in reality, the service of the
Caucasian. That being so, he never reaps the full meed of his work
as a man. He materially contributes to the building of pavements
on which he may not walk - take it as a metaphor, or as a fact,
which way you please. He helps to work up revenues and to fill
up exchequers over which. in most cases, he has no effective
control. if any at all. In brief, he is labelled as belonging to a class
apart among the races, and any attempt to rise above his station is
terribly resented by the aristocracy of the races. Indeed. he is
reminded at every tum that he is only intended to be a hewer of
wood and a drawer of water. And so it happens that those among
the favoured sons of men who occasionally consider the lot of the
Ethiopian are met with jeers and taunts. Is it any wonder, then,
that even in the Twentieth Century, the African fmds it terribly
difficult to make headway even in his own country? The African
may tum socialist. may preach and cry for reform until the day of
judgment; but the experience of mankind shows this, that reform
never comes to a class or a people unless and until those concerned
have worked out their own salvation. And the lesson we have yet
to learn is that we cannot depart from Nature's way and hope for
real success.
And yet, it would seem as if in some notable instances the black
man is bent upon following the line of greatest resistance in coping
with the difficulties before him. Knowledge is the common
property of mankind. and the philosophy which seeks for the
Ethiopian the highest culture and efficiency in industrial and
technical training is a sound one. It is well to arrest in favour of
the race public opinion as to its capability in this direction. But
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS l'S
that is not all, since there are certain distinctive qualities of race, of
country, and of peoples which cannot be ignored without detri-
ment to the particular race, cowmy, or people. Knowledge,
deprived of the assimilating element which makes it natural to the
one taught, renders that person but a bare imitator. The Japanese,
adopting and assimilating Western culture, of necessity com-
mands the respect of Western nations, because there is something
distinctly Eastern about him. He commands, to begin with, the
lUeS of his native tongue, and has a literature ofrus own, enriched
by translations from standard authors of other lands. He respects
the institutions and customs of his ancestors, and there is an intelli-
gent past which inspires him. He does not discard his national
costume, and if, now and again, he dons Western attire, he does
so as a matter of convenience, much as the Scotch, across the
border, puts away. when the occasion demands it. his Highland
costume. It is not the fault of the black man in America, for
example. that he suffers to-day from the effects of a wrong that
was inflicted upon him years ago by the forefathers of the very
ones who now despise him. But he can see to it that as the years
go by it becomes a matter of necessity for the American whites to
respect and admire his manhood; and the surest way to the one
or the other lies not so much in imitation as in originality and
natural initiative. Not only must the Ethiopian acquire proficiency
in the arts and sciences, in technical and industrial training, but he
must pursue a course of scientific enquiry which would reveal to
him the good things of the treasure house of his own nationality.
There are probably but a few men of African descent in
America who, if they took the trouble by dipping into family
tradition, would not be able to trace their connection and rela-
tionship with one or other of the great tribes of West Africa; and
now that careful enquiry has shown that the institutions of the
Aborigines of Africa are capable of scientific handling, what
would be easier than for the great centres of culture and learning
in the hands of Africans in the United States to found professor-
ships in this relation? In the order of Providence, some of our
brewen aforetime were suffered to be enslaved in America for a

"'
 366 ORIGINS OP WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

wise purpose. That event in the history of the race has made it
possible for the speedier dissemination and adoption of the better
part of Western culture; and to-day Africa's sons in the East and in
the West can do peculiar service unto onc another in the conunon
cause of uplifting Ethiopia and placing her upon her feet among
the nations. The East, for example. can take lessons from the
West in the adoption of a sound educational policy, the kind of
industrial and technical training which would enable aboriginals
to make the best use of their lands and natural resources. And,
Stuely, the West ought not to be averse to taking hints fcom the
East as regards the preservation of national institutions, and the
adoption of distinctive garbs and names, much as obtains among
our friends the Japanese. While a student in London, a thrill of
Oriental pride used to run through the writer when he brushed
against an Asiatic in a garb distinctively Eastern. They aped no
one. They were content to remain Eastern. For even when cli-
matic conditions necessitated the adoption of European habili-
ments, they had sense enough to preserve some symbol of
nationality. On the contrary, Africans would seem never to be
content unless and until they make it possible for the European to
write of them thus:
'How extraordinary is the spectacle of this huge race - millions
of men - without land or language of their own, without tradi-
tions of the country they came from, bearing the very names of
the men that enslaved them! ...
'The black element is one which cannot be "boiled down" into
the great cosmopolitan American nation - the black. man must
always be tragically apart from the white man' - and so on and
so forth.
Now, if there is aught in the foregoing which is true to life, it
bears but one meaning, namely, this, that the average Afta-
Ametican citizen of the United States has lost absolute touch with
the past of his race, and is helplessly and hopelessly groping in the
dark for affmities that are not natural, and for effects for which
there are neither national nor natural causes. That being so, the
African in America. is in a worse plight than the Hebrew in
CAS ELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS l'S
Egypt. The one preserved his language, his manners and customs,
his religion and household gods; the other has committed national
suicide, and at present it seems as if the dry bones of the vision
have no life in them. Looking at the matter closely, it is not so
much Afto-Americans that we want as Africans or Ethiopians,
sojourning in a strange land, who, out of a full heart and a full
knowledge can say: 'If I forget thee, Ethiopia, let my right hand
forget its cunning'. Let us look at the other side of the picture.
How extraordinary would be the spectacle of this huge Ethiopian
race - some millions of men - having imbibed all that is best in
Western culture in the land of their oppressors, yet remaining
true to racial instincts and inspiration, customs and institutions,
much as did the Israelites of old in captivity! When this more
pleasant picture will have become possible of realisation, then, and
only then, will it be possible for our people in bondage 'meta-
phorically to walk out of Egypt in the ncar future with a great
and a real spoil.'
Someone may say, but, surely, you don't mean to suggest that
questions of dress and habits of life matter in the least. I reply
emphatically, they do. They go to the root of the Ethiopian's
self-respect. Without servile imitation of our teachers in their
get-up and manner of life, it stands to reason that the average
white man would regard the average black man far more serious1y
than he does at present. The adoption of a distinctive dress for the
cultured African, therefore, would be a distinct step forward, and
a gain to the cause of Ethiopian progress and advancement. Pray
listen to the greatest authority on national life upon this matter,
'Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments even as the
Lord God commanded me that ye should do in the land whither
ye go to possess it. Keep, therefore. and do them: for this is your
wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the nations which
shall hear these statutes and say, surely, this great nation is a wise
and understanding people: Yes, my people arepursuingknowl-
edge as for a hidden treasure, and have neglected wisdom and
true understanding, and hence are they daily a laughing stock in
the sight of the nations.
)68 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATION ALISM

