The Cultural Manifestations

of Religious Experience
Studies in Honour of Boyo G. Ockinga

Edited by Camilla Di Biase-Dyson

and Leonie Donovan

in cooperation with
Heike Behlmer, Julien Cooper, Brenan Dew,
Alice McClymont, Kim McCorquodale and Ellen Ryan

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ÄGYPTEN UND ALTES TESTAMENT
Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion Ägyptens und des Alten Testaments
Band 85

Gegründet von Manfred Görg

Herausgegeben von Stefan Jakob Wimmer und Wolfgang Zwickel

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 The Cultural Manifestations
of Religious Experience
Studies in Honour of Boyo G. Ockinga

Edited by Camilla Di Biase-Dyson

and Leonie Donovan

in cooperation with
Heike Behlmer, Julien Cooper, Brenan Dew,
Alice McClymont, Kim McCorquodale and Ellen Ryan

2017
Ugarit-Verlag
Münster

© 2017, Ugarit-Verlag – Buch- und Medienhandel GmbH, Münster

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Umschlag-Vignette: The Theban Hills from Chicago House 1985
Drawing by Susan Osgood © Susan Osgood

Ägypten und Altes Testament, Band 85

The Cultural Manifestations of Religious Experience. Studies in Honour of Boyo G.

Ockinga
Edited by Camilla Di Biase-Dyson and Leonie Donovan
in cooperation with Heike Behlmer, Julien Cooper, Brenan Dew, Alice McClymont,
Kim McCorquodale, and Ellen Ryan

© 2017 Ugarit-Verlag, Münster

www.ugarit-verlag.com
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of the publisher.
Printed in Germany

ISBN 978-3-86835-235-1
ISSN 0720-9061

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 Table of Contents

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ix
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES xiii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xix
BOYO G. OCKINGA xxi
PUBLICATIONS OF BOYO G. OCKINGA xxix
TABULA GRATULATORIA xxxiii
INTRODUCTION xxxv

PART 1: THE TOMB AS A SACRED SPACE 1

E. Christiana Köhler
UNDER THE STARRY SKIES OF MEMPHIS. NEW ARCHITECTURAL EVIDENCE
FOR AN EARLY SANCTUARY? 3
Alexandra Woods
AGENCY, LEGITIMATION OR AN ACT OF REMEMBRANCE? ARTISTIC CONTINUITY AND USES
OF THE PAST IN THE TWELFTH DYNASTY TOMB OF WEKH-HOTEP III (B4) AT MEIR 15
Alice McClymont
HISTORIOGRAPHY AND METHODOLOGY IN THE STUDY OF AMARNA PERIOD ERASURES 31

PART 2: MATERIAL CULTURE 43

Julia Harvey
THE EYES HAVE IT. A NUDE FEMALE STATUE IN BARCELONA 45
Yann Tristant
TWO EARLY MIDDLE KINGDOM HIPPOPOTAMUS FIGURINES FROM DENDARA 53
Karin Sowada and Stefan Wimmer
TWO IRON AGE IA AMPHORISKOI FROM SOUTHERN CANAAN
IN A TWENTIETH DYNASTY THEBAN TOMB 71

PART 3: HUMAN AND ANIMAL REMAINS 85

Michael Schultz
LEBEN UND LEIDEN DES IPY-ANKH. DIE OSTEOBIOGRAPHIE EINES MANNES
VOM ANFANG DES MITTLEREN REICHES 87
Mary Hartley
IT’S A DOG’S LIFE. VOTIVE CANID CRANIA FROM SAQQARA 105

PART 4: FUNERARY ART 117

Naguib Kanawati
PAPYRUS THICKETS IN THE OLD AND MIDDLE KINGDOMS, WITH REFERENCE TO THE SCENES
IN THE TOMBS OF BAQET III AND KHETY AT BENI HASSAN 119

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vi THE CULTURAL MANIFESTATIONS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE

Elizabeth Thompson
MAN’S (AND WOMAN’S) BEST FRIEND? TWO UNUSUAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ANIMALS ACCOMPANYING
THE TOMB OWNER AND HIS WIFE IN THE OLD KINGDOM CEMETERY AT TEHNA IN MIDDLE EGYPT 133
Kim McCorquodale
THE ORIENTATION OF THE TOMB OWNER ON ENTRANCE DOORWAY THICKNESSES
IN OLD KINGDOM TOMBS 145
Linda Evans
PIG OVERBOARD? AN ENIGMATIC TOMB SCENE FROM BENI HASSAN 153
Renate Müller-Wollermann
SONDERBARE SALBKEGEL 167
Tamás Bács
MODEL TRANSFER AND STYLE REPETITION. ON THE REPRESENTATIONS
OF THE PROCESSIONAL BARK OF AMUN IN TT 65 173

PART 5: HISTORICAL CONTEXTS – THE WORKFORCES

AROUND RELIGIOUS MONUMENTS 185
Zahi Hawass
SETTLEMENTS AT THE GIZA PLATEAU: grgt, Tn-rsi and r-S 187
Mark Collier
THE LEFT SIDE OF THE DEIR EL-MEDINA WORK GANG IN THE LATE REIGN OF RAMESSES III 193
Benedict G. Davies
VARIATIONS IN THE SIZE OF THE DEIR EL-MEDINA WORKFORCE 205
Jennifer Cromwell
THE THREADS THAT BIND US. ASPECTS OF TEXTILE PRODUCTION IN LATE ANTIQUE THEBES 213
Matthew Underwood
DOMESTIC OCCUPATION OF THEBAN TOMB 95 IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD 225
Gillian Bowen
CHRISTIANITY AT MUT AL-KHARAB (ANCIENT MOTHIS), DAKHLEH OASIS, EGYPT 241

PART 6: EPIGRAPHY AND DOCUMENT STUDIES 249

Nico Staring
GRAFFITI ON A THIRTEENTH DYNASTY STELA FROM ABYDOS (LOUVRE C8) 251
Brenan Dew
CARTOUCHES AS A STRUCTURAL ELEMENT UPON RAMESSIDE RHETORICAL STELAE 263
Colin A. Hope and Ashten R. Warfe
THE PROSCRIPTION OF SETH REVISITED 273
Heike Sternberg-el Hotabi
ZUM FORTLEBEN DER BENTRESCH-ERZÄHLUNG IN DER KOPTISCHEN HILARIA-LEGENDE 285

