Palatial Paintings and Programs The Symb

Palatial Paintings and Programs
The Symbolic World of the Egyptian Palace in the New Kingdom (c. 1550-1069 BCE)
by
Patrick C. Salland
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Institute of Fine Arts
New York University
September, 2015
___________________________
David B. O’Connor
Dedication
To Blythe and Tobin
ii
Acknowledgements
No work is ever completed in a vacuum, and this dissertation is no exception. Thanks
must first go to Dr. David B. O’Connor, my dissertation chair and advisor who has reviewed
countless drafts, and whose comments have helped make this dissertation what it is. I would also
not have been able to complete this dissertation without the support of the Institute of Fine Arts
and specifically the Shelby White Fellowship for their generous support. I also thank my
committee, Dr. Ogden Goelet and Dr. Marvin Trachtenberg, for their time and effort in the
completion of this dissertation.
Valuable research assistance was provided by Dr. Alice Stevenson of the Petrie Museum
of the University College London, who allowed me access to the fragments of painted plaster in
the museum’s collection as well the records from Petrie’s excavations at Amarna.
Dr. Matthew Adams and Dr. Nigel Strudwick also have provide wonderful advice on
dissertating and Egyptology in general, as well as a drink and comradery when needed.
Many colleagues have been instrumental in the writing of this dissertation, providing
invaluable advice throughout the writing and research process. I thank Rachel Kaplan for her
assistance with editing, as well as Susanna Temkin and Kate Holohan who provided me with
support during the beginning phases of research. Daniella Berman and the Graduate Student
Association’s Works in Progress Forum provided immense feedback on my work from a
theoretical perspective. Additionally Dr. Jennifer Babcock has provided a great amount of
advice on the practicalities of negotiating the difficult tasks needed to complete the dissertation.
iii
Thanks are always owed to my wonderful parents, Joseph Salland, Jane Salland and
Jane’s wife Andrea Falconieri for their support both emotional and financial.
Most of all thanks must go to my wife and editor Blythe Sobol. Without her constant
encouragement, support and edits, particularly teaching me how to use commas, I would never
have been able to complete the dissertation.
iv
Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgments iii
List of Plates vii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Chapter 2: Pre-Amarna Evidence for Palatial Decoration 11
2.1 Deir el-Ballas 12
2.2 Tell el-Daba 14
2.3 Malqata 37
2.4 Analysis 58
Chapter 3: Amarna Period Evidence for Palatial Decoration 66
3.1 North Riverside Palace 68
3.2 North Palace 77
3.3 Great Palace 106
3.4 “King’s House” 126
3.5 The Platform Building 135
3.6 Analysis 138
Chapter 4: Post-Amarna Evidence for Palatial Decoration 144
4.1 Qantir 145
4.2 Palace of Merenptah at Memphis 153
4.4 Tell el-Yahudiya 160
4.5 Palaces of Theban Mortuary Temples 163
v
4.6 Analysis 173
Chapter 5: Palatial Inspired Motifs in Non-Palatial Settings 179
5.1 Elite Tomb Chapels 181
5.2 State Temples 199
Chapter 6: Symbolism of Traditional Egyptian Thematic Groups 205
Chapter 7: Symbolism and Use of Imported Themes 261
Conclusions 269
Bibliography 278
Plates
vi
LIST OF PLATES
Plate 2.1 Plan of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas
Plate 2.2 Reconstructed Plan of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas
Plate 2.3 Fragments of Painted Plaster from the North Palace
Plate 2.4 Map of the Nile Delta with the Location of Tell el-Dab‘a
Plate 2.5 Plan of Tell el-Dab‘a with Thutmoside Palatial Complex Highlighted
Plate 2.6 Plan of the Thutmoside Palatial Complex
Plate 2.7 Hypothetical Plan of Palace G
Plate 2.8 Hypothetical Plan of Palace F
Plate 2.9 Plan of the Palace of Apries at Mit Rahina
Plate 2.10 Distribution of Painted Plaster Fragments Outside Palace F
Plate 2.11 Panthera Leo Leo (Barbary Lion)
Plate 2.12 Lions on the Ochre Background
Plate 2.13 Lions on Red Background
Plate 2.14 Leaping Lion
Plate 2.16 Leaping Lion With Rocky Ground
Plate 2.18 Lions Attacking a Bull, detail of Plate 9
Plate 2.19 Panthera pardus suahelicus (Leopard)
Plate 2.20 Leaping Leopard
Plate 2.22 Leopard
vii
Plate 2.24 Stalking Leopard
Plate 2.25 Stalking Leopard
Plate 2.26 Griffin from the Hunt Frieze
Plate 2.27 Dog with Running Hunter
Plate 2.28 Large Heraldic Griffin
Plate 2.29 Reconstructed Heraldic Griffins and Throne at Knossos
Plate 2.30 Bietak’s Reconstruction of the Throne Room of Palace F
Plate 2.31 Reconstruction of Maze Pattern Flooring
Plate 2.32 Spiral Designs from Palace F
Plate 2.33 Bull Leaping Maze Pattern Frieze
Plate 2.34 Bull Leaping Beige Frieze
Plate 2.35 Two Bovids
Plate 2.36 Black Spotted Bull
Plate 2.37 Painted Plaster Fragments Depicting a Minoan Priest against a Façade with Window
Plate 2.38 Running Man with Penis Sheath
Plate 2.39 Bearded Minoan Priest
Plate 2.40 Fragment of Painted Plaster Relief of a Calf or Arm of a Man
Plate 2.41 Ivy Design
Plate 2.42 Feet and Skirt Hem of a Minoan Woman
Plate 2.43 Coiled Uraeus on the Arm of the Throne of Tutankhamun
Plate 2.44 Plan of the Site of Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.45 Head of Queen Tiy found at Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.46 Two Wooden Boxes found within the Palace Enclosure of Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.47 Wooden Grape Cluster
Plate 2.48 Plan of the Main Palace at Malqata
viii
Plate 2.49 Feet of Two Plates of the God Bes
Plate 2.50 Pavement from Room E
Plate 2.51 Fragments of Pavement from Room E
Plate 2.52 Woman from Room F
Plate 2.53 Floral and Vegetative Frieze from Room F
Plate 2.54 Ceiling of Hall H, First Phase
Plate 2.55 Ceiling of Hall H, Second Phase
Plate 2.56 Painted Plaster from a Pillar in Room K4
Plate 2.57 Suite 1 looking South-West
Plate 2.58 Remains of Painted Ceiling from Room K5
Plate 2.59 Remains of Painted Ceiling from Room B5
Plate 2.60 Ceiling from Room L2
Plate 2.61 Ceiling from Room L3
Plate 2.62 Ceiling from L1
Plate 2.63 Painted Mudbrick Support from Room M1
Plate 2.64 Dado and Bes Plates from the King’s Bedchamber
Plate 2.65 Ceiling from the King’s Robing Room
Plate 2.66 Reconstructed Ceiling from the King’s Bed Chamber
Plate 3.1 Map of Egypt
Plate 3.2 Map of the Principal Structures of Amarna
Plate 3.3 Plan of the North Riverside Palace and Adjacent Houses
Plate 3.4 Lavers Reconstruction of the Gateway of the North Riverside Palace
Plate 3.5 Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Chariot Scene With Identified Fragments
Plate 3.6 Fragment of Painted Plaster Depicting King’s Face
Plate 3.7 Facsimile of the Fragment of King’s Arm
ix
Plate 3.8 Facsimile of Painted Plaster Fragment with Head of a Pigeon
Plate 3.9 Facsimile of Jewelry Stand (?) Fragment
Plate 3.10 Fragments of Floral Frieze with Polychrome Chequer Border
Plate 3.11 Facsimile of Small Floral Fruit Friez
Plate 3.12 Facsimile of Large Floral Fruit Frieze
Plate 3.13 Plan of the North Palace
Plate 3.14 Stone Animal Troughs
Plate 3.15 Hypostyle Hall Dado
Plate 3.16 Fragments of Feet from the Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.17Vine from Transverse Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.18 Fragments of Vine Arbor Ceiling from the Transverse Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.19 Reconstruction of the Throne Room
Plate 3.20 Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Parennefer
Plate 3.21 Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Penthu
Plate 3.22 Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Tutu
Plate 3.23 Olive Branch from the King’s Apartments
Plate 3.24 Brooklyn Museum 27.35, Waterbank Design from a Pier in the South-East Court
Plate 3.25 Plan of the North-East Court
Plate 3.26 Reconstruction of the Picture Frame Areas in a Typical Cubical of the North-East Court
Plate 3.27 Facsimile of Grape Arbor Ceiling
Plate 3.28 Facsimile of Waterbank motif from the Courtyard of the North-East Court
Plate 3.29 Facsimile of Foul Feeding and Framed Border from Room 2
Plate 3.30 Lotus Petal Motif from Room 3
Plate 3.31 Remains of Fowl Feeding Motif from north wall of Room 5
Plate 3.32 Fowl Feeding Scene from the North Wall of Room 6
x
Plate 3.33 Fowl Feeding Scene from the south wall of Room 7
Plate 3.34 Feet of Four Birds from Unknown Room in the Northeast Court
Plate 3.35 Pigeons and Shrike in Papyrus Thicket from the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.36 Excavation Photograph of the Green Room looking North
Plate 3.37 East Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.38 West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.39 Shrike from the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.40 Pigeons, Kingfisher and Shrike on the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.41 North Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.42 Rushes from Room 14
Plate 3.43 Frame from Room 14
Plate 3.44 The Great Palace
Plate 3.45 Restored Plan of the Great Palace Complex during the Reign of Smenkhkare
Plate 3.46 Eastern Half of the Great Palace
Plate 3.47 Plan of the Garden Court
Plate 3.48 Laver’s Reconstruction of the Garden Court
Plate 3.49 Reconstruction of the painted plaster on the western screen wall of the Garden Court
Plate 3.50 Bowls of Grapes on Stands from the Garden Court
Plate 3.51 Wine Amphorae from the Garden Court
Plate 3.52 Plan of the Throne Room Complex
Plate 3.53 The Great Pavement, Eastern Side of Room E
Plate 3.54 Petrie’s Color Facsimile of a Portion of the Great Pavement
Plate 3.55 Diagram of the Subject Matter of Floor Pavements in the Throne Room Complex
Plate 3.56 Palatial Activity from Room E
Plate 3.57 Pavement Remains from the Main Hall
xi
Plate 3.58 Pavements from Room F
Plate 3.59 Detail of Lion Attacking a Bovid from Plate 58
Plate 3.60 Fragments of Painted Plaster from Room
Plate 3.61 Floor Pavement from Room
Plate 3.62 Pavement from Corridor J
Plate 3.63 Plan of South Harem with Motifs Identified
Plate 3.64 Floor Pavement from Hall N
Plate 3.65 Details of Plates on Papyrus Skiffs and Foreigner from Hall N Floor Pavement
Plate 3.66 Floor Pavement from Main Area of Room 10
Plate 3.67 Floor Pavement from the Annex of Room 10
Plate 3.68 Pavement from Room 12
Plate 3.69 Stone Fragment from the State Apartments
Plate 3.70 Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting palatial servants in the kitchens
Plate 3.71 Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a courtier bowing before a royal
plate
Plate 3.7 Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a Shrine with a Hathor Headed
Column
Plate 3.73 Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a riverine environment and a
palatial structure
Plate 3.74 Floor Pavement from the south side of the Broad Hall
Plate 3.75 Comparison of Known Throne Room
Plate 3.76 Plan of the Bridge between the Great Palace and King’s House
Plate 3.77 Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting Akhenaten
Plate 3.78 Fragments of Painted Plaster depicting the face of Nefertiti
Plate 3.79 Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Bridge Scene
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Plate 3.80 Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting Plants and Garden Plots
Plate 3.81 Palatial Garden with Plots from the Tomb of Penthu
Plate 3.82 Plan of the Kings House at Amarna
Plate 3.83 Plan of North-East Block
Plate 3.84 Excavation photograph of Dado on the East Wall of the Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.85 Color Reconstruction of Dado in Plate 84
Plate 3.86 Excavation Photograph of Dado in Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.87 Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Dais
Plate 3.88 Petrie’s Facsimile of the Foreigners from the Dais
Plate 3.89 Excavation Photograph of the Dais with Bound Plates
Plate 3.90 Facsimile of the Princess Panel
Plate 3.91 Davies’ Reconstruction of the Princess Panel
Plate 3.92 Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Standing Princesses
Plate 3.93 Two Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting the Asiatic Plate from the Princess Panel Room
Plate 3.94 Fragment of Painted Plaster Depicting a shuttered Window
Plate 3.95 Feet of Akhenaten from the Princess Panel Room
Plate 3.96 The Precinct of the Great Temple from the Tomb of Panehesy
Plate 3.97 Detail of Plate 96 showing Potential Palatial Structure and its Relationship to the First Pylon
Plate 3.98 Plan of the Great Temple at Amarna
Plate 3.99 Restored Plan of the Platform Building Excavated by Kemp
Plate 4.1 Map of Qantir
Plate 4.2 Hayes’ Reconstruction of the Throne Dais
Plate 4.3 Prostrate plate from the side of the stairs with molding and dado
Plate 4.4 Kneeling Plates with Tribute, Heraldic Dado, Torus Molding and Cavetto Cornice from side of
Dais
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Plate 4.5 Faience Statue of Bound Plate and Lion
Plate 4.6 Raised Faience Plates from the Wall of the Throne Room
Plate 4.7 Doorway of Seti I in the Louvre
Plate 4.8 Raised Faience Inlays of Bound Foreigners
Plate 4.9 Rekhyt tiles
Plate 4.10 Tiles with Fragments of Headdresses
Plate 4.11 Tile Depicting a Riverbank Scene
Plate 4.12 Tile with Tilapia
Plate 4.13 Tile with Pin-tail Duck
Plate 4.14 Tiles with Papyrus Clumps
Plate 4.15 Rosette Tiles
Plate 4.16 Woman amongst Flowers from the Metropolitan Museum of Art
Plate 4.17 Woman with Gazelle
Plate 4.18 Woman amongst Flowering Plants from Cairo
Plate 4.19 Saffron Gatherer from House Xeste 3 at Thera
Plate 4.20 Reconstruction of a Bes Plate
Plate 4.21 Fragmentary Bes Plate
Plate 4.22 Tiles from the Steps of the Dais
Plate 4.23 Location of Tell el Qala and the Merenptah Palace at Mit Rahineh
Plate 4.24 Enclosures and Processional Route at Memphis
Plate 4.25 Plan of Merenptah Palace
Plate 4.26 Doorway from Transverse Hypostyle Hall into Throne Room
Plate 4.27 Fisher’s Reconstruction of the Throne Room
Plate 4.28 Visual Program of the Throne Dais
Plate 4.29 Painted Dado from Room 5
xiv
Plate 4.30 Stepped Feature from the Chamber of Ramses III at Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.31 Rosettes from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.32 Floral and Vegetal Frieze from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.33 Libyan Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.34 Asiatic Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.35 Nubian Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.36 Plaque with a Rekyht from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.37 Plaques with Hieroglyphic Texts from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.38 Plaque with Alighting Pigeon from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.39 Mortuary Temple of Ay/Horemheb at Medinet Habu at the end of the reign of Horemheb
Plate 4.40 Plan of the Ramesseum
Plate 4.41 Fragments of Relief of Wrestlers from Ramesseum
Plate 4.42 Plan of the Temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.43 Façade of the Palace/South Wall of the First Court of the Temple of Ramses III at Medinet
Habu
Plate 4.44 Central Window Area of the First Palace Façade of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.45 Plan of the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.46 Exterior of South Wall with Cross-Section of the First Palace
Plate 4.47 Reliefs on the Exterior of the South Wall Flanking entrance to the Window of Appearance
Plate 4.48 Reconstructed Pilaster, Column, and Beam from the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet
Habu
Plate 4.49 Section and Elevation of Doorway Between Columned Hall and Throne Room of First Palace
Plate 4.50 False Door From the Throne Room of the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.51 Color Facsimile of Remains of Upper Portion of the Throne Room False Door
Plate 4.52 Plan of Second Palace
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Plate 4.53 Evidence for Balcony on the Palace Façade
Plate 4.54 Hölscher’s Reconstruction of the Balcony of the Second Palace
Plate 4.55 Right Entrance to Second Palace
Plate 4.56 Faience Plaques of Bound Foreigners
Plate 4.57 Faience Plaques of Bound Foreigners
Plate 4.58 Column Fragment from the Second Palace
Plate 4.59 Window Grill From the Second Palace, Metropolitan Museum of Art 14.6.232
Plate 4.60 Remains of Throne Dais from Second Palace
Plate 5.1 Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Meryre I at Amarna
Plate 5.2 Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Meryre II at Amarna
Plate 5.3 Window of Appearance of the King from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.4 Window of Appearance of the Queen from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.5 Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep II (TT50)
Plate 5.6 Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Nebwenenef (TT157)
Plate 5.7 South Wall from the Tomb Chapel of Iniuia at Saqqara
Plate 5.8 Riparian Environments from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.9 River Bank Activities from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.10 Bird Ceiling from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.11 Bird Ceiling from the Tomb Chapel of Raya (TT159)
Plate 5.12 Ceiling from the Tomb of Inherkha (TT359)
Plate 5.13 Ramses III and Palatial Women from the Eastern High Gate at Medinet Habu, Thebes
xvi
Chapter I
Introduction
1
How fair was the day of thy presence, and how fair was thy voice as thou
spakest, when thou didst build House of Ramesses-Beloved-of-Amun, the
beginning of every foreign land and the end of Egypt, the city with beauteous
balconies and dazzling halls of lapis lazuli and turquoise.1
This description of the palace of Ramses II at Qantir, copied by the scribal student Binra,
gives a tantalizing hint of the splendid environment of the royal palace. Archaeologists have
since discovered remains of myriad painted motifs, as well as bright inlays of faience and glass,
in the ruins of New Kingdom palaces, giving the impression that palaces were richly decorated.
Excavators were captivated by the beautiful representations of plants, animals and the royal
families, hailing them as masterpieces of Egyptian art. Yet little attention has been given to these
motifs and their significance as part of the palace. The visual programs would have been one of
the first, and most notable components of the palace encountered by visitors, and would have
been the primary mode for the display of royal power and ideology. As such, the visual programs
of the palace must be seen as a representation of New Kingdom kingship.
The term “palace” conjures in the mind of the western reader thoughts of the great seats
of royal power and display from seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe, most notably
Versailles, Buckingham, and Drottningholm. In many ways these are apt comparisons for the
Egyptian royal palace, in that the palace was, rather than merely a building, an institution that
served simultaneously as the seat of royal administrative authority, while also functioning as the
royal residence with the prerequisite apartments, washrooms, dining chambers and support
facilities. Yet while these palaces often included religious structures, such as the grand Baroque
chapel of Louis XIV at Versailles, the Egyptian palace was required to serve religious ceremonial
functions that would have befitted a man that was not only the chief priest of the country, but also
seen as a semi-divine being who ruled by the authority of the gods.
1
Papyrus Anastasi iii. 7.2ff. Based on Gardiner’s translation published in “The Delta Residence of
the Ramessides,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology V (1918): 186.
2
Palaces and their elaborate image programs provide specific evidence for important
aspects of the living king. Previous studies of kingship have utilized a number of different
written genres in order to determine how the Egyptians interpreted the ruler.2 These studies have
demonstrated a multifaceted understanding of the king as both the embodiment of a royal office,
which conferred upon the king divine elements necessary for rulership, and as an individual
incumbent possessing human needs.3 Architecturally, the palace embodied this dichotomy,
serving as a religious, ceremonial, and administrative center for the office of divine king and as
an exalted home for the person who held the office. Studying palatial programs opens up new
perspectives on Egyptian concepts about the role of the living king within the cosmos.
Various scholars have suggested that Egyptian palaces would have taken on one of three
roles, as a structure that was designed to be either primarily ceremonial, bureaucratic or
domestic.4 The proliferation of palaces at sites such as Amarna, indicate that numerous palaces
were required in capital cities, perhaps with each designated for a specific purpose. Regardless of
a palace’s primary function, all palaces must have met all three needs in some manner as all three
components were indivisible aspects of the Egyptian king at all times.
The palace itself, as both an institution and as a physical structure, acted in Egypt as the
embodiment of royal power, authority and identity. For the Egyptians, the palace was central to
2
See Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: a study of ancient Near Eastern religion as the
integration of society & nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948); Georges Posener, De la
divinite du pharaon (Paris, Cahiers de la Societe asiatique, 1960) and Hans Goedicke, Die Stellung des
Königs im Alten Reich (Wiesbaden: Ägyptologische Abhandlungen, 1960) for three of these studies.
3
David P. Silverman, “The Nature of Egyptian Kingship,” in Ancient Egyptian Kingship, ed.
David O’Connor and David Silverman, 49-87 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), 50, 64-69.
4
A primary schema, which divided palaces into domestic and cultic types was proposed by
Alexander Badawy in his book A History of Egyptian Architecture: The Empire (the New Kingdom).
(Berkley: University of California, 1968) 35-36. A third subdivision, the bureaucratic palace was presented
by David O’Connor in David O’Connor, “Mirror of the Cosmos: The Palace of Merenptah” in Fragments
of a Shattered Visage: The Proceedings of the International Symposium on Ramses the Great, ed. Edward
Bleiberg and Rita Freed (Memphis, Tenn.: Memphis State University, 1991) 179.
3
the expression and enactment of intricate and at times dogmatic concepts of kingship. The
palatial façade, called a serekh, was used since proto-historic Egypt as the device that encircled
the written name of the king.5 The term for the palace, per-aa, meaning “the Great House,”
became so synonymous with kingship in Egypt that by the later periods it was used as a royal
title, and thus was the origin of the term “pharaoh.” Central to conveying the power of royal
authority, both mythological and bureaucratic, upon the mudbrick structure of the palace were the
myriad decorations that appear to have adorned every surface from the floors, ceilings and walls,
the furniture that graced the hallowed chambers of the king and his family.
The role of these visual programs is further heightened by the nature of image and word
programs as magically transformative elements within Egyptian architecture. For Egyptians, an
image was not merely a representation of a place, person, or object but rather the realization of
the ideas contained within a creative act that ensured the transformation of an image or space into
something tangible. This process was partly inspired by the ka, the spiritual double of every
person and thing that likewise seems to have inhabited what the modern viewer would call “art,”
which acted as a creative force, imbuing them with originative power to make these elements
manifest.6 Robert Ritner has written extensively on the concept of heka (HkA) as the agent that the
creator god not only used to create the universe, but also as the main power behind magical
ritual.7 The 11th Dynasty stela of the sculptor Irtisen (Louvre C14), states “Every HkA, I had
5
While the serekh was used to contain the sole name of the king during the Proto and Early
Dynastic Period, it would eventually be replaced by the cartouche as the enclosing element of the primary
royal name or names. Despite this the serekh continued to be used to encircle the king’s Horus names.
6
Andrey O. Bolshakov, Man and his Double in Egyptian Ideology of the Old Kingdom
(Wiesbaden, Ägypten und Altes Testament, 1997): 262-265, 279-280, 321-322; Robert Ritner, “Magic, an
Overview” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt ed. Donald Redford, 321-326 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2001), 333; Melinda Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes, 1419-1372
BCE (Brepols: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 2004), 37-38.
7
Robert Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago: Oriental Institute
University of Chicago, 1993), 247-249; Ritner, “Magic Overview,” 321-326.
4
command of it. In that I was not surpassed. I was indeed an artist who excelled in artistic
ability.”8 This inscription implies a concept that would have been fundamental to the Egyptian
artist, that visual images were created magically with the same forces used to create the world.
In ritualistic Egyptian architecture word, image, and architecture were inseparable, all
working towards the definition of a space as symbolic.9 For example, Erik Hornung, amongst
numerous other scholars, has highlighted the symbiosis of texts and figural decoration, as well as
the highly symbolic architecture of New Kingdom state temples, in creating a building, or
complex of buildings, that was a microcosm of the created and ordered universe.10 David
O’Connor has made similar conclusions about the palaces of the New Kingdom, pointing to
similarities in the architecture to cosmological temple structures.11 Yet these studies have not
focused on the visual programs used throughout the palaces. As with temples and tombs, the
images found on the walls, floors, ceilings and furniture of the palace were undoubtedly also part
of the transformative forces at play within the palace.
The world which was to be created by the visual programs throughout the palaces was
expressed in many cases through complex symbolism. The extent to which symbolism, defined
here as the use of objects or images to represent ideas not directly related to the image, was used
in Egyptian art has been a matter of extensive debate by Egyptologists which is representative of
8
Alexander Badawy, “The Stela of Irtysen,” Chronique d’Égypte 72 (1961): 271-276; Winfried
Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis eines altägyptischen Künstlers (Stele Louvre C 14) (Munich: Münchner
Ägyptologische Studien, 1970), 90.
9
The word “high” here is meant to differentiate between architectural structures like tombs,
temples, and palaces from the more mundane domestic architecture of both the elite and masses of Egypt
which, according to excavations, bore little if no figural decoration and texts.
10
Erik Hornung, Idea into Image: Essays on Ancient Egyptian Thought, trans. Elizabeth Bredeck
(New York: Timken Publishers, 1992), 115-130.
11
O’Connor, “Mirror,” 184; David O’Connor, “Beloved of Maat, the Horizon of Re: The Royal
Palace in New Kingdom Egypt.” In Ancient Egyptian Kingship, ed. David O’Connor and David Silverman,
263-297 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), passim; David O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt.”
Sociétés urbaines en Egypte et au Soudan 11 (1989): 73-87.
5
the changes that have occurred in Egyptological theory since the early twentieth century.12 For
instance in the 1925 edition of his Egyptian Decorative Art William F. Petrie commented that
“[s]ome now claim most decoration as having some symbolic or religious meaning; of that I shall
say nothing, as it is but an hypothesis.”13 Despite his earlier refusal to comment on this
“hypothesis” he states in a later chapter of the same book that “[t]he fanciful habit of Europe, in
seeing a hidden sense in every flower, was not akin to the simple and elementary mind of the
Egyptian.”14
As an extension of this approach, the symbolic and transformative nature of palatial wall
paintings has long been dismissed, instead focusing on the visually appealing nature of the
painted surfaces. Norman de Garis Davies remarked that the walls of the Green Room of the
North Palace at Amarna, one of the best preserved painted palatial rooms,
were adorned with one continuous picture of a decorative sort, the monotony of which is
tempered by such an infinite variety of detail as to constitute a ‘papering’ of the most
restful tone, over which the eye could wander with ever-renewed delight, whether it was
in a mood to dwell on the grace of its line and charming detail, or only to be subject
unconsciously to a quiet and sunny influence.15
Both Petrie’s and Davies’s dismissals of the importance of the symbolic nature of these elements
is apparent in the use of the terms “decorative” and “adorned.” The word “decoration,” the
central concept to both approaches, is defined in Merriam-Webster as “something that is added to
something else to make it more attractive.”16
12
This working definition is a paraphrasing of the definition laid out by Melinda Hartwig. See
Hatwig, 39-40.
13
W.M. Flinders Petrie, Egyptian Decorative Art: A Course of Lectures Delivered at the Royal
Institution (London: Methuen and Co., ltd., 1925), 11.
14
Ibid., 106-107.
15
Davies, N. de G. “The Paintings of the Northern Palace.” In The Mural Painting of el ‘Amarneh
ed. H. Frankfort, 58-72 (London: The Egyptian Exploration Society, 1929), 12.
16
Via Merriam-Webster Online.
6
More recently, scholars have drawn attention to the more symbolic and transformative
nature of Egyptian art. Richard Wilkinson notes, “symbolism, and magical function may be seen
in almost every class of object found in Egyptian culture-from some of the smallest items of
personal adornment to the architectural programs of massive temple complexes.”17 The term
“decoration,” therefore, denies the power and symbolic value of the visual programs which
adorned the surfaces of the palace, relegating these elements to little more than a visually pleasing
addition.18 As such, the term, despite the ease in which it could be used, will be avoided
throughout this dissertation.
The palaces of Egypt’s Eighteenth Dynasty were the primary arena for interaction
between the royal family and their subjects. As such these structures needed to operate in a
manner that conveyed aspects royal ideology that demonstrated not only the king’s ability to rule
but also his right to rule. The nature of the king as a semi-divine being ensured that these needs
were meet through his connection to the gods. Yet for decades Egyptologists have wondered
about the exact nature of this aspect of kingship and how it was made manifest on earth. The
palace, as the appropriate seat of power of the king in this world, can undoubtedly provide
answers.
Recent studies of ancient Egyptian palatial architecture and literary references to the
palace have demonstrated that these buildings functioned as a microcosm for the divinely created
universe.19 Yet details about which specific environments within the universe the palace was
17
Richard H. Wilkinson, Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art (New York: Thames and Hudson,
1994), 16.
18
See Oleg Grabar, The Meditation of Ornament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992),
passim, for a discussion of similar problems with the related word “ornament,” which provides an excellent
framework for discussion of this problematic term.
19
David O’Connor, “Mirror,”184; Gay Robins, “The World at Dawn: The Decoration of Palace
Floors at Amarna and Malqata” (lecture presented at the annual meeting of the American Research Center
in Egypt, Seattle, Washington, 25-27 April, 2008). See also James P. Allen, “The Celestial Realm,” in
Ancient Egypt, ed. David P. Silverman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 119. See also James
7
meant to replicate are scarce. Instead, one must turn to the mechanism that was mostly
responsible for transforming these mudbrick buildings into complex mythological spaces: the
words and images that adorned almost every surface. The walls, floors and ceilings of the royal
palaces of the Eighteenth Dynasty were, like many buildings in ancient Egypt, covered with
complex visual programs, mostly executed in paint on plaster. For more than a century, these
paintings have been regarded as little more than an attempt to create a visually pleasing space for
the king. Yet our new understanding of Egyptian palaces, as well as the transformative power of
visual programs within Egyptian architecture, suggest that this was not the case. The paintings,
as well as furniture and architecture, operated within the palace to transform it into a
mythological location that was inhabited by the king. These elements therefore provide a method
for understanding and reconstructing this otherworldly seat of power. This dissertation will study
the evidence for palatial visual programs in a holistic and systemic method in order to identify
major themes and motifs so that their symbolism can be analyzed and the true nature of the
palatial microcosm, and thereby the living place of the king and his family within the created
world, can be better understood.
Visual programs in tombs and temples have long been understood as following a strict set
of rules, or decorum, based on the building’s function.20 “[T]he decorum found on the
monuments…is a set of rules and practices defining what may be represented pictorially with
captions …. in which context and in what form…and was probably based ultimately on rules or
practices of conduct and etiquette, of spatial separation and religious avoidance.”21 If visual
P. Allen, “The Cosmology of the Pyramid Texts,” in Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt, ed.
William Kelly Simpson (New Haven Conn: Yale University Press, 1989), 25 for a discussion of the Axt in
the pyramid texts.
20
Dieter Arnold, “Wandrelief und Raumfunktion in ägyptischen Tempeln des neuen Reiches,”
Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 2 (1962): 3-129.
21
John Baines, “Restricted Knowledge, Hierarchy, and Decorum: Modern Perceptions and
Ancient Institutions,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27 (1990): 20.
8
programs were of such importance in Egyptian tombs and temples, it would follow that the same
was true for palaces. However, in scholarly discussion about palatial paintings, inlays and
woodwork are often relegated to little more than ornament. This study will demonstrate that like
temples and tombs, Egyptian palaces used programs of images and words, within a very specific
decorum, in order to create spatial environments relating directly to the cultural and ideological
meanings of kingship. These programs document Egyptian views of the role of the living king
within the cosmos, expressed in forms different from those focused on the king in temples or,
rarely, in elite tomb chapels.
This investigation is essential, as up to this point Egyptologists have spent very little time
studying the visual programs of palaces in a holistic manner. The majority of studies of the visual
programs of palaces have been found in archaeological publications, in which the remains of
painted plaster, carved stone architectural elements, and to a lesser extent furniture and inlays,
have been discussed only in terms of their association with the specific archaeological site. While
these texts are essential to my inquiry, they fall short of the larger goal in that they are extremely
site specific and lack any attempt at a symbolic analysis of the visual programs, nor do they
attempt to relate these programs to larger trends, which would have permeated all palaces of the
period. Fran Weatherhead has provided an extremely detailed analysis of the painted remains
from palaces at Amarna, and while she has identified several important motifs that can be found
in many of the palaces at Amarna, she makes no attempt to interpret them in depth.22 Brigit
Crowell in her dissertation has provided the closest survey to that which will be undertaken here,
22
Fran Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings (London: Egyptian Exploration Society, 2007),
344-352.
9
although her work has focused primarily on the identification and analysis of motifs in the faience
and stone inlays from Malqata and Amarna.23
In order to provide for a comprehensive study of the visual programs of Egyptian palaces,
and their relationship to the institution of kingship, the dissertation will first present a holistic
study of the available evidence for palatial image programs. This study will be divided into three
chapters, separating palaces into historical categories divided by the Amarna period. At the end
of each chapter, conclusions will be made about what motifs were used as well as identifying any
noticeable trends in the disposition of these motifs within the palace in an attempt to establish
rules of decorum. This evidence will be compared to evidence for the replication of palatial
visual programs in non-palatial structures, primarily state temples and private tombs, in order to
find further evidence for the motifs utilized in contemporary palaces. The identified motifs, and
their individual components, will then be analyzed for potential symbolic and transformative
values. Finally this evidence for the palace as a microcosm, and more specifically its relationship
to certain Egyptian cosmologies and cosmogonies, will be applied to our current understanding of
kingship.
23
Brigit Crowell, “The Practice and Significance of Inlay in New Kingdom Monuments as a
reflection of Royal Ideology: The Evidence from Malkata and Amarna,” (Ph.D. diss., University of
Pennsylvania, 2007), 102-110.