Here, then, is work for cultured West Africans to start a reform

which will be world-wide in its effects among Ethiopians,
remembering as a basis that we, as a people, have our own statutes,
the customs and institutions of our forc-fathers, which we calmor
neglect and live. We on the Gold Coast are making a huge effort
in this direction, and though European habits will die hard with
some of our people, the effort is worm making; and, if we don't
succeed quite with this generation, we shall succeed with the next.
That the movement is gaining grolUld may well be gathered from
the following extract from the Gold Coast Leader of 24th February.
1907. reporting the coronation of Ahahio lV .• Mantsc, that is
King, of 'British Accra.' Says the correspondent: 'For the first
time I realised that the Gold Coast would be more exhilarating
and enjoyable indeed if the educated inhabitants in it would hark
back to the times of old and take a few lessons in the art and grace
of the sartorial simplicity and elegance of their forebears. The
"scholars" looked quite noble and full of dignity in the native
dress. There was not one ignoble or mean person among them,
and so for the matter of that did the ladies.'
Then I should like to see Ethiopian Leaglles formed throughout
the United States much in the same way as the Gaelic League in
Ireland for the purpose of studying and employing Fanti, Yoruba,
Hausa, or other standard African language, in daily use. The idea
may seem extraordinary on the first view, but if you arc inclined
to regard it thus, I can only point to the examples of Ireland and
Denmark, who have found the vehicle of a national language
much the safest and most natural way of national conservancy and
evolution. If the Dane and Irish fmd it expedient in Europe, surely
the matter is worthy of consideration by the Ethiopian in the
United States, in Sierra Leone, in the West Indies, and in Liberia.
A distinguished writer, dwelling upon the advantages of culture
in a people's own language said: 'These are important considera-
tions of a highly practical kind. Ten years ago, we had in Ireland
a people divorced, by half a century of education conducted
along alien lines, from their own proper language and culture.
We had also in Ireland a people seemingly incapable of rational
CASELY HAYfORD'S SYNTHESIS 369
action, sunk in hopeless poverty, apparently doomed to disappear.
We have in Ireland to-day the beginnings of a system of education
in the national language and along national lines; and we have at
the S3J1le time, and in the places where this kind of education has
been operative, an Wlmistakable advance in intellectual capacity
and material prosperity.' Now, if the soul that is in the Ethiopian,
even in the United States, remains Ethiopian, which it does, to
judge from the coon songs which have enriched the sentiment of
mankind by their pathos, then, I say, the foregoing words, true
as everyone must admit they are, point distinctly to the impossi-
bility of departing from nature's way with any hope of lasting
good to African nationality. I do sincerely trust these thoughts
will catch the eyeof such distinguished educationists as Mr. Booker
T. Washington and others of the United States and in the West
Indies as also the attention of similar workers in West Africa who
have the materials ready at hand. It is a great work. but I do
believe that my cOWltrymen have the heart and the intelligence
to grapple with it successfully.

CHAPTER XVIII. Race Emancipation: TheCrnxoJtheMatter

Oneof the most pathetic passagesin thehistoryofhuman thought
is the remarkable work of an Ethiopian. The Souls of Black Folk,
written by the well-known thinker, W. E. B. Du Bois, of Atlanta,
Ga., in the United States of America. It deals with a matter which
has attracted the attention of all thinl::ing men of modem times.
European writers have dealt with the question, and so have Afri-
can and American writers. But the particular standpoint of Mr.
Du Bois is peculiar WltO itself. It recalls the story of the Hebrew
people; but neither at the stage of actual enslavement, nor yet
at the hour of emancipation. As yet. the people are roaming
aimlessly in the wilderness, and the leaden. though having the
promise. have but a glimmer of light to see distantly a day of
deliverance possible. It is true rwenty, thirty, years of the forty
are past, and the full light may break some day all of a sudden;
but even now the mighty arms of Moses must be upraised and
supported lest the chosen people perish by the way.
370 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

It has been said that Mr. Du Bois' attitude toward the race
question is a pathetic one. 'I am a problem,' our author would
seem to say. Then presently follows the plaintive query: 'How
does it feel to be a problem?' To descend to particulars. he says:
'After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton
and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a
veil, and gifted. with second sight in this American world - a
world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets
him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is
a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always
looking at onc's self through the eyes of others, of measuring onc's
soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and
pity. One ever feels his twoness - an American, a Negro; two
souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two watring
ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it
from being torn aSWlder.' Ah! there's the rub! Poor Ethiopia!
how sorely hath the iron of oppression entered into the very soul
of thy erring children!
Now, self-consciousness obviously depends upon self-revelation
after which comes self-realisation. But has the Ethiopian sojourn-
ing in America, and, for that matter, even in Liberia and in Sierra
Leone ever realised himself? Has he received that self-awakening
which would move him, in the words of the prodigal, to ex-
claim, 'Alas me! How many hired servants of my father's have
bread enough and to spare and I perish with hunger?' No, it has
not yet occurred to him to arise and go to his Father, regardless of
the taunts of the surly elder son. He perceives not yet that the
Father is waiting to make a feast of rejoicing over the emancipa-
tion of his soul. No, he will not yet don the robe of sonship, nor
suffer the ring, the symbol of a spiritual union and equality, to be
placed upon his finger. Poor man! Instead of the fatted calf, he
still sits sulkily by the wayside over Jordan apples which presently
turn into ashes in his mouth. Listen to his cry: 'Who shall deliver
me from the burden of these unreconciled and irreconcilable
strivings?' Listen! Not so long as he turns away from the Father's
house and elects to remain a slave in soul. To be a puzzle unto
CASELY HAYfORD'S SYNTHESIS J7I
others is not to be a puzzle unto one's self. The sphinx in the
Temple of the Sphinx in ancient Egypt is a recwnbent figure with
the head of a lion, but with the features of King Chephron, the
Master of Egypt, somewhere about 3960 B.C. Now, fancy Can-
dace, Queen of Ethiopia, or Chephron, the Master of Egypt, being
troubled with a double consciousness. Watch that symbolic,
reposeful figure yonder, and you can but see one soul, one ideal.
one striving, one line of a natural, rational progress. Look again,
and you must agree that the idea of a double consciousness is
absurd with these representative types. It is true that -
'Bowed by the weight of centuries, he leans
Upon his hoe and gazes on the groWld;
The emptiness of ages in his face,
And on his back the burden of the world.'
But, surely. to bear the burden of others, one should have thought,
is honourable work, and the toiling one need not be a problem
unto himself.
It is apparent that Mr. Du Bois writes from an American stand-
point, surrounded by an American atmosphere. And, of course,
it is not his fault, for he knows of no other. To be born an African
in America, in that great commonwealth of dollars and the merci-
less aggrandisement of the individual, where the weak must look
out for himself, and the cry of the innocent appeals not to him
who rides triumphantly to fortune, is to be entangled in condi-
tions which give no room for the assertion of the highest man-
hood. African manhood demands that the Ethiopian should seek
not his opportunity, or ask for elbow room, from the white man.
but that he should create the one or the other for himself.
Thoughts like these were stirring men's minds when the Pan-
African Conference met in the Gold Coast in the year 1905. at
the invitation of the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection
Society. that prototype of the kind of African National Assem-
lies which must be called into being in the near future for the
solution of African questions. Among the distinguished speakers
at the Conference was Kwamankra, and great was the impression
372 ORIGINS Of WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