PART 7: TEXT, LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY 295

Anna-Latifa Mourad
THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 297

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS vii

Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert
„NAMEN BILDEN“ (ir.t-rn.w). EIN BEITRAG ZUR PARADIGMATISCHEN ANTHROPONYMIE
DES NEUEN REICHS 311
Jacobus van Dijk
THE CLOAKED MAN DETERMINATIVE 327
Waltraud Guglielmi
DIE „ICH-BIN“-PRÄDIKATIONEN DER HATSCHEPSUT AUF DEM BLOCK 146 DER CHAPELLE ROUGE.
IST DIE RHETORIK UM EINE INNENPOLITISCHE METAPHORIK BEMÜHT? 339
Camilla Di Biase-Dyson
A NAUTICAL METAPHOR FOR OBEDIENCE AND A LIKELY CASE
OF NEGATED DISJUNCTION IN EGYPTIAN 355

PART 8: RELIGIOUS STUDIES 363

Milena Kooyman
ALWAYS ON THE PERIPHERY? SETH AND PERSONAL PIETY IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT 365
Anthony Spalinger
THE CYCLE OF 309 EGYPTIAN MONTHS 377
Julien Cooper
BETWEEN THIS WORLD AND THE DUAT. THE LAND OF WETENET
AND EGYPTIAN COSMOGRAPHY OF THE RED SEA 383
Todd Gillen
IMAGINING THE NUMINOUS 395
Nili Shupak
DOES THE IDEA OF THE PRIMACY OF MORALITY OVER THE CULT
EXIST IN EGYPTIAN WISDOM LITERATURE? 405

SELECTED INDEX 419

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 List of Abbreviations

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS
BD Faulkner, R.O. 1972. The Egyptian Book of the Dead, London.
CT Buck, A. de 1935–1961. The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 7 Vols, Oriental Institute Publications,
Chicago.
KRI I Kitchen, K.A. 1975. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. I, Oxford.
KRI II Kitchen, K.A. 1979. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. II: Ramses
II, Oxford.
KRI III Kitchen, K.A. 1980. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. III, Oxford.
KRI IV Kitchen, K.A. 1982. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. IV, Oxford.
KRI V Kitchen, K.A. 1983. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. V, Oxford.
KRI VI Kitchen, K.A. 1983. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. VI, Oxford.
KRI VII Kitchen, K.A. 1989. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. VII, Oxford.
KRI VIII Kitchen, K.A. 1990. Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, Vol. VIII, Oxford.
RITA I Kitchen, K.A. 1993. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations I,
Ramesses I, Sethos I, and contemporaries, Oxford.
RITA II Kitchen, K.A. 1996. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations II,
Ramesses II, Royal Inscriptions, Oxford.
RITA III Kitchen, K.A. 2000. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations III,
Ramesses II, his contemporaries, Oxford.
RITA IV Kitchen, K.A. 2003. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations IV,
Merenptah and the late Nineteenth Dynasty, Oxford.
RITA V Kitchen K.A. 2008. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations V,
Setnakht, Ramesses III, and contemporaries, Oxford.
RITA VI Kitchen, K.A. 2012. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations VI,
Ramesses IV to XI, and contemporaries, Oxford.
RITA VII Kitchen, K.A. 2012. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations VII,
Addenda to I-VI, Oxford.
RITANC I Kitchen, K.A. 1993. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and
Comments I, Ramesses I, Sethos I, and contemporaries, Oxford.
RITANC II Kitchen K.A. 1999. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and
Comments II, Ramesses II, Royal Inscriptions, Malden-Oxford.
RITANC III Davies, B.G. 2013. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments
III, Malden-Oxford.
RITANC IV Davies, B.G. 2014. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments
IV, Malden-Oxford.
RITANC VII Davies, B.G. forthcoming 2017. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes
and Comments VII, Malden-Oxford.
LÄ I Helck, W. and Otto, E. (eds) 1975. Lexikon der Ägyptologie I, Wiesbaden.
LÄ II Helck, W. and Westendorf, W. (eds) 1977. Lexikon der Ägyptologie II, Wiesbaden.
LÄ III Helck, W. and Westendorf, W. (eds) 1980. Lexikon der Ägyptologie III, Wiesbaden.
LÄ IV Helck, W. and Westendorf, W. (eds) 1982. Lexikon der Ägyptologie IV, Wiesbaden.
LÄ V Helck, W. and Westendorf, W. (eds) 1984. Lexikon der Ägyptologie V, Wiesbaden.
LÄ VI Helck, W. and Westendorf, W. (eds) 1986. Lexikon der Ägyptologie VI, Wiesbaden.
LGG Leitz, C. et al (eds), 2002–2003. Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen,
Bd. I–VII, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 110–116, Leuven.

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x THE CULTURAL MANIFESTATIONS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE

PM I/1 Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1960. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. I, The Theban Necropolis, Part 1: Private
Tombs, second edition, Oxford.
PM I/2 Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1964. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. I, The Theban Necropolis, Part 1: Royal
Tombs and Smaller Cemeteries, second edition, Oxford.
PM II Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1972. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. II, Theban Temples, second edition,
Oxford.
PM III/1 Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1974. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. III, Memphis, Part 1: Abû Rawâsh to
Abûṣir, J. Malek (ed.), second edition, Oxford.
PM III/2 Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1978–1981. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. III, Memphis, Part 2: Ṣaqqâra to Dahshûr,
3 Fascicles, J. Malek (ed.), second edition, Oxford.
PM IV Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1934. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. IV, Lower and Middle Egypt (Delta and
Cairo – Asyût), Oxford.
PM V Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1937. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. V, Upper Egypt: Sites (Deir Rifâ to
Aswân, excluding Thebes and the Temples of Abydos, Dendera, Esna, Edfu, Kom Ômbo
and Philae), Oxford.
PM VII Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1951. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, Vol. VII, Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside
Egypt, Oxford.
PM VIII Malek, J. 1999. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Texts, Statues, Reliefs and
Print and Paintings, Vol. VIII, Objects of Provenance Not Known: Statues Part 1: Royal Statues.
Private Statues (Predynastic to Dynasty XVII), assisted by D. Magee and E. Miles, Oxford.
PM VIII Malek, J., Magee, D. and Miles, E. 2008. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Online Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, Vol. VIII, Objects of Provenance Not Known:
Statues: Part 1: Royal Statues. Private Statues (Predynastic to Dynasty XVII). Online at
http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/gri/3statues.html.
PN I Ranke, H., 1935. Die Ägyptischen Personennamen I. Verzeichnis der Namen, Glückstadt.
PN II Ranke, H., 1952. Die Ägyptischen Personennamen II. Einleitung, Form und Inhalt der
Namen, Geschichte der Namen, Vergleiche mit anderen Namen, Nachträge und Zusätze zu
Band I, Umschreibungslisten, Glückstadt/Hamburg.
PN III Ranke, H., 1977. Die Ägyptischen Personennamen III. Verzeichnis der Bestandteile,
Glückstadt.
Urk. I Sethe, K. 1932–1933. Urkunden des Alten Reichs, Abteilung I, Band I, Heft 1-4, Leipzig.
Urk. IV Sethe, K. 1906. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Band I, Heft 1-4, Historisch-
biographische Urkunden, Leipzig.
Sethe, K. 1906. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Band II, Heft 5–8, Historisch-
biographische Urkunden, Leipzig.
Sethe, K. 1907. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Band III, Heft 9–12, Historisch-
biographische Urkunden, Leipzig.
Sethe, K. 1909. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Band IV, Heft 13–16, Historisch-
biographische Urkunden, Leipzig.
Helck, W. 1955. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 17, Historische Inschriften
von Zeitgenossen Thutmosis’ III. und Amenophis’ II., Berlin.
Helck, W. 1956. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 18, Biographische Inschriften
von Zeitgenossen Thutmosis’ III. Und Amenophis’ II., Berlin.
Helck, W. 1957. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 19, Historische Inschriften
Thutmosis’ IV. und biographische Inschriften seiner Zeitgenossen, Berlin.

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 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xi

Helck, W. 1957. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 20, Historische Inschriften
Amenophis’ III., Berlin.
Helck, W. 1958. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 21, Inschriften von
Zeitgenossen Amenophis’ III., Berlin.
Helck, W. 1958. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Abteilung IV, Heft 22, Inschriften der Könige
von Amenophis’ III. bis Haremhab und ihrer Zeitgenossen, Berlin.
Helck, W. 1961. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Übersetzung zu den Heften 17–22, Berlin.
Wb Erman, A. and Grapow, H. (eds) 1926–1963. Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, 7 Vols,
Leipzig.
Wb Beleg. Erman, A. and Grapow, H. (eds), 1973 [1935–1953]. Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache.
Die Belegstellen, 5 Vols, Reprint, Berlin.

OTHER ABBREVIATIONS
ÄM Prefix for registration number, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin
AR Altes Reich
Abb. Abbildung
BM Prefix for registration, British Museum, London
bes. besonders
bzw. beziehungsweise
c. circa, about, approximately
cf. confer, compare
DeM Deir el-Medina
d. h. das heiβt
Diam. diameter
DZA Digitalisiertes Zettelarchiv
ed. editor, edition
eds editors
EK El-Kab
et al. et alii, and others
evtl. eventuell
fig. figure
figs figures
H. height
Hrsg. Herausgeber
JdE, JE Journal d’Entrée, Egyptian Museum, Cairo
Kol. Kolumne
KV Kings’ Valley
L. length
M.a.W. Mit anderen Worten
MFA Prefix for registration number, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
MR Mittleres Reich
n. note
n.d. no date
NR Neues Reich
O. Ostracon
o. ä. oder ähnliches
OIM Prefix for registration number, Oriental Institute Museum, Univ. of Chicago
P. Papyrus
pl. plate
pls plates
PN Personenname, personal name

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xii THE CULTURAL MANIFESTATIONS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE

QV Queens’ Valley
rto recto
s. siehe
s. a. siehe auch
s. o. siehe oben
s. v. sub voce
Sp. Spalte
Taf. Tafel
TLA Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae
TT Theban Tomb
u. a. und andere, unter anderem
u. ä. und ähnlich
UC Prefix for registration number, University College, London
var. variant
vgl. vergleiche
vso verso
W. width
Z. Zeile
z. B. zum Beispiel
z. T. zum Teil
ZwZt Zwischenzeit

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 The Asiatic 4T.t and 4T.tyw from the Early Dynastic Period
to the Middle Kingdom

Anna-Latifa Mourad, Macquarie University, Sydney

For the past ten years, I have been both a student and a colleague of Boyo Ockinga. Not only a brilliant
scholar and a dedicated Egyptologist, he is also an exemplary teacher who inspires his students to achieve
their best. I offer this short paper in his honour as a small gesture of thanks for the advice and guidance
he has generously offered me over the years.

Egypt’s geographic position offered its inhabitants advantageous opportunities to interact with a plethora
of cultures and ethnicities. From the archaeological remains of its earliest communities, it is clear that
such encounters were not only sources of trade, but also of cultural inspiration. Following the inception
of the hieroglyphic script and the standardisation of Egyptian artistic forms, attempts at identifying or
defining these ‘foreign’ cultures surfaced in textual and artistic creations. An example of such an
identification is 4T.t, one of the earliest terms to be associated with the region northeast of Egypt. Often
modified to its nisbe form, 4T.tyw, to designate its people, the origins and connotations of the term have
been open to interpretation, especially as no single source specifically connects it with a particular region
or cultural/ethnic group. The following paper presents attestations from the Early Dynastic Period to the
Middle Kingdom, offering some observations pertaining to the use of 4T.t and 4T.tyw.

Previous discussion
Some debate has circulated over the location of 4T.t and the identity of the 4T.tyw. When supplied with a
determinative of a foreign or sandy land (Gardiner Sign list N25), scholars have generally translated 4T.t
as ‘Asia’, with some favouring (1) the region defined by the Sinai,1 (2) a broader area incorporating the
Sinai and the Southern Levant,2 or (3) the entire Levantine area.3 Cases in which such a determinative is
not supplied have led to more varied interpretations. Some from the Early Dynastic Period, for example,
retain the determinative of a town or city (Gardiner O49), leading Godron to identify 4T.t with the southern
Sehel Island at the First Cataract.4 Yet, Redford is correct in stating that the earliest recorded occurrence
of 4T.t is associated more with the northeasterly region than with the south.5 Still, it remains possible that
cases determined by a town/city glyph could refer to a town in the Delta, especially one in the Eastern
Delta. Kaplony identifies this with a royal residence,6 while Ward argues that 4T.t was perhaps at the
border, the term 4T.tyw first used for its inhabitants and then for peoples beyond the northeast boundaries
of Egypt.7 Although attractive, this identification cannot be applied to all Early Dynastic examples,
particularly the first recorded attestation, which artistically represents 4T.t(y) with the figure of an Asiatic.8

1
Černy (1955: 2). See also Sowada (2009: 31).
2
Godron (1990: 194); Sowada (2009: 31).
3
Wright (1985: 248, 250).
4
Godron (1958: 155); van Seters (1964: 15). See, however, Godron (1990: 194).
5
Redford (1986: 135, n.ac). See below, [1].
6
Kaplony (1963: 783–787).
7
Ward (1991: 12, n.7b). See also Goedicke (1966: 54).
8
See below, [1] and FIGURE 1.