10
Chapter II
Evidence for Visual Programs in the New Kingdom Prior to the Amarna Period
11
Deir el-Ballas
The oldest New Kingdom palace24 yet discovered is that of Deir el-Ballas located about
30 kilometers north of Thebes.25 The site was first excavated in 1900 by Andrew Reisner under
the auspices of the P.A. Hearst Museum of the University of California at Berkley26 and consists
of two “palaces” and several clusters or “villages” of domestic and administrative structures
scattered in the two kilometers between the two palaces.27 Peter Lacovara, in his study on royal
cities of the New Kingdom, considers only the northern of the two palaces, aptly named the North
Palace, to have been palatial in nature.28 The size of the mudbricks used at the site, as well as
comparisons of the domestic architecture to other sites, indicated to both Peter Lacovara and W.
Stevenson Smith that the site dated to the early 18th Dynasty.29 A lintel from the northern palace
records the name of Skhenenre (Tao II) and several objects bearing the name of Ahmose support
this conclusion. Indeed Claude Vandersleyen has suggested that the city known as %Df(A) &Awy in
the Storm Stele of Ahmose was Deir el-Ballas.30 The text suggests that Ahmose was at Deir el-
Ballas for an extended time while campaigning and was holding court, indicating that the site
contained at least one palatial structure. This conclusion, coupled with the martial nature of some
24
A large residential enclosure built on an “acropolis” in the 12 th Dynasty town of Kahun may
have been a royal residence. If so it is the earliest excavated palace. See W. Stevenson Smith, The Art and
Architecture of Ancient Egypt. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998), 92-93.
25
Ibid., 159.
26
Peter Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City (London: Kegan Paul International, 1997), 6-7.
Unfortunately this excavation was never fully published. Discussions though have been published by
Stevenson Smith and Peter Lacovara. Peter Lacovara also conducted excavations of his own at the site
between 1980 and 1986.
27
Ibid., 6-14.
28
For the South Palace see Ibid., 13-14.
29
Stevenson Smith, 92-93; Lacovara, 6-9, 14-15, 81-83.
30
Claude Vandersleyen, “Une tempête sous le règne d’Amosis,” Revue d’Égyptologie, 19 (1967),
15-22.
12
of the finds suggests to Lacovara that the northern palace was used as a “campaign palace,” as
part of the campaign to expel the Hyksos.31
The North Palace was situated within a walled enclosure measuring 150 meters by 300
meters (Plate 2.1). The palace itself, located in the center of the enclosure, featured a series of
courtyard surrounding a large mudbrick platform built of mudbrick casemates filled with rubble
upon which undoubtedly sat the palace proper. These higher elevated portions of the palace were
approached via a large paved entrance corridor on the lower level, at the end of which was
undoubtedly a staircase (Plate 2).2.32 In some areas the casemates reach a height of
approximately five meters upon which was discovered the remains of undecorated floor plaster.
In addition to providing the original height of the platform this evidence also suggests that the
floor of the palace did not include a visual program.33 Operating under the premise that thicker
casemates were found under walls Lacorava reconstructed the rooms on top of the platform as
consisting of a central columned hall at the top of the stairway from which three separate areas
were accessible, two of which may have contained throne rooms.34
In the entrance corridor the only vestiges of the visual program were discovered. These
consisted of two fragments of wall painting (Plate 2.3) which Stevenson Smith referred to as
“miserable.”35 The first fragment depicted the head of a male figure above which are the remains
of four horizontal bands. The first, which the head overlaps, was white. The second contained an
area of dense vertical lines in a manner similar to representations of rope lashings on a wooden
feature. Above this was a second white band and then finally a black band which may have
31
Lacovara, 15.
32
Stevenson Smith, 159-161; Lacovara, 7-8.
33
Ibid., 8.
34
Ibid., 8-9, figure 4.
35
Stevenson Smith, 160.
13
served as a border to the scene. The second fragment depicted the heads and shafts of two battle
axes.36 The position of the axes within the scene might indicate that they were be carried over the
shoulders of soldiers, perhaps while on the march. These fragments have been interpreted as
either supporting the potentially militaristic nature of the palace37 or perhaps representing palace
guards stationed in the entry corridor.38 These fragments most likely come from a larger scene
depicting palatial activities, a motif commonly found in later palaces.
Tell el-Dab‘a
One of the sites that presents the most intriguing and thoroughly published glimpse into
the image programs of New Kingdom palaces, Tell el-Dab‘a, is also one of the most puzzling as
the fragments of painted image programs found here are characteristically Minoan rather than
Egyptian. Tell el-Dab‘a is located alongside what was the Pelusiac branch of the Nile delta (Plate
2.4). The site has proven to be particularly interesting as it is the location not only of the Hyksos
capital Avaris but also a series of 18th Dynasty Egyptian settlements. It is these settlements which
will be the primary concern of this survey.
In 1989 Manfred Bietak began excavations in an area known as Exbet Helmi at the
western edge of Tell el- Dab‘a, the district which originally lay next to the Pelusiac branch of the
Nile (Plate 2.5).39 Two palatial complexes of different periods were discovered on top of one
another. The lowest stratigraphically proved to be a large citadel dating to the Late Hyksos
36
Ibid., fig. 278.
37
Ibid., 160.
38
Lacovara, 8.
39
Manfred Bietak, “Minoan Wall-Paintings unearthed at Ancient Avaris,” Egyptian Archaeology
2 (1975): 26.
14
Period. The complex featured a mudbrick enclosure wall measuring 6.3 meters in width, a water
supply system and a garden.40
Bietak originally dated the second major palatial building period to the early 18th
Dynasty, suggesting the palace “was built for the king [Ahmose], probably as the headquarters for
his subsequent campaigns against Sharuhen…and other strongholds of the Hyksos in southern
Palestine.”41 This suggestion was based primarily on the discovery of scarabs, dating from the
reigns of Ahmose through Amenhotep II, which were believed to have been deposited during the
occupational period of the palaces, after construction was completed.42 Yet recent studies of the
ceramics from within the palace complex indicate that the second period of palace construction
occurred during the Thutmoside period, perhaps during the co-regency of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose III.43
The Thutmosid palatial area (Plate 2.6) is defined by an enclosure wall with a
monumental pylon entrance to the northeast.44 Within this area were two major palaces, which
Bietak has designated Palaces F and G, as well as several small outbuildings and a third palatial
structure, Palace J. A large lake dominated the center of the compound with the two palaces on
40
Manfred Bietak, Nanno Marinatos and Clairy Palivou., Taureador Scenes: In Tell el Dab’a
(Avaris) and Knossos (Vienna: Österreiche Akademie der Wissenshaften, 2007), 14-17.
41
Manfred Bietak, “Minoan Paintings in Avaris, Egypt,” in The Wall Paintings of Thera, I, ed. S.
Sherratt, 33-42 (Piraeus Greece: Petros M. Nomikos and The Thera Foundation, 2000): 33.
42
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 27; M. Bietak, I. Hein, et al., Pharaonen und
Fremde – Dynastien im Dunkel (Vienna, Wien Kultur, 1994), 50-52.
43
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 27, Irmgard Hein, “Untersuchungen und Vorläufige
Bilanz zur Keramik aus ‘Exbet Helmi, Speziell Areal H/V,” Ägypten und Levante 11 (2001): 140.
Excavations have since identified two stratigraphic layers dating to the occupational periods between the
Late Hyksos palace and the Thutmosid palace complex, both dating to the early 18th Dynasty, which
include large grain silos and intrusive pit burials. See Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 18-20 for
a survey of these intermediate activities.
44
Manfred Bietak, Josef Dorner and Peter Jánosi, “Ausgrabungen in dem Palastbezirk von Avaris
Vorbericht Tell el-Dab‘a/ ‘Ezbet Helmi 1993-2000,” Egypt and the Levant 11 (2001): 85-88.
15
either side giving the complex an extremely planned appearance.45 Bietak has identified two
distinct building phases for this Thutmoside palatial complex. The first consisted of Palaces F, G
and J as well as the enclosure wall. During the second building phase Palace J was dismantled
and replaced by one of several service buildings.46 Excavations further revealed a magazine area
which contained pottery possibly dating to the reign of Amenhotep II and therefore may be
indicative of a third building period.47
Palaces F and G will be the focus of this particular survey as it was from here that the
fragments of painted plaster are believed to have originated. Palace G (Plate 2.7) is the larger of
the two with a base measuring 160.5 by 79.7 meters. The palace itself originally sat on a 7-meter
tall platform in a manner similar to the North-Palace at Deir el-Ballas.48 The foundation of this
platform is all that remains of the palace making reconstructing the plan of the palace a matter of
speculation.49 A ramp led up from the ground level into a large courtyard with a portico on the
opposite side. From here one would enter into the inner rooms which were divided into two
sections, one which, based on its design, may have function as a temple or sanctuary complex.50
The second, located to the local east or “left” side of the palace, appears to have contained the
throne room and two apartments.51
45
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 20.
46
Service buildings can be defined in this context as structures whose function was the production
and storage of items necessary for life in the palace such as kitchens, storerooms, workshops, guard houses
and bureaucratic offices.
47
Ibid., 21.
48
Ibid., 22. Indeed Bietak points out the similarities in size and layout between the two structures.
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid.; Manfred Bietak, “The Thutmoside stronghold of Perunefer,” Egyptian Archaeology 26
(Spring 2005): 14.
51
Ibid., 14-15. The presence of these structures is of course based on Bietak’s supposition.
16
The smaller of the two palaces, Palace F (Plate 2.8), likewise sat on a monumental
platform, measuring 70.5 by 45 meters. The palace was accessed by a ramp that was placed
against the local northern side of the platform.52 A reused granite doorway of Amenhotep I was
probably placed at the bottom of the ramp.53 The palace appears to have consisted of a small
courtyard and a vestibule that led into a larger central peristyle courtyard. A series of vestibules
ran along the local southern side of the courtyard and gave access to a throne room. From the
throne room branched a side room and a dipartite apartment on either side. A second corridor
extended down the local west side of the structure54
The design of the palace bears a striking similarity to the palace of Apries at Memphis
which dates to the king’s reign (589-570 BCE) at the end of the 26th Dynasty (Plate 2.9). This
palace, situated on top of a 13 meter tall platform, was likewise accessed by a ramp. This ramp
led into a columned “T”-shaped corridor or chamber which may be equated to the first courtyard
in Palace F. This corridor led into the large central peristyle courtyard from which a chamber was
accessed. Like the throne room in Palace F, this room was flanked on either side by two rooms
indicating that it may have served as a throne room. Additionally a long corridor ran parallel to
the main courtyard. Unlike Palace F, the Palace of Apries had a series of chambers on the east
side of this long corridor, as well as a large peristyle courtyard beyond the throne room.55 These
differences can be regarded as additions to the older palatial design of Palace F, a change in the
general design which is not surprising considering the more than eight hundred years which had
52
Ibid., 15; Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 21-22.
53
Labib Habachi , Tell el Dab‘a I (Vienna: Österreiche Akademie der Wissenshaften, 2001), 159-
163.
54
Bietak, “The Thutmoside stronghold of Perunefer,” 15.
55
W.M. Flinders Petrie, The Palace of Apries (Memphis II) (London: School of Archaeology in
Egypt, 1909); W. Kaiser, “Die dekorierte Torfassade des spätzeitlichen Palastbezirkes von Memphis.”
MDAIK 43 (1987). 132-137; Barry Kemp, “The Palace of Apries at Memphis.” MDAIK 33 (1977): 101-
108.
17
elapsed since the construction of Palace F. The fact that Palace F had long been dismantled made
it very unlikely that the Palace of Apries was designed as an imitation of Palace F. Rather the
two palaces are likely part of a continuous tradition in palatial construction. Although this
tradition may have started with Tell el-Dab‘a there is nothing decidedly un-Egyptian in the
design. Indeed the tradition of placing a palace on a platform has previously been seen at Deir el-
Ballas. If this is true, it would confirm that the nature of Palace F is essentially Egyptian and does
not belong to a more international style, a hypothesis which will be of great importance when
considering the meaning of the image programs.
The evidence for the image programs of Palace F is found in fragments of painted plaster.
The fragments of painting were found primarily out of their original context within a rubbish
heap near the base of the ramp leading to Palace F and a second heap north of the ramp landing
(Plate 2.10).56 The stratigraphic position of the fragments, some within a trench dating to the
second building period, indicate that they probably date to the first palatial building period,
sometime between the reign of Thutmose I and Thutmose III.57 The fact that the fragments
originated in the first building phase and were deposited shortly thereafter indicates to Bietak that
they had fallen off the wall within a few years of their completion. He argues that the probable
reason for this is that the paintings were executed in the true (or wet) fresco technique on hard
lime plaster which was unsuitable for the building conditions.58
Due to the nature of the mudbrick walls and the soil upon which the palace was built it
would have taken ten to fifteen years for the building to settle. During this time the walls would
56
Manfred Bietak, “The Setting of the Minoan Wall Paintings at Avaris,” in Aegean Wall
Painting: A Tribute to Mark Cameron, Lyvia Morgan ed., 83-91. (London: The British School of Classical
Studies at Athens, 2005), 83. Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 26-27.
57
Ibid., 38-39, Bietak, “Setting,” 88.
58
Ibid., 39; Ann Brysbaert, “A Technological Approach to the Painted Plaster of Tell el-Dab‘a,
Egypt: Microscopy and Scientific Analysis,” in Manfred Bietak, Nanno Marinatos and Clairy Palivou.,
Taureador Scenes: In Tell el Dab’a (Avaris) and Knossos, 151-173, (Vienna: Österreiche Akademie der
Wissenshaften, 2007), 153-154.
18
have shifted, causing the hard lime plaster to fracture and fall off the walls.59 Bietak has argued
rather convincingly that the method of execution of the painted decoration, using the wet fresco
technique on hard lime plaster, is decidedly un-Egyptian, but rather bears resemblance to Minoan
techniques. This coupled with the typical Minoan subject matter and style, points to Minoan
artisans as the likely workforce behind the palace’s image program.60 These painted fragments
were then deposited at the base of palatial platform as refuse. Bietak suggests that the majority of
these fragments originated from Palace F due to their proximity to the palace.61 A few fragments
of painted plaster were discovered in the vicinity of Palace G and within its substructure, leading
Bietak to assign them to this palace.62
Due to the fact that fragments of painted plaster from Palace F were all found out of their
original context it is difficult, if not impossible, to assign motifs to specific rooms of the palace,
although Bietak does suggest possibilities based on the location of similar scenes within Minoan
palaces, specifically the palace of Knossos.63 Yet the locations of these scenes are only
speculative and as such it is prudent to examine the evidence for the painted images not as part of
specific rooms but rather as part of motifs which are, at present, not connected to a specific
location within the palace.
Many fragments depicting running, leaping and otherwise aggressive animals were
identified. These included leopards, lions, ungulates, griffins, and dogs as well as hunters.
59
60
Manfred Bietak, “‘Rich Beyond the Dreams of Avaris: Tell el Dab‘a and the Aegean World: A
Guide for the Perplexed’: A Response to Eric H. Cline,” Annual of the British School at Athens, 95 (2000):
185-205. For an opposing viewpoint see Eric Cline, “Rich Beyond the Dreams of Avaris: Tell el Dab‘a
and the Aegean World: A Guide for the Perplexed,” Annual of the British School at Athens, 93 (1998): 199-
219.
61
Bietak, “Setting,” 88-89.
62
Ibid., 89.
63
Ibid.
19
Bietak has assigned these fragments to a single hunting scene, 64 the individual components of
which must be examined separately. Lions (undoubtedly of the Barbary subspecies, Panthera
Leo Leo, due to the manes continuing under the chest in several fragments) (Plate 2.11) were the
most common animals in the hunter fresco with at least ten individual lions having been
identified.65 All the lions, with the exception of one, appear to be in a “flying gallop” posture
characteristic of Minoan works of art with both their hind and forelegs extended outwards.66 The
remaining lion was depicted in a “springing posture,” with the hind leg curved as if he was
pouncing upon prey (Plate 2.13, left most individual).67 Of the ten lions three are on depicted
against a primarily red background (Figures 2.13 and 2.15), while six are depicted against a
yellow background (Figures 2.12, 2.16, and 2.17) and one against a background that changes
from red to yellow (Plate 2.14).68 The red background includes large rocks as well as blue swamp
plants indicating the use of both marshy and desert settings for at least one of these three lions
(Figures 2.13 and 2.15). Several of the fragments which feature a yellow background preserve
details such as blue and red rocks, egg-shaped pebbles on a red ground, and the classic Minoan
motif of blue lilies amongst rocks indicating that at least some of these animals are in a rocky
terrain (Figures 2.12 and 2.16).69 Two of the lions are engaged with what has been identified as a
64
Manfred Bietak and Nannó Marinatos, “The Minoan Wall Paintings from Avaris,” E&L 5
(1995): 60.
65
Nannó Marinatos, “The Tell el-Dab’a Paintings: A Study in Pictorial Tradition,” E&L 8 (1998):
84-85; Nannó Marinatos, “Lions from Tell el Dab‘a,” E&L 20 (2010): 325. Marinatos and Bietak used a
system where they combined as many fragments in a manner to produce the smallest number of individual
lions possible. This indicates that there is evidence for at least ten individuals.
66
Ibid., 325, see for example fig. 1.
67
Ibid., 325-327, fig. 7.
68
These lions are designated Lions 1,2 and 4; Lions, 5-10; and Lion 3 respectively in Ibid., 325-
335.
Ibid., 328-329; Nannó Marinatos, “The Tell el-Dab’a Paintings: A Study in Pictorial Tradition.”
69
Ä&L 8 (1998): 86-87.
20
bull based on its white and black spotted hide as well as parallels in Minoan art (Figures 2.12 and
2.18).70 One individual sinks his teeth into the nape of the animal’s neck, causing blood to flow
from the wound, while a second lion runs below the animal.71 Additionally at least one of the
lions has an open mouth, indicating that it is actively pursuing its now lost prey (Plate 2.13
rightmost lion).72
The hunt fresco included at least six individual leopards, identified by Lyvia Morgan as
the East African subspecies, panthera pardus suahelicus (Plate 2.19).73 Unlike the lions, the
leopards were depicted entirely against a red background, although several fragments preserved a
blue rocky surface just below the leopards from which plants occasionally grew. The leopards
exhibited a variety of poses, with three appearing to be crouching or stalking (Figures 2.22, 2.24
and 2.25), while the other three pounce, undoubtedly at prey (Figures 2.20, 2.21 and 2.23).74 The
prey was not preserved in any of the fragments that depict leopards. However fragments depicting
deer, including one that is apparently on its back, share the same background as the leopards,
indicating that they were hunting these animals.75 Separate from these deer are depictions of
goats and other ungulates which were the prey animals in other sections of the hunt frieze.76
Fragments of a griffin of the same scale as the hunting felines were also found (Plate
2.26). Due to the similarity in scale between this figure and the animals of the hunt frieze it has
70
Marinatos, “Lions”: 329-334.
71
Ibid.
72
Ibid., 325.
Lyvia Morgan, “A Pride of Leopards: A Unique Aspect of the Hunt Frieze from Tell el-Dab‘a,”
73
E&L 20 (2010): 267, 279-281.

74
Ibid., 273.
75
Ibid., 267, 273.
76
Ibid.
21
been concluded that this griffin was also a part of the hunt.77 The griffin featured a long beak, a
crested head with spiral designs, spiral markings on the neck and wings, a possible blue wattle
and a generally white body.”78 The pose of the griffin was the characteristic Minoan “flying
gallop” and it appeared to be actively engaged with a prey animal, probably a deer, which was
represented as a dark yellow shape immediately below the beak.79 The style of the griffin was
decidedly Aegean with little resemblance to griffins found in Near East and Egyptian art.80
As previously noted fragments of several different prey animals, including goats,
antelope, and deer were found. Amongst these there was evidence for dogs pursuing antelope,
some of which turn their heads to gaze at the human hunters.81 Additionally, several of the dogs
wore red collars indicating that these were domesticated dogs (Plate 2.27).82
In addition to the griffin of the hunt frieze, a second larger griffin was identified from
several fragments of painted spirals that originate from the animal’s wing (Plate 2.28).83 After a
careful study of the remaining fragments Manfred Bietak and Clairy Palivou determined that the
griffin had its wings outstretched straight over its back.84 Due to the size and posture of the
creature it was determined that the griffin was most likely heraldic, flanking a throne for a ruler or
77
Lyvia Morgan, “An Aegean Griffin in Egypt: The Hunt Frieze at Tell el-Dab‘a,” E&L 20
(2010): 303.
78
Ibid., 309-312.
79
Ibid., 312, 309.
80
For a comparison of Aegean and Near Eastern/Egyptian griffins see Ibid., 303-308.
81
Bietak and Marinatos, 60.
82
Ibid., 55, 60.
83
Manfred Bietak and Clairy Palivou, “A Large Griffin From a Royal Citadel of the Early 18th
Dynasty at Tell el-Dab’a,” in Πεπραγμενα Η’ Διεθνους Κρητολογικου Συνεδριου (Herakleon: Herakleon
Archaeological Museum, 2000), 99-104.
84
Ibid.
22
deity in much the same way as at the Minoan palatial sites of Knossos (Plate 2.29) and Pylos.85
Bietak further argued, based on the close parallels between the Tell el-Dab‘a griffin and the
griffin in the throne room at Knossos, that there was a direct connection between Tell el-Dab‘a
and Knossos which may have taken the form of a diplomatic marriage or the use of artisans from
Knossos, although the two are by no means mutually exclusive.86 Bietak envisioned a pair of
griffins painted upon the wall so that they flank a stone throne, in much the same way as the
griffins in the throne room at Knossos (Plate 2.30).87 It is probable that, if Bietak is correct in his
reconstruction of the heraldic griffins, it was a ruler, most likely the king or a queen, rather than a
deity or human incarnation of a deity who was seated upon the throne.88 Fragments of a blue
maze pattern floor within a boarder of white, yellow, red and blue bands were also discovered and
are believed by Bietak to have come from the floor of the throne room (Plate 2.31).89 Minoan
spiral designs are also believed to have originated in the same throne room (Plate 2.32).90
Fragments of the now famous Bull Leaping, or “Taureador,” scenes were likewise found
in the rubbish heap at the base of Palace F, indicating their probable origin within this structure.91
85
Ibid., 104-105.
86
Bietak, “Setting,” 89; Nanno Marinatos, “Divine Kingship in Minoan Crete,” The Role of the
Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean; Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Archaeological Institute of America New Orleans, Louisiana 28 December 1992 with Additions, ed. Paul
Rehak, 37-48 (Austin: University of Texas Austin, 1995), 37.
87
88
For the concept of the Queen or another figure as the stand-in for a goddess see, Helga Reusch,
“Zum Wandschmuck des Thronsaales in Knossos,” in Minoica; Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von
Johannes Sundwall, ed. Ernst Grumach, 334-358 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1958), passim.; Wolf-Dietrich
Niemeier, “Zum Deutung des Thronraumes im Palast von Knossos,” AM 101 (1986): 63-66, Marinatos,
“Divine Kingship,” 42-44.
89
Manfred Bietak, “Die Wandmalereien aus Tell el-Dab‘a/‘Ezbet Helmi Erste Eindrücke,” E&L
IV (1994), 46, Taf. 14B,C; Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 41-42, reconstruction on page 43,
and Fig. 36.
90
Katherina Aslanidou, “Der Minoische Spiralfries Aus Dem Grabungsareal H/IV in Tell el-
Dab‘a. Malvorgang und Rekonstruktion,” E&L XII (2002), 13-27.
91
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 26-27.
23
The Bull Leaping scene was divided into two friezes, differentiated by their dissimilar
backgrounds, which were contiguous but separated by a vertical border depicting a palm tree.
The first section, titled the “Maze Pattern” frieze by Bietak, was decorated with a background
consisting of a maze pattern below an undulating line with red background above (Plate 2.33).92
Below the maze section, and separated by a blue band, was a complicated area of half-rosettes on
a maze pattern.93 This section has been estimated to have been 2.11 meters in length and 0.89
meters in height and probably featured at least four bulls and four bull leapers.94 Two of the bulls
had blue spotted hides while the remaining two are brown spotted.95 Each of the four bulls had
the figure of an acrobat engaged with it most in the process of somersaulting over the bull.96
From the fragmentary remains it appears that three of the leapers were yellow skinned
while a fourth leaper was white skinned. Each wore an aproned kilt, calf-high boots and had long
wavy black hair. One yellow leaper is engaged with a brown speckled bull that faces towards the
viewer. The leaper has his arms clasped around the neck of the bull with a closed fist. A second
yellow figure vaults off the back of the second brown speckled bull while the third yellow
skinned figure is positioned underneath a blue speckled bull, perhaps indicating that he is falling
from the bull.97 A single fragment of the head of a blue speckled bull included a white area with
blue stripes above the bull’s head. This area was originally interpreted as an undulating white
and blue rocky landscape that was within the red background above the maze pattern.98 A more
92
Ibid., 45, 47-50.
93
Ibid., 50-52.
94
Ibid., 45.
95
Ibid., 52-54.
96
Ibid.
97
Ibid., 54-55.
98
M. Bietak, N. Marinatos and C. Palyvou, “The Maze Tableau From Tell el Dab‘a,” in The Wall
Paintings of Thera, I, ed. S. Sherratt, 77-89 (Piraeus Greece: Petros M. Nomikos and The Thera
Foundation, 2000), 79.
24
recent interpretation put forth by Bietak suggests instead that the white area with the blue stripes
was the remains of a white skinned leaper who wears a white kilt with a blue border and belt as
well as the now lost blue horn of the bull. This interpretation has the benefit of also incorporating
two fragments depicting boots worn by a white-skinned leaper against a red background into the
overall composition.99
The Bull Leaping motif was continued in a second frieze which Bietak titles “the Beige
frieze” which was immediately adjacent to the right of the Maze Pattern frieze (Plate 2.34). The
frieze depicts bull leaping activities against a yellow ochre, or beige, background. The upper red
band that was seen in the Maze Pattern frieze continues into the Beige Frieze, which is
reconstructed as having an undulating edge much like the Maze pattern area. A few fragments
were found of a blue rocky landscape located below the yellow field.100 A single palm tree
divided the two friezes yet allowed the red area to continue.101 Although Bietak notes that the
Beige frieze is far more difficult to reconstruct as a whole, due in large part to the absence of the
maze pattern which allowed for the orientation of fragments to be determined, he estimates that
its length was probably close to the 2.11 meters of the Maze Pattern frieze.102
The frieze appears to have included at least four bulls and at least as many leapers
although the exact number and how the bulls related to one another is only speculative.103 One of
the bull leapers is a red skinned figure, a fragment of whose torso is preserved above the curved
neck of a black and white speckled bull.104 A large fragment preserves a second leaper and bull
99
100
Ibid., 45, 62.
101
Ibid., 62.
102
Ibid., 45, 62.
103
Ibid., 62.
104
Ibid.
25
pair. This fragment, one of the most complete, depicts a white bull with yellow-brown speckles
with only the legs, head and chest missing. An almost intact red-skinned acrobat performs what
Bietak has identified as a side leap, a somersault from one side of the bull to the other, based on
the depiction of both of the acrobat’s arms on the same side of the bull.105 The leg of a third
acrobat, which may be related to the leg of an acrobat against the yellow background, is depicted
next to the back of a black and white spotted bull and may depict the completion of a side leap.106
Immediately to the left of the palm tree which acts as the divider between the Beige frieze
and the Maze Pattern frieze was a rather unique vignette. Preserved on a single large fragment is
the head of a bull with white speckles on a yellow base. His head is turned upward and his mouth
is open with his tongue protruding, the standard method of depicting a defeated bull in Minoan
art. A red figure stands before the bull with his hands clenched into fists on either side of his
waist. The position of the human figure higher than the bull indicates to Bietak that the bull is
kneeling and the human figure is jumping vertically.107 The head of a second fragmentary human
is seen directly above the head of the bull, “as if his chin were resting on top of the animal’s
head.”108 Bietak argues that the second figure is a bull wrestler who has subdued the animal and
now holds it down by grasping the horns.109 He further suggests that this bull may represent the
final act in a narrative of acrobatic and wrestling activities with the bulls before they are brought
into the palace precinct, represented by the Maze Pattern frieze, although the exact nature of the
activities depicted is unknown and the “narrative” structure is only hypothetical.110
105
Ibid., 63.
106
Ibid., 63-64.
107
Ibid., 64-65.
108
Ibid., 65.
109
Ibid.
110
Ibid.
26
Fragments of bovids which do not appear to be from the Bull Leaping friezes may also
have originated from the hunt fresco. Several fragments appear to have come from a depiction of
two white bovids with red-yellow mottling against an ochre background. Unlike the bulls from
the Bull Leaping friezes these animals are not leaping or running, rather it appears as if one is
peacefully engaging with the other (Plate 2.35). Bietak suggests this may relate to a depiction
from Vapheio cup B of a bull placidly pursuing a cow probably as a prelude to mating.111 A
black and white spotted bull against a red background might have likewise originated from the
hunt fresco although it is also plausible to include it in the Bull Leaping frescos discussed above
(Plate 2.36).112
Representations of non-acrobatic figures are also known from several fragments of
painted decoration. Two fragments depicted men in front of a stone façade, in one case complete
with a window. One of the fragments represented a man dressed in a robe that left one shoulder
bare and was decorated with red stripes (Plate 2.37). Based on Minoan artistic conventions, as
well as a strong parallel from Kea, Nanno Marinatos suggested that the figure was a priest.113
The second fragment, which bore a running man wearing a kilt and a penis-sheath, is believed to
have been part of the same motif which Marinatos identified as a representation of a Minoan
cultic procession (Plate 2.38).114 Another fragment showed the head of a bearded man which is
also likely that of a priest (Plate 2.39). While both fragments were part of scenes depicting
111
112
Ibid.
113
Nanno Marinatos, “Kat. Nr. 227 Freskofragment, minoischer Priester,” in Pharaonen und
Fremde: Dynastien im Dunkel, 203 (Vienna: Eigenverlag der Museen der Stadt Wien, 1994), 203.
114
Ibid.
27
Minoan cultic activity they undoubtedly originate from two different scenes due the use of
different scale for the two priests, the second being near life size.115
In addition to the frescos, there is also evidence of fragmented painted plaster relief at
near life-sized scale from Palace F. The relief appears to have been executed by the addition of
multiple layers of plaster to create the raised relief.116 The majority of these fragments depict
parts of bulls, including a heel, hoof, tail, and a speckled hide. An additional a fragment of
plaster depicts the white limb of a human with the top of either a boot or an armlet against a red
background (Plate 2.40).117 While Bietak and Marinatos point to similarities with the “Prince of
the Lilies” figure from Knossos,118 it is entirely possible that these fragments are a part of a large
scale Bull Leaping scene.
In comparison with Palace F, little is known of the image programs used in Palace G
primarily due to the fact that no rubbish dump of painted plaster has been found outside the
palace. Bietak proposes that this is indicative of the use of traditional Egyptian mud plaster as
opposed to the Minoan lime plaster on the walls. These paintings would therefore have remained
on the palace walls up to the point when the palace was systematically dismantled during the
Amarna period.119 As a result very few, if any, remains of painted scenes would have survived in
situ.120 Bietak asserts that the size of the palace in comparison with Palace F as well as the
apparent use of traditional Egyptian mud plaster indicates that the palace “would have an
115
Manfred Bietak, “Kat. Nr. 219 Freskofragment, bärtiger Mann,” in Pharaonen und Fremde:
Dynastien im Dunkel, 195 (Vienna: Eigenverlag der Museen der Stadt Wien, 1994), 195; Bietak, “Erste
Eindrücke,” 49, Taf. 17A.
116
Bietak, “Erste Eindrücke,” 52; Bietak and Marinatos, 54.
117
Bietak, “Erste Eindrücke,” 52; Bietak and Marinatos, 54.
118
Ibid.
119
See, Bietak, “Setting,” 89, for the archaeological evidence for the dismantling of the palace.
120
Ibid.
28
Egyptian wall painting programme,” presumably because of the Minoan preference for miniature
frescos.121
Several fragments found near the base of the ramp of Palace G confirm this conclusion.122
Executed in mud plaster, these fragments depict a papyrus thicket against a red background, the
upper portion of a woman with an ornamented scarf over her head, a coiled uraeus and a basket
filled with fruit, which may be identified as grape clusters.123 While the motifs and the execution
are Egyptian, Minoan influences can be seen, primarily in the use of blue as opposed to green for
the stalks of the papyrus plants and the use of a red background. Bietak and Irene Forstner-
Müller further suggest that the partial woman is Minoan based on her dress.124
Fragments of Minoan motifs executed on wet lime plaster were also found near a gate in
the enclosure wall of the palace district in close proximity to Palace G. As such these fragments
have been tentatively assigned to the image program of the palace. This indicates that in addition
to the Egyptian motifs Bietak believes were used in the palace there was also decidedly Minoan
visual elements.125 The majority of the fragments discovered depict a Minoan ornamental motif
composed of ivy leaves which may have been used as a border (Plate 2.41).126 While Minoan
ornamental motifs are not unheard of in traditional Egyptian palaces,127 the presence of fragments
121
Ibid.
122
It is unknown if these fragments originated from the ramp or, like the fragments of Palace F,
had been deposited here.
123
Manfred Bietak and Irene Forstner-Müller, “Ausgrabungen im Palastbezirk von Avaris:
Vorbericht Tell el-Dab‘a/‘Ezbet Helmi Frühjahr 2003” E&L 13 (2003): 44-45, figs. 6-11. Unfortunately at
the moment the only photographs available of these fragments are excavation photographs. See Ibid.
124
Ibid.
125
Bietak, “Setting,” 89.
126
Bietak and Marinatos, “Minoan Wall Paintings from Avaris,” 57, fig. 13.
127
See Chapter VII.
29
of a Minoan figural representation was described by Bietak as “unexpected”.128 This discovery
came in the form of the lower portions of a Minoan woman which included her feet, double
anklets, and the hem of her skirt, which featured a sloped hem augmented with blue and red
colored bands indicating a Minoan origin (Plate 2.42).129 Remains of painted plaster depicting
the exterior of a Minoan style structure, including ashlar blocks, posts and windows were also
found in this same area and may have come from the exterior or ramp area of Palace G, although
once again Bietak points to the difficulty in establishing their provenience with any certainty.130
The evidence of palatial image programs from Tell el-Dab‘a presents two questions
which are germane to this dissertation: what motifs are present that may be seen in later palaces
which are deemed more traditional, and how does the use of Minoan, or perhaps even more
specifically Knossian, image programs within an Egyptian palace fit with the current
understanding of the iconography and role of royalty in Egypt.