which was created by the paper which he read upon Dr. Blyden's
great work upon African Life and Customs, which is here recorded.
Said he:
'I have followed. with keen interest, the series of articles on
"African Life and Customs" in the Sierra Leone Weekly News from
the ever instructive pen oEDr. Blyden; and, perhaps, the following
thoughts, suggested by them, may be useful to the student of
African problems, seeking for the conditions suitable for Race
Emancipation.
'I believe it was the learned. doctor who first pointed out that
Africa needs no redemption. But that she requires emancipation
from the thraldom of foreign ideas inimical to racial development,
few will doubt. What. indeed. can be more certain than that the
African in the United States, in the West Indies, and in the
mother COWltry, East, West and South, has need to Wllearn a good
deal? But the WlfortWlate part of it is that the way out is as yet
but dimly dawning even upon such as would otherwise be quali-
fied to lead the masses. It becomes, therefore, the sacred duty of
those who can see a little more clearly ahead to point the way.
Hence it is that, in season and out of season, the warning voice of
our grand old man is heard.
'The African who comes to his brethren with a red-hot
civilisation straight from Regent Circus, or the Boulevards of
Paris, and cries anathema to all black folk who would not adopt
his views or mode oflife, is, perhaps, not the man who is, or can
be, of much help in developing African life and African idio-
syncracies along the line of natural and healthy development.
That is, perhaps, the underlying teaching, if not the sum total of
the teaching, of the series of articles now before us....
'I am writing this on the verandah of a house in the main street
of Kumasi. Where once stood the palace of the King, now stands
an ugly coast building with ditty blinds and a dirtier shop below.
But the men and women are not changed. The type is pronoun-
ced; and as I watch them passing up and down in different groups,
it is easy to see that the men and women, who walked the banks
of the Nile in days of yore, are not far different from the remnants
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 373
of the sons of Efua Kobi. As you see the new Wlfmished coast
houses side by side of the frail impermanent, quadrangular com-
potUlds of the old type, the thought suggests itself to you that,
after all, it is the intangible that matters. You see you enter one of
these compotUlds, and you fmd but bare, open rooms, in the case
of a Chief's house, often supported by pillars. Where do these
people actually live? Where do they keep their treasures, and their
household gods? No one can tell you. But they are as safe as the
golden stool itself is. Thus you arrive at the heart of these people,
and you are inwardly persuaded that all the symbols of European
authority, responsibility, and opportunity are more impermanent
than the frail houses you see about you. How to reach the heart
of such a people would not be an tUlintercsting study. If you
succeed, you have arrived at the heart of the principle which
may be safely applied to healthy race development wheresoever
necessary.
'Once more, then, Ashanti is my type, for the reason that
Ashanti is yet tUlspoilt by the bad methods of the missionary.
'I remember once seeing Rev. Ramsay in Kwnasi. He told me
he had laboured. in Ashanti off and on for forty years. I asked how
many Ashantis he had in his church at Kwnasi proper? He said,
thirty. His assistant corrected him and said fifty. I asked him how
many in all Ashanti? About two htUldrcd. Not quite so many, his
assistant concurring. Rev. Asare, the assistant, and his good wife
are both Africans, who have adopted the European habit. I had
visited the missionaries in my African costume. They agreed,
including my African friends, that it was appropriate. I hope the
object lesson was not without significance to the hopes of the
success of their mission. But, however that may be, to-day the
Ashanri goes tUlconcerned of the white man's religion and of the
white man's ways, as ancient Egypt might have done.
'What is religion? Ifit is that which links back the fmite to the
infinite, the material to the spiritual, the temporal to the eternal-
that which inspires an tUlfaltering faith in a life beyond the grave,
then, I maintain, that the African, in his system of philosophy
gives place to none.
374 ORIGINS Of WEST AfRIC .... N NATIONALISM

'Hark! What are those suggestive words I catch from the so-
called Fetish chant that the priest. called to attend a dying man,
is humming in a low-doleful voice!

"Midan, Nyami, Kwiaduampon.

Midan, Nyami, Kwiadu.
Nyami ama, Nyami ama
Nyami na wama mi akom!"
Meaning:
"On God I depend. the impregnable Rock;
On God I depend, the impregnable Rock.
God has given. God has given,
God has given me the priesthood."

I have loosely rendered the word "Kwiaduampon" as "the

impregnable rock," but etymologically, it conveys the idea of
"the ever faithful God."
'Now, when, in the face of all this you tell the so-called pagan
that he will not end well, that he is the devil's own, he listens
curiously, and wonders whether you can mean all you say. His
attitude henceforth is a defensive one, seldom antagonistic.
Henceforth he only asks to be let alone. And yet people wonder
that so-called spiritual work makes such little headway in these
parts. And the land had rest forty years. Do you not see the pur-
port of it all? It has not pleased the gods to disturb her. Leave her
in peace, the slumbering sphinx, until the God of Ethiopia wakes
her up! For it is not so much religion that she wants as knowledge
- knowledge that will enable her to explain to the waiting world
the faith that is in her and the reason of her being ....
'In the philosophy of the W cst African there is no reason why
Christ should not be God. For to him man is half God and half
man. But a thin veil divides the fmite from the infinite, and when
Death pulls aside the curtain, there is no knowing what one shall
be. Indeed, it is conceivable that paganism, scientifically interpre-
ted, may place the Christ on a higher pedestal than Christianity
has yet done. What the unspoilt educated African feels he wants
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 375
is, rest - rest to think out his own thoughts, and to work out his
own salvation.
'Have we, who advocate these views, lost faith in Christianity?
It does not follow ....
• A significant marriage took place in Sierra Leone in March of
the present year. A highly cultured African gentleman was
married to a Mohammedan lady. Of this lady the Weekly News
of 21st March, 1908, says: "There has been no attempt to unmake
her, no inducement to make her alter the religion of her fathers or
her native dress." I remember overhearing an argument in a
railway carriage between two educated Africans as to the effect
of such marriages. They were both Sierra Leone men; and the
sore point with one of the controversialists was as to how her
ladyship would be received at Government House, or how she
would receive at home the friends of her lord and master. Here
you have the two warring clements in national development:
"What is it that the white man expects. me to do? What is it that
I am called. upon in reason and by nature to do?" Between these
two the manhood of the race is throttled and sacrificed on the
altar of convenience.
'Now, what appears remarkable in Sierra Leone would not be
remarkable on the Gold Coast, where it is common for educated
men to mate with less privileged women. And the reason, founded
on common sense, is not far to seek. Between the African woman
who, coUecting firewood in a plantation, overpowered by nature,
brings her little one into the world, soothes it, and carries it safely
home with her load and the African lady who talks of going
home, meaning Europe, to be confmed, there is a mighty dif-
ference. The latter is the product of an effete system of training,
and it and the system will perish out of hand. The former has a
foundation in character that will bear the weight of the ages as far
as African life and work are concerned.
'With respect to marriage a g reat blunder has been committed
by the meddlesome missionaries, namely, "that of forcing a life
of hypocrisy upon those whom they compass earth and sea to get
into the fold. Whereas the average so-called convert was, before
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST A FRICAN NA TI ONALISM