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298 MOURAD

The identity of this earliest known case of 4T.t(y) has also been questioned, despite the clear association
with the region 4T.t. Ward, following his interpretation of 4T.t, designates the 4T.tyw as ‘border-dwellers’,9
while others recognise them as ‘nomads’.10 Redford links the sign of the shoulder-knot, sTi, with their
origins, translating 4T.tyw as ‘shoulder-knot people’ and 4T.t as ‘tract of the shoulder-knot’.11 Nibbi, on
the other hand, associates sTi, with a donkey pack-saddle,12 relating attestations of 4T.tyw that utilise
this sign with nomadic ‘traders’, while those written with the pierced-hide, sti, are a different, more
hostile people.13 However, as the latter is only attested after the Middle Kingdom, the difference between
sTi and sti is more likely due to orthographic and/or phonetic developments rather than socio-
ethnic identity.14 Similarly, the orthography of 4T.t itself may have nothing to do with its location or the
identity of its people; it could simply be the Egyptian rendition of a foreign name, perhaps a case of rebus
writing.15 The association with ‘nomadic’ elements is also problematic. Saretta, for instance, proposes
that 4T.tyw should ‘best be construed as a socio-economic term used for the (semi-) nomadic, unstable
elements within society’.16 Thus, she suggests that it does not refer to an ethnic group, but it is rather a
derogatory qualification attributed to nomadic foreigners, particularly those of the aAm.w.17 Indeed, the
word is the second most frequently attested term designating northeastern foreigners, and can occur in
relation to the ethnonym aAm.w.18 However, not all nomadic foreigners are identified as 4T.tyw, and a
number of Old and Middle Kingdom attestations refer to the ‘fortresses’ of 4T.t.19 The usage of aAm.w as
opposed to 4T.tyw also varies, the former occurring in several mimetic representations of Asiatics in the
Middle Kingdom.20 It thus appears that associating the term 4T.tyw with a means of subsistence, lifestyle,
or occupation is not corroborated by the corpus of available attestations. In turn, a re-examination of the
terms 4T.t and 4T.tyw is provided below.

Selected attestations
Early Dynastic Period
SOURCE DYNASTY CONTEXT ATTESTATION
1 Gaming 1 (Qa’a) Tomb of Qa’a,
reed/throwstick Umm el-Qaab, Abydos
2 Ink jar label 1 (Ninetjer [?]) Saqqara
3 Clay seal impression 2 (Peribsen) Tomb of Peribsen,
Umm el-Qaab, Abydos
4 Clay seal impression 2 (Peribsen) Tomb of Peribsen,
Umm el-Qaab, Abydos
5 Inscribed jar label 2 (Peribsen [?]) –

TABLE 1. Selected attestations of 4T.t(yw) from the Early Dynastic Period.

The term 4T.t is attested on five published objects of the Early Dynastic Period, all associated with royalty
(TABLE 1). Four are of known provenance and stem from royal funerary contexts. Two are written with

9
Ward (1991: 12).
10
See, for instance, Redford (1986: 130); Saretta (2016: 20–21).
11
Redford (1986: 125).
12
Nibbi (1978: 56–64).
13
Nibbi (1978: 62).
14
For phonetic developments associated with the shift from T to t, see Peust (1999: 123–124).
15
Espinel (2006: 138–139).
16
Saretta (2016: 20).
17
Saretta (2016: 20–21).
18
Mourad (2015: 194–199, figs 7.8–7.9).
19
See below, [7, 12]. See also Mourad (2015: 194–199).
20
Mourad (2015: 194–196, fig. 7.8).

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 THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 299

determinatives typically associated with foreign lands, whereas three are identified as , usually
correlated to Egyptian towns/cities. The earliest [1] is the sole example to associate 4T.t with an artistic
representation of a foreigner (FIGURE 1).21 It features 4T.t(y) inscribed above a standing and bound
long-haired captive with a thick beard as well as a prominent hooked nose. Such elements bear affinities
with Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom representations of Asiatics, clearly linking 4T.t(y) with north-
easterners.22 A foreign or non-Egyptian location is favoured by the use of the determinative , which
specifies a sandy or desert region. This, together with the portrayal of a bound northeasterner on an object
likely purposed to be thrown or tossed, indicates the symbolic dominance of the Egyptian over the foreign,
thereby emphasising the topos or ideological treatment of the 4T.t(y).23
Remaining attestations occur as labels or seal impressions. The ink jar label from Saqqara [2] is written
on the body of a handled ‘Egyptian alabaster’ vessel, one of thousands of complete and fragmentary stone
vessels uncovered at the Step Pyramid.24 Featuring the expression in 4T.t ‘tribute/produce25 of
4T.t’ (FIGURE 2), it includes a large rnp.t sign framing a column of text reading ‘the year of the following-
of-Horus and the 17th cattle-count, chief of the wAD.tyw-phyle’.26 Based on the latter, the vessel has been
dated to the reign of Ninetjer, who is thought to have ruled over 34 years.27 The in 4T.t occurs on a further
three objects as in 4T.t 4tX-Prj-ib-sn ‘tribute/produce of 4T.t (of?) Seth-Peribsen’ ([3–5];
28
FIGURES 3–5). Two of these are clay sealings, possibly originally attached to grave goods from
Peribsen’s realm [3–4].29 The third, a jar label, is inscribed on a basalt vessel of unknown origin [5].30
Not only does it feature ,31 it also bears a row of hieroglyphs naming a sS
32
sm.wt ‘scribe of the desert region’. The title’s association with the desert has led Kaplony to interpret