The first is the easier question to approach due to the extremely small amount of extant
evidence for “Egyptian” motifs from the palaces at Tell el-Dab‘a. The fragments executed on
mud plaster presumably using the dry fresco technique are all fairly in line with the types of
motifs which will be found in later palaces. While no depictions of coiled ureai are known from
palatial wall paintings, the motif is common in other art forms associated with royalty, most
notably on the arms of the golden throne of Tutankhamun (Plate 2.43), which itself should be
considered as an aspect of the image program of an unknown palace.131
128
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 42, fig. 39; Bietak, “‘Rich Beyond the Dreams of
129
Avaris,” 199.
130
131
M. Eaton-Krauss, The Thrones, Chairs, Stools and Footstools from the Tomb of Tutankhamun
(Oxford: Griffith Institute, 2008), 30, pl. 5-6. It is possible that this throne may have been used in one of
the palaces at Amarna as it originally bore the pre-restoration titulary of Tutankhamun (twt ‘nx itn) as well
as Amarna period imagery including the solar disk. See ibid., 32.
30
While the majority of these fragments of painted images in the dry fresco technique
confirm with expected Egyptian visual vocabulary the image of the Minoan woman has no
precedence in Egyptian palatial image programs. As of the moment all known representations of
foreigners from palatial settings depict males bound or in adoration of the king. As will be
demonstrated in later chapters, one of the most common palatial motifs is the depiction of palatial
activities, most commonly representations of the royal family within the palace. It is possible that
this woman is the Minoan wife whom Bietak believes inhabited the palace.132 Additionally
Egyptian visual history contains numerous depictions of the presentation of foreign envoys,
specifically from New Kingdom private tomb chapels.133 It is highly probable, considering that
these activities most likely occurred within palaces, that the palatial image programs may have
included scenes depicting the presentation of foreign envoys or the presentation of people as gifts.
Either of these possibilities may account for the inclusion of this woman.
The question of the meaning of the Minoan motifs within the palaces of Tell el-Dab‘a is
one that Manfred Bietak and others connected with the excavations at the site delved into
greatly.134 Bietak’s studies have generally approached the Minoan paintings from a purely
Minoan perspective. His studies of decorum have focused not on Egyptian rules of decorum for
the placement of foreign motifs, a topic that is in much need of consideration, but rather on the
rules governing the placement of specific motifs within Minoan palaces, most specifically
132
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 86. Bietak has also suggested the possibility that
the palaces were constructed for a high level diplomatic meeting between the Egyptian king and the ruler of
Knossos (ibid.). If this were the reason for the construction of the palace, then that meeting might have
likewise been depicted in the palace for the same reasons that depictions of palatial activity were presented
on the walls of palaces, which will be discussed below.
133
A general discussion of the “Tribute icon” can be found Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity
in Ancient Thebes, 73-76, while a more detailed study of depictions of Aegeans in Theban tombs, which are
primarily restricted to these tributes scenes, can be found in Shelley Wachsmann Aegeans in the Theban
Tombs (Leuven: Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 1987), passim.
134
See for example Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 70-72, 81-84.
31
Knossos.135 Yet Tell el-Dab‘a is not a Minoan palace in design but rather a fairly typical
Egyptian palace, a fact which Bietak does not deny as he suggests that Palace F resembles an
Egyptian ritualistic palace as opposed to a residential palace.136 He also avoids the question of
what significance the motifs might have had to the Egyptian king who undoubtedly
commissioned the palace and acted as patron, focusing rather on how a Minoan viewer would
have understood the motifs,137 an approach he legitimizes by arguing that the audience for the
motifs must have been Minoan, either a Minoan ruler, envoy, or princess intended for a
diplomatic marriage.138 My approach will be to examine how an Egyptian audience would have
experienced the motifs in an attempt to propose alternatives.
To progress beyond these interpretations one must ask, what if the palace was never
intended for a Minoan individual but rather for an Egyptian ruler? Indeed the suggestion that the
palace was built for a Minoan princess as part of a diplomatic marriage is not only speculative but
also suggests a practice of iconographic and cultural independence not normally seen with foreign
queens in Egypt. First, there is no evidence at present that any of the Thutmoside kings married a
member of the Minoan royal family, although it must be noted that there is little surviving
evidence for diplomatic marriages from this period.139 The second point concerns how these
135
Ibid.
136
137
138
Ibid., 86.
139
Alan R. Schulman, “Diplomatic marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom,” Journal of Near
Eastern Studies 38 (1979): 181-183. This raises the question of how often diplomatic marriages occurred
in the pre-Amarna Eighteenth Dynasty. Schulman does state that the majority of evidence for diplomatic
marriages originates not from Egyptian sources but from the sources of the foreign court. As such the lack
of evidence for a Minoan princess would most likely be found in Minoan and not Egyptian texts, a prospect
which is rather difficult considering the dearth of translated Minoan texts. Yet if one were to imagine that
this marriage did occur, and that the palace was built for the princess, then it would have earned at least
some mention by the Egyptian king, perhaps even in the annals of Thutmose III. As such one would still
expect at least some reference to such a marriage.
32
foreign wives expressed their position in court. Evidence such as the annals of Thutmose III
suggests that the marriage ceremony between an Egyptian king and the daughter of a foreign ruler
was rather standard, consisting of the exchange of bridal wealth, which in the instance of
Thutmose III’s marriage to a princess of Retenu in year 40 included the princess’s “equipment of
gold and lapis lazuli of her land; attendants, servants and [male slaves and female slave]
belonging to her,”140 as well as pouring oil onto the head of the bride.141 The apparent
consistency of this ceremony, which makes no mention of specially designed or built palatial
structures, would indicate that it was unlikely that the palaces at Tell el-Dab‘a were intended for
use during a wedding ceremony, but leaves open the possibility that they were used later in the
life of the new Egyptian queen. Gay Robins states “what happened to all these foreign women
once they arrived in Egypt… [t]he answer is that we have very little idea.”142 Yet inscriptional
and archaeological evidence from the palace site of Gurob indicates that foreign wives may have
been placed in special palaces where they engaged in activities such as the production of
textiles.143
The evidence for the iconography of power utilized by these foreign queens is rather
ephemeral yet none-the-less telling. The burial assemblages of three foreign wives of Thutmose
III buried in Wady Qurud west of Luxor demonstrate that at least these three Canaanite women
were buried with traditional Egyptian assemblages, implying at least a partial assimilation into
Egyptian religious beliefs and culture.144 Indeed there is no evidence of any objects which
140
Christine Lilyquist, The Tomb of Three Foreign Wives of Tuthmosis III (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2003), 335; Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Historisch-
biographische Urkunden. Vol. 3 part 9/10 (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1907), IV 3-4 and 668, 17-669,3.
141
Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 32.
142
Ibid.
143
Ibid., 34.
144
Lilyquist, 126-255.
33
display Canaanite iconography of power or status within the burial assemblages. A letter from
Babylonian king Kadashman Enlil, quoted in Amenhotep III’s responding letter, states that his
sister, who was sent to Egypt as a diplomatic bride during his father’s reign, was not seen at court
by any of the Babylonian envoys who had visited the king. Amenhotep III responds by stating
that the queen was indeed present at court but simply went unnoticed by the envoys who were
unfamiliar with her, going so far as to suggest that the king send a courtier who is familiar with
the his sister.145 It can be interpreted that the failure of the courtiers in recognizing the foreign
queen may be in part due to the lack of Babylonian identifiers. Surely if the envoys had noticed a
woman displaying traditional emblems of Babylonian royalty then they would have recognized
her. Their failure to do so may indicate that the queen had been assimilated into Egyptian culture,
which would have included the adoption of Egyptian royal iconography.
This leads to the question of how an Egyptian audience, whether it was the intended
audience or not, would have viewed these foreign motifs and how might they have fit within the
Egyptian concept of the king. The basic use of Minoan themes within the palace, and Minoan
artisans for their execution, indicates that the interest of the king was to depict himself or other
members of the royal family and their surroundings outside the traditional Egyptian visual
vocabulary. What then might the purpose of this have been? To answer these questions it is
prudent to first examine the evidence for foreign influences in the image programs of other
palaces in order to determine if there are any trends while at the same time establishing a base of
typical Egyptian motifs which might likewise shed light on the purpose of these images. These
are tasks best left for the conclusion of this work.
145
Schulman, 179 footnote 11.
34
Medinet el-Gurob
A particularly fascinating palatial institution, the “Harem Palace,” is perhaps represented
by a pair of mudbrick structures located at Medient el-Gurob (Plate 2.44). Located near Lahun on
the West Bank of the Nile, Medinet el-Gurob was first excavated by Petrie in 1888, Loat in 1904
and then by Guy Brunton and Reginald Engelbach in 1920 as well as a current surveys being
carried out by the Gurob Harem Project under the University of Liverpool, the University of
London and the University of Copenhagen.146 The palatial complex, originally interpreted as a
temple of Thutmose III,147 measures approximately 240 by 225 meters.148 It was not until 1911
that Ludwig Borchardt identified the structure as palatial.149 In 1978 Barry Kemp came to the
same conclusion based in large part on an analysis of Ludwig Borchardt’s 1905 plan, as well as
the use of limestone architectural elements such as thresholds.150 Additionally items bearing
names and titles of officials make reference to the “harim [sic] of Mer-wer’.”151
146
William Flinders Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1891), 15-20,
William Flinders Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1890); L. Loat, “Gurob,”
in Saqqara Mastabas I, by M.A. Murray (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1905; Guy Brunton and Reginald
Engelbach, Gurob (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1927); Ian Shaw, “Seeking the
Ramesside Royal Harem: New Fieldwork at Medinet el-Gurob,” in Ramesside Studies in Honour of K.A.
Kitchen, eds. Mark Collier and Steven Snape, 453-463 (Bolton UK: Rutherford Press Ltd., 2011), 459.
147
Guy Brunton and Reginald Engelbach, Gurob (London: British School of Archaeology in
Egypt, 1927), 3, pl I. An earlier excavation by Petrie, found in Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara was
ultimately responsible for the identification of this mudbrick structure as a temple.
Ludwig Borchardt, Der Portätkopf der Königin Teje (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrisch’sche
148
Buchhandlung, 1911), 1-4.

149
B.J. Kemp, “The Harim-Palace at Medinet el-Ghurab,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und
Alterumskunde 105 (1978), 128-129.
150
Ibid. Stone elements are known from a few homes, particularly in the form of stone window-
gratings and stone lined “dais” at Deir el-Medina and thresholds and window-gratings in homes from
Amarna, although most Amarna homes had brick doorways, Badawy, History of Egyptian Architecture, 67;
C. Leonard Woolley, “Excavations at Tell el-Amarna,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 8 (1922): 53-54,
pl. IX; A.J. Spencer, Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt (Warminster UK: Aris and Phillips Ltd., 1979),
95. A.J. Spencer comments that “doorways of stone were frequently used in important buildings, and, by
re-use, they could find their way into poor houses.” Ibid., 133.
151
Kemp, “Medinet el-Ghurab,” 131. An example of this would be “Sety: royal scribe, overseer
of the maidens of the harim of Mer-wer.” Ibid. For an alternate translation of xnr as “musician” see Del
Nord, “The Term xnr: ‘Harem’ or ‘Musical Performers,” in Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the
35
The northern-most of the two structures, which Kemp calls “Enclosure B” was most
likely the primary structure due to the lack of column bases in “Enclosure C.”152 Little can be
reconstructed of the palace’s layout due to the fragmentary nature of the remains, but the structure
appears to resemble the King’s Palace at Malqata, the only major difference being the absence of
a central reception hall.153 The palace appears to have been in use from the Eighteenth Dynasty
into the reign of Ramses V.154 The discovery of numerous objects of Queen Tiy, by
archaeologists suggests that she probably resided at the palace.155 Maathorneferura, who was a
daughter of Hattusilis III and one of the diplomatic wives of Ramses II, also appears to have
resided at Gurob.156
Sudan: essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the occasion of his 90 th birthday, ed. William Kelly Simpson
and Whitney M. Davis, 137-145 (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts Boston, 1981), 145. The inspiration for
Barry Kemp’s article and his definition of “Harim” comes from Elfriede Reiser, Der königliche Harim im
alten Ägypten und seine Verwaltung, (Wien: Universität Wien, 1972). Due to the highly debated nature of
the term and its place in Egyptian culture this work should be consulted to better understand Barry Kemp’s
background on the issue. There is still debate as to the exact nature of the structure as Dorothea Arnold
argues that the Gurob structure is a temple dedicated to the cult of deceased kings. See Dorothea Arnold,
The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt (New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc.,
1996), 28; Dorothea Arnold, “The Royal Palace, Architecture, Decoration and Furnishing,” in The
Pharaohs ed. Christiane Ziegler, 271-295 (New York, Rizzoli: 2002): 277. Although the term is rather
heavily laden with misconceptions (brought about in no small part by Victorian orientalism) it seems likely
that this was the site of a palatial household and production area dedicated primarily to women and their
economic activities, primarily weaving. The sexual aspect of the term Harem, need not necessarily apply to
the function of this structure. See for example Reiser, passim. as well as Barry Kemp’s review of this
work. Barry Kemp, “Review of E. Reiser, Der königliche Harim im alten Ägypten und seine Verwaltung
(Vienna, 1972), Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 62 (1976), 191-192.
152
Kemp, “Medinet el-Ghurab,” 129. It should be noted that this conclusion is well open to
interpretation as column bases can easily be removed after the abandonment of a structure.
153
Ibid.
154
Bricks with the cartouche of Thutmose III were found at the site and the palace is mentioned in
The Wilbour Papyrus, thus indicating that it was still in use during the reign of Ramses V. Angela P.
Thomas, Gurob: A New Kingdom Town (London: Aris and Phillips Ltd., 1981), 5.
155
Thomas, 9; Stevenson Smith, 158. Note that Dorothea Arnold does not agree with this
conclusion, Arnold, 28.
156
Papyrus fragments from the site bear the Queen’s name, see the Petrie Museum UC32795 at
Petrie Museum for the papyrus and Aidan Dodson and Dyan Hilton, The Complete Royal Families of
Ancient Egypt (London: Thames and Hudson, 2004), 171 for a brief biography of Maathorneferura.
36
Very little can be said about the visual program of the palace due to its extremely
denuded nature. The only concrete evidence comes from the stone lintels, statues and furniture
discovered at the site. The architectural elements executed in stone are rather basic, listing royal
names and titles.157 They are in fact rather similar to stone architectural elements discovered in
private homes at Amarna. 158 A now famous head depicting Queen Tiy (Plate 2.45) found by
diggers at Medinet el-Gurob in 1901 represents the best evidence for royal sculpture, although
exactly where the sculpture was found is unknown.159 Several pieces of fragmentary wooden
boxes and other pieces of furniture were painted with depictions of bovids leaping amongst
riverine plants, a motif that, as will be discussed in the next chapter, was fairly common in the
wall paintings from palaces at Amarna (Plate 2.46).160 This demonstrates that while there was no
surviving evidence for painted wall plaster, and indeed the walls of this structure may never have
been painted, that this particular motif was utilized in the visual program of the palace. Two
model grape clusters, one of wood (Plate 2.47) and one of faience were likewise found within the
palace.161 While the wooden grape cluster may have originated from a piece of furniture, faience
grape clusters are commonly thought to have been architectural embellishments, occasionally
associated with grape arbors painted on the ceilings of palaces.162
157
Kemp, “The Harim-Palace,” 129; Petrie, Kahun, pl. XXII.2; Petrie, Illahun, pl. XXIV.3.
158
Barry Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti: Amarna and Its People (London: Thames
and Hudson, 2012), 189-190.
159
Dorothea Arnold, The Royal Women of Amarna, 27-28; Borchardt, 1-4.
160
Thomas, 9, Plate 3 objects 30 and 31.
161
Ibid., 34, pl. 41; C. Ransom Williams, “Wall Decorations of the Main Temple of the Sun at el
‘Amarneh.” Metropolitan Museum Studies 2.2 (1930): 142 n. 32.
162
Patrick Salland “Pharaoh’s Grapes: A Study of Decorative Faience Grape Clusters,”
(University of Memphis, 2008) 70-80.
37
Malqata
Located approximately one and a half kilometers southwest of the mortuary temple of
Amenhotep III on the West Bank163 just south of Medinet Habu, the palace complex of
Amenhotep III known as Malqata is perhaps the most important and informative Pre-Amarna
period palace.164 The complex was built in the third decade of the reign of Amenhotep III, most
likely in conjunction with the king’s Heb-Sed.165 Remains of a causeway which connected the
palace complex to the king’s mortuary temple have been found to the west of the site effectively
linking the two complexes into a single unit.166 The Malqata complex, measuring approximately
seven hundred meters in length, included at least five palaces, a parade ground, a temple of
Amun, private houses, palatial support structures and bureaucratic offices.167 The most prominent
feature of the complex was a man-made lake, now called Birket Habu, measuring 2.4 kilometers
by 1 kilometer which was located directly to the east of the palace complex.168
Four palaces, the Middle Palace, the King’s Palace, the North Palace and the South
Palace were located in the vicinity of the complex’s parade ground and were perhaps centered
upon it.169 A fifth palace, known only as “Site K,” appears to have been built upon ground that
163
Smith, 161.
164
Ibid., 196.
165
Charles C. Van Siclen III, “Postscript” in Robb deP. Tytus, A Preliminary Report on the Re-
excavation of the Palace of Amenhetep III, with a postscript and additional notes by Charles C. Van Siclen
III (New York: Winthrop Press, 1903; reprint, San Antonio TX: Van Siclen Books, 1994).
166
Ibid, 161.
167
Ibid., 161-162.
168
Barry Kemp and David O’Connor, “An Ancient Nile Harbour; University Museum
Excavations at ‘Birket Habu’.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater
Exploration 3.1 (1974): 108. This large lake probably served as a harbor as well as serving “ceremonial
and recreational” purposes, see Ibid., 112. The mounds of sand and debris from the digging of the lake can
still be seen to the south of the Malqata complex.
169
Smith, 162.
38
would later be incorporated into the Birket Habu, and was dismantled for the lake’s expansion
sometime during Amenhotep III’s reign.170 Of these only the King’s Palace has been thoroughly
excavated due primarily to its less damaged state of preservation.171 The King’s Palace can be
roughly divided into three main sections, a grouping of large courts and audience chambers at the
northern end, a series of suites centered upon a long columned hall and throne room in the center
(often referred to as a “harem”172) and a small series of private chambers for the king at the
southern end (Plate 2.48). The palace is a rather sprawling structure with five distinct axis, three
of which can be found in the northern most section. This would cause any visitor to have to
follow a series of winding corridors before reaching the long hall, a plan that may have been
designed to control access to the inner most areas of the palace.
The palace complex was first excavated by Georges Daressy in March of 1888.173
Further excavations were carried out by Robb dePeyster Tytus between 1901 and 1903 with
additional excavations being conducted by the Metropolitan Museum of Art from 1910 until its
conclusion in 1919/1920.174 More recent excavations by a team from Waseda University in Japan
were carried out between 1985 and 1988. At the time of writing excavations were currently being
170
Barry Kemp, “The Discovery of the Painted Plaster Fragments at Malkata,” in Κρητη-Αιγυπτος,
ed. Alexandra Karetsou, 45-46 (Athens: Kapon, 2000), 45-46.
171
Although it has been excavated numerous times publication of the palace has been minimal at
best. The best report is Robb deP. Tytus, A Preliminary Report on the Re-excavation of the Palace of
Amenhetep III, with a postscript and additional notes by Charles C. Van Siclen III (New York: Winthrop
Press, 1903; reprint, San Antonio TX: Van Siclen Books, 1994) and a detailed description by W. Stevenson
Smith in his The Art and Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, 161-169.
172
For various discussion of the purposes of these rooms see Dorothea Arnold, “The Royal Palace:
Architecture, Decoration and Furnishing,” in The Pharaohs ed. Christiane Ziegler, 271-295 (New York:
Rizzoli, 2002), 286-294; David O’Connor, “The King’s Palace at Malkata and the Purpose of the Harem,”
in Millions of Jubilees: Studies in Honor of David P. Silverman. ed.Hawass, Zahi; Houser Wegner,
Jennifer, 55-80, (Supplément aux annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte, Cahier No 39. Cairo:
Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l'Égypte, 2010), 55-80.
173
M. Georges Daressy, “Le Palais D’Aménophis III et le Birket Habou.” Annales du Service des
Antiquités de l’Égypte 4 (1903): 165-170.
174
Van Siclen, “Post-Script.”
39
carried out under the auspices of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Despite all this work much of
the painted plaster from the site has never been properly published and the field notes of Tytus,
who did the majority of the work with the painted plaster, were destroyed by his grief stricken
widow.175
Tytus was the first to excavate the main areas of the King’s Palace, uncovering four of
the audience chambers in the public (northerly) areas of the palace as well as the corridor of the
Harem and the suites on the west side.176 Tytus records that the palace, made primarily of
mudbrick, featured wooden columns on stone bases and notes “[n]o traces have been discovered
of any tile inlaying adapted to a curved surface” suggesting that the columns were painted.177
Tytus also mentions numerous examples of wooden architectural embellishments, primarily in the
form of grape clusters and duck heads.178 The wooden window grates found throughout much of
the palace appear to have borne openwork designs of two lotus flowers tied together.179 The only
apparent stone utilized in the palace was sandstone or limestone used for door jambs and
thresholds as well as column bases. The jambs feature only a simple torus molding. The door
lintels, so often made of stone in domestic architecture, were apparently made of wooden beams
covered with painted plaster.180
175
Peter Lacovara, communication with author, February 2012.
176
Tytus, 11.
177
Ibid., 14.
178
Tytus provided a reconstruction of a wooden duck head holding a grape cluster in its mouth.
This motif of ducks holding grape clusters is not attested anywhere else in Egyptian art, but Theban Tomb
226 contains an image of a royal kiosk surmounted by both duck heads and grape clusters, although the
ducks do not hold the clusters in their mouths. Melinda Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient
Thebes, 59, n. 55; Nina De Garis Davies, The Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmosĕ and Another
(London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1933), 38, pl. XLI. It is unknown whether Tytus discovered these
grape clusters in the beaks of the wooden duck heads or whether this is reconstructed. If this is Tytus’
reconstruction it seems more reasonable to assume that the heads were separate from the clusters.
179
Tytus, 14; Van Siclen, note 24.
180
Tytus, 14.
40
The palace was entered via a west door that led into a long corridor, eventually opening
into a large courtyard with a dais at the eastern end (labeled A in Plate 2.48). At the eastern end
of this courtyard Tytus found what he believed to be a columned section with a throne dais at the
far end.181 More recent excavations have demonstrated that in fact these were two separate rooms
(labeled Court and C on Plate 2.48). The first was a large open courtyard with a dais at the
eastern end. Four stone column bases at the south-eastern corner of the courtyard, immediately
adjacent to the dais appear to have created a canopy or porch that shaded the doorway into the
rest of the palace. The second room (labeled C on Plate 2.48) likewise featured four columns and
a potential dais at the eastern end flanked by two small tanks which Tytus suggested may have
held living plants.182 The ceiling of this hall was painted with “outspread vultures coloured red,
blue and black with white division lines on a yellow background…with a border of the usual
rosette work”.183 Tytus additionally notes the presence of a few square centimeters of painted
pavement although does not mention what if any motifs were discernible.184
A suite of two rooms and a potential courtyard were accessed off of the main corridor.
The first of the two rooms, designated “D” by Tytus (Plate 2.48), undoubtedly served as an ante-
chamber for the throne room beyond. While no evidence for floor or ceiling paintings were
preserved there was a large section of wall painting discovered. The wall paintings depicted what
Tytus describes as “the feet of girls dancing before the king”.185 Tytus provides two images of
this program, an extremely poor photograph of the wall in situ and a line drawing of the feet of
two of the dancers (Plate 2.49).186 Each figure appears to be barefoot, as is indicated by the
181
Ibid., 15.
182
Ibid. Compare Tytus’ plan on page 11 with the more recent plan found in image Plate 2.48.
183
Ibid.
184
Ibid.
185
Ibid., 16.
186
Ibid., figures 6 and 7 respectively.
41
depiction of toe nails, although a curved horizontal line above the ankle and a series of curved
vertical lines immediately above it suggest that the figures are wearing some garment that covers
at least their calves and ankles. Immediately behind the feet of the left figure appear two tail-like
stripped elements which hang from above and are most likely attached to the garment of the
figure. In between the two feet hangs an apron with a border. A similar apron hangs down in
front of the foot of the figure on the right. The feet of both figures engage the ground line,
composed of a stripped band, only minimally with their toes, suggesting that the figures are in
fast motion. Immediately below the groundline was a series of rosettes above a white wavy
line.187 While Tytus drew a comparison the now famous scene of banqueting from the Theban
tomb of Nebamun now in the British Museum, Stevenson Smith correctly identified the subject
matter as dancing Bes figures.188
To the south of the ante-room Tytus uncovered a room which he designated E. The room
contained the remains of a mudbrick dais covered in sandstone with deep relief hieroglyphs
painted blue and red.189 Four column bases, two of which were incorporated into the throne dais,
were also discovered. Here Tytus found several fragments from a rather large floor depicting a
riverine environment. One large section of pavement from the edge of the floor depicts geese,
ducks and other birds amongst papyrus and other riverine plants. The border preserved on this
and other sections of floor pavement from the room is composed of three bands outlined in black
painted white, blue and then white, followed by rosettes of red and blue, with a repetition of the
three bands at the outer edges (Plate 2.50).190 Numerous examples of fish and birds on a body of
187
Ibid., figure 7.
188
Ibid., 16. BM 37986; Smith, 164. Melinda Hartwig identifies the tomb referenced by Tytus as
TT78 (Horemheb) although this does not correspond with Tytus’ reference to Gaston Maspero, Egyptian
Archaeology, 2nd Edition (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), 178. As such Hartwig drew comparisons
between the Malqata scene and dancing Nubian women. Hartwig, 133. Based on the iconography and
dress of the figures it seems far more likely that they are indeed Bes.
189
Tytus, 17.
190
See for example T.R. 3.5.27.6 in Cairo.
42
water dotted with lotus flowers and lily pads were also found (Plate 2.51).191 Additionally
fragments were found of bound Nubians and Asiatics alternating with bows; a typical method of
depicting “the Nine Bows,” the traditional enemies of Egypt. The fragments formed a path down
the center of the room. All of these fragments taken together indicate that the visual program of
the floor was probably similar in its layout to those at Amarna192 consisting central aisle of bound
foreigners and bows flanked by nature scenes composed of a rectangular body of water
surrounded by bands of shore plants such as papyrus.
Remnants of the painted ceiling were also found in chamber E. The ceiling was
composed of “parallel lines of linked spirals in yellow, alternating with red or blue rosettes on a
complementary ground”.193 Tytus notes that no evidence for wall paintings were found, despite
the well preserved nature of both the ceiling and the floor paintings and thus concluded that the
walls were left bare and instead were hung with woven tapestries.194 While this is possible it is
perhaps more likely that the paintings on the walls were simply not preserved due to the manner
in which the walls and the ceiling collapsed. Indeed the ceiling may have collapsed first, due to
the effects of termites on the wooden beams and then fell onto the floor leaving the floor covered
by the collapsed ceiling and the walls, still standing, exposed to the elements.
A large columned hall designated “F” by Tytus (Plate 2.48) was accessed via the same
corridor and likewise contained a throne dais. The room bore a painted pavement although very
little was preserved and Tytus made no mention of the visual program if it was discernible. The
dais at the eastern end of the room was fronted by two steps which were painted with a bound
foreigner and a bow. Immediately on top of this dais was found remnants of the ceiling which
191
Tytus provides examples of these in figure 9 and plate 1. See also JE 89480 and JE 89479.
192
Discussed in Chapter III.
193
Tytus, 17.
194
Ibid.
43
collapsed on top of it.195 The ceiling was painted with representations of the same vultures as
found in the other audience chamber. Behind the dais was found the remains of a wall painting
depicting a desert environment with running animals.196 Daressy describes the scene as
containing a black and white bull and mountains painted in blue, yellow and red with rosettes.197
A series of fragments of painted wall plaster depicting a female figure were likewise
found in this hall although their precise location was not recorded by Tytus (Plate 2.52). The
fragments found in this area included the head and knee of the woman as well as a dado of “the
usual red, white and blue panel pattern,” and a frieze of fruit and vegetal elements all reaching a
height of 4.6 meters.198
The female figure was standing as is evident by the presence of her unbent knee. The
fragments from the head show the eye, brow and top of the head of a young woman wearing a
complex headdress. Upon her head she wears a series of filets composed of a checker band above
hanging flowers petals. Below this are a series of circular elements each with a central circle,
perhaps indicating a small flower and finally a band with a zigzag pattern. On her brow hang
several unopened lotus buds. Behind her head is the very edge of the tie of the filet. The
headdress extends upwards in a long plume or plumes which include bands that replicate the
same patterns as the filet.199
The headdress recalls immediately the headdress worn by Sitamun, the daughter and later
Chief Royal Wife of Amenhotep III, on the two wooden thrones which bear her name discovered
195
Ibid., 17-18. Tytus suggests that the entire room may not have been roofed and that only the
eastern end was covered with a “half roof or canopy”. Ibid., 18.
196
Ibid.
197
Smith, 165; Daressy, 165-170.
198
Ibid., 18-19.
199
Ibid., figure 10.
44
in the tomb of her grandparents Yuya and Tjuya.200 Examples of this headdress are known from a
number of sources dating from the reign of Thutmose IV to the Twentieth Dynasty.201 Of the
seven women depicted wearing the headdress dating to the reigns of Thutmose IV and
Amenhotep III four bear the title “sAt-nsw” (“The King’s Daughter”). 202 The remaining three,
two from TT69 and one from TT90, are the daughter’s of the tomb owner and are identified as
“Xkrt-nsw” (“The Ornament of the King”),203 a titled perhaps linked to senior female members of
the court.204 Post Amarna examples suggest that the headdress was most often worn by daughters
of the king, although David O’Connor has argued that the women from Ramses III’s Eastern
High Gate at Medinet Habu are members of the Harem rather than princesses.205 As such it is
impossible to definitively identify the woman as either a princess or a non-royal member of the
Harem, although considering the prominence of the headdress amongst princesses during the
reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III the former seems the most likely.206
200
Theodore M. Davis, The Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou (London: Archibald Constable and Co
Ltd, 1907), 37- 44.
201
Christine Desroches-Noblecourt, “Intrprétation et Datation d’une Scène Gravée sur Deux
Fragments De Récipient en Albatre Provenant Des Fouilles du Palais d’Ugarit,” Ugaritica 3 (1956): 197-
204; Charles Cornell Van Siclen III, “A Ramesside Ostracon of Queen Isis.” Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 33 (1974): 150.
202
These are the representations of Sitamun from the two thrones from the tomb of Yuya and
Tjuya, a fragmented depiction of Sitamun, and a representation of the princess Imenemipet from TT78
(Horemheb). Desroches-Noblecourt, “Intrprétation et Datation,” 199-202.
203
Ibid. Interestingly the princess Imenemipet bears both the title “sAt-nsw” and “Xkrt-nsw”.
Often described as members of the Harem. O’Connor defines the term as “matrons” of the
204
Harem and suggests that these married women were in charge of overseeing the younger women of the
Harem, identified in Egyptian as the nfrwt (“Beautiful Ones”). O’Connor, “The Harem,” 60-61.
205
Van Siclen, “Ramesside Ostracon,” 199-202; O’Connor, “The Harem,” 63-68.
206
Van Siclen’s suggestion that the headdress is characteristic of women who are the daughter of a
king as well as his “Chief Royal Wife” (Van Siclen, “Ramesside Ostracon,” 199-202) does not hold up to
scrutiny as several of the examples he gives to support his argument do not definitively posses either one or
both of the titles. Indeed his use of Sitamun as one of the primary examples is extremely problematic as all
representations of her wearing the particular headdress predate her acquiring the title “Chief Royal Wife.”
45
The frieze which accompanied this figure was composed of a variety of fruit and floral
elements (Plate 2.53). At the top of the frieze was a checker panel from which hung long flower
petals, probably from a lotus. Below this are a series of cornflowers above a stripped band with a
row of lotus flowers alternating with grape clusters above a band of poppies.207
During their excavations of the King’s Palace Waseda University’s expedition discovered
two fragments of painted wall plaster from the south wall that separated Room F from the smaller
room G (labeled in Plate 2.48). These fragments bore hieroglyphic text composed of five partial
cartouches each containing the text (irp n pA Hb-sd) translated as “Wine for the Heb-
Sed.” While this text is commonly found on wine jar labels at Malqata it is unusual to find such a
text as part of an architectural visual program.208 These inscriptions may have designated an area
for the storage of wine although this is unlikely as neither Room F nor G appear to have been
designed as storage spaces, rather as large public spaces. Instead these fragments probably point
to an area of wine consumption and perhaps of wine preparation. It is likely that within public
rooms were feasting would have been conducted there would have been small staging areas
where wine was poured from transport amphorae into serving dishes and perhaps mixed with
spices. Such an inscription would not have functioned as a method of designating the correct
space to a probably illiterate servant (as with a modern door sign) but rather may have served a
more transformative function. This would have created a space where the preparation or serving
of wine was appropriate and did not conflict with the highly ordered nature of the rest of the
palace.
207
Tytus, Plate IV. In the text Tytus only says that the frieze can be found on Plate IV. There are
in fact three images on Plate IV. Two of these are labeled in a manner to indicate that they are not the
frieze in question although it is still possible that Tytus was referring to one of these images.