he came into the church, living a fairly decent, open. life in hi5
marital relations. embracing Christianity invariably meant for
him adopting subterfuges and chicanery to cover up the way of
the old life, which not aU the spiritual graces could help him to
brush aside."
'There is a vulgar way ofapproaching the question of polygamy;
there is a scientific way; and lastly there is the spiritual way. It
may appear strange to the average man that there is a spiritual
side to polygamy. Yet on second thought it must be so. In this, as
in other matters, evil be to him who evil thinks.
'The crux of the educational question, as it affects the African,
is that Western methods denationalise him. He becomes a slave to
foreign ways of life and thought. He will desire to be a slave no
longer. $0 far is this true that the moment the unspoilt educated.
African shows initiative and asserts an individuality, his foreign
mentor is irritated by the phenomenon. In September, 1905.
public events on the Gold Coast led. me to write in the local press
as follows: "We feel, secondly, that the educated native is unduly
maligned for party purposes. It is the same cry as the educated.
Welsh. Irish, or Scotch. In any case. it is a childish cry - a sign of
weakness. Does a native cease to be a native when once he is
educated? . . . But for the educated native. where would the
unsophisticated. native be? Hence the weakness of the cry - the
shibboleth of the 'educated native.' Heaven grant that the educa-
ted native may never be wanting in his duty to his less privileged
brethren. or betray their trust in him."
'But let there be no mistake about the matter. The foregoing
strictly applies to the unspoilt cultured African. The other type is
no good to anybody. The superfine African gentleman. who, at
the end of every second or third year, talks of a run. to Europe.
lest there should be a nervous breakdown, may be serious or not,
but is bound in time to be refmed off the face of the African
continent.
'And now I come to the question of questions: "How may the
West African be trained so as to preserve his national identity and
race instincts?"
CASELY HAYFORD'S SYNTHESIS 377
'As a precautionary measure, I would take care to place the
educational seminary in a region far beyond the reach of the
influence of the coast. If I were founding a national University for
the Gold Coast and for Ashanti. I would make a suitable suburb
of Kumasi the centre. But why do I speak of a national Univer-
sity? For the simple reason that you cannot educate a people
unless you have a suitable training ground. A Tuskegee Institute
is very useful in its way, but whete would you get the teachers
unless you drew them from the ranks of the Univetsity trained
men? And since even the teachers must be first locally trained, the
highest training grolUld becomes a necessity.
'I ,,,ould found in such a University a Chair for History; and
the kind of history that I would teach would be Wliversal history
with particular reference to the part Ethiopia has played in the
affairs of the world. I would lay stress upon the fact that while
Ramescs II was dedicating temples to "the God of gods and
secondly to his own glory," the God of the Hebtews had not yet
appeared unto Moses in the burning bush; that Africa was the
cradle of the world's systems and philosophies, and the nursing
mother of its religions. In short, that Africa has nothing to be
ashamed of of its place among the nations of the earth. I would
make it possible for this seat of learning to be the means of
revising erroneous current ideas regarding the African; of raising
him in self-respect; and of making him an efficient co-worker in
the uplifting of man to nobler effort.
'Then I should like to see professorships for the study of the
Fanti, Hausa, and Yotuba languages. The idea may seem odd
upon the first view. But if you are inclined to regard it thus, I can
only point to the examples of Ireland and Denmark, who have
found the vehicle of a national language much the safest and most
natural way of national conservancy and evolution. If the Dane
and Irish fmd it expedient in Europe, surely the matter is worthy
of consideration by the African. Says Mr. James O'Hannay,
writing on the work of the Irish League and the influence of
national language in the November, 1905, number of the Inde-
penaent Review, at pages 311 and 312: "Our history, our customs,
l'S OR.lGINS Of WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM

our characters are Wlintelligible to w until we know it. Character,

for instance, is the result of inheritance and environment; and
there is no more subtly inRucntial environment than the language
we speak. If these two are in opposition, if a people inherits a
Celtic spirit and grows up in an Anglo-Saxon atmosphere, with
the English language on its lips, what kind of character will result?
It is likely that a people tossed in this cross sideway of contradic-
tions will tend to develop inconsistencies of character - amazing
force rendered useless by recurring spasms of weakness, brilliant
intellectual capacity sterilised by inability to grasp the conditions
of material progress, and so forth."
'If you want a funher support to this view, you have it laid
down in an interview with Mr. A. G. Fraser (Trinity College,
Oxford) , the Principal of Trinity College, Kandy, Ceylon. Says
the Time$ reporter: "He laid special stress on the importance of
conducting the training given in Indian Colleges on a vernacular
basis rather than through the mcdiwn of English, as is too often
the case at present. The system existing in most missionary and
Government schools tends distinctly to separate those thw educa-
ted from their own race. He advocated education almost on
Japanese lines, i.e., thorough teaching of English as a subject and
literature, but the teaching of science, engineering, medicine, etc.,
through the medium of the vernacular, and not of English - with
a complete connection between the village school and the central
college."
'Moreover, I would make this seat oflearning so renowned and
attractive that students from the United States, the West Indies,
Sierra Leone, and Liberia, as well as from Lagos and the Gambia,
would Hock to it. And they would come to this Mecca - this alma
mater of national conservancy, not in top hat and broad doth, but
in the sober garb in which the Romans conquered the material
world, and in which we may conquer the spiritual world.
'Now, it is easy to see that the graduates that such a school will
turn Out will be men - no effete, mongrel, production of foreign
systems. .. .'
28 The Truth about the
West African Land Question
2nd ed. (1914) pp. II2-I3

... The future of West Africa demands that the voice of the
taxpayers should be more and more heard in the councils of West
Africa. YOll cannot admit the place of West Africa within the
Empire without admitting this fact. The Power which controls
the destinies of peoples and nations calls upon us to recognise this
fact. West Africa shall not for ever remain a hewer of wood and
drawer of water. She shall take her true place among the nations
of the earth. View her history impartially. Where can man record
such astounding developments and such progress? The brain of
her people i~ as ferti le as her soil. Where, elsewhere, you have to
prepare glass houses and regulated temperatures in order to produce
given results. here you have only to scratch the groWld, put in the
seed, and presto! such results as may satisfy the most fastidious.
And she shall move on to her preordained destiny, and no power
on earth can stay her course. Only West Africa must believe in her-
self She must realise the extent of her opportunity, and, bending
her full force to the task, she must rise superior to every obstacle.
Well, it is obvious that West Africa cannot continue for ever
watering the feet of the Empire without her own feet being
watered. I t would be against the law of Nature. You cannot be a
blessing to others without you yourself being blessed. That does
not depend upon the will of man. And the first substantial reward
will be the enjoyment of free institutions. We do not necessarily
require Parliaments after the type of that in the heart of the
Empire; but some substantial sort of effective control must we
have in the passing of laws and in expenditure. Then will all the
vagaries that are exposed from year to year in the annals of West
Africa be put a stop to.
J80 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

I have in another work indicated that the claim for representa-

tive Government on the part of a West African Dependency is not
bascdon imitation of what has been learnt from others. The idea is
indigenous; so, at the least. with the Gold Coast....
Suggested Further Reading