21
Petrie (1900: 23–24, pl. 12 [13]).
22
Petrie (1900: 24) originally identified the figure with that of a Libyan. For First Dynasty parallels to the Asiatic
ethnotype, see the inscribed palette of Djer (Emery [1961: fig. 23]), as well as the ivory label from the tomb of
Den (Newberry and Wainwright [1914: 150, fig. 3]). Old Kingdom representations may be found in Gardiner
and Peet (1917: pls 1 [1–2], 2 [5], 4 [6], 6 [10], 8 [16]); Borchardt (1910: pls 5–7, 13); Verner (1985: pls 6–8);
Borchardt (1907: pl. 12); Kanawati and McFarlane (1993: pl. 27); Smith (1965: fig. 9b).
23
The artefact has also been used as evidence for Qa’a’s historical campaigns to the Sinai or the Levant (Černy
1955: 2; Lapp 1970: 122; Drower and Bottero 1971: 357). However, given its context and details, the existence
of such campaigns cannot be justified, see Wright (1985: 250).
24
Lacau and Lauer (1965: 88–89, fig. 173). The collection was uncovered both within the Step Pyramid’s
underground galleries, as well as among the debris north of it. As it includes vessels inscribed with the names of
almost every king before Djoser, it was likely gathered from royal storehouses and deposited in the Step Pyramid
galleries during Djoser’s reign. The debris possibly originated from the galleries but was removed in antiquity.
For more on the collection, see Regulski (2004: 954–955).
25
Some have translated in(w) as ‘conqueror’, purporting that Peribsen led military campaigns to the Levant, see,
for instance, Anati (1963: 356); Lapp (1970: 121–122); Wilkinson (1999: 76); Hamblin (2006: 322–323). Ogdon
(1982), however, identifies that in could also refer to ‘produce’ or ‘gift/tribute’, suggesting more peaceful
relations between the two parties, similar to the redistributive gift-giving practice interpreted by Bleiberg (1996:
53). Redford (1986: 135, n.ab) prefers the term ‘benevolence’ to express slightly more coercive control over the
named region/people. For more, see Wright (1985: 250–251); Sowada (2009: 31).
26
See Roth (1991: 177–178).
27
The inscription mentioning 4T.t, however, has otherwise been attributed to Peribsen: (Helck [1979: 120–132],
Roth [1991: 177–178], Regulski [2004: 956]), who is estimated to have reigned for approximately ten years, for
which see Wright (1985: 250) and Redford (1986: 136).
28
Petrie (1901: 31, pl. 22 [181]); Naville (1914: pl. 10); Kaplony (1968: 39–41, pls 5, 23).
29
Petrie (1901: 31, pls 21–22); Naville (1914: pls 9–11).
30
Kaplony (1968: 39–41, pls 5, 23).
31
Due to the inclusion of Peribsen’s serekh, the vessel has also been ascribed to Peribsen’s reign: Kaplony (1968:
39); yet this remains uncertain, particularly due to its unidentified provenance.
32
Jones (2000: 871 [3186]).

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300 MOURAD

4T.t here as ‘Asia’, despite the term’s town/city determinative.33 While possible, it is equally likely that
the unnamed official was from a royal Egyptian domain named 4T.t 4tX-Prj-ib-sn, perhaps one near the
easterly borders, from which expeditions to the ‘desert region’ were sent.34 The impressions [3–4] may
have also originally sealed items from this Egyptian residence. Whether this town, as identified by
Grdseloff, is Sethroe in the northeastern Delta remains unverified.35 Nonetheless, it is useful to note that
its classification as a town rather than a foreign land could reflect scribal choice. Spatial knowledge of
regions at or near the Egyptian border may have affected how 4T.t was classified; that is, it may have been
considered by one scribe to be within Egypt, and by another to be a foreign land.36 Similarly, the scribe
may have selected a town/city determinative to specify a settlement within the region of 4T.t itself, perhaps
an Egyptian locale, residence or fortress.37 In either case, the use of such various determinatives supports
the identification of 4T.t with a location at or near the eastern borders of Egypt during the Early Dynastic
Period.

Old Kingdom
SOURCE DYNASTY CONTEXT ATTESTATION
6 Rock inscription 5 (Sahure) Wadi Kharig
7 Pyramid Texts 6 (Pepi II) Saqqara
(PT 650)
8 Execration Texts 6 (Pepi II?) –
9 Royal Annals 5-6 –
a.
a. CF1.r.II.5
b. CF5.r.L.2 b.

TABLE 2. Selected attestations of 4T.t(yw) from the Old Kingdom.

Only a few Old Kingdom texts refer to a northeastern 4T.t (TABLE 2).38 All date to the Fifth and Sixth
Dynasties. Attesting to Fifth Dynasty activity in the area, the rock inscription uncovered at the Sinai mine
of Wadi Kharig presents 4T.t in an epithet of Sahure that reads dA 4T.t ‘one who subdues 4T.t’ [6].39
Similarly associated with the maintenance of order, PT 650 specifies that ‘he (the god) shall hack up for
him (the king) Upper Egypt, he shall hack up Lower Egypt, he shall hack up for him the fortresses of
4T.t…’.40 As Redford notes, three distinct hieroglyphs, , are employed for the plural ‘fortresses’,
41
each specifying a particular type of walled settlement. While the rectangular hieroglyphs could be used
for fortresses in multiple regions, the crenellated oval is typically associated with those in the Levant.42
As such, the text evidently connects 4T.t with a region beyond Upper and Lower Egypt, ideologically to
be controlled and subjugated by the king. This parallels another example that occurs on an execration

33
Kaplony (1968: 39–41).
34
Also suggested by Kaplony (1963: 783–787); Wilkinson (1999: 76, 133).
35
Grdseloff (1944: 295–299). As Wilkinson (1999: 76, 133) writes, this would require Peribsen to have ruled over
Lower Egypt. See also Zibelius (1978: 225); Redford (1986: 125, n.4).
36
Zibelius (1978: 4–5, 240–241). Lincke (2015) provides an in-depth discussion of toponyms with multiple
classifiers, focussing on Sile or Tjaru as an example of a toponym written with such determinatives as that of the
foreign land (N25) or the city/town (O49).
37
See Lincke (2015).
38
Although probably related to 4T.t, sT.ty copper is not assessed here. For more on the attestations and possible
origins of this metal, see Sowada (2009: 185–188).
39
Giveon (1978: 77). The reading here follows Edel (1978: 77–78). As the expression is written after another
referring to Thoth, ‘Lord of Terror’, Giveon (1977: 61-62) translates it as an epithet belonging to the deity. See
also Parcak (2004: 55).
40
Sethe (1908: 1837 [PT 650]); Allen (2005: 265 [N 319]).
41
Redford (1986: 139, n.cb).
42
See, for instance, the Royal Annals for Sneferu’s activities in the north: Urk. I, 237.14, the siege scene against
an Asiatic fortress: Kanawati and McFarlane (1993: pls 26–27); Mourad (2011: 143, figs 2, 4), or Weni’s wn.t
forts in the land of the 1r.yw-Sa: Urk. I, 103.24.