Shin-ichi Nishimoto, “Notes on the Wall Fragments Bearing the Inscriptions “irp” (wine) found
208
from Malkata Palace,” HoKoku131 (1991): 9-13.
46
To the west of Room F was a large and apparently rather open room (labeled B in Plate
2.48). The presence of a small platformed chamber at the southern end of the room, similar in
design to the bedchamber of the king in the southern portion of the palace, led the excavators
from Waseda University to identify the room, designated B, as the private bedroom of a member
of the royal family.209 While the original excavators made no specific reference to remains of
painted plaster from this room Waseda University’s work at the site catalogued over one thousand
fragments of painted plaster. The motifs included a Nekhbet vulture, parts of the royal titulary,
several complex geometric patterns including the continuous scroll, blue rosettes, friezes and
checkers, as well as painted torus moldings.210
The main corridor running along the east side of Room F came to an abrupt end just to
the south of the room. Here a door opened on the west side leading into Room G, a probable
ante-room for the so called “Harem Court.” On the west side of the room was a recess which was
painted a bright red. A short wall was built at a later time directly in front of the wall. Tytus
draws a comparison to the “red recess” which Petrie had discovered in a number of homes at
Amarna.211 Petrie puzzled at the function of these recesses suggesting that they bear some
resemblance to false doors, a feature which is not unheard of in palaces.212 Peter Lacovara has
since made the suggestion that this area was the location of a Window of Appearance.213 The
Waseda expedition uncovered evidence for scroll and rosette patterns as well as royal titulary and
Nekhbet vultures, undoubtedly from the ceiling.214
209
Watanabe Yasutada, Studies on the Palace of Malqata, 1985-1988 : investigations at the
Palace of Malqata, 1985-1988 (Tokyo: Waseda University, 1993): 75-77.
210
Ibid., 78.
211
Tytus, 19-20.
212
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 21.
213
Lacovara, Plate 21.
214
Yasutada, 91.
47
A door on the south side of Room G led into the central hall, Room H, of the “Harem
Court” (Plate 2.48). A long hall with sixteen columns, it had four doors on the east and west
sides that led into the eight suites. A doorway at the far end of the hallway led into what is now
believed to have been a throne room. Tytus states “[f]our years ago a portion of the pavement in
the great banqueting (?) hall (H) was still to be seen, but a severe rain storm washed away every
vestige of it, and we now have only an unreproducible photograph taken by a former excavator to
show the vanished splendours of this brilliant floor.”215 As the only excavator to work on the site
prior to Tytus was Daressy it can be concluded that he was the excavator that took the photograph
although he included no such photograph in his publication. Smith, publishing some fifty years
later, commented that the floor, although extremely poorly preserved, depicted a riverine scene
with a large rectangular pool with fish and lotus running down the center of the room and
bordered by a strip of typical river shore plants populated by marsh birds.216 Tytus concluded that
only a small portion of the room had this painted pavement while the remainder of the hallway
floor would have been covered with mats.217 This seems unlikely and the absence of the floor in
certain areas was undoubtedly an accident of preservation. The wooden columns were topped
with capitals in the shape of lotus flowers and augmented with wooden lotus buds the remains of
which Tytus discovered.218 Excavations carried out by Waseda University indicate that the
ceiling was composed of three separate areas separated by the two architraves of columns.
Undoubtedly this suggests, along with the placement of the columns, that the room originally
featured a raised central aisle with clerestory windows on either side. Originally all three aisles
were painted with a complex scroll and rosette pattern (Plate 2.54). The central aisle was later
215
Tytus, 20.
216
Smith, 163, 166.
217
Tytus, 20.
218
Ibid.
48
repainted with images of the vulture grasping Shen signs in her claws (Plate 2.55). The vulture
was painted on a yellow ground and the negative space below her open wings filled with
cartouches of the king.219
The lower portions of the walls were painted with a dado featuring the traditional serekh
or palace façade paneling.220 The space above the dado was reserved for a figural image program
of which little is preserved although the Waseda expedition did encounter fragments depicting
people.221 One of the few preserved figures was that of the king seated on his throne on the south
wall of the hallway which Smith suggested meant that there was originally identical depictions of
the king enthroned on either side of the doorway leading into the throne room.222 Tytus describes
the sides of the throne as containing representations of foreigners and notes “[t]he execution of
the drawing on the fragments found is so free from restraint as to appear almost caricature, and it
seems most probably that even at this time there was a strong leaning towards naturalism in
art”.223 This description of a movement towards naturalism is seen in many scenes from private
tombs dating to the same period, most notably the tomb of Nebamun. A depiction of Amenhotep
III and queen Tiy from the Theban Tomb 120 (Anen) dating to the same period of the
construction of Malqata might give an impression of the original appearance of this now lost
representation of the enthroned king.224
The suites of rooms arranged on either side of the hallway consisted of a front room
(Room N), a middle sitting room with a dais (K), and two rear rooms (L and P) both accessed via
219
Ibid.; Yasutada, 100-131, plates 12 and 13.
220
Tytus, 21, Smith, 166.
221
Ibid., 103.
222
Tytus, 21, Smith, 166.
223
Tytus, 21.
224
Norman de Garis Davies, “The Graphic Work of the Expedition” The Metropolitan Museum of
Art Bulletin 11.2 (November, 1929): 35-46.
49
doors in the middle room (labeled in Plate 2.48). In one of these front chambers (designated N’’
and N3 in Plate 2.48) Tytus discovered a stone lined tub with drain and below ground cisterns.
He concluded that the other front chambers were likewise bathing chambers that had had their
tubs removed by illegal digging.225 A door, offset from the entry door, led into the middle room
which contained a dais and two or four columns.226 In the middle room of the southernmost suite
on the west side (designated K’’’ by Tytus and K4 in Plate 2.48) the columns were replaced with
square mudbrick piers painted with a vertical band of ornate floral designs contained within a
border of the traditional colored block pattern (Plate 2.56).227 Photographs published in 1958 by
W. Stevenson Smith show an extensive use of dados composed of serekh patterns throughout
these rooms, a conclusion supported by the large number of these dados still visible today in this
portion of the palace (Plate 2.57).228
Work by Waseda University’s expedition focusing on the northern suite (Suite 5) on the
east side discovered several hundred fragments of painted plaster. In the front room (N5 in Plate
2.48) alone 214 fragments were discovered, 139 of which bore a design of a yellow quadruple
spirals and blue rosettes on a red background. All of these fragments had impressions of straw
used as a binding agent on their reverse side indicating that they originated from the ceiling. The
remaining fragments lacked these impressions suggesting that they originated from the walls.
These fragments included depictions of checkered patterns, rosettes within a border, a “frieze”
pattern and a blue border.229 Shin-ichi Nishimoto of Waseda’s expedition notes that the “frieze”
pattern was “applied at the top of the wall,” a conclusion that Tytus made about the frieze of
225
Tytus, 21.
226
Only the northern most suites had four columns, the rest two.
227
Ibid., 21-22, 24, plate IV.1.
228
See Smith Plate 282.
Shin-ichi Nishimoto, “The Ceiling Paintings of the Harem Rooms at the Palace of
229
Malqata.” GM 127 (1992): 69, 75.
50
grapes and flowers found with the female figure of Room F indicating that this may be the
“frieze” discovered in this particular room.230
In the middle room (K5 on Plate 2.48) Nishimoto identified two motifs of the ceiling, a
spiral pattern interspaced with rosettes almost identical to the ceiling in Room N5 and a design of
rows of scrolls alternating with rows of rosettes (Plate 2.58). He concludes based on their
prevalence that the first pattern was used in the nave while the second was restricted to the aisle.
Additional fragments of the same frieze as well as rows of rosettes which undoubtedly came from
the walls were also found.231 The larger of the two rear rooms (L5) yielded fragments of ceiling
plaster depicting interlocking red and blue rosettes on a white background contained within a
white and blue border. Along with seven fragments of the frieze pattern 49 fragments of the
checker pattern were also discovered in the room indicating its widespread use on the walls.232
This particular set of suites was unique in that it had a rear bedroom (B5), completed with a
raised sleeping platform, accessed from room L5. The 535 fragments discovered here indicate
that the ceiling bore a design similar to a bead net (Plate 2.59). This pattern featured yellow
lozenges connected in a diamond pattern by small green circles. In the interstices within each
diamond was placed a blue and white rosette. This entire pattern was placed on a blue ground. A
large number of red and blue rosettes which appear to have come from the hallway (H) were also
discovered as well as a white and blue border, and the frieze and checker pattern.233
While this work by Waseda University is the most systematic and telling investigation of
the paintings of these rooms yet conducted, Nishimoto notes that this suite appears to have had a
230
Ibid., 75; Tytus, 18-19, 23.
231
Nishimoto, “Harem Rooms,” 70, 75.
232
Ibid., 71-72, 75.
233
Ibid., 72, 75.
51
visual program much different from the other suites.234 Indeed in most of the suites on the
western side of the Hall Tytus and later Winlock encountered figural ceilings. In the course of his
excavations Tytus discovered large sections of painted ceiling plaster in room L of the three
southernmost suites. In room L2 Tytus found fragments of a ceiling depicting birds, presumably
rock doves, alighting amidst butterflies on a yellow background (Plate 2.60). L3 contained a
ceiling of similar design with alighting pintail ducks also on a yellow background (Plate 2.61).235
L4 was unique in that it did not depict birds but rather a grape arbor growing on a trellis likewise
against a yellow background.236 The Metropolitan Museum’s excavations carried out by Winlock
discovered similar ceilings in L1 which showed pigeons alighting against a yellow background
(Plate 2.62).237 The fragments of ceiling from L1 and L3 preserved a border composed of a band
of red and blue rosettes enclosed with a white, blue and then white stripes, that enclosed the
ceiling design.238
Each of the suites also contained a long room (M) with fourteen or more short mudbrick
piers which were presumably used to support a long shelf. These supports were brightly painted
on their long sides with scenes of bovids leaping and walking amongst papyrus plants. On their
shorter ends was depicted a bowl on a stand filled with produce or, in the case of the example
discovered by Tytus in room M1, a papyrus plant (Plate 2.57 and 2.63).239
234
Ibid., 72.
235
Tytus, 22, plates II-III; Smith, 168. The pintail ducks are now in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art 12.180.258.
236
Tytus, 22, plates II-III.
237
The fragments of painted ceiling referred to here are now found in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art numbered 12.180.257. Herbert E. Winlock, “The Work of the Egyptian Expedition.” Bulletin of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art 7 (1912): 186; Smith, 168.
238
Winlock, 186.
239
Tytus, 22, figure 17; Smith, 163, figures 282, 283.
52
The small throne room set at the far end of the hallway was apparently devoid of extant
painted plaster. A pair of doors flanked the throne dais, each giving access to a separate area of
the king’s private chambers. The door on the east side gave access to a large bathroom complete
(Room O) with a stone wash basin in one corner. The western door led into a large robing room
(Room J) from which was accessed a bed chamber with the tell-tale raised sleeping platform.
Both the robing room and the bed chamber were richly painted.240 In both rooms was found a
dado composed of ankhs and sA (protection) hieroglyphs upon nb baskets alternating with serekh
panels was placed above the same undulating white line found in Room E (Plate 2.64). Above
the dado was placed a row of Bes figures, each standing erect and viewed from the side while
facing towards the viewer. A single fragment which preserved the head of a figure shows that
they had a headdress composed of a lotus flower.241
The ceilings of both rooms were found with large segments intact.242 The robing room’s
ceiling depicted a design of interlocking spirals with rosettes in the center with the heads of
bovids in the interstices which alternated in rows of red and blue. Between the curved horns of
each bovid was placed a rosette (Plate 2.65).243 The ceiling of the bedroom was composed of the
repeating vultures with titles of Amenhotep III encountered before in other parts of the palace.
Here though the vultures were bounded by a border composed of two bands: rosettes in the inner
band and a checker pattern on the outer band (Plate 2.66).244
240
The reexamination by Waseda University of the King’s Bedchambers was exhausted although
added little to the overall understanding of the visual program as it was published by Smith. For this study
see Yasutada, 142-163.
241
Ibid., 164, 166, figure288.
242
Ibid., Plate 287.
243
Ibid., 166-167.
244
Ibid., 166.
53
Tytus concluded his discussion of the palace with a brief overview of the visual program
which makes little or no reference to where the motifs he describes originated from within the
palace. He describes dados found throughout the palace as being either “the regulation panel
pattern” (i.e. serekh) or of “freely executed flowering plants”.245 It is unknown whether he refers
to the heraldic lotus and papyrus clumps often found at Amarna and later palaces alternating with
the serekh panels or if he is describing dados of wild plants more similar to those found growing
in the riverine motifs of the floors pavements. To further illuminate the extensive use of plant
motifs throughout the palace Tytus comments “[r]epresentations of growing plants, vines and
fruit trees played a most prominent part in all the designs, and on the vertical surfaces especially
their use was so prevalent as to almost exclude the geometric figures.”246 This perhaps indicates
the widespread use of riverine or natural scenes on the walls, as opposed to bands of floral
designs used as borders.
The use of inlays and embellishments is something that Tytus gives only passing
reference to, preferring to save the topic for a later publication which was never completed before
his untimely death in 1913.247 In 1959 William C. Hayes included a commentary on a few of the
faience elements that were used in the palace in his book The Scepter of Egypt. He notes that
numerous examples of faience grape clusters and lotus flowers were found and the site and would
have been used to adorn the friezes of the palace.248 Hieroglyphic inlays and plaques in the form
of cartouches of Amenhotep III of bright blue faience were apparently gilded as well.249
245
Tytus, 23.
246
Ibid., 24.
247
Ibid., 25; Warren R. Dawson and Eric P. Uphill, Who Was Who in Egyptology, 2nd rev. ed.
(London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1972), 291.
248
William C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt Part II: The Hyksos Period and the New Kingdom
(1675-1080 B.C.) (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1959), 246.
249
Ibid.
54
Numerous examples of faience hieroglyphic inlays were also found in the palace. Tytus suggests
that these must have been used on the exterior of the structure as “their large size would seem to
preclude their use on the inside of the building.”250 Brigit Crowell has argued that rather than
having adorned the walls of the palace these inlays were part of a now lost royal kiosk, of which
several wooden pieces have been found.251 In general though the use of faience and glass
elements appears to be much less common than at Amarna.
The three remaining palaces at Malqata are poorly preserved and have not been properly
studied or excavated. Fragments of ceiling plaster from the central hall of the South Palace
indicate that in this room two motifs were utilized: interlocking spirals and trefoils with
rosettes.252 A palatial structure located near the edge of the artificial lake was demolished at some
later point during Amenhotep III’s reign for the expansion of the lake. When this happened a
number of architectural elements from the palace were discarded in a dump now known as Site K.
The structure was tentatively dated to the First Heb-Sed of Amenhotep III based on inscribed
materials discovered in the dump.253
Amongst the architectural elements were fragments of painted plaster originating from
the walls and ceilings of the structure. The majority of the fragments are described by the
excavators as distinctively Egyptian motifs. 254 The most prominent motif was an apparent
250
Ibid., 246-247; Tytus, 25.
251
Crowell, 102-110.
252
Smith, 168-169.
253
Kemp, “Painted Plaster Fragments at Malkata,” 45-46; Margarita Nicolakaki-Kentrou,
“Malkata, Site K: The Aegean-Related Motifs in the Painted Decoration of a Demolished Building of
Amenhotep III,” in: Zahi Hawass ed., Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of
the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists, 352-360 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press,
2003), 352.
254
Margarita Nicolakaki-Kentrou, “Amenhotep and the Aegean: New Evidence on Intimacy. The
Painted Plaster Fragments from Site K at Malkata,” in Κρητη-Αιγυπτος, ed. Alexandra Karetsou, 47-
51(Athens: Kapon, 2000), 47-48.
55
depiction of the presentation of tribute by foreign envoys which included Nubians, Asiatics and
“Keftiu.” Many fragments likewise depict vessels and baskets of goods similar to those found in
tribute scenes from contemporary tombs. A large number of animals, primarily bovids, were also
encountered many of which are amongst a natural setting reminiscent of the riverine scenes found
in the King’s Palace. Some of these may have originated from a hunt as in indicated by the legs
of a man amongst riverine plants although other motifs are possible. The large number of plants
exhibited a great deal of sensitivity and naturalism that is characteristic of contemporary and later
Nilotic motifs.255 Barry Kemp notes that in several examples knotted ropes were used to provide
the support for the ceiling plaster of the Site K palace giving them “an irregular surface as a
suggestive background for the foliage impressionistically painted on.”256 This statement by
Kemp suggests that at least part of the palace had ceiling painted with foliage giving the room the
appearance of being under a grove of trees or perhaps an arbor in a manner similar to the grape
arbor ceiling from the King’s Palace.
Amongst these fragments of traditional Egyptian programs were discovered a number of
Minoan inspired motifs. Primary amongst these are scenes of an apparent desert hunt. While the
subject is found in Egyptian art257 the background of the scene is decidedly un-Egyptian. The
desert ground, which is depicted as red or bright blue with undulating lines, is dotted with plants
and rosettes.258 This color scheme is more reminiscent of Theran and Knossosian landscapes than
the traditional Egyptian depictions of the desert. This background was found on many fragments
that included portions of representations of animals and people. Included in these was the mane
of a lion, portions of at least two bovids (a brown and white bull and a black and white leaping
255
Ibid., 47-48.
256
Kemp, “Painted Plaster Fragments at Malkata,” 46.
257
See for example the small painted chest of Tutankhamun.
258
Nicolakaki-Kentrou, “Site K,” 353.
56
calf), as well as a human face which is decidedly Egyptian in style. Indeed the bull is similar to
those found on shelf support from the King’s Palace.259 As such the hunt scene must have been a
rather unorthodox combination of Minoan and Egyptian elements.
Additional fragments depict attempts at replicating the complex patterns of stone via
paint in a purely Minoan style.260 Amongst these is one which Margarita Nicolakaki-Kentrou of
Cambridge identified as replicating marble paneling.261 The practice of using faux-marble panels
and dados was quite common in the painted walls of Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean
having been found at Mari, Kabri, Qatna and Alalakh Level IV as well as Minoan and Mycenaean
sites.262
Margarita Nicolakaki-Kentrou concludes based on comparisons between the rosette
patterns and contemporary Minoan pieces that the work carried out must have been done by
artisans who were intimately familiar with large scale Minoan art work. She speculates that
unlike the artisans of Tell el-Dab‘a the mixing of Egyptian and Minoan motifs and the Egyptian
techniques used in the painting indicates that these were Egyptian or Egyptianized artisans who
were well trained in Minoan motifs. She proposes several possibilities to their identity and
training including the use of “pattern books” made by the Tell el-Dab‘a artists, Egyptians who
had studied at Egyptian cultural centers in the Aegean and Egyptianized Minoan artists who may
have been responsible for painting other areas of the Malqata complex.263
Although undoubtedly not a true palatial structure but rather a structure associated with
a palatial complex, the mysterious building of Kom el-Samak incorporated a number of palatial
259
Ibid., 354-356.
260
Ibid., 356-357.
261
Ibid., 357.
262
Ibid.
263
Nicolakaki-Kentrou, “Amenhotep III and the Aegean,” 50-51.
57
motifs in its visual program. Located approximately 2 kilometers to the south of the Birket Habu,
Kom el-Samak was a high platform with a building somewhat resembling a barque shrine that
underwent two construction phases during the reign of Amenhotep III.264 During the first phase
the building included painted wall scenes which included depictions of foreigners giving
adoration, presumably to the king, the figure of which is lost. Fragments of this motif were found
within the rubble of first building which was used as filler for the south-facing ramp of the second
phase.265 In the second phase the structure was approached via a long north facing stairs. Each
step was painted with a representation either of a bound foreigner or of a bow.266 Fragments were
also discovered of the north portal of the building which included a border of rosettes enclosed in
a border of blue, white and yellow bands.267
Analysis
While the evidence for palatial image programs that predate the Amarna Period is scarcer
than in the later periods it is particularly telling. Several distinct classes of purely Egyptian
motifs can be identified based on their subject matter. The first of these groups is composed of
images of the natural world. The riverine or Nilotic motif is the most common. In these scenes
animals such as birds, bovids and fish are depicted in the water or amongst plants found along the
shores of the Nile and the canals that cut across the flood plain. This motif was found on the
264
Watanabe Yasutada, The Architecture of “Kom el Samak” at Malkata-South: A Study of
Architectural Resoration (Tokyo: Waseda University, 1986), 1-5.
265
Ibid., 36, figure 33.
266
Ibid., 33-35, plates 2-4. Watanabe notes that there are two northern (Asiatic and Libyan) and
only one southern (Nubian) prisoner represented. He is puzzled at the apparent asymmetry of the figures
represented stating “[t]he number of prisoners from south and north should be equal in this case…[t]he
reason why the architect dared to break the rule of balance is the number of the steps”. Ibid., 35. Yet in this
author’s opinion as these three types of foreigners form the generic representation of the Nine Bows the
inclusion of a fourth southern would be unusual.
267
Ibid., 36, plate 7-8.
58
floors of two of the long halls at Malqata as well as on the mudbrick piers built to support
shelves. Tytus’ oblique reference to the exceedingly common representations of “growing plants,
vines and fruit trees …on the vertical surfaces”268 suggest that this motif was likewise carried
onto the walls of the palace. The badly damaged plaster fragments from Palace G at Tell el-
Dab‘a depicting papyrus plants in a naturalistic manner suggest that this motif was found here as
well. The motif of leaping cattle amongst riverine plants was likewise found on the painted boxes
from Medinet el-Gurob also hint at the presence of the motif within this palace, although perhaps
only in the palatial furniture. Painted ceilings at Malqata which feature elements such as flying
pigeons and ducks as well as grape vines likewise echo a desire to create a space that meant to
replicate the natural world.
The desert scene found behind the throne dais in Room F may be interpreted one of two
ways, either as a purely natural scene much like the Nilotic floors but focusing rather on the
desert environment, or as a hunt scene. If it is the former then it fits squarely into this category.
If on the other it was a hunt scene then it, as well as the hunt scene from Site K, is a hybrid of
both the natural motif and the soon to be discussed motif of domination over forces of chaos and
therefore a demonstration that the borders between the classifications were not immutable.
The motif of domination was widely utilized at Malqata with the numerous depictions of
bound foreigners with bows. At Malqata these motifs always occurred as a path down the center
of a throne room or upon the steps of a throne dais. The only deviation of the pattern is the use of
bound foreigners on the sides of the throne of Amenhotep III depicted on the south wall of Room
H. Fragments of painted plaster depicting foreigners from Site K suggest that the motif was also
found in this palace. The painted fragments from Kom el-Samak indicate that this motif may
have been the only one used in this particular structure although the figure of the Asiatic man
with upraised hands from the First Phase of the structure may have been part of a tribute scene.
268
Ibid., 24.
59
These defeated foreigners are usually understood as representation of the forces of chaos that the
king was responsible for keeping under control in order to preserve divine order or Maat. Hunt
scenes would have likewise fallen into this category with the foreigners being replaced by the
wild and dangerous animals of the desert.
Depictions of palatial activities are also attested from the period. The representation of
the axe wielding guards or soldiers from Deir el-Ballas is the earliest representation of this
particular motif. The Minoan woman from Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a may have originated from a
scene depicting court activities, possibly the reception of a foreign delegation. At the King’s
Palace at Malqata representations of the king enthroned and the woman with the ornate headdress
give only meager hints at the use of this motif on the walls paintings above the dados.
Representations of royal wealth and opulence is found in the stands of produce from the ends of
the shelf piers at Malqata as well as in the complex floral and fruit friezes found on many of the
walls of the same palace.
Representations of deities are extremely rare in palatial programs of the period. The
representation of the coiled cobra from Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a was not only a symbol of royal
power but also referred to the protector of the king, the uraeus and goddesses Wadjet. The Bes
figures found in Room E and in the King’s Bedroom in the King’s Palace at Malqata are one of
the few representations of a (vaguely) anthropomorphized deity. Representations of vultures
found one many of the ceilings at Malqata are undoubtedly references to the vulture goddess
Nekhbet who, along with Wadjet, represented the role of the king as ruler of Upper and Lower
Egypt.
If foreign motifs utilized in Egyptian palaces were utilized in a manner that can be seen
as complementing Egyptian concepts of kingship, as opposed to highlighting foreign concepts as
they must have in their native settings, then we must be able to find connections between the
foreign motifs and the domestic motifs discussed above. The motif which was undoubtedly the
easiest for Egyptians to reconcile with their own concepts of kingship was the hunt scene. Often
60
found on Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean artifacts, the motif was one that was extremely
important in the visual culture of these regions, undoubtedly as a method of displaying the
prowess and vigor of the ruler but also the courtly hunting activities. In Egypt representations of
hunting and fishing were previously found primarily in the tombs of private individuals as
opposed to royal settings and as such did not have the strong associations with rulership found
elsewhere in the Mediterranean. Yet the motif aligned easily with Egyptian concepts of the king
as the one who subdues chaotic powers, normally represented as the foreign enemies of Egypt.
Yet Egyptians had long associated the animals of the desert with these dangerous forces. Indeed,
as shall be discussed in Chapter Five, the motif of the king hunting dangerous animals was found
in settings such at the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu and the small painted chest
of Tutankhamun where hunting lions is presented alongside images of the king in battle against
foreigners. As such the Egyptians were able to utilize the motif of hunting desert animals with
the subjugation of these forces. It is particularly telling that in no representation from palaces is
the king shown hunting animals in valley setting, instead focusing on the desert, thereby
highlighting the distinction between the dangerous desert animals and the more controlled
animals of the river. In the hunt scene from Tell el-Dab‘a these same desert animals are shown as
being hunted.
Numerous representations of palatial activity were likewise found within Palace F at Tell
el-Dab‘a. The generally took the form of large scale figures of indeterminate purpose. In several
cases these figures are depicted with background representing architectural features which may
have represented the palace itself. Two different interpretations of the Bull Leaping ceremony
can be seen. Either bull leaping was conducted at Tell el-Dab‘a and the scenes represent the
festival activities of the palace, or they are likewise demonstrations of domination or the
dangerous animal elements of the world. If bull leaping was carried out at Tell el- Dab‘a then the
question must be asked how the presumably extremely ritualized event would have fitted into
extremely rigid concepts of Egyptian royal ritual. Thus we are returned to the original question
61
of how does bull leaping relate to Egyptian kingship. In either case the motif does not fit neatly
into any of the standard palatial motifs nor any commonly understood concept of Egyptian
kingship.
More difficult to negotiate with Egyptian concepts of kingship are heraldic elements that
seem to evoke Minoan or even Knossosian rulership, most specifically the large heraldic griffins
which appear to have graced the walls of the throne room. Like the bull leaping and Egyptian
viewer, and an Egyptian monarch, would have had great difficulty in integrating the motif into
established Egyptian traditions. Perhaps that is why these motifs are segregated into a palace that
utilizes only Minoan motifs rather than combining them like in Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a and the
now lost palace of Site K at Malqata. While it may have been difficult for the royal patron to
incorporate the motifs into the traditional Egyptian visual program, the question must still be
asked what the king gained by commissioning them. How did this program operate as a
component of royal ideology as expressed in the palace? It is possible that the use of a motifs so
foreign to Egypt was an attempt to explore the role of the king not simply as king of Egypt but
rather as both the ruler of all of ordered creation, as was the Egyptian world view, and as a major
force in the political climate of the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean. This concept will be
examined in greater depth in the conclusion of the dissertation.
Now that the motifs have generally been classified conclusions can be made about where
they are most likely to occur within the palace. Unfortunately due to the nature of the majority of
the palaces that date to the Pre-Amarna New Kingdom only the King’s Palace at Malqata can
serve as any real model for this study. As such any conclusions reached can not be applied to the
period in general but rather only to the Malqata palace. In any case any trend observed within the
King’s Palace will be beneficial when compared in the conclusion of the dissertation to other
periods.
Motifs of nature can be seen particularly on the floor of Room E, behind the dais in
Room F and throughout the so called “Harem Quarters.” When the motif occurred as part of
62
floor pavement it is found only in Room E, a small throne room, and in Room H, the columned
hallway approaching the throne room at the very rear of the palace and thus appears to have a
strong association with the throne rooms. This association is hinted at again in Room F where the
motif occurs directly behind a throne dais, thus serving as a backdrop for the king. Many of the
small “Harem” suites contained similar scenes either in the form of scenes on shelf piers or on the
ceilings. The close proximity of these rooms to the inner throne room can not be ignored. Indeed
the visual program may serve to unite the various chambers with the hall and the throne room
beyond.
The motif of domination occurred in this palace only on the floors and steps of throne
daises. Here the pathway of defeated and bound foreigners occurs only between the riverine
pavements of the floors. While no evidence was found for this motif on the floor of Room H
Tytus does recount that floor pavements were only extant on a small portion of the floor when it
was investigated by Daressy and then shortly thereafter all evidence for the floor was destroyed
by a rain storm. This leaves open the possibility that the floor likewise originally featured this
rather ubiquitous motif.
The most common motif for the ceilings of the King’s Palace was the vultures with
outspread wings. This motif is known to have occurred in four rooms of the palace: Room C, the
small columned chamber with the two tanks for plants, Room E, Room H, and the King’s
Bedroom. If we are to operate under the assumption outlined above, that Room H was seen as an
approach to a throne room and therefore part of a throne room complex, then the motif is seen in
two throne room complexes. This would link the motif to areas of importance to the king, which
included his bedroom. This conclusion is not surprising considering the strong associations
between Nekhbet and kingship. The motif of the bovid heads within the spiral pattern, long
understood to be of Minoan influence,269 might have been re-appropriated by Amenhotep III’s
269
Hayes, 245-246.
63
artisans as a reference to Hathor. Indeed the forward facing bovid with the rosette between its
horns may be meant to invoke the image of Hathor as a cow with the sundisk placed between her
horns. If such then here we undoubtedly see a reference to Hathor as the mother of the king.270
Ceilings depicting nature are less common in the palace and appear to be restricted to
ceilings of the “Harem” suites on the western side of Room H. Here the use of the yellow
background along with images of flying birds may make reference to the golden hued sky of
dawn. The same can be said of the grape arbor which would have been grown in a trellis that
would have framed the sky for any viewer standing below it.271 As such these ceilings are
undoubtedly operating in a manner to replicate the sky.
What then are we to make of the ceilings of the chambers on the east side of the hall?
These ceilings reject the illusions to the sky and instead focus on complex geometric patterns.
While it may be easy to assign these motifs to the category of “ornament” this would imply that
there was no symbolic meaning for these ceilings, a supposition that seems unlikely considering
the nature of the sky ceilings on the opposite side. Instead it is likely that these patterned ceilings
are meant to imitate a textile.272 Considering the natural imagery found in the rest of the “Harem”
complex it is likely that the attempt here is to replicate a covered pavilion, perhaps a tent placed
outside.
The ceiling of Hallway H would have likewise worked in conjunction with this symbolic
construction. Here the east and west aisle, featuring the spiral and rosette pattern, would have
replicated the architrave of the tent with the central aisle with the vultures on the yellow ground
Lana Troy, “She for Whom All That Is Said Is Done: The Ancient Egyptian Queen,” in Ancient
270
Queens: Archaeological Explorations ed. Sarah Milledge Nelson, 93-116 (Oxford: AltaMira Press, 2003),
110-111.
271
Salland, Forthcoming.
272
W. Stevenson Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East (New Haven CT: Yale
University Press, 1965), 130-131.
64
acting as a depiction of the same dawn hued sky. If there was a row of bound prisoners down the
center of the hallway then the vulture ceiling would have formed a visual compliment to it. This
pathway down the center of the room would have been the only appropriate place for the king to
tread, with his enemies under his feet and the protective goddess filling the sky above him.
Indeed the identical configuration of ceiling vultures above a path of bound foreigners can be
found in Room F.
Within the King’s Palace at Malqata a trend can be seen wherein the floors, when
painted, depict the soil and water of the earth. The walls scenes that are preserved focus on
depictions of life at court, the natural environment and the god of the house Bes. The ceilings are
painted in imitation either of the sky or of textiles, perhaps the roof of a tent. All this directly
conflicts with Tytus’ conclusion that the “portrayal of the floor as the earth, the sides of a room as
the landscape and the ceiling as the sky, seems to have been avoided for non-religious edifices at
this period” of which he included this palace.273 Instead this quote seems to strike at the heart of
the matter, primarily that these palaces were neither “non-religious” nor “religious” but rather
homes that combined ritualistic and mythological elements with the more mundane.
273
Tytus, 24.
65
Chapter III
Evidence for Visual Programs in the Amarna Period
66
The site of Amarna, known anciently as Akhetaten, provides the best evidence for
palatial image programs. Yet this evidence is particularly difficult to fit in to the corpus of other
extant palaces as it comes from the palaces of Akhenaten (1352-1336 BCE). It was this king who
was responsible for some of the most drastic changes to Egyptian visual culture, both in terms of
style and content as well as the state religion. As such, it is problematic to make conclusions
under the assumption that palatial programs operated in a manner identical to those constructed
before or after the Amarna period.274 Indeed, as Donald Redford has opined, kingship as it was
viewed and enacted under the rule of Akhenaten was rather different in nature from the rest of the
New Kingdom, as it focused on the cult of the king and the royal family as children and sole
cultic practitioners of the sun god.275 It should therefore be expected that the image programs
used throughout the palaces of the Amarna period were utilized to express this new type of divine
kingship. Additionally trends that continue from earlier examples into palatial programs of the
Amarna period may be indicative either of trends that have continued into the Amarna period or
are being manipulated in new ways to produce new meanings which are unique to the Amarna
period but part of a long standing visual tradition.
In year 5 of his seventeen-year reign, Akhenaten moved the court from Memphis276 to an
area of virgin ground located near Hermopolis in Middle Egypt (Plate 3.1).277 The site appears to
274
The Amarna period is here defined as the period in which the capital of Egypt was located at
Amarna and the state cult focused on the Aten or sun disk, plus the reigns of kings who ruled from both
Akhetaten and Memphis. This encompasses the reigns of Akhenaten (Amenhotep IV), Smenkhkare, and
Tutankhamun ( ca. 1352-1327 BCE).