Robert w. July, The Origins of Modem African Thought (London, 1968)

is a wide-ranging introduction, which usually has something
perceptive to sayan the authors of the documents. Two seminal
articles by J. F. A. Ajayi are 'Nineteenth Century Origins of
Nigerian Nationalism', inJournal of tile Historical Society of Nigeria
(Ibadan) II 196-210, and 'The Place of African History and
Culture in the Process of Nation Building in Africa South of the
Sahara', in Journal oj Negro Education (Washington, D.C.) xxx,
no. 3 (1961) 206-13. John Hargreaves, Prtlude to the Partition oj
West Africa (London, 1963) catches the spirit of the early 'optimis-
tic' period, as docs Christopher Fyfe, History of Sierra leonI!
(London. 1962).
On Liberia, C. H. Hubcrich. The Political and Legislative History oj
Liberia, 2 vols (New York, 1947) though more legalistic than
political, is still useful. The anthropological study by Merran
Fraenkcl, Tribe and Class in Monrovia (London, 19(4) is perceptive
on the relationship of Americo-Liberians to Africa. Edith Holden,
Blyden 0JLiberia (New York, 19(7) and Hollis Lynch,Blyden,Pan-
Negro Patriot (London, 1967) give some pointers to the politics of
this little-studied country, as does John Hargreaves's comparison
of the colonisation of Liberia and Sierra Leone in Boston University
Papers in AJrican History (Boston) I (1964) 55-76.
British attitudes to West African countries and peoples in the period of
Grey and VeJUl are analysed in W. D. McIntyre, The Imperial
Frontier in the Tropics (London, 19(7) as well as in Hargreaves,
Prelude to Partition. Fyfe on Sierra Leone and David Kimble, A
Political History oj Ghana (Oxford, 1963) demonstrate the ·inter-
action between imperial policy and locally-based Africans and
Europeans. On VeJUl, J. F. A. Ajayi's article, 'Henry VeJUl and
the Policy of Developmcnt', in Joumal of the Historical Society of
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Nigeria (Ibadan) I 331-42, and his book, Christian Missions in

Nigeria (London, 1965) are invaluable, as is E. A. Ayandcle, The
Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria (London, 1966).
Kimble's Political History oJGhana deals with Horton. G. E. Metcalfe,
Great Britain and Ghana, Documents of Ghana History (Accra and
London, 1964) illustrates the 'administration' viewpoint very
adequately. Edinburgh University will shortly reprint Horton'~
West AJrican Countries and Peoples. D. Coombs, The Gold Coast,
Britain and the Netherlands (Oxford, 1963) is indispensable on the
diplomatic background.
On BIyden, the studies by Holden and Lynch are essential. Edinburgh
University reprinted Christianity, Islam and tht Ntgro Race in 1967
with a sensitive introduction by Christopher Fyfe.
Fyfe on Sierra leone, Kimble on the Gold Coast and Ayandcle on
Nigeria all catch the anger and sense of betrayal at the end of the
century. John Hargreaves, A Lift of Sir Samutl Lewis (London,
1958) is very revealing for this period.
Kimble is again good value on Sarbah and Casely Hayford and
Gordon Haliburton is preparing his thesis on the Prophet Harris
for publication.
Index

Abacn.mpah (Abacrampa), su Abrah Drew, S. R. B. Solomon), 26$, 266-

Abeokub, 164. 182n., 184, 185. 186, 73,300
187,188 Aj~yi,J. F. A., 382
Aborigines: Liberian, 21, 71,74.75.76, Akan. 26'], 299
82-).87-90. lOS. 106, 191, 192, 193; .Ak.im. ISo
Gold Coast, 213. 224, 2,4.1. )17. 318, A.ku,jtt Yorub~
)19. P.O, 322, 317. S et also Africans, Alexander High School. 229
indigenous; Barbarians; Natives Alexandrinus, Clemens, 169
Aborigines' Rights Protection Society, Algeri~. 248
40,41,265.275.3 It, 3 16, 371 America, 18, 19. 20, 3$, $8, 80, 106,
Ab~, 178,200,216,224 107. 108, 109, 113. 114. 121, 130,
Accra, 176, 183. 341; Republic of, )1, 192, 2]I, 24], 252, 327, 33$. 36$.
n 8,181 Su <1&0 United States
Acquainco. Chief, llO American B~ptist, Ill, 1)9
Ad:mgmc:, 178 American Colonies. 3I)
Addah.18I American Colonization Society, 19,
Adderley, Sir Chules B., 27. 29. 3 1-2 20,21,45,46,48,49, So, 51, 52, 5],
Adllffltur~s and MissiOlUlry LIIbours in 54, $$, $7. $8, 161, 229, 23 I, 241
Several Countries in the Inltrior of American Indians, 192
Aftic.:!, 121, 129 Americo--Liberians, 20, 2t, 22, 37, 88,
Africa and America, lOS 89,92,93,)82
Africa for the: Africans, 29. 37. 38-9, Amissah,j. F.• :n)
IZ2, ISO, 171,2)1-8,265.302-) Anamaboe. 176
Ajriuln Life and Customs, 254. 372 Anglophone West Africa, IS
African Repository, 46, 47.73 . 87. lJI Ansa, King, 283
African Times, 155.208, l i l n Aquapim, 178
Africans, indigenous, :n, 22, 2], 26. Arabia. 244
Stt 11/30 Aborigines, Darbarians, Arabic,I8].229
Natives Arabs, 2]I, 245
Afro--Americans, 36$..JJ Armiste~d, A., I67. 169n.
Agambr~, 330 Anrntrong, S~muel Chapman, )60
Agbebi, P~stor Mojol~ (D. B. Vincent), Ascension Island, 164
265,304-8 Ashantec (Ashanti or AWlti). ]2. 33.
Agge["}" KingJohn, 179 ISS, 156, 157. 158. 179. 180
Ahanta, 3]0 181, lOt. 202, 20). 208, 245, 299.
Ahum~. Auoh (Rev. S~muel Richard 312-]3
l'S ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Asia, 24) Brew. Re:v. Samuc:l Richard, $tt