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 THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 301

figurine of unknown provenance [8].43 Stylistically, orthographically and paleographically linked to

execration deposits found at Giza, it has been assigned to the reign of Pepy II or the late Old Kingdom.44
The figurine preserves a hieratic ritualistic text listing ‘[the aAm.w], those who are [with them, and the
Mntw] of 4T.t’.45 It presents the earliest known identification of the Mntw as inhabitants of 4T.t. Two
further attestations of this region occur in the Royal Annals,46 both of which are included in entries for
First Dynasty kings [9].47 The first [9a] is correlated to the reign of king Djer and mentions ‘the smiting
of 4T.t’,48 while the second [9b] is listed for Den and records ‘the smiting of 4T.ty(w)’. As the latter features
the earliest utilisation of a seated figure determinative (Gardiner Sign A40) for 4T.t,49 its orthography is
perhaps more reflective of a later, Old Kingdom, modification. A late alteration is also supported by the
use of the term sor ‘to smite’ in both [9a] and [9b], which corresponds with other Old Kingdom texts that
emphasise the suppression of 4T.t.

Middle Kingdom
SOURCE DYNASTY CONTEXT ATTESTATION
Royally instigated texts
10 Stone block 11 (MII) Temple of Hathor (?), Gebelein
11 Inscription 12 (SI [?]) Temple of Montu, Tod (x+36)

12 Instructions of 12 (SI) – (12)

Amenemhat
13 Daybook 12 (AII) Mit Rahina (M8)

(M12)

14 Stone block 12 (SIII) Temple of Montu,

Nag el-Medamud
15 Hymn to SIII 12 (SIII-AIII) Valley temple of SII, Lahun (1.8)
…
16 Pectoral 12 (AIII) Tomb of Mereret, Dahshur
17 Execration Texts MK Saqqara (F7)

18 Execration Texts MK Mirgissa (H5)

19 Execration Texts MK – (g5)

(Berlin Bowls)

Non-royal texts
20 Biography 12 (AI) Tomb of Khnumhotep I, (6)
Beni Hassan
21 Stela CG 20539 12 (SI) Stela of Montuhotep, Abydos (11)

22 Inscription Nr 143 12 (SI) Stela of Hor, Wadi el-Hudi

23 Biography 12 (SIII) Tomb of Khnumhotep III,
(2H)
Dahshur
24 Stela Manchester 12 (SIII) Stela of Khusobek, Abydos
(c.1)
3306
25 Inscription Nr 54 12 (AIII) Inscription of Ptahwer, Serabit (5)
el-Khadim

43
Wimmer (1993: 89, fig. b [lines 9–10]).
44
Wimmer (1993: 89); Espinel (2006: 138); Espinel (2013: 27).
45
Wimmer (1993: 89, fig. b [lines 9–10]). See also Espinel (2006: 138, ns 204–205).
46
Despite the uncertain date of the Royal Annals, most scholars agree that the original was compiled between the
Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. For a summary of the scholarly debate, see Wilkinson (2000: 23–24).
47
Redford attests that the two should both be attributed to Den: Redford (1986: 134). Wilkinson’s reconstruction
is followed here: Wilkinson (2000).
48
CF1 r.II.5, in Wilkinson (2000: 190, fig. 5).
49
CF5 r.L.2, in Wilkinson (2000: 242); Hsu (2010: fig. 10).

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302 MOURAD

SOURCE DYNASTY CONTEXT ATTESTATION

26 Inscription Nr 121 12 (AIV) Stela of Djef[…], (7)
Serabit el-Khadim
27 Inscription Nr 411 MK Stela of Khetyseneb, (x+2)
Serabit el-Khadim
28 Stela MK Stela of Montuemhat, Semna (2)

Literary texts
29 Tale of Sinuhe 12 (SI) – (R1)

(B17, B44, B72, B97, B265)

(B245)

30 Admonitions of MK – (14.10)
Ipuwer
(15.2)

31 Prophecies of Neferti MK – (P. Herm. 32)

TABLE 3. Selected attestations of 4T.t and 4T.t(yw) from the Middle Kingdom.
* M = Montuhotep; A = Amenemhat; S = Senwosret; MK = Middle Kingdom

Over 20 attestations of the Asiatic 4T.t and 4T.t(yw) date to the Middle Kingdom (TABLE 3). One is
ascribed to the Eleventh Dynasty, 14 are of the Twelfth Dynasty, and seven are generally assigned to the
Middle Kingdom. Orthographically, 4T.t and its nisbe are newly attested as 4t.t, with the sign of a pierced
hide, , rather than the so-called shoulder-knot, . The Hymn to Senwosret III [15], also features the
unusual use of the composite bow in . Following Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom attestations, the
Middle Kingdom 4T.t is determined by either or . The 4T.t(yw) are otherwise identified by the
throwstick, , and/or a seated man, , a man and woman , or a bound captive , determinatives which
otherwise commonly occur in terms relating to foreigners.
The majority of attestations are found in royally-instigated texts from cultic and mortuary temples and
chapels, ritualistic contexts and/or administrative inscriptions [10-19]. Two of these are utilised as
captions for figures in smiting scenes, the first of which presents the earliest recorded Middle Kingdom
instance of 4T.t(yw) [10]. Portrayed on a stone fragment discovered at Gebelein, probably from the Temple
of Hathor, it shows Montuhotep II smiting a kneeling Egyptian before three other bound individuals, each
representing a group of foreigners from the south (4t.yw), the northeast (4T.ty(w)) and the west (6Hn.yw)
(FIGURE 6).50 The 4T.ty figure is portrayed with short hair, a kilt and a feather on the head. The inclusion
of the latter, often associated with Libyans, has led some to posit an artistic error in its depiction.51
However, a number of Old Kingdom smiting scenes from the Sinai represent Asiatics with a feather-like
object protruding from the head, a detail that was evidently later abandoned around the Eleventh
Dynasty.52 The second known artistic depiction of a 4T.ty appears on a pectoral from the tomb of Princess
Mereret, sister of Amenemhat III ([16]; FIGURE 7). Here, the king smites (sor) an armed and kneeling,
yellow-skinned Asiatic with a coiffed hairstyle, short beard and decorated kilt, features typically
associated with Middle Kingdom Asiatics.53 Such a representation of the subjugated 4T.ty is not restricted
to these artistic portrayals. All but one of the remaining attestations in royally-instigated texts display the
topos, in other words, an ideological treatment of northeastern foreigners. They are forced to do the dog-