275
Donald Redford, “The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty,” in Ancient
Egyptian Kingship ed. David O’Connor and David P. Silverman, 157-183 (New York: E.J. Brill, 1995),
175-181.
276
While Thebes was functioning as a pseudo-capital for the kings of the 18th Dynasty (Thebes
was home to the royal burial grounds in the Valley of the Kings, the mortuary temples of the kings and
undoubtedly was the location of several palatial structures throughout the 18 th Dynasty) the center of rule
continued to be the traditional capital at Memphis.
277
Donald B. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1984), 137.
67
have been abandoned shortly after Tutankhamun came to the throne in 1336 BCE.278 Following
the return of the court to Memphis the site suffered a variety of fates. Stone structures were first
dismantled for reused during the reign of Horemheb.279 Statues and other objects with
inscriptions bearing the name of the king were defaced or destroyed but the effort appears to have
been rather half-hearted.280 Most importantly, there appears to have been no intentional damage
done to the plaster wall paintings that adorned the palaces.281 Additionally, modern cultivation
has encroached on only a small part of the ancient city. All of these factors have resulted in an
unprecedentedly preserved royal city. Within the ancient city of Akhetaten, four palaces have
been identified: the North Riverside Palace, the North Palace, the Great Palace and the King’s
House (Plate 3.2). Each of these palatial structures has preserved evidence for their image
programs in the form of painted plaster and faience inlays, plaques and ornaments. This study
will approach each palace individually starting from the northernmost palace and proceeding
southward.
The North Riverside Palace
The North Riverside Palace was located at the northern end of the city of Akhetaten on
the western side of what has become known as the royal road (Plate 3.2).282 The palace was
278
Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 301. A portion of the city close to the entrance to
the travertine quarries at Hatnub was continued to be occupied into the Ramesside period. Ibid.
Additionally several Late Roman and Early Christian settlements are known from the area of Amarna but
these are not part of continuous occupation but rather later settlement, the predecessors of the modern
villages of el-Till, el-Hagg Qandil and el-Amariya. Barry Kemp, “Amarna’s Other Period,” Egyptian
Archaeology 3 (1993), 13-14.
279
Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 302.
280
Ibid.
281
Ibid.
282
The Royal Road was a large avenue that ran from the northern edge of the city to the extreme
southern end. Kemp suggests that in addition to acting as the city’s main thoroughfare the Royal Road’s
68
excavated by the Egypt Exploration Society between 1930 and 1932 under the direction of J.D.S.
Pendlebury (Plate 3.3).283 Pendlebury noted his surprise at finding a rather substantial double
wall running parallel to the river, breached by a gateway and tower in which were found a several
fragments of painted plaster.284 This gateway was flanked by stone false-doors with a cornice of
uraei above which were found the feet of limestone statues of royal individuals.285 The exterior
was niched and several stone lintels bore the names of Akhenaten and Nefertiti along with the
phrase “My father the Aten,” which indicated to Pendlebury that this structure was palatial in
nature.286
The area excavated by Pendlebury was limited to this eastern enclosure wall of the palace
area due to the encroachment of fields to the immediate west of the wall and gateway. 287 As
such, the true extent of the palatial complex is unknown, yet based on the size and thickness of
the wall it is probable that the complex was rather substantial. Indeed, Barry Kemp states:
[t]his…Palace was undoubtedly the principal building of the North City…the

double enclosure wall with its external towers and substantial gateway is still one of the
more impressive sights of the city. It is, apart from the smaller temple, the only building
in the whole city whose walls have a really business-like character, evidently to enclose a
building complex of some magnitude. This seems to me to be the one site at El-Amarna
broad nature “invite[d] public display” and acted as a daily processional route for the royal family. Barry J.
Kemp, “The Window of Appearance at el-Amarna and the Basic Structure of this City.” The Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 62 (1976): 99, Barry Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, First
Addition (London: Routledge, 1991), 276-287.
283
J.D.S. Pendlebury, “Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell el-‘Amarnah, 1930-1931,”
JEA 17 (1931): 233-245; J.D.S. Pendlebury, “Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell el-‘Amarnah,
1931-1932,” JEA 18 (1932): 143-149.
284
Pendlebury, “1930-1931”, 242.
285
Ibid. Two additional fragments of these statues were found in the gateway itself. Pendlebury,
“1931-1932,” 144.
286
Pendlebury, “1930-1931”, 242.
287
Ibid.; Fran Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings. (London: Egyptian Exploration Society,
2007), 215.
69
sufficiently pretentious and secure to warrant identification as the main residence of the
king and … his family.288
Using this identification Kemp reconstructs a daily procession of the royal family in chariot, as
depicted in the tomb of Mahu,289as departing the North Riverside Palace and proceeding to the
area of Akhetaten now identified as the Central City.290
Fran Weatherhead has noted similarities between the architecture of the gateway and the
gateways of the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, constructed almost two
centuries later.291 Fragments of painted decoration appear to have fallen into the gateway, some
landing on support piers, indicating to Pendlebury that they were from a room which spanned the
gateway (Plate 3.4).292 This upper room is further supported by a significant thickening of the
walls and stairs placed along the two walls.293 No fragments of painted plaster were found that
would indicate any type of painted visual program from within the gateway itself, although
Pendlebury does suggest the possibility that it was lined with stone which was removed and
repurposed after the abandonment of the city, a supposition that Weatherhead notes recent
examination has confirmed.294
288
Kemp, “Window of Appearance,” 96.
289
N. De G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part IV.-The Tombs of Penthu, Mahu, and
Others (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1906), 15-18, pls. XX-XXVIII.
290
Kemp, “The Window of Appearance,” 96-99. The Central City contained both the large and
small temples of the Aten, two palaces, including the Great Palace, bureaucratic structures, as well as
residences for officials. See Pendlebury, J.D.S. The City of Akhenaten: Part III, The Central City and The
Official Quarters. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1951.
291
Weatherhead, 217. The palatial nature of Ramses III’s towers at Medinet Habu will be
discussed in more detail in Chapter V.
292
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144
293
Ibid.; Weatherhead, 217.
294
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144; Weatherhead, 215 n. 4.
70
The only space in the palace complex which has thus far been identified as containing
painted plaster is the now lost room above the gateway which Pendlebury had concluded was the
location of the Window of Appearance, the setting for royal audiences so often depicted in
Amarna period art.295 While this is only speculative, and the nature and number of Windows of
Appearance is still a matter of debate,296 Pendlebury’s identification would suggest that like the
structure itself, the visual program of the gateway and “Window Room,” as Pendlebury calls it,297
would have had a ceremonial purpose. An analysis of this program might allow for a further
understanding of the ceremonial purpose of the gateway, if one existed, and could confirm or
refute Pendlebury’s thesis, if not add important information on the visual vocabulary of royal
ceremony at Amarna.
Using a combination of remaining fragments in museum collections and archival
evidence, primarily in the form of facsimile drawings and paintings and excavation photographs,
Fran Weatherhead has identified twelve major motifs from this one room alone. Weatherhead
admits that it is almost impossible to place these motifs into the overall layout of the room with
any certainty.298 Thus, they should be approached in much the same way as the image programs
from Tell el-Dab‘a, categorized by motif rather than placement within the room.
295
Pendlebury, “1930-1931”, 243.
296
Barry Kemp argues for a single Window of Appearance at Amarna placing it in the King’s
House in the Central City. Kemp, “Window of Appearance” 81-92. Pendlebury identified at least three
Windows of Appearance at Amarna, here in the North Riverside Palace, on the bridge connecting the Great
Palace and King’s House and within the Great Palace itself. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 34, 43,
76, 78; Pendlebury, “1930-1931”, 243. See also Rainer Stadelmann’s discussion on the origins and nature
of the Window of Appearance in Rainer Stadelmann, “Tempelpalast und Erscheinungsfenster in den
Thebanischen Totentempeln.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 29
(1973): 221-242.
297
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144.
298
Weatherhead, 268. R.S. Lavers produced a hypothetical reconstruction of both the exterior of
the gateway and the painted visual program of the Window Room for Pendlebury’s 1932 publication in the
JEA (Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” pl. XII). Weatherhead has since deconstructed the methodology used to
produce the reconstruction and has concluded that it was an attempt to place all the motifs on a single wall,
71
The room appears to have bore several figural scenes that can perhaps give some
understanding of the purpose of this room. Perhaps the most telling scene, which probably
functioned as the focal point of the room’s image program, depicts a chariot procession similar to
the scene found in the tomb of Mahu, Panehesy and Meryre.299 The subject matter was identified
by the discovery of fragments depicting the eyes and bridle of three horses as well as a fragment
of the withers, harness and of an additional horse.300 Several other fragments depict a chariot
wheel and the accouterments of a chariot driver (Plate 3.5).301 Perhaps most telling is the
fragment of a dark red face with an uraeus and the headband of a crown, which Weatherhead and
Pendlebury both identified as depicting Akhenaten (Plate 3.6).302 Most interesting is the fact that
both the headband of the crown as well as parts of the uraeus were gilded.303 Based on the scale
of the fragments, it appears that there was a large and a small chariot, probably driven by
Akhenaten and Nefertari, respectively, in the same manner as depicted in the tombs of Meryre
often contrary to archaeological evidence, thus resulting in an extremely inaccurate and abbreviated
reconstruction of the room’s image program. Weatherhead, 218-220.
299
Ibid., 243; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part IV, pl XX; N. De G. Davies, The Rock
Tombs of El Amarna: Part I. The Tomb of Meryra I (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1930, pl. X; N. de
G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part II. The Tombs of Panehesy and Meryra II (London: Egypt
Exploration Fund, 1905), pl. XIII.
300
Weatherhead, 247-248.
301
Ibid., 248.
302
Ibid., 243-246. Pendlebury did not explicitly identify the fragment as depicting Akhenaten,
stating simply “we found traces of…human faces.” Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144. The reconstruction
drawn by Lavers under Pendlebury’s direction did include the fragment in the depiction of Akhenaten.
Ibid., Plate XII.2. It appears that while the excavators suspected the fragment depicted Akhenaten they
were not confident enough to state so explicitly in the publication.
303
Weatherhead, 243.
72
and Panehesy.304 While the reconstruction put forth in Pendlebury is 1.35 meters by 2.3 meters,305
Weatherhead has used the size of the remaining fragments to reconstruct a picture area
approximately 0.7 by 1.2 meters.306 She goes on to opine “[a]lthough obviously still a focal
scene, it does not dominate the wall to quite the same extent, and much room is left for other
subjects.”307
Weatherhead’s suggestion of other scenes is confirmed by the presence of a number of
fragments from several figural scenes which do not fit into the chariot vignette. Two fragments
of royal figures which are not the same scale as the chariot figures are believed to have originated
from this same scene.308 The first depicts only a red skinned chin, characteristic of the art of the
latter Amarna period. Like the fragment of the head it is presumed to have come from a figure of
Akhenaten.309 A second fragment depicts a bent red skinned arm against a highly ornamented
garment, probably the belt of a kilt (Plate 3.7).310 Weatherhead suggests that this fragment may
have originated in an offering scene that included a fragment of a pigeon’s head hanging
downwards surrounded by grape leaves and clusters as well as bound bunches of vegetative
offerings (Plate 3.8).311 Two fragments are preserved of a motif featuring a rounded blue object
304
Ibid.; Davies, Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part I., pl. X; Davies, Rock Tombs of El Amarna:
Part II, pl. XIII.
305
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” Plate XII.2; Weatherhead, 243.
306
Ibid.
307
Ibid.
308
Ibid., 243, 249-251.
309
Ibid., 249.
310
Ibid., 249-251; Pendlebury, “1930-1931,” 242, Plate LXXII.1.
311
Weatherhead, 249-251; 253-255; Pendlebury, “1930-1931,” 242. The original reconstruction
included the fragment of the pigeon as part of a floral “swag.” Weatherhead argues, based on the
naturalism of the image that it undoubtedly was not part of a formalized garland or bouquet but rather part
73
decorated with daisies.312 While Weatherhead suggests only that the pattern may be from a
textile,313 it seems likely to this author that it came from a pillow or cushion, an object commonly
found in scenes of the royal family place either on a throne or acting as a seat in its own right, as
is seen in the famous “Princess Panel.”
One particularly enigmatic fragment came from what Pendlebury described as a
“Jewellery Stand” (Plate 3.9) which he believed was part of scene depicting the distribution of
rewards in the form of jewelry from the Window of Appearance by Akhenaten.314 The large
fragment, measuring approximately 40 centimeters in width, depicts a tiered stand with a floral
garland hanging from it with a blue signet ring placed on top.315 Weatherhead has pointed out,
however, that the jewelry items awarded from the Window of Appearance are gold collars, not
faience signet rings.316 Insteadshe suggests the stand is part of the larger offering scene and may
have included remnants of a table.317
With the number of royal figures, it is not surprising that numerous fragments of painted
plaster bearing cartouches were found. These came in the form of hieroglyphs painted on now
fragmented painted plaster. Eleven fragments are known which included hieroglyphs. Based on
the size of these fragments, Weatherhead has identified three cartouches.318 Additionally the
of a pile of offerings as often scene in other Amarna depictions of offerings. Weatherhead, 236-238, 253-
255; Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” pl. XII.
312
Weatherhead, 252.
313
Ibid.
314
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144. The reconstruction of the overall image program of the room
by Lavers did not include these stands as part of a scene but rather as standing independently. Ibid., XII.2.
315
316
Ibid., 256.
317
Ibid.
318
Ibid., 257-259.
74
cartouches contained either a yellow or white background which would have alternated with the
background of the scene, indicating that the hieroglyphic evidence originated from at least two
different scenes.319
In addition to the figural scenes, there is extensive evidence for motifs which could be
considered “ornamental,” but which are just as important to the visual symbolism of the room as
the figural elements. Painted plaster torus and cavetto moldings were painted with stripped
patterns, usually consisting of alternating red, blue and turquoise bands in varying order.320 The
flat areas of the cavetto cornices featured blue and turquoise bands outlined in black on a yellow
background with red “reed tips” on the curved underside.321 Weatherhead also identified two
fragments of painted plaster from a lintel which depict a band of lotus flowers alternating with
grape clusters and poppy flowers with rosettes above these elements and a colored band below.322
Two additional borders were also identified featuring lotus flowers, rosettes and a checker
pattern.323
Four vegetative friezes were likewise identified by Weatherhead. The first, which she
entitles the “Floral frieze with polychrome chequer border,” (Plate 3.10) features horizontal rows
of lotus petals, dates, cornflowers, and a row of lotus flowers interspaced between grapes and a
missing motif which she suggests may have been poppies, all below a checker frieze.324 It is
319
Ibid., 257.
320
Ibid., 220-225.
321
Ibid., 225.
322
Ibid.
323
Ibid., 226-229.
324
Ibid., 230-232.
75
perhaps significant to note that this design is identical to that found in the palace of Amenhotep
III at Malqata.325 A second frieze, which Weatherhead refers to as the “Small Floral/Fruit
Friezes,” included bands of lotus flowers, cornflowers, poppies and borders composed of lotus
flowers, grape clusters, mandrake fruits and rosettes below a checker pattern (Plate 3.11).326 The
“Large Floral/Fruit Frieze” was composed of vegetative bands similar, although in a larger scale,
to those found in the “Small Frieze” (Plate 3.12). One major difference was the placement of a
bundle of papyrus blossoms interspaced with colorful flowers, which Weatherhead tentatively
identifies as Lupines and Convolvulus flowers, which form a ceremonial bouquet above the
frieze.327 The fourth group of vegetative elements classified by Weatherhead was composed of
three fragments that were not easily assignable to any of the other friezes, consisting of a
fragment depicting a border with lotus petals, a group of dates and cornflowers and a third simply
depicting dates.328
Seven fragments of painted plaster were identified by Weatherhead as having originated
from a wood-grained motif which Pendlebury described in his site journal as composing “large
stretches.”329 Weatherhead noted that while the early excavators identified the imitation wood
grain as having come from a dado, there is no way at present to confirm this assessment.330 It is
also significant that Pendlebury related this design to Aegean motifs in his description.331
325
See page 58.
326
Ibid., 232-233, color plate 9.
327
Ibid., 236-242.
328
Ibid., 242.
329
Ibid., 265-266; Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144.
330
Weatherhead, 265.
331
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144.
76
The image program of the room focused therefore on three very distinct general motifs:
an offering scene, a chariot scene and complex friezes of flowers and fruit. What then are we to
make of the manner in which these three motifs operated in conjunction with one another? It is
probable that the offering and chariot scenes are part of the ritualistic chariot procession proposed
by Kemp which would have departed from the North Riverside Palace and proceeded south along
the Royal Road.332 The offering may have represented a morning ritual which would have
occurred in conjunction with the departure of the royal family from the North Riverside Palace.
This author would suggest that the ceremonial nature of the room is further supported by the
abundance of vegetative friezes replicating the garlands and bouquets which would have been
hung from buildings during ceremonies.333
The North Palace
The North Palace is situated on the east side of the Royal Road approximately 1
kilometer south of the North Riverside Palace and 2.67 kilometers north of the city center (Plate
3.2). The palace was first excavated by F.G. Newton during the 1923-1924 season and then
continued by T. Whitemore during the 1924-1925 following Newton’s death in 1924, although
only preliminary reports of the excavations were ever published.334 Additional excavations were
carried out by the Egypt Exploration Society under the direction of Barry Kemp and Kate Spence
from 1993 to 1999.335
332
Kemp, “Window of Appearance,” 99; Kemp, Anatomy of a Civilization, 276-287.
333
For the use of vegetative garlands during ceremonies see Williams, “Wall Decorations of the
Main Temple of the Sun at el ‘Amarneh.”: 143-144.
334
F.G. Newton, “Excavations at El-‘Amarnah 1923-1924.” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 10
(1924): 294-298; T. Whittemore, “The Excavations at El-‘Amarnah, season 1924-1925,” Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 12 (1926): 3-9.
335
Kate Spence, “The North Palace at Amarna,” Egyptian Archaeology, 15 (1999): 14.
77
The structure is rectangular in plan, measuring 148 meters by 115 meters. It is surrounded
by a two meter thick enclosure wall fronted by a gateway in the center of the western wall facing
the royal road (Plate 3.13).336 Unlike most all other known Amarna palaces, the North Palace is
centered upon an east-west axis. This orientation is found in both the Aten temples at Amarna,
which indicates that the layout of the palace might have been related to the daily course of the
sun. The overall design of the palace can be divided into three main sections running from west
to east as one proceeded through the palace. Each of these three sections can then be further
divided into three separate areas, thus giving the overall arrangement the appearance of nine
squares in three rows of three.337
The first third of the palace was centered upon a large courtyard called the “Entrance
Court by excavators.”338 On the north side of the courtyard a gateway flanked by “statue”
bases339 fronted a court called the “Altar Court,” so named because of the scanty remains of what
appears to have been a shrine or kiosk flanked by raised offering tables in the focal point of the
court.340 Nine small rooms were located on both the east and west side of the court. Newton
noted that these rooms were painted, although the paint was too poorly preserved to allow for any
reconstruction of the design.341 While these side chambers were quite small, measuring no more
336
These figures are taken using Google Earth satellite images of the palace and Amarna as well
as using published plans.
337
Davies, N. de G. “The Paintings of the Northern Palace.” In The Mural Painting of el
‘Amarneh ed. H. Frankfort, 58-72 (London: The Egyptian Exploration Society, 1929), plate XIV.
338
Spence, “The North Palace at Amarna,” 14.
339
Ibid., 15.
340
Newton, 294-295.
341
Ibid.
78
than 5 by 3 meters, the presence of painted decoration may indicate that their intended purpose
was more than storage, although the storage of ritualistic objects is not unlikely.
The southern side of the courtyard bore a similar gateway flanked by statue bases which
likewise fronted an apparently sacred space.342 The entry way opened onto a court flanked on the
east and west sides by storerooms as well as small partially open chambers. Directly to the south
of the court was a square chamber with another inner chamber, possibly the center point of this
portion of the palace. In his description of this portion of the palace Whittemore compares these
chambers with storerooms from other temples, arguing that this was an area for the robing of the
king and priests for rituals.343
A heavy mudbrick wall separated the Entrance Court from the Center Court to the east.
In the center of the wall was located a large structure made of stone, of which only the gypsum
foundation and a few inscribed stone fragments remain, with a gateway flanking it on either
side.344 The stone structure itself appears to have included two massive stone jambs as well as
columns bases, suggesting to both Whittemore and Spence that it may have been the Window of
Appearance.345 In 1997 the Egypt Exploration Society conducted excavations on the stone
feature as well as the gateway to the north of the structure. During the excavation a set of statue
bases flanking the gateway were discovered as well as brown quartzite flakes. 346 Along the base
of the gateway and continuing on the interior wall running towards the stone structure were found
342
343
Whittemore, 4-5.
344
Spence, “The North Palace at Amarna,” 15-16.
345
Ibid., 15; Whittemore, 4.
346
Spence, “The North Palace at Amarna,”15-16. See also page 1 of that issue of Egyptian
Archaeology which publishes a photograph of the statue base. It is likely that both gateways were flanked
with statues.
79
fragments of painted plaster and gold leaf. A cavetto cornice was likewise found which bore a
flake of gold leaf.347
To the east of this large gateway was a terraced courtyard measuring 60 by 47 meters
which has become known as the Water or Central Court.348 The courtyard was dominated by a
large sunken feature which Newton described as a pond around which were planted trees and
shrubs.349 Spence suggested that the feature may have been a sunken garden rather than a pool350
although Barry Kemp more recently has reasserted the identification as a basin, adding several
shaduf which would have supplied water to the rest of the palace.351 Norman de G. Davies noted
that a fragment of painted decoration depicting a water bank design, lotus flowers in a pool below
reeds, was discovered in this area and Fran Weatherhead argues that this graced all the exterior
walls of this part of the palace.352 The south wall of the courtyard featured a large portal leading
directly into a courtyard surrounded by structures which Whittemore asserts bear a resemblance
to the town houses of Amarna, possibly indicating that this section of the palace was set aside as
the residence of officials or palace staff.353
The area to the north of the Central Court is particularly intriguing, as it appears to have
been a menagerie, a feature not known in any other Egyptian palace. Immediately behind the
347
Ibid., 16
348
Newton, 295; Whittemore, 5. Whittemore referred to the court as the Water Court Spence had
designated it the Central Court. See Whittemore, 5 and Spence, 14.
349
Newton, 295.
350
351
Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 147; Barry Kemp and Fran Weatherhead, “Palace
Decoration at Tell el-Amarna,” The Wall Paintings of Thera, I, ed. S. Sherratt, 491-523 (Piraeus Greece:
Petros M. Nomikos and The Thera Foundation, 2000), 512.
352
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70, Plate XIIc; Weatherhead, 145-146.
353
Whittemore, 5.
80
north wall of the Central Court was a long transverse corridor stretching the length of the
courtyard with a single row of rectangular piers running down the center.354 Newton noted that
this area, which he believed were the quarters of the attendants, bore traces of painted plaster
although he gives no indication of the design if any was discernible.355 The space behind the
corridor was divided into three separate parts, each with their own passage through the corridor
and into the Water-Court. These sections each featured a courtyard followed by an interior room
with two rows of rectangular piers. The courtyard of the eastern most section featured a covered
colonnade as well as two small rooms on the south side that are not present in the other two
divisions. It was here that Newton discovered a series of stone troughs or mangers decorated
with depictions of gazelle, ibex, and cattle feeding from troughs as well as stone rings placed
between these troughs (Plate 3.14).356 It therefore seems evident that this portion of the palace
served as a royal menagerie357 although the significance of placing the menagerie in this part of
the palace, so close to the royal residences, needs to be questioned. This author suspects that the
animals depicted on the troughs may relate to the visual program and symbolic meaning of the
palace, all concepts that will be fleshed out in the conclusions for this chapter.
354
Newton, 295.
355
Ibid.
356
Ibid., 295-296, plate XXX; Whittemore, 5. Exotic animals, assumed to be destined for the
King’s menagerie, are often depicted from the Old Kingdom onwards as being tethered to these stone rings.
See Dorothea Arnold, Egyptian Art in the Age of Pyramids (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art,
1999), 333 for an example from the mortuary temple of Sahure. The Ibex was later identified by Dale
Osborn and Jana Osbornová as a Capra Ibex or Nubian Ibex although they indicate the specifics of this
particular Ibex indicate that it was a Syrian import. No information on the specifics of the animals which
has been called both “gazelle” and “antelope” could be determined. Dale Osborn and Jana Osbornová, The
Mammals of Ancient Egypt (Warminster UK: Aris and Phillips Ltd., 1998), 184.
357
Newton, 295-296. Newton suggested that the “zoo” was home to gazelle, cattle, ibex, sheep,
and goats based on the animals depicted on the stone “mangers.” Ibid. Unfortunately the depictions of the
cattle are missing their heads making it impossible to determine whether these are domestic or foreign
cattle, such as those depicted in the Punt expedition in Hatshepsut’s mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri.
81
The rear third of the palace consisted of a series of enclosed rooms and halls which
Newton called “the residential part of the palace,”358although it is debatable whether this part or
any part of the palace was the permanent residential space for the king, another member of the
royal family, or anyone at all. This third of the palace was accessed primarily by means of a large
central doorway which was fronted by a stone porch. The residential area has further been divided
into three areas with the “King’s Apartments” in the center with the “North-east Court” and
“South-East Section” flanking it.
The King’s Apartment was centered upon a block of rooms consisting of a large
hypostyle hall a transverse hypostyle, and finally a throne room with dais at the rear of the very
rear of the palace, all of which fell along the east-west axis of the palace.359 Several smaller
rooms and columned hallways branched out on either side from these central rooms.360 Stairwells
located on both sides indicate that these side sections may have been two stories.361 The layout of
this central third of the “residential” area with its grand hallways all leading to a throne room
indicate that the spaces were undoubtedly meant for royal audiences. Two formal dining rooms,
with small adjacent storage rooms, on either side of the throne room were identified by
Whittemore due in part to the discovery of fragments of wine jars in these rooms.362 Additionally
a stone-lined room identified as a bathroom was located in the area just south of the first, larger,
358
Ibid., 296.
359
Ibid. For the basic premise on how the second stories and roof lines of the reconstructions
presented here see Kate Spence, “The Three-Dimensional Form of the Amarna House.” The Journal of
360
Kemp has suggested identities for these rooms which can be found in Kemp, The City of
Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.10.
361
Newton, 296-297;
362
Whittemore, 7. Kemp has more recently identified these rooms as storerooms. Kemp, The City
of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.10.
82
hypostyle hall, although this placement directly off the presumably more public hypostyle hall
would seem odd and perhaps indicates that this room was never the private chambers one would
expect for the royal family and may instead have served another purpose, perhaps for ritual
purification.363
The rooms and halls of the King’s Apartments contained some of the most intriguing and
informative examples of visual programs found in royal palaces. This stems primarily from the
unambiguous function of the rooms and the necessity of these chambers in most other New
Kingdom palaces. After entering the residential portion of the palace through the columned
porch one would have entered into the large hypostyle hall. This hall, dominated by twenty-six
columns which supported a ceiling with clearstory windows and painted with a painted grape
arbor, was decorated with a low dado of alternating false-door panels, and heraldic lotus and
papyrus plants below a checker band composed of white, blue, red and green squares with a ten
centimeter white “skirting” above (Plate 3.15).364 All of these elements reached a height on the
wall of 65 centimeters.365 Above this dado were found the remains of a line of feet belonging to
at least six individuals all moving in the same direction, along with the bottom hem of their
garments on a yellow background (Plate 3.16).366 Newton notes that these are the feet of both
men and women.367 One can likely reconstruct a procession of courtiers, both male and female in
363
Whittemore, 7. Frankfort also mentioned in his notes a “King’s Bedroom,” although the
location of this room is unknown. Weatherhead, 209. Kemp has identified a room adjacent to the
bathroom as a bedroom. Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.10.
364
Newton, 296; Weatherhead, 203.
365
Ibid.
366
Newton, 296; Weatherhead, 203-207, fig. 114b.
367
Newton, 296.
83
their courtly garments on all four walls moving towards the door at the eastern end of the room
which led into the Transverse Hypostyle Hall beyond.
The Transverse Hypostyle Hall is of the same length as the width of the larger hypostyle
hall but had only twelve limestone column bases. The wall paintings of this hall are poorly
preserved, yet despite this, general conclusions as to the overall original layout of the painted
image programs can be reached. Fragments indicate that the walls bore picture areas, framed
with colored bands and a chain pattern above a blue dado 69 centimeters in height.368 Although
little remains of the area within the frame, the fragments recorded by Davies indicate that they
most likely contained elaborately detailed depictions of waterbank scenes, including a pool with
lily pads surrounded by a black riverbank dotted with small plants as well as a vine motif against
a yellow background, undoubtedly from an area of plants growing above the black bank (Plate
3.17).369 Like the larger hypostyle hall, the ceiling of this hall was decorated with a painted vine
arbor, of which several fragments are preserved in the British Museum (Plate 3.18).370
The Throne Room beyond was rather smaller than one would expect, measuring only 5.5
by 5.75 meters.371 The only features found in the room were two stone column bases and a
mudbrick dais which Whittemore describes as only “large enough for a state chair.”372
Surprisingly, no visual elements were recorded in connection with the dais. This may indicate
368
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 68-69; Weatherhead, 201.
369
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 68-69; Weatherhead, 201. What plant the
fragment of vine is is difficult to discern. The leaves are similar in shape to those of the domestic grape but
the execution of the woody wine and the absence of clusters of grapes are not characteristic of the plant. It
is possible that this is a depiction of a young grape vine, or one early in the spring before it has begun
producing fruit.
370
Ibid., 200-201. Accession numbers 1927.10-11.97-110.
371
Whittemore, 6.
372
Ibid.
84
that the dais, which is usually depicted in tomb scenes as being highly ornate, was only the base
for a more adorned non-architectural feature which is now lost, such as a wooden kiosk gilded
and augmented with glass and faience inlays. Like the Transverse Hypostyle Hall, the figural
scenes in the Throne Room were placed inside rectangular picture frames of three blue and two
red band separated by a white stripe with a block pattern above a 49 centimeter high blue dado.373
The picture frame located on the eastern wall, the focal point of the room behind the throne dais,
also featured a chain pattern.374
The specifics of the visual program contained within the framed areas are rather difficult
to reconstruct due to the paucity of fragments discovered, but generalities can be made to the
overall subject matter. The best way to approach this is to first examine the fragments and then
place them into likely motifs.375 Weatherhead identifies eight motifs which are not directly
associated with the frames but rather appear to have been part of the subject matter contained
within.376 Two depictions of wine vessels on stands were found in two different scales. A single
fragment, measuring approximately 38 by 36 centimeters,377 was included in Davies
publication.378 Based on the evidence in Frankfort’s notes examined by Weatherhead, it can be
concluded that the fragment was discovered on either the east or west wall near the southern
corner.379 A much fragmented depiction of miniature pots decorated with garlands was also
373
Whittemore, 8; Weatherhead, 199.
374
Ibid.
375
While Weatherhead does catalogue the fragment she did not make any attempt to reconstruct
the scenes on the walls, with the exception of noting that some areas included a waterbank design. See
Ibid., 197-199.
376
Ibid.
377
Ibid., 197-198, fig. 110.
378
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” pl. XIIE.
379
Weatherhead, 198.
85
found, although the exact location of the fragment within the room is unknown. Due to the size
difference between the two sets of fragments, Weatherhead suggests that the jars probably
originated from different scenes.380
Several rather lavish fragments depicting large figures, undoubtedly royal, were also
found within the ruins of the throne room. Frankfort’s site notes identify the fragments, which
Davies described as “pieces of bodies,”381 as depicting redskinned figures draped in diaphanous
white garments.382 These figures also wore collars and bracelets which were gilded and then
augmented with blue and green paint.383 A fragment discovered in 1927 depicted a uraeus with a
red cross-hatched hood and an empty cartouche.384 While the cartouche was found in the
Hypostyle Hall, it was believed by the excavators to have originated in the Throne Room,
indicating that it like was part of a motif on the west wall.385 A fragment of an ornate cushion
was found amongst the rubble sorted at the dig house, which Frankfort believed to have come
from the throne room.386
Fragments were also discovered which came from a waterbank or Nilotic scene that
graced at least one wall of the Throne Room. A single fragment described by Frankfort in his
notes but not properly published depicted a mass of green with black parallel lines on a yellow
380
Ibid.
381
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 69.
382
Weatherhead, 198.
383
Ibid.
384
Ibid.
385
Ibid.
386
Ibid. Davies described the object as “of doubtful provenance.” Davies, “The Paintings of the
Northern Palace,” 69.
86
background, which shows in areas where the green has worn away.387 Weatherhead quite rightly
suggests that the fragment most likely depicts stalks of papyrus.388 Fragments are also recorded
which depicted a body of water framed by black bands representing the shore of the river,
although Davies suggests this fragment (and therefore logically the papyrus stalk fragment) may
have originated from the other side of the south wall.389 Multiple fragments depicting a vine
arbor, undoubtedly the domestic grape Vitis vinifera, were also found. While most of these
undoubtedly came from the decoration of the ceiling at least one fragment is more realistic than
those typically found in ceiling arbors and therefore may have come from a grape arbor which
was a part of the wall scenes.390
Two distinct motifs can now be identified as originating within the throne room (Plate
3.19). The first is the fairly common Nilotic or waterbank design. Although it is possible that the
fragments associated with the waterbank designs originated from other rooms, let us for a
moment suppose that they originated here. The fact that the fragments were found against the
south wall indicates that the motif may have been found in the picture area of the south wall. It is
reasonable to suggest that for a sense of symmetry a similar scene may have occurred on the
north wall, where no fragments of painted plaster were preserved.
The east and west walls undoubtedly bore depictions of the activities of the palace, more
specifically of the royal family. Weatherhead, Frankfort and Davies all point to similarities
between the fragments of the royal family found here and the now famous “Princess Panel” from
the King’s House, most notably the presence of a cushion and the rather naturalistic and
387
388
Ibid.