lusia, 178 Ahuma, Attoh
Assimilation, )6, 37, 38 Britain, su Great Britain
lusin,180,2I6,l24 British Empire, 17, 18, 34, 134, 295,
Assinee, 321, 324, B2 352,379
Augustin, 169, 240 British West Africa, IS, 34, 35. 36, 37,
Australia, 171,2)1 2)0,275.277.278,283.288
Awoomah,18) Burton, Sir Richard. 29, 182 n.
Axim, ]30
Ayan, 21 3,216,223,224 Calabar, 164
Ayandcle:, E. A., 38 n., 383 Cakilli War, 324
Ayanmain, 216, 22) Cameroons, 164
Cannibalism, 307
Badagry, 184 Cape: Coast, 156, 176, 204. 221, 222,
Barbados, II4, 161 )11,340
Barbarians, 22, 25, 26, II In., 130, 167. Cape: Coast Castle, Il6
170, 198. Su a/SI) Aborigines; Afri- Cape: M esurado. 45
cans, indigenoU$; Natives Cape: Palmas, 174
Baring, Sir Francis, 28, 29 Cape: St Paul, 17$
Bassa,112 Cardwell, Edward,27, 199
Be:nedict, S., 49, 60, 72 Carthage:, 96, 23 I
Benson, Stephen Alien, 18. 21, 22, 2), Casamanza River, 164
45,73-8,87-91 ,93 Cavour, 245
Berkc:le:y, Bishop, 234 Cdt, 231
Bismarck,245 Ceylon, 125, 378
Black Englishmen. 36 Charisma. 4 I
Black Poor,24 China. 244
Black race:, su Race Chinaman, 321
Blankson. George, 179 Christendom, 20, 286
Blyden. Edward Wilmot, IS. 16, 17, Christian. Ut Christianity, Missions
20,22,2),24.34,35,36,37, 38, 39. Chris/ion Missiom in Nigeria, 383
40. 45, 79--86, 94-104. 229--62, 3Il. Chris/ian Ruortkr, 232
315.361-3,372 Christianity, 17. 19, 21, 22, 28. 36, 37,
BlydenofLilmia. )82 )9,46,47,60,61,62,75,82,86,93,
Blydm, Pa~Ntgro Potriot, 382 95, 108, IIO. 1)1-50, 184, 186n.,
Bond of 1844,39 199.246,250,307,355,374,375,376
Bonny, 164, 175 Cliristianity, Islam and fht Negro Rille,
Boston University Papers in African 37.24 1,3 83
His/Dry, 382 Christiansborg, 181
Bowen, T.]., 17,26. Ill, 1l!)--30 Church of England, 133, 134-
Boye:r, King, Ill-I) Church Minionary Society, 26, 28,
Bralfoo, 1I6 Ill, 112, 129, ISO, 183,229
Brazil, 244 Cicero, 236, 245
Brc:ckinridge:, Dr Robe:rt ]., 45. 47, Citizenship, Liberian, 2t, 71
2]8n. Civil War, American, 17, 254
Brew,]. H .• 218 Class, 26, 38, 129-30
INDEX
Colchis. 169
Colonial Office, a78. 3 IS, 334, 335
Colonial Policy of Lord John R~lI's
Administration, I l l . 123
Colonisation, 34, 35, 199. a76, a88, 382
Colonists, ao, a2, 46. 92, 93, 257· Su
am, Emigrants
Congoes, 22, 23,92, 93
Congress of Berlin, 37
Constitution: Anglo-Saxon. 39-40;
British. 31; Fanti, 298; Liberian. 19,
w. 21, 2), 24. 45. 48-55. 61-'72. 87,
loo;SierraleQne.16
Constitutional Convention. Liberian.
19.45. 48-55
Coombs, D., 383
Coppinger. William. 9l
C.P.P.••1
Cramanties, 162
Creoles, 38, 163, 164. Su also Liberated
Africans
Crobboe. 177, 178
Crown Colonies, a2I. 225. l78, l79,
289.315
Crowther, Bishop Samuel, 36. I2l. ISO
Crommell, Alexander. 17, 22. a3. 24,
45.92-3.105-17
Cultural Conservatism, 36. 40
Dahomey (Dahomy), 157, 158. 164.
183.184,187,188
Danish West Indies, 229
D avidson, W.E.,213
Dawson,Joseph. 33. 155. 208, 212
Day.]ohn.50,60,72
Declaration of Independence: Ameri-
can. 20; Liberian. 19. 20. 21, 45. 53,
54. S641, 73
D emocracy, 29, 98, 102, 110. Su also
Republicanism
DrnlOCTa,y and tM Labour MOJltnltnt,
40n.
Denhia.216
Denkera (Denkira). 159. 178. 180.224
Denmark. 368, 377
Dominusie•.21 3
l'S
Dress, African, 367
Du Bois, W.E.B., 335, 361. 369. 370,
m
Dunbar, Paul, 335
Durh~m, Lord. 25-6 n.
Durham Report. 16 n.
Dutch forts. 31. 124. 155, 200, 203.324,
341.342
Dutch Reformed Church. 229
&stem Akim, 178
Eckunifi. 116. l24
Eden. Guy. 343
Edgimacoe. 216. l23.22.
Edina. So. 51, 51
Edinburgh University. ISS
Edoo. King Quassie (Kwasi). 200, lIl .
"3
Education, 85. 88-91. 93. 113. 173-4.
192.206.275.190-1.294,197.377- 8
Edward VII. King. 336
Egba United Board of Management.
186.1 87
Egypt. 169, 246. 283. 371
lIilt. westem~ucated, 16, 24, 25. 26,
29.34,36.38,40, Ill, 129. 156. 265.
292-3,295-6,311,328.368.376
Elmina.3 24
Emancipation, American, 17
Emigrants, 94. 95. <}6, 101. Su also
Colonists
Empire. Day. 3Sl, 353
England. 24. 30. 41, 1I5-16, 121, 124,
157. 164. 174, 175. 176, 180, 192,
198. 199. 208, 243 . 256, 2S8, 275.
278. 286. 302, 313. 319. 314, 32$.
Su also Great Britain
'Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her
hands to God'. 17, 23. 241-8, 271,
326.331
Ethiopia Unlwund, 40, 3 II. 334-'78
Ethiopim uagues, 368
Ethiopians, 336
Europe, 18, 33 . 74, So, IJI, 198. 199.
243. 244. 246. l48, 261. 271, 283,
29),302.307.314.335
386 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN
Expansionism. IS, 38. 5u IIlso Imperi-
alism, the New; Scnmble. the
Fmti (Fantee), 32. 179, 200, 203. ~4.