50
Habachi (1963: 37–39, figs 15–17).
51
Fischer (1961: 53, n.14); Ward (1971: 61).
52
The 4T.ty in Montuhotep II’s smiting scene is also similar to the beardless, short-haired Asiatics in the Eleventh
to early Twelfth Dynasty tombs of Baqet III and Khety at Beni Hassan (Newberry 1893b: pls 5, 15; Mourad
2015: 81–82, figs 4.46–47). Other Eleventh Dynasty attestations represent Asiatics with long hair, often bound
with a fillet, and a long thick beard: see Smith (1965: fig. 185); Naville (1907: pls 15f, i); Jaroš-Deckert (1984: pl. 17).
53
Grajetzki (2014: fig. 69); Gee (2004: 27); Mourad (2015: 63–64, 202, figs 4.32, 7.12).

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 THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 303

walk in the Instructions of Amenemhat [12],54 their fortresses are hacked (xbA) in the Mit Rahina daybook
[13],55 and Senwosret III restrains them in his Hymn [15].56 Their region, 4T.t, falls (xr) in the inscription
from Tod [11],57 the Mntw of their land are ritualistically destroyed or cursed in the Execration Texts [17-
19],58 while the children of their rulers apparently bring gifts to Egypt in the Mit Rahina text [13].59 One
inscription from Nag el-Medamud’s Temple of Montu likely mentions similar offerings from 4T.t [14],60
although it is too fragmentary to discern whether it was originally represented as ‘tribute’ from a subdued
region, or as ‘gifts’. Nonetheless, it is apparent that 4T.t and 4T.t(yw) occur in mostly negative connotations
that exemplify Egyptian superiority. While this is to be expected in texts commissioned by the state, it
can also be observed in non-royal sources.
Such sources feature in dedicatory or funerary inscriptions of high officials, often within epithets or
references to royal activities and expeditions [20-28]. For instance, the biography of Khnumhotep I
mentions Amenemhat I uniting Egyptians and foreigners, including the 4T.tyw who ‘fell’ (xr), perhaps in
some battle within Egypt [20].61 The stela of the ‘vizier’ and ‘treasurer’ Montuhotep lists the pacifying
(sHtp) of the 4T.(t)yw for Senwosret I among a sequence of epithets [21].62 The ‘sealbearer of the king of
Lower Egypt’, Hor, includes an epithet of Senwosret I as one who ‘cuts (sni) the throats of those who are
in the 4T.t lands’ [22] in his stela,63 whereas another ‘sealbearer of the king of Lower Egypt’ and ‘overseer
of the expedition’, Montuemhat, is provided with an epithet as one for whom ‘the king testifies above his
nobles to subdue (dAr) the rebels of 4T.t’ [28].64 Both stelae of Hor and Montuemhat were indeed found
on the outskirts of Egyptian territory, at Wadi el-Hudi in the Eastern Desert and Semna in Nubia
respectively. Similarly, three inscriptions at Serabit el-Khadim refer to expeditions to, or the bringing of
produce from 4T.t in epithets of chief chamberlains of the treasury Ptahwer [25] and Djef[…] [26], as well
as ‘chamberlain’ Khetyseneb [27].65 The biography of Khnumhotep III, who was likewise sent on an
expedition to the northeast, although further north to RTnw, provides the tomb owner with the title
‘sealbearer of the king of Lower Egypt’ as well as the unique title ‘confidant of the king in obstructing
(Dr) 4T.t and trampling the MnT.(yw)’ [23].66 Such bellicose treatment of foreigners is further attested on
the stela of Khusobek, who writes of Senwosret III’s ‘proceeding in travelling northwards to overthrow
the MnTw of 4T.t’ [24].67 This statement is followed by the king’s arrival at 4kmm, which is also associated
with RTnw,68 thereby suggesting that 4T.t included these regions. Overall, all officials are evidently
associated with royal expeditions, and several bear titles related to the state treasury. The terms 4T.t and
4T.t(yw) thus seem to be connected to Egyptians who would transgress the borders for their majesty.
The idea of border transgression comparably manifests in three attestations that can be interpreted as
part of literary texts [29-31], although they too are mostly associated with kingship and the ideological
maintenance of order. Two of these texts, the Admonitions of Ipuwer [30] and the Prophecies of Neferti
[31], present a topsy-turvy world in which chaos inundates Egypt.69 As part of this calamitous setting, the

54
P. Sallier II, 12, in: Adrom (2006: 68–70).
55
Line M8, in: Altenmüller and Moussa (1991: folding plate).
56
UC 32157, 1.8, in: Collier and Quirke (2004: 16–19).
57
Line x+36, in: Redford (1987: figs 1–2).
58
F7 of the Saqqara figurines, in: Posener (1940: 96); H5 of the Mirgissa texts, in: Koenig (1990: 119); g5 of the
Berlin bowls, in: Sethe (1926: 59).
59
Line M12, in: Altenmüller and Moussa (1991: folding plate).
60
Bisson de la Roque (1927: 67, fig. 37).
61
Lines 5–6, in: Newberry (1893a: pl. 44); Mourad (2015: 84).
62
Lines 10–11, in: Lange and Schäfer (1908: 152–153 [Nr 20539]).
63
Stela Nr 143, line 2, in: Sadek (1985: pl. 23).
64
Janssen (1952: 442–445, pls 16–17).
65
Gardiner and Peet (1917: pls 18, 48, 86); Černy (1955: 80, 124–125, 208).
66
Line 2H, in: Allen (2008: 33, pl. 3).
67
Line c.1, in: Garstang (1901: pl. 5).
68
Garstang (1901: pl. 5); Mourad (2015: 100–101).
69
See Mourad (2015: 117–119, 298–300).