389
Ibid., 199; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 69.
390
Weatherhead, 199; Whittemore, 8.
87
sumptuous depiction of members of the royal family.391 This would imply that the scene was one
of the royal family in repose. Yet these elements are not only found in the Princess Panel.
Cushions are quite often depicted on thrones and footstools in scenes of the king and royal family
enthroned found in Amarna tombs.392 In fact, scenes of the royal family eating, drinking, and
overseeing court activities are more likely to depict the family enthroned, not in repose. The
large wine jars on stands, which were undoubtedly part of this scene, are not necessarily
indicative of a scene of merriment. Depictions of the king upon his throne in a formal audience
from the tombs of Parennefer and Penthu both depict wine jars on stands before the king (Figures
3.20 and 3.21).393 This would indicate that wine was not only present in the throne room when
the royal family was making merriment, but also on more official occasions.394 The rather small
size of the throne dais indicates that no more than a single person was enthroned on this particular
dais at a time. It is therefore unlikely that the room ever featured a large group of royal family
banqueting in repose or even enjoying a meal in each other’s company. As such it is more
391
Weatherhead, 198; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 69.
392
See for example the depiction of the Window of Appearance in the tomb of Parennefer at
Amarna in N. De G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of Amarna VI: The Tombs of Parennefer, Tutu and Ay
(London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1908), pl. IV and the depiction of the royal family eating meat from the
tomb of Huya in N. De G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of Amarna III: The Tombs of Huya and Ahmes
(London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1905), pl VI, both of which prominently feature ornamental cushions in
such scenes.
393
Davies, The Rock Tombsof El Amarna IV, pl. VIII; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna VI,
pl. VI.
394
The large number of wine vessels found at both Malqatta and in the vicinity of Amarna palaces
would clearly indicate that wine was an important aspect of the activities of the palace. See McGovern,
P.E., “Wine of Egypt’s Golden Age: An Archaeochemical Perspective.” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
83 (1997): 69-108; H.W. Fairman, “The Inscriptions” in The City of Akhenaten. Part 3: Central City and
the Official Quarters by J.D.S. Pendlebury. 2 vols. Egypt Exploration Society (London: Egypt Exploration
Society, 1951) 163; Leonard H. Lesko, King Tut’s Wine Cellar (Berkeley: B.C. Scribe Publications, 1977),
27-29 and Leonard H. Lesko, “Egyptian Wine Production During the New Kingdom” in The Origins and
Ancient History of Wine, eds. Patrick E. McGovern, Stuart J. Fleming and Solomon H. Katz, 215-230
(Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1996), 226.
88
reasonable to reconstruct a scene of a single member of the royal family enthroned on the dais
with possibly an additional family member seated on a throne next to the dais.395
The smaller wine jars on stands are perhaps indicative of another component of palatial
activity that may or may not have been part of the same scene as the enthroned royal personage.
Numerous depictions from Amarna tombs, such as Panehesy, Meryre II , Ahmes, Penthu, May,
Parennefer, Tutu and Ay,396 represent the activities of the palace, which include storerooms filled
with wine jars, as well as state rooms in which wine jars on stands draped in garlands have been
set out for the royal family.397 It is likely that the miniature wine jars originated from just such a
scene. Yet this identification does not preclude the possibility that they were separate from the
enthronement motif. A scene from the tomb of Tutu at Amarna depicts Akhenaten and Nefertari
enthroned receiving Tutu at the door of the palace (Plate 3.22).398 Behind the royal couple is
depicted the interior of the palace including rooms containing wine jars on stands. It is possible
that a scene with a similar arrangement was present in the throne room.
These enthronement scenes would undoubtedly have graced either the east or the west
wall or possibly both. Indeed it would seem likely that the scene of enthronement would have
been placed on the eastern wall, giving visitors to the throne room a visual duplication and
reinforcement of the royal personage enthroned there. Such a depiction would likewise have
395
While it is not conclusive that the figural depictions of the royal family were consistent with
the activities of a particular room the nature of this room is wholly formal. This room has none of the
comforts one would expect for a room of private repose. It would seem very likely that the scenes on the
wall would have reflected this nature. Indeed the rather temple-like design of the North Palace would
equate this throne room with a Holly of Hollies, a place where the king or another member of the royal
family was enshrined, a formal position.
396
Respectively Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna II, pl. XIV, XXXIII; Davies, The Rock
Tombs of El Amarna III, pl. XXXIII; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna IV, pl. VIII; Davies, The Rock
Tombs of El Amarna V, pl. V; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna VI, pl. IV, XVII, XXVIII.
397
See for example the representation from the tomb of Panehesy. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El
Amarna II, pl. XIV
398
Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna VI, pl. XVII.
89
functioned to immortalize the enthroned individual, making the act of enthronement a permanent
action, one that is now essential to the functioning of the room. The presence of the miniature
jars on stands indicates that the wall upon which the enthroned individual gazed upon included a
scene of the activities of the palace. Thus he or she would have been continuously overseeing the
activities of the palace, thereby adding a sense of legitimacy to these activities.
The King’s Apartments located on both the north and south sides of the rooms of the
central axis (i.e. the hypostyle halls and throne room) likewise produced fragments of painted
decoration. The room immediately to the north of the throne room, labeled by the early
excavators as the “Dining Room,”399 appears, according to Frankfort’s notes, to have included a
waterbank design on the attached piers in the center of the room as well as a grape arbor
ceiling.400 In addition to the painted ceiling, Whittemore records the discovery of faience grape
clusters, which were apparently hung from the rafters of the ceiling to augment the two-
dimensional arbor.401
Two passages extended north and south from the transverse hypostyle hall, providing the
main north-south passageway in this portion of the palace. These passages continued the blue
dado and stripped picture frames found in the transverse hypostyle hall.402 The only exception to
this general arrangement was in the stairwells located at the end of both corridors, where the blue
399
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” plate XIV. Kemp has since identified the
room as a storeroom, yet the use of painting in the room would make this conclusion unlikely. Kemp, The
City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.10.
400
Weatherhead, 203.
401
Whittemore, 7. For more information on these grape clusters see my unpublished Master’s
thesis entitled “Pharaoh’s Grapes: A Study of Decorative Faience Grape Clusters,” (University of
Memphis, 2008).
402
90
dado was replaced with a yellow one.403 A section of painted plaster was discovered at the
southern end of the west wall of the northern corridor which depicted three white wooden stands
outlined in red supporting blue pots and draped with floral garlands.404 Additionally, remains of a
painted floral bouquet were found near the stairwell.405 The southern end of the west wall in the
southern corridor bore a similar design, although Davies did not record the colors of the scene,
making it difficult to compare the color of these jars to those in the north corridor.406 On the
southern-most half of the east wall the remains were discovered of a motif depicting alternating
bouquets and cones in dishes interspersed with cut lotus flowers.407 Weatherhead pointed out that
the remains of the bouquet found in the northern passageway probably originated from a similar
motif.408
Two narrow columned halls on the north and south side of the transverse hypostyle hall
likewise bore fragments of the frame border and blue dado which was found in the corridors.409
Additionally the chambers immediately north of the large hypostyle hall as well as the king’s
bedroom, a room described by Frankfort but for which he gave no location, bore the same frame
403
Whittemore, 8. Kemp’s suggestion that the window at the end of each of these corridors was a
Window of Appearance is interesting. If such an identification is correct then the change in dado color may
be significant. Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.10.
404
Weatherhead, 207.
405
Ibid.
406
Ibid.; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” pl. XIIG.
407
Ibid., 69, pl. XIIH.
408
Weatherhead, 207.
409
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 68-69. It is difficult based on the information
provided by both Davies and Weatherhead in her summary of these halls to determine exactly which halls
they are referring to. Presumably one of these, the northern hallway, is located directly to the west of the
passageway discussed above but there is no corresponding corridor on the southern side of the king’s
apartments. Weatherhead, 201.
91
border with the blue dado below it.410 The bathroom included a white dado approximately 1
meter in height which was splattered with blue and red paint. Whittemore concluded that this was
a result of sloppy painters who executed a design above the dado.411 A rather unique series of
fragments of painted plaster found during the 1926-1927 excavations depict branches of an olive
tree, Olea europaea, with olives ranging in color from pale green, red and a deep red-brown
(Plate 3.23).412 Frankfort noted that these fragments were sorted at the dig house and that their
precise find location was unknown, although Weatherhead suggests that they probably originated
from the King’s Apartments.413
The southern third of the residential area, known as the South-East Section, was rather
simple in design, composed of two basic features. Directly to the south of the King’s
Apartments, and perhaps accessed via a doorway leading to the southern passageway,414 was a
courtyard lined on the east and west side by rectangular mudbrick piers. Five long rectangular
rooms were located on either side of courtyard. Whittemore concluded that these rooms were the
men’s quarters, yet the simplicity of these rooms and their size seems to preclude this supposition
.415 A doorway in the south of the courtyard led into a large room dominated by forty five square
410
Newton, 296; Weatherhead, 208-209. It should be noted that in the case of the bedroom
Frankfort only noted a blue band below the picture frame although it is likely that this was part of a now
lost dado, a supposition that Weatherhead also concluded. Ibid.
411
Whittemore, 7.
412
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” pl. IX C.
413
Weatherhead, 209.
414
This doorway appears on the original plan published by Whittemore (Ibid., pl. II), but was
omitted by Kemp in his plan of the palace. Instead Kemp supposed that the doorway was simply denuded
mudbrick that had appeared as a doorway. Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, fig. 4.22.
415
Whittemore, 6. Whittemore’s conclusion seems to be based heavily on his belief that the
cubicles around the North-East Court, which will be discussed below, were the women’s quarters and his
desire to find a roughly similar structure on the opposite side of the central rooms.
92
mudbrick piers, known as the South-East Hall, which had a doorway leading into the exterior
corridor.416
The South-East Hall was the only room in the South-East Section that had any preserved
visual elements. Drawings produced by Mrs. Nina Davies417 as well as excavation photographs
demonstrate that at least some of the brick piers originally were decorated with a waterbank
design (Plate 3.24).418 A fragment of painted plaster, now at the Brooklyn Museum,419 provides a
glimpse of the delicate work which originally composed this particular Nilotic scene. The
fragment depicts a band of blue water without the characteristic black lines with lily pads and
lotus flowers. A narrow black band of riverbank frames both the top and bottom of the water.
Above the upper band is preserved the red leafy bases of papyrus stalks. Unfortunately nothing
more of the papyrus thicket is preserved above this point.
The remaining portion of the palace, called the North-East Court, is perhaps the most
studied and debated portion of the palace (Plate 3.25). The North-East Court features a sunken
garden surrounded on three sides by a peristyle composed of 27 columns and two pilasters.
Around this courtyard were twenty-four rooms measuring approximately three by five meters,420
all of which were fronted by stone doorways, all of which are now lost.421 A small stairway
416
Ibid. Weatherhead, 59.
417
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” pl. XIID.
418
419
Brooklyn Museum Accession Number 27.35.
420
Ibid., 5-6; Newton, 296-297. Whittemore describes the rooms as “twenty-one small rooms,
two stair cases and a passage room,” Whittemore, 5, although Weatherhead considers these three to be
rooms as well as they did open directly onto the sunken court and they were painted in a similar manner to
the other rooms. Weatherhead, 147.
421
93
located at the northern wall of the King’s Apartments led to a small platform with a large window
looking out into the North-East Court.
Newton asserts that this window was for the King so he could watch the “women in the
garden,” as he believed that the North-East Court was the location of the women’s quarters.422
Whittemore later supported this conclusion with his discovery of fragments of gilded wood, a
naked “clay” figure of a woman, a statue of the goddess Tauret, and beads, probably from a
necklace.423 Recently Barry Kemp has suggested that these chambers were for the “personal
servants,” and that the stairs indicate that there was a second story of similar rooms.424 Davies
suggested an alternative function, opining that the small chambers, decorated with scenes of
feeding birds, were intended as an aviary.425 While this conclusion is understandable considering
the presence of the animal pens in the palace, Fran Weatherhead has recently argued that it would
have been impractical to keep birds in a chamber decorated with fragile plaster, which show no
evidence of damage by birds.426
Instead she suggests the chambers may somehow have served a religious purpose
connected with the king or the royal family.427 A similar conclusion was made by Dorothea
422
Newton, 298. The design of the viewing platform may bear some resemblance to a structure
in the ritual palace of Merenptah at Memphis. Built overlooking the courtyard C.S. Fisher suggested that
this structure may have been the palace’s Window of Appearances although David O’Connor has argued
instead that this structure, while possibly bearing some resemblance to a Window of Appearances probably
served some other role. While the fact that both viewing platforms were built overlooking a palatial
courtyard may not indicate that they served the purpose, their similarities are worth noting. See C.S.
Fisher, “The Eckley B. Coxe Jr. Egyptian Expedition.” The Museum Journal 8 (1917): 222; O’Connor,
“Mirror,” 176.
423
Whittemore, 6.
424
425
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 58, 66-67.
426
427
Ibid.; Kemp and Weatherhead, 514-515.
94
Arnold concerning the “Harem” of the King’s Palace at Malqata, a similarly designed structure,
suggesting instead a connection with the 3rd Dynasty Heb Sed court in the pyramid complex of
Netjerikhet (Djoser).428 Indeed the fact that the North-Court contains twenty-four cubicles, a
number related to the solar cycle, coupled with the orientation of the palace suggest to the author
that the chambers may have had a solar significance relating in some way to cultic activities
carried out by the royal family in the palace.
Some of the most complete and artistically appealing examples of visual programs in
Amarna palaces were found in the North-East Court. This is due in large part to the fact that the
walls here are preserved to an unusual height, up to 2 meters, which meant that the program
above the dado was occasionally preserved.429 Additionally, fragments of wall plaster were also
found mixed in with the ceiling plaster by Newton, giving additional evidence to these visual
programs.430 With the exception of the Green Room which will be discussed in detail below, the
arrangement both inside and outside the cubicles featured a black dado approximately 70
centimeters in height below a framed picture area. The frames were composed of alternating
blue, red and green bands with occasional block patterns on exterior walls.431 Above the picture
area at the very top of the wall, Newton proposed a black frieze (Plate 3.26).432 The ceilings of
both the cubicles and the colonnade were painted with a grape vine arbor which was rather rigidly
depicted growing from a woven trellis (Plate 3.27).433 The picture area on the southern wall
428
Dorothea Arnold, “The Royal Palace,” 286-294.
429
Newton, 297.
430
Ibid.
431
Ibid., 297-298; Whittemore, 8; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70.
432
Newton, 297-298.
433
Ibid., 297; Whittemore, 8.
95
closest to the window from the King’s Apartments featured what remained of a waterbank design
(Plate 3.28).434 The waterbank motif measured approximately 2.2 meters in length. The motif
was composed of a stretch of blue water with the typical zigzags represent waves set above black
band representing the shore of the water from which grow a number of rather delicately painted
plants. Lotus buds and pads sprout from the water and the feet and underbellies of ducks which
swim in the water, as well as the leg of a rather tall wadding bird.435 In the center of the bank is a
white structure outlined in red which Weatherhead suggests may be a structure, perhaps a shrine,
pavilion or quay of some type.436 Aside from this two fragments of what Weatherhead describes
as the “fowl feeding” motif, a depiction of servants throwing red grain to various domestic birds,
was found in two areas immediately outside room 11 on the north side of the court.437
Weatherhead suggests that this motif was probably the more common one on the walls of the
colonnade with the riverbank design restricted to the south wall, perhaps associated specifically
with the window.438
Of the eight rooms on the west side, designated by the original excavators as rooms 1
through 8, at least five rooms had some fragments of the figural program (Plate 3.25).439 Room 1,
the southernmost of the eight rooms, was particularly interesting due to the presence of a
stairwell, which would have given access either to a now lost second floor or the roof. The only
434
Weatherhead, 148, 181; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 69.
435
436
Ibid., 182.
437
Ibid., 148, 182-187.
438
Ibid., 148-149.
439
Ibid., 149-157. While none of the original publications make reference to these room numbers
Weatherhead indicates that they were used in the excavators’ documents and to identify facsimiles. See
Ibid., 153.
96
visual remains from the room, found on the north wall opposite the stairwell, consisted of a
diagonally sloping picture frame similar to those found in other rooms and patches of red,
undoubtedly from the picture area itself.440
The west wall of Room 2, also known as the “South Room,” possessed a rather large area
of painted plaster from the lower left hand corner of the picture frame, giving one of the best
examples of the colorful and at times complex nature of the frame, as well as the area within the
frame, showing three birds and a jar amongst falling feathers (Plate 3.29).441 While Davies’s
facsimile, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,442 and line drawing depict only two birds, 443
both identified as pigeons,444 the original line drawing by S.R.K. Glanville, shows the tail feathers
of a third bird, which may also have been a pigeon.445
Room 3 provided a small fragment, measuring a little more than five centimeters in
width, which bore a lotus-petal design with blue and white dots between the petals of the flower
(Plate 3.30).446 The fragment is intriguing, as Weatherhead notes, due to the fact that unlike the
other fragments from the North-East Court, this design is on a buff background.447 While she
suggests it may have come from a representation of a piece of furniture in a scene similar to the
440
Ibid., 149-150.
441
Ibid., 150-151; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70, pl. XII b.
442
Accession Number 33.8.19
443
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70, pl. XII b.
444
Weatherhead, 150.
445
Ibid.
446
Ibid., 151.
447
Ibid.
97
“Princess Panel,”448 this seems to be a rather large leap in logic. Rather, the design is small
enough to have come from a garland draped over a jar or any similarly decorated item, and is not
necessarily indicative of a scene depicting the royal family, although this is possible. Another
fragment from this room, recorded by Glanville in a rather poor manner, may depict a jar, perhaps
further evidence for fowl feeding scenes.449
The visual program of Room 5450 appears to have likewise been focused on fowl feeding.
A large fragment from the north wall depicted a red jar between the legs of two cranes. Two
feathers are seen falling between the legs of the birds. Glanville noted also the presence of a
human foot at the edge of the scene, but neither Newton’s facsimile drawing nor the sketch made
by Glanville in his field notebook include this particular detail (Plate 3.31).451 Glanville also
noted a trace of a bird’s claw in green on the south wall, indicating that the motif was present on
at least two of the three walls and probably dominated all of the picture areas.452
Room 6 contained one of the larger extant examples of the fowl feeding scene which
provides some of the best evidence for the activities being carried out in this motif. Found on the
north wall, the fragmented painted plaster preserved a rather large section of the banded picture
frame above which was found a depiction of a breasted goose, of which the head, back and tail
are missing, standing before a large red pot (Plate 3.32). On the opposite side of the pot stands a
man in a kilt that comes down to his calves. Grain kernels fall around him, indicating that he is
448
Ibid.
449
Ibid., 152-153.
450
The only evidence for decoration from Room 4 comes from Glaville’s notebook and is rather
unhelpful in identifying the scenes contained within the picture area as it was only “a few patches of striped
bands.” Ibid. 153.
451
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70, pl. X (middle); Weatherhead, 153.
452
Ibid.
98
tossing it to the bird. A large number of feathers appear to fall behind him and directly in front of
his feet, indicating to Weatherhead that there was possibly a now lost figure plucking a dead bird
or perhaps two birds engaged in a fight directly behind the figure.453 Davies states that also found
on the north wall were “traces of cranes,”454 but Weatherhead points to excavation photographs of
the north wall of room 6 as showing only the large fragment described above.455 On the south
wall Glanville’s notes record another fragment likewise depicting a fowl feeding scene.456 Here
the feet of a man in a long white kilt were found before a badly preserved bird which
Weatherhead believes is likely a goose.457
The south wall of room 7, which was the reverse side of the north wall of room 6,
contained the largest and most complete depiction of fowl feeding measuring approximately 4.5
meters in length and a meter in height at its greatest point (Plate 3.33-3.33A).458 When read from
left to right the scene depicts part of the body of a bird and the bottom of its feet which may
belong to a large thin legged bird, such as a stork or crane, and a man in a complicated kilt and
tunic standing on opposite sides of a red jar that reaches at least to the man’s waist.459 Beyond is
preserved the head of a black goose with a red beak, above which floats a jar. To the right of this
jar are the chest, abdomen and legs of a long legged bird standing without a groundline above the
453
Ibid.
454
455
Weatherhead, 153.
456
Ibid.
457
Ibid., 154.
458
Ibid. Measurements were taken off of the scale drawings produced by Weatherhead to provide
the dimensions.
459
Ibid.
99
rim of a large jar. The shape of the legs and the tuft of feathers that hangs down from the body
suggest that it may be a crane.460 Further to the right is an almost intact depiction of a graylag
goose bending its neck down to reach for falling grain.461 The long thin legs of a bird, possibly a
crane or heron, stand on a short undulating groundline directly above the head of the graylag.
The tail of another goose, perhaps a second graylag can be seen just to the left of the break in the
plaster. Throughout this scene bits of red grain fall, likely tossed by men, against the yellow
background.462
In addition to the fragments of painted decoration which are positively attributed to the
eight rooms463 on the west side of the North-East Court, two fragments are known which can not
be assigned to a specific room on the west side of the court. These fragments, which appear to
have been adjacent to one another, depict the feet of four birds (Plate 3.34).464 While it is
impossible to positively identify the birds, the fact that two pairs of feet are grouped with little
room between the feet might indicate that these are long legged birds rather than geese, as geese
are more apt to have a larger space between their feet.
Only three out of the six rooms on the north side of the court had any preserved
fragments of the visual program. Only the remains of painted torus molding with blue lines on
yellow, probably from a door, were found in Room 9, located in the north-western corner of the
courtyard.465 Room 12, also known as the Green Room, is the best preserved of all the rooms in
460
Patrick F. Houlihan, The Birds of Ancient Egypt (Warminster UK: Aris and Phillips, 1986), 83-
88.
461
Ibid., 54.
462
Weatherhead, 154, fig. 79, pl. 21-22.
463
Room 8 appears to have had no evidence preserved for its visual program.
464
Weatherhead, 157.
465
Ibid.
100
the North Palace. The room was not accessible directly from the court but rather from Room 11
directly to the west. The room featured a large window which Kemp and Weatherhead suggest
was closed with a wooden screen, making it unique amongst the rooms of the North East
Court.466 In reference to the room’s visual program Davies opined:
[I]ts wall-surfaces…were adorned with one continuous picture of a decorative sort, the
monotony of which is tempered by such an infinite variety of detail as to constitute a
‘papering’ of the most restful tone, over which the eye could wander with ever-renewed
delight, whether it was in a mood to dwell on the grace of its line and charming detail, or
only to be subject unconsciously to a quiet and sunny influence.467
Whether or not we are to agree with Davies’s opinion on the intended purpose of the visual
program as little more than an attempt to provide a visually pleasing setting, it is impossible not
to see the pure artistry, sensitivity to detail and naturalism that establishes the Green Room’s
program as one of the hallmarks of Egyptian art (Figures 3.35, 3.37, 3.38). Additionally, the
room’s visual program is far better preserved than any other room at Amarna, with at least some
painted imagery being found on each of the four walls, a fact Weatherhead attributes to the larger
use of green for the background, a pigment which she argues is more likely to remain intact, or,
as this author wonders, may have been preserved due to the circumstances of the room’s collapse
(Plate 3.36).468
The room was decorated with minimal use of the frame design, most likely only around
the window, which was placed on the south wall looking out into the courtyard, the doorway and
the top of the wall.469 The black dado, measuring between 55 and 60 centimeters, appears to have
run directly into the black band at the bottom of the picture area. This area depicted a waterbank
466
Kemp and Weatherhead, 513.
467
468
Weatherhead, 158.
469
Ibid., 160; Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 60.
101
design. At the bottom was a strip of black ground, perhaps representing the banks of the Nile,
dotted with small formulaic plants. Above this was a rectangular band of water out of which
grew lotus flowers and pads in a rather traditional mode of representation. Noticeably absent is
any depiction of fish or swimming birds, which are often seen in Nilotic designs, such as those
from Malqata. A second black band with riverside vegetation appears directly above the
waterline although the upper edge of this band undulates in a uniform pattern. Above this band
rise large stalks of papyrus. The stalks, depicted against a green band, rise upwards towards the
now lost portion of the wall although several large stalks end prematurely below the break, either
bending in the wind or under the weight of a bird, or as shorter stalks or unopened buds (Plate
3.37). An occasional lotus flower rises into the mass of papyrus stalks adding contrasting
color.470 Within the papyrus stalks are a number of birds including rock doves (Columba livia),471
laughing doves (Spilopelia senegalensis) (Figures 3.35 and 3.40),472a pied kingfisher (Ceryle
rudis) (Plate 3.40)473 and a shrike (Plate 3.39).474 While nothing remains to indicate what
occurred above the break Davies suggested that “[w]e must imagine new tiers of spreading
umbels, merging irregularly at the top in a bright melée of duck and other birds who wing up and
470
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 59-60.
471
Ibid., 59; Houlihan, 101-103; Bertel Brunn, Common Birds of Egypt (Cairo: American
University Press, 1985), 28; Steven M. Goodman and Peter L. Meininger eds., The Birds of Egypt (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1989), 309-311.
472
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 59; Houlihan, 159; Goodman and Meininger,
315-317; Brunn, 28.
473
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 59; Houlihan, 114-116.
474
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 60. Davies refers to this as a “pied shrike,”
which undoubtedly does not refer to the Pied Shrike-babbler (Pteruthius flaviscapis) which is only native to
Java. Rather the shrike referred to by Davies is likely either a Red-back Shrike, a Masked Shrike, or a
Great Grey Shrike. Goodman and Meininger, 441-448; Houlihan, 126-128. Identification is difficult as
while it appears to have the “masked” marking of the Masked Shrike around the eye the coloration of the
remained of the bird is more similar to the Great Grey Shrike. It is most likely though the Masked Shrike
as the facial markings are more characteristic than the body marking.
102
down against a pale sky, while gay butterflies add their smaller beauty to the coloration.”475
While Davies reconstructed both the ceiling and floor as having been painted a stark white,476
Weatherhead notes that recent work carried out by Kemp indicates that the gypsum wash found
along the edge of the flower extends 7 centimeters up the wall in some places, perhaps indicating
the it was meant to be only a thin band of white.477
A unique feature of the Green Room was the presence of rows of niches measuring
approximately 22 centimeters high, 12 centimeters wide and 18 centimeters deep.478 These
niches occurred in two rows on the east and west walls and apparently in a single row on the
north wall (Figures 3.37, 3.38, 3.41).479 The niches, which seemingly interrupt the Nilotic scenes,
were bordered with a blue band enclosed within a black frame. Below the niches in the upper
row on the west wall and both rows on the east wall were painted a rectangular blue pool
enclosed within a thick black border (Plate 3.40). Weatherhead suggests that the borders
indicates that water played some role in what was placed in the niches and forwards A. Boyce’s
suggestion that potted papyrus plants were perhaps kept in the niches, adding a three dimensional
element to the room’s visual program.480
Room 14 was the only other room on the north side of the North-East Court to have
preserved any fragment of a visual program. A large square pier sat in the center of the room, on
475
476
Ibid.
477
Weatherhead, 166.
478
Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 61; Weatherhead, 166.
479
480
Weatherhead, 166. Depictions of palaces from private tombs at Amarna make it very clear
that floral cuttings and garlands were an important part of the visual programs of palaces. It is likely that
these elements were used to compliment the programs executed in painted plaster, faience, wood and other
mediums throughout the palace.
103
which remains of painted plaster depicting a waterbank design were discovered.481 Like the
motifs of the Green Room, the waterbank design featured a 21 centimeter wide stretch of water
populated by lotus flowers with blank bands representing the shore above and below the water.482
Above this band of water and shore was a dense mass of yellow plant stalks from which sprouted
green leaves, which Davies identifies as “rushes.”483 (Plate 3.42) A large white mass extended
down into one area of the stalks on the west side of the pier which was clearly the tail of a now
lost bird.484
An originally unpublished excavation identified by Weatherhead as having come from an
unidentified wall of this room shows the lower left hand corner of typical banded picture frame
(Plate 3.43).485 Inside the presumably yellow ground picture area Weatherhead was able to
identify the stout legs of a goose.486 This suggests that at least one wall of the room was adorned
with the fowl feeding motif, marking the only occasion where the two motifs are shown in close
proximity to one another.
Eight of the ten rooms, numbered 15 through 24, on the eastern side of the North-East
Court contained at least some fragment of painted decoration when originally excavated, with
only rooms 15 and 24 lacking any fragment of decoration. Yet the excavation reports indicate
that these fragments were limited to black dados, colorful banded picture frames and yellow
481
482
483
484
Weatherhead, 169. While the shape strongly resembles the body and tail of a bird of some sort
Davies suggested that it was a white blossom, only adding the possibility that it was a bird as a side note in
parentheses. Davies, “The Paintings of the Northern Palace,” 70.
485
Weatherhead, 169, pl. 29.
486
Ibid., 169.
104
ground with no preserved subject matter.487 Seemingly in contradiction to the excavation reports,
Davies stated that in addition to these elements, evidence was also found of scenes with a ground
of “a deep yellow ochre, dotted with the red grain and with the white or gray feathers which have
fallen from the birds.”488
A brief discussion of the intended purpose of this palace must be made to allow its visual
program to be fully understood. On this issue Kemp opines “[o]f all the royal buildings at
Amarna, the North Palace requires the least imagination to turn it into a habitation.”489 The
earliest explanation for the North Palace’s purpose was put forward by its original excavator F.G.
Newton suggesting that it was a winter palace, sheltered from the wind by the cliffs.490
Alexander Badawy argued, based on the animal pens, that the palace was recreational in nature.491
Excavations have revealed a large number of inscribed blocks with the names of Akhenaten’s
eldest daughter Meryetaten492 and Kiya, a minor wife of Akhenaten.493 More recently, Kate
Spence has argued that the palace was most likely ritualistic.494 Indeed, the east-west orientation
seems to supports Spence’s argument. If so, this does not conflict with the evidence for
487
Ibid., 147, 172-179.
488
489
490
Newton, 298.
491
Badawy, Egyptian Architecture, 89-90.
492
493
Nicholoas Reeves, “New Light on Kiya from Texts in the British Museum,” JEA 74 (1988):
93-98, 100-101.
494
105
habitation by female members of the royal family as it may have related to ritual activities
connected with kingship carried out by these royal women.495
The Great Palace
The largest of the palatial structures at Amarna, the Great Palace was situated to the west
of the Royal Road in the Central City, in close proximity to both of the Aten temples (Plate 3.3).
The palace was first excavated by Petrie between 1891 and 1892, and was referred to by him as
“The Palace.”496 Further excavations were carried out by the Egypt Exploration Society under
Pendlebury between 1934 and 1936.497 The palace was roughly rectangular with a north-south
orientation running directly along the western edge of the Royal Road. The excavated portions of
the structure measure approximately 700 meters from north to south.498 Although the palace is
now bisected by the modern cultivation, it is possible, owing to the generally symmetrical nature
of Egyptian architecture and the excavated areas of the palace, to reasonably reconstruct the area
now under the cultivation (Figures 3.44 and 3.45). The palace was originally designed around a
general tri-partite plan. The northernmost portion of the palace, now mostly lost, appeared to
have been composed of wings made of mudbrick flanking a central court on the east and the
west.499 Only the eastern wing was preserved and excavated. Here Pendlebury uncovered a
495
Indeed Gay Robins has used the visual program of the small golden shrine of Tutankhamun to
argue for these rituals carried out in this case by Ankhsenamun. Gay Robins, “Interpreting the Decorative
Program and Function of Tutankhamun’s Small Golden Shrine.” Lecture presented at the annual meeting of
The American Research Center in Egypt, Toledo Ohio, 20-22 April 2007.
496
William Flinders Petrie, Tell el Amarna (London: Methune and Co., 1894), 1, 7-15. Petrie
believed that this was the only palace at the site.
497
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 33-85.
498
Ibid., 33.
499
Ibid., 35-38. Nothing remains of the northern most end of the palace.
106
series of small houses built within the mudbrick wing which he interpreted as the servant’s
quarters and magazines.500 A large structure known as the Weben-Aten, perhaps a pylon or
Window of Appearance-like structure, divided the first court from a second large court which, for
unknown reasons, was called the “Broad Hall” by the excavators.501 Like the first court this
courtyard would have undoubtedly been framed on both the east and west side by palatial
structures, although only those on the eastern side survive. The structures on the east side, which
were separated from the Broad Hall by a stone wall, were described by Pendlebury as the “North
Harem” which he divided into the “Garden Court” to the north and the “Throne Room Complex”
to the south (Plate 3.46).502 The southern third of the palace, dubbed the “State Apartments” by
Pendlebury, was composed of a series of grand stone chambers, some of which appear to have
been open to the sky, built symmetrically along the north-south axis of the palace (Plate 3.44).503
A series of mudbrick structures, apparently residential in nature, ran along the eastern side of the
more formal stone edifice which Pendlebury termed the “South Harem” and the “Magazines
(Plate 3.46).”504 Immediately to the south was a structure known as the “Coronation Hall,” a
series of courtyards and halls filled with rectangular piers (Plate 3.46).505 A number of mudbricks
were found in the hall stamped with the name of Smenkhare, indicating that the structure was
built at the end of the Amarna period.506 Indeed, Pendlebury discovered rubbish pits and the
500
Ibid.
501
Ibid.,50-51. Although Pendlebury describes the “Broad Hall” as a “spacious court or parade
ground,” he continues to use the phrase “Hall.” See Ibid., 34.
502
Ibid., 38-44; Weatherhead, 1; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 8.
503
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 54-60, Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 7.
504
Ibid., 44-45, 46-48.
505
Ibid., 60. It should be noted that Weatherhead uses the term “Coronation Halls” while
Pendlebury describes the area as the “Coronation Hall.” Weatherhead, 59-61.
506
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 60.