206, 209. lI2, 213. 2I4. 299. 323.
324. 316, 328, 346, 348, ]68, 377;
Confederation (Confederacy), 16,
32, ]3. 155. 156, lOO, 201, 203. 204.
lOS. 206, lO7. ~8-l5. 28S. 298;
Kingdom of,3I. 177. 178
Fanli Ntltionlll Constitution, 40, 274-301
FergU5on, Governor, 162
Fernando Po, 164
Foulah, :t3S. 239
Foulah Town Mosque. 36
Fourah Bay College, IS. 311
Fourah Bay Mosque. 36
Fraenkel, Merran, 382
Fn.ncc, 18, 33. IS7. 198, 199, 248, 288,
324.325
Francophone West AfriOl, t6
Fnnkpledge Constitution of Sierra
Leone, t6
Fraser,A. G., 37S
Frl1Kr'$ Magazine, 25
Freetown, IS. 17. J6, 191, 249, 3 II
French West Afria, 16
Future ofAfrica, 92
Fyfe, Christopher. 382, 383
Ga, IS}
Gaboom, 164
G~lic League, 368
G alinas River, 164
Gambia, lS I , 164, 173, 177, 378
Gardiner, A. W., 50, 60, 72
Garibaldi,245
Gebee,I 84
George V, King,267
Germany, 198,246, 30 2, Jl4, Jl5
Gezo,IS8
Ghana, University of, 15
Gladstone, W. E., 195
Gold Coast, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 39, 40,
41, UI, u3, uS, Il6, u7, 155, 156,
164. 175, 177, 179, 190, 198, :wo,
NATIONALISM
WI , Z02, ZO), 204, z06, ZI3 , u9,
ZZ3, 224. z25, 265-'73 , 274-301,
311-33, 340, 371; Lcgisl1.tive Coun-
cil, 265, l77, l79, 285, l88, 3 12 passim
Gold Coast, Britain and the Nethfflands,
,8,
GJld Coast uadtr, z66
GJld Coast Nation and National Con-
uiousness. z66
GJld Coast Native [lUtitutiolU, 40, 156,
ZZl,3II
Goomoor, 178
Goomow:ili (Gomow:ili), zI6, z24
Government, traditional, lZ, 31, 40,
I57-97,J I l--33
Grand Bassa, 50, 51, p, 5), 60, 6S, 72
Grant, F. C.,l2Z
Granville, Earl, zoo, ZOI
Great Britain, 15, z8 , 29, 30, 31, )l,
33, 34, 39, 45, 107, 114, 121, Z78,
z85, 299, 311, 31l--33. Su also
Englmd
Creat Britain and Chana, Documents of
Ghana Histqry, 383
Grebo, 41, l35, 3II
Greece, 108n., 168,229,240, Z46, ZSI,
",
Greenleaf, Professor, 19,48,49,5),54,
2Jln.
Grey, Earl, 16, 22, 26, 114, 121, IlZ,
Il3-8,3 8z
Griffith, Governor, 300
Gripon,J. B., 49, p, 5), 60, 7Z
Guinea, 17, 22l
Haiti (Hayti), 18,73,74
Haliburton, Gordon, )83
Ham, race of, 47
Hampton, Va, 360
Hargreaves,John D., z7n., 38l, 383
Hausa (Haussa), 168, 368, 377
Hayford, Joseph Ephraim Caseiy, 16,
)9,40,41, 156, lZ2, Z65, 311-80, 38)
Heathenism, 23, Ill, 184. Su also
Polygamy; Religion, traditional:
Sodety, traditional
INDEX
Hebrew, 245,]38
Hereros, 302
Herring. Amos, 40.60,72
Hesse. Libercht. 181
Hill. Christopher. 40 n.
Hill, M3jor, IlS, 116
HutoryofSitrTa!.toM. )82
Hodgson. Governor, 3)2
Holden, Edith, 382
Horton, James Africanus. IS, 16, 29,
)0, )1. )2,}3. 35. IS5-107. ]83
Huberich, C. H., 48, 56, 61. ]82
Human sacrifice,)07
Ibadau.188
1I0rin, 184
Impmal Frontin in lilt Tropia. 382
Imperial West Africa, Hayford concept
of, 32). 326,)33
Imperialism, Roman, 33
Imperialism, the New, )7, )8.40. 1l2,
265, 277. Su also ExpamionUm;
Scnmble, the
Independence, 15. 16, 18, 19.20, 24, 25,
27. 29, ]0, ]2. 33, 34-5, 79-80. 8].
94.96,97-8,99. 105. 106, 157-97.
Su also Nation. Self-government,
Sovereignty
India, 134, 149, 244, 276
Indian Panduyat, 1)3
Indirect Rule, 38. 280. 284
Infidelity, European. 18
Ireland, 368. 369, )77
Irish League, 377
Islam, 36, 37, 39, 245. Su also Moham_
medaru, Muslim Empires
Isuama Eboe, 199
Italians,246
Ivory Coast,)11
IyewaRiver, 184
Jamaica. 114, 314
Japan, 275, 286, 288,298.299. 300
Jews, 97, 99, 2S1
Johnson, Elijah,60,12
Johnson,Gcorge W., 187
l'S
Johnson, Rev.James, 36
J ollofsUalofs).I77,2Jj
Jones. Sir Alfred. 258
Journal ofNtgro &/ucillion, ]82
Jenmlill of the H istDfi(1I1 ~ty of
Ni~iII, 382
JuchWn,39
July, Robert,)8 n., 382
Kermedy, Sir Arthllf,]2, 205. 2U
Ketu, 184
Kimberley, Earl of, 221
Kimble. David, )2 n., 381, 38]
Kingsley, Mary, 2S4, 256, 257. 259,
286,29)
Knight, Rev. William, 1]1. 135
Kong lUnge, II )
KO$$uth,24S
Kru (Kroomeo), 192,2]5,175
KWlUli, )44
ugos. 28,)8n.• 1$2. 164, 183, 184, 185.
186,188,378
ugql Stlllld4rd, 26$, J02
utin America, 18
uwley, Sir Arthur. 36)
Legislative Council, Itt Gold Coast,
Sierra Leone
UlltI'J OPI the Poljtiul Ctmdition of the
Cold C()4JI, )2. I$S
Lewis,J. N., 60, 71
Liberated Africans, 24, 161, 16), 18S
Liberia. IS, 17. 18, 19. 20, 21, 22, 23.
24. 30, 34. 35. 36, 40, 4$-117, 161,
164. 171, 172, 191, 192, 193. 229,
2)0, 2)S. 2)6. 247, 248, 257. :z6S.
275. 276.)11,)68,370,]78
Liberia College. 229
LiftofSirSmnuel Ltwil, ]8]
Lincoln. Ahraham, 360
Livingstone. David, 241, 30:1
Lokoja, ISO
London Missionary Society, 133
Lugeobeel, Dr J W.• 48-55
Lynch, Hollis,)82
38 8 ORIGINS OF WEST AFRICAN NATIONALISM