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304 MOURAD

4T.tyw are portrayed to have pervaded Egypt, knowing ‘the state of the land’.70 In the Tale of Sinuhe, they
appear at the northeastern border [29]. When Sinuhe flees Egypt, the first foreigners whom he encounters
are termed 4T.tyw, who assist him, providing him with water and boiled milk.71 Upon his return, the 4T.tyw
again render help, leading him to the Ways-of-Horus where he enters Egypt, and the royal court, as a
‘product of the 4T.t(yw)’.72 For this, they are offered gifts by the king.73 Despite this positive depiction,
the Tale also mentions that the king ‘was made to smite (Hw.t) the 4T.tyw’,74 while the Walls-of-the-Ruler
were built to repel (xsf) them.75 They are also the enemies of the HqA.w xAs.wt, the ‘rulers of foreign
lands’, with whom Sinuhe (representing Egypt abroad) fights to oppose the actions of the 4T.tyw.76 While
such a varying treatment of these foreigners is likely analogous to Sinuhe’s character progression and the
literary aspects of the story, all instances mentioning kingship and border transgression (whether against
the king, Egypt or the HqA.w xAs.wt) still retain an ideological representation, or topos.
Thus, despite the more varied attestations of the Asiatic 4T.t and 4T.t(yw), most Middle Kingdom
sources represent the region and its people as a topos. This foreign entity in the northeast is closely linked
with the state’s duty to ideologically maintain its borders, controlling the people beyond (or their
movements) while importing its products.

Observations
Overall, the collected occurrences of the Asiatic 4T.t and 4T.tyw offer new light on Egyptian representations
of the foreign. A number of observations may be made:
• Early Dynastic Period texts evidently refer to 4T.t as either a foreign land or a town. The foreign 4T.t
is perhaps a region beyond the known northeastern boundaries of Egypt, whereas the town 4T.t may
refer to a locale, perhaps in the Eastern Delta. Both were evidently sources of fine products for the
king(s), and a connection between the two cannot yet be refuted. Indeed, both could be one and the
same, referring to a region at or near the border. Artistically, a 4T.ty can be depicted utilising the typical
elements for an Asiatic figure, his subjugation likely reflective of an ideological, rather than historical,
expression;
• Old Kingdom attestations are all linked with kingly dominance over the foreign, with some clearly
associating 4T.t with the MnTw, the Sinai and the Levant; and
• In the Middle Kingdom, 4T.t incorporates such regions as 4kmm, RTnw, and IwA, and such groups as
the MnTw. It is connected with both hostile and commercial expeditions to the Sinai and the Levant,
with all non-royal attestations linked to royal expeditions and/or expedition members, particularly
those of the state treasury. The majority of occurrences present a topos, exhibiting the ideological,
negative, treatment of foreigners. References to their knowledge of Egyptian affairs, particularly in
literary sources, is also significant, perhaps representing either their formidability or Egyptian
dominance in foreign lands. In artistic portrayals, no differentiation can be made between the 4T.tyw
and other Asiatics.

Most, if not all, attestations are associated with kingship, royal expeditions and/or the protection or
transgression of borders. All agree that 4T.t lay at or beyond the northeastern borders of Egypt, and is
likely to be identified with all known northeasterly regions that were located outside the king’s realm.
Whether this began at the Delta in the Early Dynastic Period, and then expanded to include the Levant is
possible; but, by the end of the Middle Kingdom, 4T.t evidently included the Sinai, the Southern Levant

70
For the Admonitions of Ipuwer, see P. Leiden I.344, 14.10–15.2, in: Gardiner (1969: 90–91). For the Prophecies
of Neferti, see P. Hermitage 1116B.32, in: Helck (1970: 27).
71
Sinuhe B23–B28 in: Koch (1990).
72
Sinuhe B243–B245.
73
Sinuhe B243–B245.
74
Sinuhe B72–B73.
75
Sinuhe B16–B17.
76
Sinuhe B97–B99.

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 THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 305

as well as the Northern Levant. In other words, the attestations suggest that 4T.t is the ideological
northeastern foreign entity that had to be controlled to both protect Egypt’s borders and safeguard
Egyptian commercial interests abroad. Accordingly, the 4T.tyw are the ideological inhabitants of this
entity and so could possibly include different ethnic groups or communities, such as the MnTw, the aAm.w,
rulers of settled groups or nomads, who would transgress the borders or hinder Egyptian interests. In the
chaotic world of the Admonitions of Ipuwer or the Prophecies of Neferti, this ideological foreigner
pervades the land as the borders are no longer protected, Egypt no longer secure. Even when among
foreigners, Sinuhe upholds his duty as an Egyptian to ideologically oppose their movements. Thus,
perhaps the term 4T.t should no longer be simply approached as a toponym, 4T.tyw as an ethnic group.
Instead, the Asiatic 4T.t and 4T.tyw were likely imbued with greater abstract significance, representing the
ideological foreign entity that was encountered beyond the northeast borders of the pharaoh’s land, Egypt.

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THE ASIATIC 4T.t AND 4T.tyw FROM THE EARLY DYNASTIC PERIOD TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM 309

Figure 1 (left).
Gaming reed/throwstick [1], tomb of Qa’a,
Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, First Dynasty.
After Petrie (1900: pl. 17 [30]).

Figure 2 (right).
Ink jar label [2], Saqqara, First Dynasty.
After Lacau and Lauer (1965: fig. 173).

Figure 3. Clay seal impression [3], tomb of Peribsen,

Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, Second Dynasty.
After Petrie (1901: pl. 22 [19]).

Figure 4. Clay seal impression [4], tomb of Peribsen,

Umm el-Qaab, Abydos, Second Dynasty.
After Naville (1914: pl. 10).

All figures redrawn by A.-L. Mourad.

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310 MOURAD

Figure 5. Inscribed jar label [5], Second Dynasty (?).

After Kaplony (1968: pl. 23).

Figure 6. Stone block [10], temple of Hathor (?), Gebelein, Eleventh Dynasty.
After Ward (1971: fig. 8).

Figure 7. Pectoral [16], tomb of Mereret, Dahshur, Twelfth Dynasty.

Drawn from photograph after Grajetzki (2001: fig. 69).

All figures redrawn by A.-L. Mourad.

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