107
remains of trees under the halls, indicating that the area may originally have been a royal garden
attached to the palace.507
As the name suggests, the Garden Court was centered on a sunken rectangular garden
(Figures 3.47 and 3.48). On both the east and west sides of the garden was a low wall which
supported piers, a combination which created the appearance of a low screen wall.508 Beyond this
screen wall, a peristyle fronted small cubicles measuring two meters in length and a meter in
width.509 Petrie originally identified the cubicles as the bed chambers of the royal harem, based
in no small part on the discovery of the names of Nefertiti on the well-coping in the sunken
garden.510 Pendlebury provided a different interpretation, identifying the chambers as storage
rooms.511 More recently, Fran Weatherhead has deconstructed both of these suggestions, instead
arguing that the courtyard was intended for religious activities of the king.512
The Garden Court appears to have been rather lavishly painted, although Weatherhead
notes that the evidence for the court’s visual program was poorly documented by the
excavators.513 The screen walls on either side of the sunken garden were extensively painted.
Petrie records on the side on the eastern wall facing the garden a depiction of “a lake, lotus plants,
an overseer and servants with cattle, a winding canal and boats sailing on it, the shores being
507
Ibid.
508
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 38-39, pl. XV.1.
509
Weatherhead, 1.
510
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 8, pl. X.5. While Petrie did not identify the queen by name in his text
the plate of the inscription clearly shows the titulary of Nefertari.
511
512
Weatherhead, 31.
513
Ibid., 1 n.3.
108
painted black to shew [sic] the Nile mud.”514 Little evidence for this motif is recorded, as Petrie’s
scale color reproduction has been lost.515 Weatherhead utilized a reconstruction produced by
Lavers for Pendlebury’s publication of the Garden Court (Plate 3.48)516 to produce a
reconstruction of this Nilotic design (Plate 3.49).517 The wall appears to have featured an
undulating river bordered on both sides by a representation of the shore which follows the same
contours of the river, all of which formed a sort of dado, taking up all the space below the
windows between the piers.518 On the piers themselves were depictions of marsh plants as well as
boats and standing figures with their hands held out in a pose similar to that used by figures who
are presenting an offering. The western wall undoubtedly bore similar designs although it was
badly denuded, leaving only depictions of “a few large objects of dark brown on a yellow
background.”519
On the interior side of the eastern screen wall, Pendlebury discovered remains of a
painted false door panel on a yellow ground which appears to have been 62.5 centimeters in
height.520 Pendlebury described the remains of a scene of “baskets on a wicker stand” as part of
the same wall.521 Weatherhead interprets this as indicating that a depiction of produce on stands, a
514
515
Weatherhead, 4.
516
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. XV.1.
517
Weatherhead, 4-5, fig. 6.
518
Ibid., 4-5.
519
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 39
520
521
109
motif that as will be seen shortly is fairly common in the Great Palace, originally was found
above the false door panel.522
The cubicles were painted white, although the remains of red and yellow paint on the
walls523 suggest to Weatherhead that they may have been painted with false door panels.524 Both
Petrie and Pendlebury describe the discovery of limestone and plaster door jambs and lintels.525
The fluted jambs were carved with standard royal titulary.526 The lintels were composed of a
band of texts presenting the titulary of Akhenaten, Nefertari, and the Aten527 and a cavetto cornice
painted blue, red, and green on a bright yellow ground.528
The walls of the peristyle halls between the doorways of the cubicles likewise were found
with fragments of preserved paint. The north facing wall immediately adjacent to the
southernmost cubicle on the east side of the court bore a design of two rows of grapes piled on
red dishes on stands against a yellow background529 which stood 2 to 3 centimeters above the
ground (Plate 3.50).530 Between the second and third cubicles from the south on this same side of
the court was found a depiction of six sealed wine amphorae (Plate 3.51).531 Between the
522
Weatherhead, 6.
523
524
Weatherhead, 7.
525
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 39; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 11.
526
Ibid.
527
Ibid.
528
529
Ibid., 39, Fig. 9.
530
Weatherhead, 8.
531
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 39; Weatherhead, 8.
110
remaining cubicles were found badly preserved fragments of produce on stands, ritual bouquets,
jars and boxes with slanted lids.532 A single fragment of painted plaster was found on the walls
outside the cubicles on the west side which shows a false door panel.533
At the southern end of the garden court was a peristyle with two rows of columns. While
the column bases seem to imply that the columns were wooden, fragments of stone columns with
scenes of the royal family were found. This suggested to Pendlebury that the wooden columns
may have been replaced by stone columns after the initial construction of the building.534
Excavation notes indicate that the eastern wall of the peristyle featured the remains of a scene
depicting animals and humans utilizing red and blue paint on a yellow background, although no
other information about the motif is recorded.535
Immediately to the south of the peristyle was a columned cross hall that marks the
entrance to the large Throne Room Complex (Figures 3.46, 3.52).536 The hall, referred to by
Pendlebury as Room E, was the discovery location of the “Great Pavement”, the most intact and
expansive piece of decorated pavement yet found (Figures 3.53 and 3.54).537 Hall E featured two
rows of eight columns each and measured approximately 101 square meters. After final
excavation, 78 square meters of painted pavement was discovered.538
532
Weatherhead, 9-10; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 39; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 15.
533
534
Ibid. A search of the catalogues of the British Museum and the Museum of Fine Arts, which
received the column fragments, shows that most featured cartouches or other parts of the royal titulary
although the feet and legs of some figures are preserved making it difficult to ascertain the exact nature of
the motifs carved on the columns.
535
Weatherhead, 6.
536
Weatherhead, 10.
537
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 40; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 12-14.
538
Weatherhead, 12.
111
The floor was separated into two equal halves by a processional route that ran north-south
from the door into the garden court and a second doorway along the same axis to the south (Plate
3.55).539 The processional route was paved with depictions of bound foreign captives, Asiatics
and Nubians interspaced between groups of three bows (Plate 3.53).540
On either side of this pathway was placed a Nilotic motif. In both cases the scene
included a depiction of a rectangular pool in the center with swimming ducks, fish, lily pads and
flowers.541 This was then surrounded by a frame composed of black and red bands.542 Outside of
this framing area was a wide band depicting a thicket of papyrus, Arundo donax (Giant Cane) and
other marsh plants with alighting birds, leaping calves and an occasional butterfly, grasshopper
and dragonfly interspersed.543 This band wrapped around all four sides of the inner picture
area.544 On the north and south sides of the pavement was an additional band depicting a similar
thicket with similar flora and fauna.545 Wrapping around all four sides of this motif was a band
depicting alternating offering stands, containing what Weatherhead suggests may be unguent
cones, and floral bouquets.546 While both sides of the room were apparently alike in the content of
539
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 12-14.
540
Ibid. 13; Fran Weatherhead, “Painted Pavements in the Great Palace at Amarna,” JEA 78
(1992), 183.
541
Ibid.
542
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. II.
543
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 13; Weatherhead, 14, fig. 13. In addition Alix Wilkinson has identified
Phragmites australis, Cyperus alopecuroides, Cyperus esculentus, Cyperus rotundus, and convolvulus in
these thickets. Alix Wilkinson, The Garden in Ancient Egypt (London: The Rubicon Press, 1998) 147.
544
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. II; Weatherhead, “Painted Pavements,” 183.
545
Ibid.
546
Ibid.
112
the motif Petrie notes “[t]he artist who did the eastern half of the room was far inferior to the
other,”547 and while he apparently had every intent to copy both sides, a line drawing was only
made of the floor of the western half of the room.548 In a few places the plaster had worn away
revealing an earlier floor painting below. Like the later design it featured fish in a pool, although
the fact that this motif is visible under an area depicting a marsh thicket indicates that the original
painting was not laid out in the same manner.549
A few fragments of wall painting were also found in Room E allowing for a more
complete understanding of the room’s visual program.550 Petrie described the remains of the
visual program as a false-door dado, 75 centimeters in height, above which was placed a
depiction of palatial activities.551 Based on the drawings done by Petrie552 one can reconstruct a
long register of servants performing various tasks including sweeping, sprinkling water on the
ground and carrying vessels, all intermixed with fragments of palatial architecture (Plate 3.56).553
It can be assumed based on representations of palatial activities from Amarna private tombs554
that this register may have been part of a much larger scene depicting palatial activity, perhaps
547
548
Weatherhead, “Painted Pavements,” 183.
549
550
Ibid., 14- 15.
551
Ibid., 14.
552
Two of which were only recently published by Weatherhead. See Fran Weatherhead, “Wall-
painting from the North Harim in the Great Palace at Amarna,” JEA 80 (1994): 198-201; N. de G. Davies,
“Mural Paintings in the City of Akhenaten.” The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 7 (1921): 2, pl. II-III.
553
Weatherhead, “Wall-painting from the North Harim,” 198-201; Weatherhead, 23-28; Petrie,
Tell el-Amarna, 14- 15, pl. V.
554
The specifics of these scenes will be discussed in Chapter V.
113
with a representation of the king or the royal family either above the register or beyond. In any
case this is simply speculation.
Just to the south was discovered a chamber, roughly square in shape, which Pendlebury
has termed the Main Hall.555 The hall is dominated by four rows of four columns which are
divided into four areas by two processional pathways, of which the north-south pathway is simply
the continuation of the pathway from Room E, which intersect in the center of the room (Plate
3.57). Like Room E, the Main Hall is particularly well known for its vividly painted pavements
which Petrie describes as being the same motif as those found in Room E, although in much
worse condition.556 This can be interpreted as indicating that each of the four areas contained a
representation of a pool surrounded by the thicket of marsh plants and animals. Indeed the few
preserved fragments from the Main Hall confirm this supposition.557 The two intersecting
pathways bore representations of the same bound foreign prisoners and bows that were found in
Room E.558 Based on the design of the room and the presence of the two pathways, Weatherhead
has rather convincingly argued that the Main Hall was a Throne Room. She suggests that the
north-south pathway, which culminated in the center of the southern wall of the room, provided a
processional route for the king alone from the Garden Court to the throne which would have been
placed against this wall at the terminus of the pathway. The east-west path, which leads into
Room F to the east, was intended to provide the king with a processional pathway into the inner
rooms.559
555
556
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 14. Unfortunately Petrie never published the 1:10 scale color
facsimiles he executed leaving Weatherhead with the task of reassembling the floor from his site note
books and a few preserved fragments. See Weatherhead, “Painted Pavements,” 184.
557
Ibid., 184-185, fig. 2.
558
Ibid., 184-185.
559
Ibid., 190-194.
114
Room F (Plate 3.52) was a rectangular columned room located just to the southeast of the
Main Hall. A doorway in the northwest corner of the room allowed the east-west running line of
bound figures and bows to enter into the room before turning ninety-degrees to continue south
down the center of the room (Plate 3.58). Based on Petrie’s unpublished drawings560 it can be
concluded that the design of the pavements was similar to that found in the two previous
chambers (Plate 3.58). On either side of the processional route was located a depiction of a pool
with fish, identified by Weatherhead as mullet and “bolti,” ducks, lily pads and lotus flowers. All
are oriented in such a manner as to be best viewed by someone walking south along the
pathway.561 Wrapping around all four sides of the pools was a band depicting marsh plants along
with leaping cattle and alighting birds, although here Weatherhead points to the presence of some
garden plants, specifically cornflowers and poppies.562 The only major anomaly is a single calf
being attacked by a lion shown in mid-pounce (Plate 3.59).563 The outer border of stands and
bouquets is only preserved on the north and east sides of the room, although this border
undoubtedly surrounded the entire painted pavement.564
The rooms directly to the south of the Main Hall, which most likely were attached to
Room F via passageways, (Plate 3.52) were greatly denuded, making it virtually impossible to
identify the plan of this part of the Throne Room Complex with any certainty.565 Indeed, several
rooms described by Pendlebury have no noticeable way of being accessed from the rest of the
560
Rediscovered by Weatherhead. See Ibid., 185-187.
561
Ibid., 187-190. “Bolti” being the modern Arabic word for Tilapia.
562
Ibid., 190.
563
564
Weatherhead, “Painted Pavements,” 190.
565
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 40-41
.
115
palace.566 If Weatherhead’s suggestion that the Main Hall was a throne room is correct, then it
would reason that these chambers were the personal rooms of the king.567 The floor of Room G,
an annex directly south of Room F, was recorded by Petrie as bearing “border pattern.”568
Pendlebury added a description of the floor as containing “flowers in vases”569 both of which
Weatherhead identifies as referring to the motif of bouquets and stands.570 Immediately to the
west of the Room G were a series of cubicles, all of which bore painted pavements.
Unfortunately only the easternmost cubicle was preserved well enough to provide any evidence
as to the motifs of these floors.571 In the case of this room, which Weatherhead has designated
“X”, the floor pavements bore a depiction of blue papyrus stalks (Plate 3.60).572
The painted pavement of Corridor H, located directly south of the Main Hall (Plate 3.52),
was preserved well enough for Pendlebury to produce a reconstruction showing a motif of a grape
vine with leaves and grape clusters with a border of ceremonial bouquets and grapes on offering
stands (Plate 3.61).573 Adjacent to Corridor H on the western side was a long hall which has been
designated J and Y by Pendlebury and Weatherhead (Plate 3.52).574 The northernmost section,
566
See for example Rooms H and J on plate XIII in Ibid.
567
Malqata has a similar design with the king’s toilet and bedroom being placed behind the throne
room. See page 56.
568
569
570
Weatherhead, 21.
571
572
Ibid.; Weatherhead, 21, fig. 19.
573
574
Ibid.; Weatherhead, 21. Weatherhead uses both labels referring to the northern most section of
the corridor as “J” and the southern portion as “Y.” Her description clearly indicates that she interprets the
southern portion of the corridor to be a distinct room, referring to it as a “small lobby west of the cubicles.”
116
designated as Corridor J, featured painted pavement depicting horizontal registers, each with two
marsh plants, between a banded frame border (Plate 3.62).575 The southernmost portion of
Corridor J (Room Y according to Weatherhead), contained a badly damaged pavement which
depicted of ducks and flowers, seemingly continuing the Nilotic
motif.576
The South Harem was centered upon a long sunken garden (Plate 3.63). To the east was
a court with a plaster and stone lined tank which Pendlebury suggests may have originally
contained a central stone feature, perhaps a fountain.577 This chamber was flanked on the north
and south by columned vestibules behind which were found three small cubicles and a
stairway.578 The only evidence for a visual program found here were three limestone fish which
Pendlebury believes might have originally adorned the pool.579 To the west was located a
columned hall, referred to as Hall N, which may have been separated from the garden by a stone
wall from which branched a number of small chambers, two of which were had columns.580
Pendlebury notes that “[a]ll these rooms have painted pavements” although he does not
elaborate on their design.581 It was left to Weatherhead to reconstruct the design based on
Ibid. Despite this Weatherhead’s plan of this portion of the palace (her figure 11) shows the two rooms as a
continuous hallway, in comparison to the two separate rooms designated by Pendlebury on his plan,
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, XIII A. Once again the confusion must stem from the extremely
denuded nature of this portion of the palace.
575
576
577
578
Ibid.
579
Ibid., footnote 1. Objects 35/ 395-397, pl. LXXIII.4; Weatherhead, 31.
580
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 44. See figures 24 and 25 in Weatherhead.
581
117
unpublished tracings in the collection of the Egypt Exploration Society made by H.W. Fairman
during Pendlebury’s excavations.582 Hall N appears to have bore a painted pavement similar to
those found in the Throne Room Complex (Plate 3.64). A line of bound captives, of which only
one remains, ran down the center of the hall running east-west with rectangular framed areas to
the north and south depicting a body of water with fish and aquatic plants surrounded by a marsh
with alighting birds.583 What is unique about this depiction is the presence of humans in the form
of figures on papyrus skiffs harvesting the bounty of the waters.584 In addition to the human
figures, a calf is present in both skiffs found in the southern half of the room (Plate 3.65).585
In Room 10,586 a square chamber with an annex to the east, the northern half of a framed
scene was found which featured a row of bound foreigners and bows running down the center
(Plate 3.66). On the eastern side of the fragmented pavement was a depiction of a papyrus thicket
with the hindquarters of a leaping bovid. The opposite side contained a badly damaged
representation of similar marsh plants.587 Of interest is the fact that the row of bound figures is
restricted on the northern edge by the border, while in other examples of this same type of motif
the bound figures are not contained within the same border that contains the other figural
motifs.588 This indicates to Weatherhead that this might mark the northern terminus of the
582
Weatherhead, 32-33. Weatherhead was able to assign these tracing to rooms primarily through
the comparison of dimensions of the drawings to the dimensions of the rooms.
583
Weatherhead, 34-41.
584
Ibid., 36.
585
Ibid.
586
Weatherhead notes that room numbers appear on unpublished documents but never in
Pendlebury’s excavation reports. Ibid., 41.
587
Ibid., 41-44.
588
Ibid., 42.
118
processional route that wound its way through this portion of the South Harem.589 In the room’s
annex was found an almost complete rectangular framed pavement with a representation of two
birds alighting from an assemblage of marsh plants (Plate 3.67).590 Room 13 contained a painted
pavement featuring a framed picture area depicting marsh plants although no evidence for birds
or calves was preserved.591 Room 4A, the location of which is unknown, featured a similar motif
in its painted pavement.592 In comparison the painted pavements of both rooms 12 and 9 featured
representations of ceremonial bouquets between produce on offering stands. In the case of room
12, the produce consisted of grapes in a bowl (Plate 3.68).593
A single corridor at the northern end of the western suite of rooms seems to have
contained wall painting. On the north wall Pendlebury identified the feet of a large male figure
and part of a river scene. On the south wall were found fragments of a chariot scene and parts of
a boat.594
The courtyard with the sunken garden, upon which the South Harem was centered, led
directly south to the entrance corridor to the bridge that crossed the Royal Road. Immediately
opposite this grand entrance was found the remains of a bricked up doorway that undoubtedly
connected the Magazines to the South Harem.595 In this doorway Pendlebury discovered a false-
589
Ibid.
590
Ibid., 44.
591
Ibid.
592
Ibid. Weatherhead notes that the annotation on the tracing may read “4A” but she could find
no evidence from the excavation reports of where this room was located.
593
Ibid., 44-45.
594
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 44- 45.
595
Ibid., 46-47. Presumably the doorway was bricked up when the bridge was added at a later
date. This perhaps indicates that it would have been inappropriate for a person to have direct access to the
storeroom area from the bridge entrance corridor, either for security reasons or perhaps it would have been
119
door dado which covered at least two walls. These undoubtedly predated the construction of the
bridge, as they were later whitewashed when the doorway was bricked up.596 A chamber in the
northeast corner of the Magazines featured a wall painted yellow, but the extent of this paint and
whether it served as ground for a figural program is unknown.597 It seems likely that this was a
background for a now lost figural program, as yellow is not commonly used as a blank wall paint.
The area of the palace that Pendlebury termed The State Apartments was built primarily
of stone.598 Although the stone portions of the palace had been largely dismantled, Petrie and
Pendlebury discovered some examples of visual programs executed in stone.599 The reliefs from
the State Apartments fall into two general categories: representations of the palatial estate and
depictions of Nilotic motifs,600 although the division between these two categories is not always
clear. Representations of the royal estate and related activities are generally depictions of the
royal family engaged in acts of solar worship (Plate 3.69),601 of servants engaged in their duties
(Plate 3.70),602 or courtiers paying respect to the royal family (Plate 3.71).603 Several fragments
unseemly for a passage to open directly from this area to the corridor which was undoubtedly reserved for
the royal family.
596
Ibid., 47.
597
Ibid.
598
Ibid., 54-60, Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 7.
599
Kemp and Weatherhead, 498.
600
Ibid.
601
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. LXIX 4-5, 8, LXX 12. Two representations of the
king as a sphinx worshipping the sun were also found in this portion of the palace. Ibid., LXVIII 3-4. A
representation of a dead ungulate on its back with the rays of the Aten reaching towards it is undoubtedly
part of an offering scene with the royal family. Ibid., LXIX 8.
602
Ibid., LXVIII 9, LXX, 10; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. XI 7, 9.
603
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. LXX 11.
120
include depictions of palatial architectural features, of which several also included depictions of
floral, undoubtedly part of a palatial garden.604 One particular fragment appears to show a shrine,
as it depicts a structure supported by papyriform columns with an Aten disk above immediately
next to a second structure with Hathor head columns (Plate 3.72).605 Nilotic motifs are not as
common but are recognizable due to their depictions of marsh plants and leaping ungulates.606
One fragment discovered by Petrie demonstrates, in fact, that these two motifs are intimately
intertwined. On the left side of the fragmented piece of limestone, two ungulates leap amongst
marsh plants. The right side depicts the interior of a palace complete with a royal bed and
clothing boxes. A thick wall divides the two motifs yet makes it clear that the palace is located
within the Nile marsh (Plate 3.73).607
A stone column found by Petrie in the southeastern portion of the State Apartments is
described as replicating the “variety and naturalism sought by copying the curves of tree trunks”
in its shape.608 A convolvulus vine is carved into the column adding a further sense of realism to
the column. Petrie was so impressed by the column that he commented “[t]he surface decoration
is unique to Egypt, and can only be paralleled in mediæval art.”609 This motif was likely an
extension of the Nilotic motifs found elsewhere in the palace.
A single example of painted pavement was found in the State Apartments. A columned
pavilion which juts out from the State Apartments into the Broad Hall to the north (Plate 3.44)
604
Ibid., pl. LXVIII, 5, 6, 8, LXX 7.
605
Ibid., pl. LXX, 8.
606
Ibid., pl. LXVIII 2,7, LXIX 7 center.
607
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. IX.
608
Ibid., 10.
609
Ibid.
121
was flanked on the west side by a pavement depicting two rows of false-door panels contained
within a framed border (Plate 3.74). Unlike the other pavements at Amarna, which were executed
in gypsum plaster, the pavement was executed in mud.610 Fragments of similar painted mud
plaster pavements were mentioned by Pendlebury as having occurred in areas immediately
adjacent to the preserved section, indicating that the design might have run the length of the north
wall of the State Apartments.611
Additional evidence for painted visual programs was found in the “Coronation Hall,” a
series of large mudbrick halls added as a southern expansion of the Great Palace (Plate 3.45),
perhaps during the reign of Smenkhare as is indicated by bricks stamped with his cartouche
within the structure.612 The complex was composed of an entry court with a columned portico on
three sides and flanked on the east and west by columned chambers. Beyond was an immense
chamber filled with thirty-two rows of seventeen square piers, which Pendlebury describes as the
Main Hall.613 A door in the south wall opened onto an open roofed court which was flanked by
two long columned chambers on the east and west sides.614 The design of the complex bears some
resemblance to throne rooms and audience chambers found in the North Palace and the King’s
House at Amarna as well as the King’s Palace at Malqata, specifically the plan of the structure as
a large rectangular space dominated by columns or piers (Plate 3.75). This indicates that the
Main Hall or possibly the open court yard served as a rather large audience chamber, despite the
610
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 53, fig. 13.
611
Ibid.
612
Weatherhead, 59-61; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 60. Below this structure
Pendlebury discovered rubbish pits and the remains of trees, which might indicate that this area was a
garden prior to the construction of the Coronation Halls, see Ibid. It should be noted that Weatherhead uses
the term “Coronation Halls” while Pendlebury describes the area as the “Coronation Hall.”
613
Pendlebury, 60.
614
Ibid., 61.
122
fact that no throne dais is mentioned in the archaeological literature. It was in the Main Hall that
Pendlebury found remains of painted plaster bearing a representation of a grape arbor composed
of grape vines, leaves and clusters on a yellow background which he interpreted as coming from
the ceiling or support beams.615 Weatherhead has identified fragments of painted plaster
depicting ducks in the Petrie museum which are painted on similar plaster to fragments of a grape
arbor discovered by Petrie in the northern portion of the Coronation Hall.616 This perhaps
indicates that in addition to a grape arbor the ceiling also bore a representation of alighting
ducks.617 Additionally evidence was discovered by both Petrie and Pendlebury which indicated
that the majority of the Coronation Hall was whitewashed and adorned with faience inlays of
vegetative designs.618
The Bridge
Connecting the Great Palace to the King’s House directly across the Royal Road was a
bridge made of mudbrick and cedar planks. Supported by two massive piers the bridge provided
three portals through which traffic on the Royal Road could pass (Plate 3.76). The two outer
passages measured approximately 3.5 meters in width while the center portal measured 5 meters.
While the western and central passageways were paved in brick the eastern passageway was
paved in stone, perhaps indicating that it was intended for a different purpose than the other two
portals.619 The Bridge was originally excavated by Petrie who interpreted it as a large pylon or
615
Weatherhead, 61; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 60.
616
Weatherhead, 60; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 7.
617
Weatherhead, 60.
618
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 7; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 60.
619
Ibid., 56.
123
gateway with arched portals,620 a conclusion which Pendlebury flatly refutes pointing to the
structural impossibility of arched portals for the bridge.621 Pendlebury used the presence of
broken plaster fragments, found primarily in the eastern passage, to argue for rooms or a covered
passageway above the bridge.622 While Pendlebury suggested that this was the location of the
Window of Appearance, where the king and queen distributed tribute623 Kemp has argued against
this, positing instead for a large central window which would have provided the royal family with
a grand view of the Central City.624
Weatherhead had divided the painted decoration into two motifs. The first is a depiction
of the royal family as evidenced by two badly damaged faces and several related elements. Only
the carefully and extremely detailed painted area around the eye and the lower edge of a crown
were found of the larger figure. The red color of the face indicates that the figure was male.625
Weatherhead suggests, based on the color and design of the fillet of the crown that the figure,
undoubtedly Akhenaten, was wearing the blue crown (Plate 3.77).626 The second face, originally
identified by Pendlebury as also of Akhenaten, has been reassigned to Nefertiti by Weatherhead
as the skin color, a light red typical of Amarna period women, as well as the presence of earrings,
which are not normally worn by kings, indicated that the figure was female (Plate 3.78).627 The
620
621
622
623
624
Kemp, “Window of Appearance,” 83.
625
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 56; Weatherhead, 64-65.
626
Weatherhead, 65.
627
Weatherhead, 65.
124
face, which is far more intact than that of Akhenaten, preserves the nose, eye, the lower portion of
the crown and a circular earring of black (possibly blue) and white as well as the jaw line. Based
on the lower edge of the crown Weatherhead suggests it may have been Nefertiti’s blue
headdress.628
A small fragment was found which shows a small hand holding an Ankh, undoubtedly
from the end of a ray of the Aten. The nature of the scene is perhaps elucidated by a design at the
far side of the fragment that appears to be the edge of a shebty collar. This indicates that the
scene may originally have depicted a Window of Appearance (Plate 3.79).629 Pendlebury also
described a number of fragments of hieroglyphs which he identified as coming from an early
form of the name of the Aten, and cartouches of Nefertiti and Ankesenpaaten,630 although
Weatherhead found evidence for only a name of the Aten in her examination of the fragments.631
The second major motif found in the ruins of the bridge was of a pool with a lily pad and
garden plants (Plate 3.80). In one case a border divides two sets of plants.632 This has been rather
convincingly reconstructed by Weatherhead as having been a depiction of plants contained within
square plots surrounding a pool, a motif scene in Amarna period tombs (Plate 3.81).633 As
Weatherhead suggests, it is likely that this garden was from a representation of a palatial estate
and was most likely part of the same scene as the royal figures.
628
Ibid., 65-67.
629
Ibid., 67-68.
630
631
Weatherhead, 68-69. She notes that the evidence provided by the fragments of painted plaster
make it impossible to determine which name of the Aten was present.
632
Weatherhead, 71-73, fig. 52.10.
633
Weatherhead, 72. An example can be seen in the tomb of Penthu. See Davies, The Rock
Tombs of El Amarna: Part IV, pl. VIII.
125
The King’s House
The function of the Bridge was to connect the Great Palace to the palatial structure
termed “The King’s House” by Pendlebury.634 The King’s House was actually a small complex
of buildings containing a garden court, magazines and the palace proper all within a brick
enclosure wall (Plate 3.82).635 The garden was entered from the bridge, a ramp immediately
adjacent to the bridge to the south and a third entrance to the north.636 The palace itself was
located immediately to the south. Within the palace proper, a series of support structures and
private chambers surrounded an area which Weatherhead has termed the “north-east block.”(Plate
3.83)637 This block, in which was found all evidence for the visual program of the palace, was
composed of two hypostyle halls south of the throne room and two sets of private apartments.638
The garden and the palace took up about half of the enclosed area with magazines composing the
eastern half.639
The north-east block was entered from the south via a passageway that led into the
Southern Hall, a long chamber with two rows of six columns. Although neither Petrie nor
Pendlebury’s excavations make any reference to painted plaster in this room, a trial excavation
conducted by Weatherhead in 1993 uncovered evidence for dados on several of the walls. While
634
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 87. Petrie was the first to excavate the area and
determined that the structure was a house belonging to a nobleman, which he designated House 13. Petrie,
Tell el-Amarna, 23.
635
636
Ibid.
637
Weatherhead, fig. 54. Pendlebury does say “[t]he most important block…lies to the north-
east”, although he did not give the area a name. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 87.
638
Ibid., 87-88.
639
Ibid., 89-91.
126
the design was too fragmentary to provide for a concrete reconstruction, she was able to confirm
that they were undoubtedly similar to the dados found in the rest of the north-east block, to be
discussed shortly.640
The hypostyle was located immediately to the north of the Southern Hall, sharing an
adjacent wall pierced by two or three portals. Being the same width as the Southern Hall, the
Hypostyle Hall featured seven rows of six columns each. On the east wall of the hall, Pendlebury
discovered an almost intact section of painted dado on the wall. The dado was composed of a
false door panel between which were heraldic plants consisting of alternating papyrus and lilies
(Figures 3.84 and 3.85).641 Weatherhead has discerned from archival excavation photographs that
the second area of painted dado mentioned by Pendlebury was located in the south-east corner of
the room as the photograph shows the dado turning a corner (Plate 3.86).642 The photograph
confirms Pendlebury’s assertion that both segments of dados were identical in composition.643
Pendlebury’s published account makes mention of “painted figures” above the dado but fails to
specify where.644 Weatherhead’s examination of the photographic record indicates to her that
these figures were probably above the dado discovered on the eastern wall, although the
photograph of the wall sheds no light on the nature of these figures.645 Indeed, if they were
present, it is unlikely that anything more than feet would have been preserved.646
640
Weatherhead, 76, 89.
641
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 87, pl. XLVI.3; Weatherhead, 77-78, 86-87.
642
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 87; Weatherhead, 84-85, pl. 11.
643
Ibid., 84-85, pl. 11.
644
645
Weatherhead, 87.
646
See Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. XLVI.3.
127
Immediately to the north of the Hypostyle Hall was a large un-columned chamber (Plate
3.83). Against the northern wall of this room Pendlebury encountered an altar he describes as
having a mudbrick base and a ramp or stairs with “whitewashed roll-top” sides (Plate 3.87).647
Kemp has since argued that the platform was the base for a Window of Appearance648 while
Weatherhead has suggested that it was a throne dais.649 Weatherhead’s investigation of the
King’s House in 1993 revealed that the “roll-top” was composed of torus molding with a cavetto
cornice painted white but stripped with red, blue and green.650
On the western side of the dais Petrie discovered depictions of the lower body of a bound
kneeling foreign rulers which was later re-excavated and described by Pendlebury (Figures 3.88
and 3.89).651 The figures appear to represent bound kneeling Asiatics and Nubians between
bowls of offerings on stands.652 The dress of each figure is ornate and unique, undoubtedly
conforming to traditional depictions of these ethnic groups in Egyptian art.653 Although not
mentioned in Pendlebury’s excavation reports, the remains of a dado, similar to those found in the
Hypostyle Hall, is clearly visible on one wall in one of the photographs taken of the dais.654 The
647
Ibid., 87. Petrie encountered the feature as well as part of it appears on his plan of the
structure and he describes the paintings which adorned it yet he makes no mention of the platform at all.
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna,15, pl. XL.
648
Kemp, “Window of Appearance,” 81-92.
649
Fran Weatherhead, “Wall-Paintings from the King’s House at Amarna,” JEA 81 (1995): 102-
103.
650
Ibid., 99.
651
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna,15; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 88.
652
Weatherhead, 78-80. It is possible that one figure on the front of the dais discovered by
Weatherhead is Libyan as she notes “[t]he foot is painted a paler skin colour…implying that he could have
been of a different race.” Ibid., 79.
653
Ibid., 78-80.
654
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. XLVI.4.
128
work carried out by Weatherhead in 1993 confirmed the presence of the dado on the west wall.655
During this same investigation, Weatherhead encountered a fragment of painted pavement from
within the ruined dais, which depicts the edge of a lotus flower. This indicates that the floors of
the room, or perhaps the dais itself, featured a painted pavement.656
Immediately to the south of the room with the throne dais was located a corridor which
ran the length of the throne room east from the hypostyle hall. During her 1993 investigation,
Weatherhead uncovered largely intact dados of the same design found throughout the King’s
House.657 These were unreported by Pendlebury despite the fact that Weatherhead discovered
that he had piled sand and bricks against the wall in order to protect the fragile paintings.658
This corridor gave access to two nearly identical apartments659 to the south (Plate 3.83).
Each suite of rooms was composed of a front and a rear chamber. In both apartments the front
chamber featured two “L” shaped thin mudbrick walls placed in the center of the room. 660 While
Petrie suggested the walls were intended to support either “mulkafs” (wind catchers) or wooden
ceiling beams,661 Pendlebury suggested they may simply have been screen walls, between which
were hung curtains, which functioned to divide the rooms.662 In the western of the two suites the
655
Weatherhead, “King’s House,” 108-109.
656
Ibid., 109. Unfortunately the lotus could have come from any number of designs including the
Nilotic motif, offering bouquets and heraldic motifs.
657
Ibid., 110.
658
Ibid.
659
Although it is likely that these apartments served a residential function, as will be discussed
below, the use of the term “apartment” is here meant to refer simply to a suite of rooms.