Macarthy, Sir Clu.rles, 325 Nation (Nationhood). IS. 19. 20. 12.
M'Carthy's Island, lSI 2S. 26. 30. 32. 74. 94. 96. 97.99. 1I 4.
Macaulay. King,]1 127. 166-']). Ste ~Isll Independence.
Mcintyre. W. D., liz Self-government. Sovereignty
Maclean, Governor, 324. llS National chancter. 24. 97. 100, l)l.
Madagascar, 139,288 132. 133. 294-S
Madden,Dr,167 National Congres.s of British West
Mahbah, I S8 Africa, 41
M:lllding<lC$, 2)5. 2,39 National identity, IS. 16.) 16. 376
M:mkessim, ISS. 200, 204. 206, 208 , Nationalism, 16, IB, 25. 37. 4S
209,212,21),216,22) Nationality, lS. 46-7, 94. 102. 106,
Marriage. inter-raci3.l, 30S 122. 131-50, IS7 ptWim. 192. 362,
MarrUge. plural, s« Polygamy 363-9
Maryland State Coloniution Society, Native Church, 122. 131-50
4S.57 Natives, 9). 94. 99. 105. loB. 109. lIO.
Maxwell, GovernOr Sir William, 291, III. 113. II4. 115. Su ~lw Abori-
3" gines; Africans. indigenous; Bar-
Mellioourie River, 174. 191 barians
Metcalfe, G. E., J8J Negro (Negroes). 16, 17. lB. 19. 20. 21.
Mexico, 244 22.24.29.34, )5, )6. 37. 40, 45. 73.
Mill,John Stuart, 22, 24. 25. I II n. 74. 104.107, II), 114. tt7. 1l6, 161.
~enation.JS.J6 167. 169. 129. 2)0, 231-62, 31B.
MiJsimuuy Implllt on Mtxkm Nigtria, 370. &t ~lsll Mulattoes. Race
J8n., ]8) Negrll. Tht 36
MissionllrY lAbours and Advmturcs in Ntw&glandtr.23S n.• 237 n.
Central Ajritll, 18 n. NewZca1and, 109. 171 . 2)1
Missionary Lift and LAbours of St. Nicol, George. I l l . 129
Francis Xavitr, I n Niger River. 164. IB3. 24B
MisricntUf Statlarial of HlIIry Vmn, Nigeria. University of, I S
1)1 , 135 Nigritian tribes, 245
Missions, 20, 21, 23. 26, 27. )0, 34. 37. Nile River, 24B
)8, 79.83 . 90,93. 121. 122, Ill-SO, Nkrumah,41
162,164.173. 262.]t7, J7S Nova Scotian Rebellion. 16
Mo~edans, 184. 239. 245. 259. Nunez River. 164
Su abo blam
Monogamy, ]8 ObstrVtf'. I B9 n.
Monrovia, 18, 23. 60, 72, 79. 94. lOS. OgunRiver. 184. 186,187
192, 193 O·Hannay,J ames. 3n
MOD~O.19,60,65.72 Opara River. 184
Mulattoes, 12. H. In. 192. Su ~bo Ord. Colonel Henry. 28
Negro. Rue Origen, 169
Mullens. Dr. I)) Origins Ilf Modtm African ThllUgh t.
MUIT1IY. R.E .• 60. 72 J8n·. 382
Muilim Empires. 36 0100 Ansab. Prince, 324
Otoo, Anfoo. 21)
Owoosookorkor.Is8
INDEX
Palma River. 184
Palmas.93
Palmerston. Lord. 48, 236
Pan African Conference. Gold Coast
1905,371
Papns on Inta- Racial Prob/(ffjJ Com-
municated to tlu First Universal Races
Congress, 304
Park, Mungo, 241
Parliamentary Committee of 1865,16,
27,29,31, ]2, 122, 151-2. ISS, 160,
171,180,197,199
Parliamentary Paptrs 1865. 28n .• 151
Parties, political, 10]
Pennsylvania Coloniz.ation Society, 92
Persia, 231, 244
Philanthropy, 19, 23. )0. 34, 57, 80
Phoenicia., 96. 23 1
Pine, Sir Benjamin, 28,29, 190, 191,222
Political and ugislatflll: His/ory of
Liberia, 48. 56, 61, 382
PoIi/ielll History ofGhanll, Jl n., )Sz
Poll tax, 125, ISS
Polygamy, 38, 307-8, 375~. Set also
Heathenism; Social system, tradi-
tional
Pongas River, 164
Pope-Hennessy, Governor, 156, 218,
'"
Popo, 183
Prampram, 181
Pratt, William Henry, 164, 165
Pratt. William O'Connor, 164-6
Prelude til the Partition of W est Ajricll,
27n·, 382
Prempeh (Prempe), King, 289, 332
Presbytery of West Africa, 229
Prophetli~s,4l,383
Prospects oftlu Aftican, 239
Protectorate, proposed for Liberia, !O8
Protestantism, 17. 18, 74
Prout, D r Jacob W., 50, 60, 72
Province of Freedom, 17.24
Prussia. 30. 174
Quantamissa, Prince, Jl4
l'S
Queens' College, Cambridge, 45
Quiah W u, 166
Race. 20. )0, 34, 35, )6. 37, 40, 10),
104, 106, 1)2, 195,229-62, )26, 327,
334--78. Set also Mulattoes, Negro
Reconstruction, American, 17
Reform Acts, )0, 34
Regeneration of Africa, 94, 108, II ),
116,1)0,19),194,195,196,232
Religion. traditional, 39, 99, )7)-5.
Set also Heathenism
Republicanism, 18, 97, 98, 99, 100.
Set also Democracy
Return oj tlu Exiles and 1M West Aftican
Church, 38 n.
Revinv of the Colonilll Policy oj Lord
John Ruutll's Administration, 27n.
Revivalism, 17, 18, 41, 74
Revolution, American, 17, 18
Roberts. Governor (later President),
48.54
Roman Catholicism, 18, 31I
Rome, 33, 96,168,169,170.198,2]1.
240,252,33 6
Roye, Edwud James, 229
Russia, 167- 8
St Helena Island, 164
St Paul's River, 93
St Thomas. 229
Salmon, C. S., 156, 223
Sarbah, John Mensah, 16, 39, 40, 156,
l6S, 274-301, 38)
Saville,John,40 n.
Scumble, the, 34. 37. 333 . See Illso
Expmsionism; Imperialism, the New
Secret Societies, 306
Segregation, 36,305
Sekondi, 340. 341. 34.2, 344
Sekondi-Kumasi Railway, 289
Self-govenunent, 20. 28, 29. 30, ) 1,
32, 34. 104, 121, 122, 129. 133, 158,
l7]. 185. & e Illso Independence,
Nltion, Sovereignty
Senegal, 164 . 248
390 ORIGINS OF WEST AfRICAN NATIONALISM
Settler!, Europcm, 171 Timbuctoo, 168
Seventeen Natioru, 31 Thier, Ephraim, 52, H, 60, 72
Sharp, Granville, 16 Trans v aal,363
Shcrbroc River, 16. Tri~ al1d CllUS ill Monrovia, 382
Shomoya, Basho[um, 187 Tributtfor Iht Ntgro, 169
Sierra Leone, 15. 16,22,24.27.29.30, Trinidad, ]14
31 , )2. 35. 36, II •• Ill, 122, 123. Twi,299
145. 146, 151, 15S, 161, 162, 163.
164. 165. 172, 171. 174, 182, 183. United Na.tive Afr ican Church, ]8 n.
185. 186, 188, 189, 19(1, 191, 229. United States, IS, 18, 22, 24,45,52,51,
249. )68, 371, 375. 378; Legislative 57, 74, 92, 97, WI, 108,229, 231,
Council of. 189. 190 232, 233, 234, 236, 237, 24], 2«,
Sierra uone Timcs, 249 247, 248, 252, 294, 363 , 365, ]66,
Sima uone Wukly News, 372, 375 369 ,372,378. Sua/so Americ:a
Sj~,.,a uone Wuk1r Times and W esl Universal Races Congress, 265
African Record, 16.
SinO!: (Sinou), 00, 65. 71., 93. 112 Venezuela,244
Slave trade, 17.21,22,47.74.93. 184, Venn, Henry, 15, 26, 27, 28, 33 , Ill,
185. 231,274,299 122,131-50,229,382
Slavery, 17, 19. ZO, 24, 62, 83. 95. 126, Veys, 2lS, 259
152, 161, 171, 172, 175. 231, 232, Victoria the Good (Queen), 270
1.56.333 Victoriaburg, H2
Social system, traditional, 30, 37. 38, Vincent, D. II., ue Agbtbi, Putor
39. 130, lH. 256, 257. 2$9. 260, Mojola
281-3. 304-8, 327-)1. Su also Volta River, 178, 183, 321, H2
Heathenism, Polygamy Vroom, H endrick, 291
Solomon, S. R. B., U t Ahum:a, Attoh
Solomon, Thom:i.!,213 W :alker, Alexander, 189n.
Soudm (Sudan), 36, 130,243, 245, 248 W :arburton,]., 129
Souls of Black Folk, ]69 Warner, President,2JS
Sovereignty, 20,]4,37,45, H . Su "'SO Washington, I100ker T., HS, 361, 30
Indt~ndence, Nation, Self-govern- WesleyanIloys' High School, 311
mro. Wesleyan Schools, 216
Sptctalor, 274 Wesleyans, 206
Spiller, G., 304 West, coneept of the, I S, 16
Sweet River, 178 W n t African Countries al1d Peoples, 29,
I SS , 157, ]83
T acradi B:ay, 341 West Indies, 244, 294, 368, 372, 378
T :i.!mania, 2] 1 Western Akim, 178
T uation, direet, 124, 1l5, 1l6, 127 Whipper, William, 2]Z
Taylor, Coleridge, 335 William Waddy Harris, the Wnt
T eagt, Hil:lrY, 19, 49, p, 53, 54, 60, African Rtfomrtr, the Man and His
72, 19] Mnsagt,4 1
T erenet, 168 Wilson, I1everly R., 19, 20, 49, 52, 60,
T errullian,l69 7'
Thompson, Dr). P., 23sn., 237 Winnib:ah,178
INDEX 391
Winnie:tt, Sir William, lZ4, IZS Young Mc:n'$ Lite:rary Association of
Sierra Leone:, 249
Yanfoo, Qow, 213
Yoruba, )6, IZI , 182, 183, 184, 18S,
187, 188, 30S, )68, 377; Kingdom Zanzibar, Sultan of, 334
of, 184 Zulus, 245