660
661
662
129
rear chamber was divided into two chambers, one of which contained a stone wash basin while
the second contained a stone toilet seat.663 The lower portions of the walls of this suite were
decorated with stripped false door dados with no evidence for the heraldic plants found in the
dados of the other rooms of the palace.664
The eastern suite, while possessing a seemingly identical front room, did not have the
divided rear chamber. In light of the layout of the chambers, which bears a remarkable similarity
to bedchambers and washrooms at Malkata, along with the presence of the washroom amenities,
it is likely that these rooms were residential in nature, perhaps being used as private
apartments.665 On the east wall of the front chamber of this suite Petrie discovered a segment of
virtually intact painted wall plaster measuring almost 165 centimeters in length.666 Now known
as the “Princess Panel,” the fragmented wall painting preserved the lowest portions of a
monumental depiction of Akhenaten, Nefertiti and their daughters at rest (Figures 3.90 and 3.91).
Akhenaten is seated, most likely on a chair or throne, with his feet resting on a red cushion placed
on top of an ornate footstool. Directly opposite the king, Nefertiti sits on a padded cushion
identical to the one on Akhenaten’s footstool.667 Between the two figures stand three princesses.
Although only their feet and legs are preserved, Davies attempted to reconstruct the princesses
using fragments found by Petrie in this room (Plate 3.91).668 In addition to resulting in several
663
Ibid., 88.
664
Weatherhead, 138.
665
Pendlebury reached a similar conclusion. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 88.
666
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 23. The length of the panel was calculated by the author based on a
scale diagram published by Weatherhead. Weatherhead, fig. 62.
667
Davies, “Mural Painting,” 2-4. Davies notes that it is impossible to tell where one cushion
ends and the other begins. He also suggested they might be made of leather. Ibid.
668
Ibid., 4-7, pl. II.
130
unnaturally positioned arms and hands, Davies’ reconstruction included a depiction of one of the
princesses suckling from the largest of the three,669 a motif which Weatherhead describes as “odd
even for Amarna art.”670 Instead, Weatherhead proposes a slightly less awkward arrangement
with the fragment of the suckling princess being relegated to a separate scene of a princess
kissing (Plate 3.92).671 Additionally Weatherhead was able to identify a fragment of painted
plaster excavated by Pendlebury, depicting the back of the head of a princess, as having come
from the central figure.672
Below Nefertiti, seated on smaller versions of the cushion, are two princesses for which
the panel is named (Plate 3.90). Both are nude except for necklaces and earrings. The figure on
the right cups the chin of the other princess in a delicate and affectionate pose. These two figures
are the only completely preserved human figures from an Amarna palace, and are perhaps
indicative of the skill and artistry that would have been found in the figural programs from the
other palaces. To the left of the scene are the remains of a column base with a bowing courtier
beyond. Undoubtedly a similar column framed the scene of the royal family on right in much the
same manner as in similar scenes from Amarna tombs such as Meryre II. 673
The work of Davies to find additional pieces of the Princess Panel from the fragments
collected by Petrie674 as well as Pendlebury’s subsequent excavations in 1931-1932675 resulted in
669
Weatherhead, 91-93.
670
Ibid., 93.
671
Ibid.
672
Ibid., 107, fig. 66.
673
Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna II, pl. XXXII.
674
Davies, “Mural Painting,” 2-4. These fragments are mentioned only in passing by Petrie in his
memoirs. Flinders Petrie, Seventy Years in Archaeology (London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1931),
139.
675
131
the discovery of numerous fragments which undoubtedly belonged to the other walls of this
room. Weatherhead has since catalogued these fragments according to their motifs.676 The vast
majority include body parts of large scale, presumably royal, figures. Included amongst these
fragments were depictions of the neck, shoulders and false beard of Akhenaten.677
Accompanying these figures were servants, courtiers and foreigners. Interestingly, the few
fragments of foreigners appear to depict a standing Asiatic figure whose pose is in sharp contrast
to the bound foreigners found elsewhere in the palace (Plate 3.93).678
Fragments of architectural elements, including windows and columns, and furniture
pieces (mostly fragments of garlands, cushions, chairs and stands) are also quite plentiful.679
While the presence of depictions of columns is expected in these scenes, the window (Plate 3.94)
is rather interesting and fairly unique in Egyptian art. Depictions of windows are most often
found in representations of the exterior of a structure, not an interior, perhaps indicating that the
scene from which this window originates depicted the exterior of a structure as opposed to the
interior.680
676
677
Ibid., 136.
678
Ibid., 98. These fragments are housed in the Petrie Museum. UC2271, UC2272.
679
Ibid., 127-129.
680
Of the twenty-four depictions of the royal palace and palatial activities found in Amarna
tombs, all of which concentrate on depictions of the interior of the palace, not a single one includes a
representation of a window (excluding of course the “Window of Appearance” which is not a true
window). Depictions of windows though can be found quite often on pre and post-Amarna depictions of
private houses. See for example the representation of the house from the tomb of Nakht TT90 as well as
the post-Amarna depiction of the Window of Appearance and palace of a queen of Ay in which windows
are prominently featured on the exterior of the palace. N. de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Nefer-Ḥotep at
Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition, 1933), 23-26, Plate XI.
132
From the extremely fragmentary evidence it is possible to propose motifs that may have
been present on the other walls of this room. It appears that most were centered upon the royal
family. An unprovenanced fragment of painted plaster depicting a pair of feet resting on a
cushion in the Cairo Museum has been assigned by Fran Weatherhead to this chamber of the
King’s House based on stylistic similarities as well as similarities to Petrie’s account of damage
done to “one of the best” of the painted fragments by a clumsy “Museum servant.” (Plate 3.95)681
Weatherhead suggests based on the size of the fragment that it comes from a depiction of the
enthroned king which would have been placed on the wall immediately to the left of the doorway
leading to the rear chamber (Plate 3.84).682 An identical figure would have flanked the door on
the right side as well.683 The evidence from the painted plaster fragments suggested to
Weatherhead the presence of at least two large scale scenes of the royal family. These remaining
scenes undoubtedly included at least one depiction of the presentation of foreign officials and
tribute, as evidenced by the standing Asiatic figure. Additionally, the presence of numerous
amphora stands indicates that wine was being served, perhaps as part of a meal, although the
presence of amphorae does not exclude the possibility of a more formal enthronement scene. 684
Davies has suggested that one representation may have been of a Window of Appearance.685
681
Weatherhead, 131-135; Petrie, Seventy Years, 139.
682
683
Ibid.
684
Identified by Weatherhead as offering stands and storage vessels (Ibid., 127) these stands are
identical to those found supporting wine amphorae in depictions of the royal palace from Amarna private
tombs. See for example the tomb of depictions of the king upon his throne in a formal audience from the
tombs of Parennefer and Pentu which include wine jars on stands before the king. See Davies, The Rock
Tombsof El Amarna IV, pl. VIII; Davies, The Rock Tombsof El Amarna VI, pl. VI.
685
Davies, “Mural Painting,” 3 n.4.
133
Weatherhead instead argues that the abundance of offering vessels may indicate a scene of the
presentation of tribute at the Window of Appearance, as well as a scene including a palanquin.686
These figural painted scenes were not the only elements of the painted visual program
found by the excavators. As in the other rooms of the King’s House the figural scenes in this
room were placed above a dado of alternating false door patterns and heraldic plants. On the east
wall, where the extant wall extends above the dado, Weatherhead was able to measure the dado’s
height at 30 centimeters.687 Indeed, the black ground line found in the princess panel is
undoubtedly simply the top of the dado.688 A single fragment bearing a representation of a grape
arbor was apparently discovered in this room by Pendlebury. Weatherhead describes the
fragment as depicting a “[l]arge vine leaf, either from the ceiling where painted leaves and
bunches of grapes may have been arranged in a ‘trellis’ pattern, or from a wall where it may have
been part of a more naturalistic design…If this fragment does come from the ceiling, it is odd that
no other similarly painted fragments have survived.”689
The King’s House stands out as one of only two royal structures at Amarna upon which
paint was applied to an exterior wall. Pendlebury recorded the discovery on the south wall of the
large garden, one the opposite side of the wall from the dais (Plate 3.84), of painted plaster which
he believed were the feet of the bound foreigners described by Petrie.690 When the area was
investigated by Weatherhead in 1993 she discovered only patches of white and buff background
686
Weatherhead, 137.
687
Ibid., 138.
688
Ibid., 91.
689
Ibid., 130.
690
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, 88; Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 15. Weatherhead disagrees
with this interpretation and suggests instead that Petrie was referring to the figures on the dais.
134
against the exterior wall of the dais room with no indication of any preserved figural motif.691
Instead, Weatherhead discovered an area of painted plaster with designs on the exterior wall of
the hypostyle hall, just east of the fragments outside the dais room (Plate 3.84). While the design
of several areas of red and purple on a black groundline over a yellow background was
unintelligible, she did conclude that based on the rather large scale of these areas of colored
designs, the fragment being almost two meters wide, that the original figural program must have
been on a monumental scale.692
“The Platform Building”
A final structure, the nature of which has just come to light, needs to be considered in this
study. A recent examination by this author of scenes from Amarna private tombs, for the purpose
of analyzing trends in depictions of royal palaces, has led to the identification of a possible
palatial structure within the enclosure of the Great Temple complex. The depiction of the Great
Temple693 from the tomb of Panehesy at Amarna included a small columned structure within the
enclosure wall of the temple complex (Plate 3.96). Located just above the first portal into the
temple, the tripartite structure contains within it a representation of a throne upon a small dais
with wine jars on stands placed before it (Plate 3.97). These elements are universally found in
representations of palace throne rooms. Two additional representations of a structure in this same
location from the tomb of Meryre I694 depict a far more complex structure that included Window
691
Weatherhead, 87-88.
692
Ibid., 88-89.
693
The temple in the particular tomb scene was identified by Davies in Rock Tombs of El
Amarna: Part II, 20.
694
Davies, Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part I, pl. XII, XXVI.
135
of Appearance. The inclusion of these elements plus the throne room makes it highly likely that
the idealized version of the Great Temple depicted on the walls of these tombs included a palace.
Using the depictions from these tombs, it is possible to locate this structure just to the
northeast of the first portal.695 In this spot were found the remains of a structure which
Pendlebury refers to as the “Altar” in his plans (Plate 3.98).696 This structure is roughly tri-partite
in plan with columned front chamber, a design that is remarkably similar to that depicted in the
tomb of Panehesy.697
In the Spring of 2012 Barry Kemp and the Amarna Project conducted excavations in
front of the Great Temple and on the stela placement at the rear of the Long Temple.698 These
excavations focused in part on this structure, which they have titled “the Platform Building.”
During the excavation Kemp discerned, based on the concrete foundations, that the structure was
originally built of limestone with sandstone embellishments.699 Kemp’s reconstruction was of a
structure approximately 25 by 14.25 meters with a small (3 by 2.3 meter) square extension on the
southeast corner which probably served as a portico.700 The front of the structure was dominated
by a columned hall flanked on either side by passageways with a long columned hall behind
followed by an open court and then another columned hall (Plate 3.99).701 Based on the pictorial
695
For a discussion of the problems faced when using the tomb scenes to reconstruct the temple,
and their relationship to the archaeological remains see Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 95-110.
696
Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten III, pl. III. Pendlebury seems to make no reference to this
structure in his publication.
697
Ibid., pl. IV.
698
Barry Kemp etc. al. “Great Aten Temple Spring 2012 Spring Season Preliminary Report,” 5,
available from http://www.amarnaproject.com/pages/recent_projects/excavation/great_aten_temple/.
699
Ibid., 14.
700
Ibid., 11.
701
Ibid., 14-16.
136
evidence, Kemp came to the same conclusion that this author did in identifying the structure as a
palace.702 The placement of the palace perpendicular to the east-west axis of the temple north and
just before of the first pylon is perfectly in line with David O’Connor’s theories on the placement
of the bureaucratic palace at the temple of Karnak in Thebes, which would have been replicated
in the design of the Great Temple of the Aten at Amarna.703 In this case, the size of the structure
and the lack of support facilities indicate that it was probably served only as a resting place or
audience hall for the king while at the temple, or perhaps a symbolic structure meant to echo the
palace at Karnak.
Within the structure, Kemp uncovered artifacts that shed some light on the visual
program of the structure and further support its identification as a palace. Amongst the fragments
of sandstone columns was found one which utilized carved ducks trussed in a manner similar to
those depicted in scene of the royal kiosk in the tomb of Meryre II at Amarna and supported by
similar carvings, although in wood, found at Malqata.704 Numerous inlays carved from colorful
stones as well as in molded glass and faience were also found which depict Nilotic plants and
animals, undoubtedly indicating that the palace, like the others discussed above, utilized a great
deal of natural imagery.705 A row of rearing cobras carved in limestone, also uncovered in the
ruins of the Platform Building,706 suggests a structure that integrated traditional images of royal
power with Nilotic motifs.
702
Ibid., 18. It must be noted that these conclusions were arrived upon independently of one
another.
703
David O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” Sociétés urbaines en Egypte et
au Soudan 11 (1989), 79-80; O’Connor, “Beloved of Maat, the Horizon of Re,” 270-279.
704
Kemp, “Preliminary Report,” 16; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna II, pl. XIV,
XXXII;Tytus, 14.
705
Kemp, “Preliminary Report,” 16.
706
Ibid.
137
Analysis
This survey of the evidence for palatial visual programs from Amarna has identified
several particular trends. The most notable motifs can be categorized into three basic types:
scenes of the natural environment, palatial activities, and domination. The first, scenes of the
natural environment, are perhaps the most prevalent. These scenes are best exemplified by the
Nilotic or waterbank motifs which are found on the walls of the Green room in the North Palace,
and the painted pavements of the Throne Room Complex of the Great Palace, as well as the grape
arbor ceilings found throughout many of the royal palaces.707 The focus is generally on the plants
and animals of the Nile as well as its banks and marshes. These visual programs executed in
paint on floors, walls and ceilings undoubtedly echoed the use of water, garden and zoological
features in palaces. The coupling of the pools and sunken gardens with Nilotic motifs, such as in
the case of the North Palace and the North Harem of the Great Palace, with painted walls which
feature Nilotic scenes, is no coincidence. Instead, both elements must be seen as part of the same
program, part of a large-scale attempt to create a space that replicates Nile marshes. These pools
and gardens would have been home to the same plants and animals which occur throughout the
Nilotic scenes. Likewise the gazelle, ibex, and cattle which were kept in the menagerie of the
North Palace are the same animals that are often found in the Nilotic scenes, although ibex and
gazelle are also often included in desert scenes.
Both David O’Connor and Gay Robins have argued that floor pavements from palaces
featuring leaping calves and alighting birds, amongst a river bank setting, are direct references to
the morning activities of animals, humans and the Aten which occur at the dawn in the Akhet as
described in the Great Hymn to the Aten.708 These conclusions can be extended to the Nilotic
707
Salland, Forthcoming
708
O’Connor, “Mirror,” 184; Gay Robins, “The World at Dawn.
138
scenes depicted on the walls of the palace as well as to the nature themed ceilings.709 It is
important to note that there is no reference in the palatial visual program to the desert landscape;
rather, the focus has been put upon the so called “black land” of Egypt.
Representations of palatial activity are far more diverse in their details and depicted
activities, yet are also far less well preserved. Depictions of palatial activities seem to range from
enthronement scenes, depictions of the king and royal family in repose, chariot riding and
overseeing palatial activities. The fowl feeding scene found throughout the North-East Court of
the North Palace is related, as it likely depicts the actions of royal servants.
Yet these two motifs are not immutable. The depiction of a shrine or quay in the midst of
the riverine scenes from the North-east court, as well as the figures and boats found in the Nilotic
motifs from both the North Harem of the Great Palace, provides an intrusion of the built world
into an otherwise purely natural scene (Plate 3.28). The same can be said of the fragment of
carved limestone discovered by Petrie which shows leaping ungulates in a marsh setting
immediately outside the walls of a palace further links the two motifs (Plate 3.73). Additionally,
it is worth noting that many of the birds depicted in the fowl feeding scenes are the same that are
commonly depicted in Nilotic scenes, providing an interesting link between the two motifs. Even
the apparently natural grape vines which are found on many palatial ceilings are depicted as
growing on a trellis, a sure sign of cultivation. While extremely different in subject matter, it is
clear therefore that the two motifs are intertwined and undoubtedly carry similar if not related
meanings.
The theme of domination is rather scarce in the palaces of Amarna, a compelling fact
when one considers how often the motif is found in royal imagery of the New Kingdom. The
motif is most noticeable in the royal pathways composed of bound foreigners in the Throne Room
Complex of the Great Palace, upon which the king would daily tread. The same figures are found
709
Salland, Forthcoming
139
on the base of the dais in the King’s House and possibly on the exterior walls of the garden of the
same palace. What is perhaps telling is that there is no concrete evidence from these three
examples of depictions of Libyans, one of the three traditional enemies of Egypt. Rather the
depictions focus on Nubians and Asiatics. While the fragmentary nature of these motifs does not
preclude the possibility that Libyans were present in now lost visual programs, the fact that they
are clearly absent from the repetitive depiction of foreigners is particularly telling.
Representations of ceremonial bouquets, bowls of produce and jars on ornate stands all
relate to a motif which Weatherhead and Kemp refer to as “abundance.”710 Here the focus is the
material wealth of the king, especially with regard to ceremonial and pleasure items, and might be
a visual suggestion of the opulence of the palace.
In addition to these figural programs, some notes should be made about elements that
would often be classified as “ornamental,” yet undoubtedly held symbolic significance. Perhaps
one of the most common was the false-door or palace façade that was often utilized as a dado
(Plate 3.85). This motif, which may appear to be simply ornamental, makes use of both the
paneling found in serekhs, associated with kingship and the palace since Proto-Dynastic times,
and heraldic plants of Northern and Southern Egypt. The dado therefore functions as a reminder
of the power of established kingship that unified, in myth if not in historic fact, Egypt. They act
as a constant reminder of the traditional symbols of pharaonic power, even in a less than
traditional palace. The floral and vegetative motifs found in the North Riverside Palace, as was
suggested above, probably made reference to the floral bouquets and garlands used during
festivals, thereby creating a space appropriate for more ceremonial functions.
In the North Palace, Nilotic scenes occur only on walls and piers, particularly on the
walls of rooms closely connected with gardens or water features or in columned chambers. As
710
Kemp and Weatherhead, 505-507.
140
discussed above, the association of Nilotic elements with real world features is not arbitrary but
rather an attempt to recreate the location painted on the walls in three dimensions, in this case
using plants, water and animals. The use of the motif in columned halls is part of the same
pattern, yet in this example columns are utilized to replicate the palms, papyrus and lotus stalks of
the riverine environment in much the same way these elements are utilized in the hypostyle halls
of state temples to replicate the primordial swamp.711 Scenes of palatial activity are limited to the
walls of those chambers that lie between the columned porch of the King’s Apartments and the
throne room, a direct processional route, and the chambers in the North-East Court which
contained depictions of fowl-feeding. Interestingly, a pattern emerges along this approach to the
throne room. The first room, the Hypostyle Hall, features only wall scenes depicting court and
palatial activity. The second room, the Transverse Hypostyle Hall, incorporates only Nilotic
motifs. The throne room, the third and final room, makes use of both motifs, thereby acting as a
culmination of the visual programs of the previous two chambers.
The King’s House included no examples of the Nilotic motifs. Instead, the visual
program centers upon the royal family and royal domination of foreigners. Both of these motifs
are directly linked to the ruling and personal life of the king and work to place the royal family
not within a cosmogonic setting but rather in an earthly setting, one directly related to statecraft.
Scenes of the royal family are found in inner chambers, which were perhaps used as private
chambers, while scenes of domination occur in the throne room and on the exterior walls. The
use of the motif on the exterior of the palace is not surprising as this same motif of subjugated
foreigners is found on the exteriors of temples as a means of driving away the forces of chaos and
preserving an ordered world within the sacred structure. Surely they would have served a similar
purpose here.
711
Richard H. Wilkinson, The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt (London: Thames and Hudson,
2000), 65-67.
141
The motifs utilized in the gateway of the North Riverside Palace all relate to the
ceremony of statecraft. This motif is understandable, considering that the gateway was
undoubtedly used as the starting point for the chariot processions which are depicted in the tower.
Here we have a clear example of where the visual program depicts the activities of the room.
The visual program of the North and South Harem of the Great Palace is unique in its
extensive use of painted pavements, a feature not seen in any of the other palaces at Amarna.712
The painted pavements utilize the same motifs as the wall paintings, with the exception of
representations of palatial activities, which are restricted to walls and columns immediately south
of the sunken garden and in the northern corridor of the South Harem. These spaces are the
entrances to more secluded and intimate portions of the palace, and therefore may have been
intended as more public areas. Indeed the more stately portions of the Great Palace executed in
stone seem to focus almost entirely on imagery of the royal family. As in the North Palace the
sunken garden is coupled with Nilotic motifs, undoubtedly in an attempt to unite the visual
program and the architectural features into a single program. Yet in this case the Nilotic scenes
are seemingly invaded by images of the human world, particularly boats and human figures. If
scenes of palatial activity and the royal family are more appropriate for public spaces, then
combining this motif with the Nilotic motif, which appears to occur most often in more private
areas of the Great Palace, was an attempt to make these particular scenes more germane to the
public space. The same can be said of the Nilotic motifs, which included boats, in the northern
corridor of the South Harem, where they are coupled with a palatial scene, a chariot, on the
opposite wall.
Throughout the rest of the palace, riverine of Nilotic motifs are found most prominently
on the floors. Yet these motifs are almost always used in conjunction with a line of bound
712
Although it is possible that the painted pavements of the other palaces were destroyed by time
it would be surprising that no fragments of painted pavement have survived. The preservation of large
stretches of pavement in the Great Palace indicates that these pavements are more likely to survive the
collapse of the building than paintings on the walls and ceilings.
142
prisoners which creates a walking path for the king. The coupling of the bound prisoners and the
Nilotic motif combines two motifs that would seem to be rather disparate. It is tempting to
simply relegate the inclusion of the bound prisoners to the creation of a pathway for the king and
argue that the juxtaposition of the two motifs is not significant. Yet both refer to the proper order
of the universe. In the case of the riverine scenes, this is the world in the Akhet at dawn, when it
is free of chaos. Likewise, the proper place for the foreign nations was bound and under both the
metaphorical and physical foot of the king. As the king strides through the primordial swamp at
dawn, he walks on a pathway of bound foreigners as would have been proper for this perfectly
ordered moment.
Two hallways from the North and South Harems were painted with floors depicting the
theme of abundance. In both cases, these are long hallways at the rear of a set of rooms and near
what may have been storerooms. It is possible that these were dining rooms or perhaps hallways
outside of storage chambers. In either case, depicting abundance would have been appropriate.
Likewise, the motif of abundance occurs on the walls immediately adjacent to the small cubicles
to the east of the sunken court, rooms which have been possibly identified as storage chambers.
143
Chapter IV
Evidence for Visual Programs in the Post-Amarna Period New Kingdom
144
Qantir
The earliest palace dating to the Post-Amarna Period New Kingdom is that of Qantir.
The site, located between the ancient Pelusiac and Tanitic branches of the Nile, was first
examined by W. M. F. Petrie in 1886 (Map).713 The following year Naville wrote that Qantir had
been the site of an important temple of Ramses II.714 In 1928 Mahmud Hamza, working under
the auspices of the Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte, conducted the first systematic excavations
at the site.715 It was this excavation that led Hamza to identify the site with the imperial city of
Ramses II, Per-Ramses.716 In 1937 W. C. Hayes further supported Hamza’s identification by
determining that a number of glazed tiles, belonged to the palace of Ramses II at Per-Ramses,
which were from illegal digging which was conducted at Qantir prior to Hamza’s excavations.717
Hamza was the first to note the remains of a structure of Seti I, which he identified as a
palace based on the glazed tiles found there (Plate 4.1).718 In addition to Seti’s palace, Hamza
Mahmud Hamza, “Excavations of the Department of Antiquities at Qantîr (Faqûs district).”

713
Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 30 (1930): 31, 33. Petrie gave little thought to the site
besides noting that it contained a limestone fragment bearing the name of Ramses II.
714
Ibid.
715
Ibid., 31.
716
Ibid., 66. The ancient town is also called Piramses, and derivations of this name, by modern
scholars.
William C. Hayes, Glazed Tiles from a Palace of Ramses II at Kantīr (New York: Metropolitan
717
Museum of Art, 1937), 5. It took years more research and publication by scholars such as Labib Habachi
and the field work of Manfred Bietak and the Austrian expedition to finally convince Egyptologists that
Qantir was the site of Per-Ramses. Eric P. Uphill, The Temples of Per Ramesses (Warminster UK: Aris and
Phillips Ltd., 1984), 2; Manfred Bietak, Avaris and Piramesse: Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern
Nile Delta (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979) 274. More recently excavations have been carried out
at Qantir by Edgar Pusch and the Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildeheim, Edgar B. Pusch, “Recent Work at
Northern Piramesse: Results of Excavations by the Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim, at Qantir,” In
Fragments of a Shattered Visage: The Proceedings of the International Symposium on Ramses the Great,
ed. Edward Bleiberg and Rita Freed (Memphis, Tenn.: Memphis State University, 1991), 199.
Hamza, “Qantîr,” 41. Kitchen has described the structure as a “summer palace.” K.A. Kitchen,
718
Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times of Ramesses II (Warminster UK: Aris and Phillips Ltd., 1982),
120.
145
uncovered remains of a faience workshop, just to the south of the palace.719 Faience molds
bearing the cartouche of Seti I indicate that the king had a structure at the site and that he might
have initiated the Ramesside royal occupation of the site. This workshop undoubtedly functioned
to produce the numerous faience tiles and inlays discovered at the site which decorated the
palace.720
In approximately Year 8 of his reign Ramses II began construction on his new city of
Per-Ramses at the site of his father’s palace in the Delta.721 At this site Ramses II built what Eric
Uphill describes as “probably the vastest and most costly royal residence ever erected by the hand
of man,”722 with a palace and dependent bureaucratic offices covering an area of approximately
ten square kilometers.723 While the palace formed the centerpiece of the city, the surrounding
areas were composed of houses, harbors, warehouse, and military structures.724 Like any imperial
city Per-Ramses was the home of a number of important temples, including those dedicated to
Amun-Re-Harakhti-Atum, Seth Apehti son of Nut, and two dedicated to incarnations of Ramses,
Amun of Ramses and Ptah of Ramses.725
The main palace itself appears to have been located in the vicinity of the modern
cemetery just to the west of the town of Qantir within the mound of ‘Ezbet Yasergi just east of,
719
Hamza, “Qantîr,” 42.
720
Ibid.
721
Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 199.
722
Uphill, Per Ramesses,1.
723
Ibid.
724
Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 120-122; Pusch, “Recent Work,”202-205.
725
Uphill, Per Ramesses, 190-191. These conclusions are based on literary evidence. Uphill notes
that he is unable to reconstruct the placement of these structures within the city. In addition to these
temples there appear to have been a number of temples located just to the south at Tell el-Dabaa, including
a temple built by Seti I. Ibid., 193.
146
and in part under, the village of ‘Ezbet Yasergi (Plate 4.1).726 It was in this vicinity that Hamza
encountered the majority of the faience remains as well as a royal workshop for the production of
faience.727 In 1941 Ahmed Abd el-Salam discovered the much denuded mudbrick walls of two
chambers as well as column bases and octagonal stone columns in this same area.728 Further
excavations by the Pelizäus-Museum Hildesheim project have uncovered additional architectural
elements from this palace.729 Bietak and Forstner-Müller describes the ruins as most likely being
those of a platform enclosed within a series of walls, with the south facing one still bearing white
plaster.730 To the south-east of the cemetery were discovered brick walls which Bietak ascribes to
a portion of the same palatial platform although on a lower level.731
In 1999 Edgar Pusch’s excavations revealed a potential palatial structure just to the east
of this main palace. Within the structure the team discovered the remains of a polychrome plaster
on which was found gold dust and flakes of gold leaf.732 While no design or patterns were
discernible Pusch describes the polychrome as including blue, green, red and yellow on a white
726
Manfred Bietak and Irene Forstner-Müller, “The Topography of New Kingdom Avaris and Per-
Ramesses,” in Ramesside Studies in Honour of K.A. Kitchen, eds. Mark Collier and Steven Snape, 23-50
(Bolton UK: Rutherford Press Ltd., 2011), 40.
727
Hamza, “Qantir,” 35, 41-42.
728
Labib Habachi, “Khata‘na-Qanri or Avaris-Piramesse,” in Tell el-Dab’a I, 23-128 (Vienna:
Verlag Der Österreichischen Akademie Der Wissenshaften, 2001), 35, 50.
729
Bietak and Forstner-Müller, 40; Josef Dorner, “Die Topographie von Piramesse- Vorbericht,”
Egypt and the Levant 9 (1999): 78-79.
730
Bietak and Forstner-Müller, 40.
731
Ibid., 40-41; Manfred Bietak, Tell el-Dab‘a II (Vienna: Verlag Der Österreichischen Akademie
Der Wissenshaften, 1974), 40-42, pl. XXXVI.a, XXXVII.
732
Edgar Pusch, “Goldschmiedewerkstatt oder Vergoldeter Fuβboden?” Egypt and the Levant 9
(1999): 121-123.
147
background.733 It is likely that the polychrome plaster came from the ceiling or wall and that
there was extensive use of gilding in the visual program of the room.734
As the majority of the faience plaques, tiles and statues as well as stone architectural
elements735 appear to have originated in the mound below the ‘Ezbet Yasergi cemetery, as
identified by Hamza,736 it seems likely that this structure was the largest and undoubtedly primary
palace.737 In his study on the faience elements from this palace Hayes identified four distinct
types of “tiles”738 which can be further divided into subgroups.739 The first group originated from
several extremely ornate daises fronted by a stairway similar in design to the dais discovered in
the King’s House at Amarna (Plate 4.2).740 These consisted of tiles from the sides of the stairs
and the podium, the cavetto cornice, the steps, and the floor of the platform as well as large
glazed statues of lions with the heads of bound foreigners in their mouths. The tiles from the side
of the stairway and platform feature kneeling and prone foreigners, representing men from Nubia,
the Levant and Lybia, before tribute on a stand executed in faience relief (Figures 4.3 and 4). In
all cases the figures raise their hands in adoration and would presumably have faced towards the
733
Ibid., 124-125.
734
Ibid., 126. A structure that may be interrupted as either a temple or a palace was discovered
south-east of the town center by geophysical surveying. See Edgar Pusch, Helmut Becker and Jörg
Fassbinder, “Palast—Temple—Auswärtiges Amt? Oder: Sind Nilschlammauern Magnetisch zu Erfassen?”
Egypt and the Levant 9 (1999):135-153.
For the stone doorways from Qantir see Hans Wolfgang Müller, “Bemerkungen zu den
735
Kacheln mit Inschriften aus Qantir und zu den Rekonstruktionen gekachelter Palasttore,” Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 37 (1981): 341-357.
736
Hamza, “Qantir,” 35, 41-42.
A supposition which Bietak also makes as he refers to this palace as “the major palace of Per-
737
Ramesses”. Bietak and Forstner-Müller, 40.

738
Hayes uses the term “tile” to refer to a number of faience objects from the palace including
plaques, statues and true tiles.
739
Hayes, 10.
740
See page 146.
148
king.741 Below these figures was a dado of alternating heraldic lilies and papyrus clumps between
abbreviated palace façades (Plate 4.3).742 The sides of the platform and stairs were topped with a
cavetto cornice above a horizontal torus molding all executed in dark blue faience with lighter
blue detailing (Plate 4.3).743
The tiles which originally formed the floor of the steps of the dais provide the best
evidence that there were multiple daises of this design within the main Qantir palace as they vary
in width (Plate 4.22).744 The visual program of the extant stair tiles depict bound foreigners.745
Hayes argues based on a fragmentary plaque and examples from other palaces that these figures
probably alternated with images of a bow in a manner commonly used to represent the “nine
bows.”746 According to Hayes’s reconstruction this motif of bows alternating with bound
foreigners continued onto the floor of the dais forming a pathway to the throne.747 Fragments of
rosettes that appear to have likewise come from the floor of the dais indicate that this motif
dominated the areas flanking the path of bound figures (Plate 4.2).748
Hayes identified a number of faience statues as having been placed flanking the entrance
to the dais’s stairs (Plate 4.2). These statues represent a bound foreigner on his knees with his
arms bound behind him. A lion rises up on its haunches behind the bound man and grasps his
741
Hayes, 14-16. To face the king the figures on the sides of the podium would face towards the
stairs and the figures on the sides of the stairs towards the rear of the dais. This supposition is supported by
Hayes’ reconstruction found in ibid., fig. 1.
742
Hayes, 17.
743
Ibid., 17-19.
744
Ibid., 12. The tiles are identifiable as having come from a stair as each one has a cross section
similar to an “L” with a lip hanging over the edge. Ibid.
745
Ibid.
746
Ibid., 13.
747
Ibid., 14.
748
Ibid.
149
head in his mouth. Both examples in the Metropolitan Museum on which Hayes bases his
reconstruction measure approximately 70 centimeters in height (Plate 4.5).749
The motif of the bound foreigners can be found in raised relief tiles that Hayes argues
once graced the walls of the throne room (Plate 4.6).750 The remaining faience elements
discovered at the site are classified by Hayes as having been inlays in architectural elements, most
likely of stone.751 A particularly good example of this are a series of faience inlays from at least
two doorways of Seti I now in the Louvre (Plate 4.7).752 The doorway featured a lintel with titles
of Seti I and five pointed stars with vertical lines of titles ending in heraldic plants running down
the jambs.753 Hayes identifies a number of other motifs which occurred in these inlays. Not
surprisingly one of the most common of the motifs was bound foreigners which may have graced
the stone elements of a Window of Appearance (Plate 4.8). 754 Inlays depicting Rekhyt birds,
anthropomorphized lapwings with human arms raised in adoration on a nb basket representing the
adoring populace of Egypt, were also found (Plate 4.9).755 Fragmentary inlays depicting a royal
headdress indicate the presence of figural motifs which included the king although the nature of
these motifs cannot be determined (Plate 4.10).756
749
Ibid., 19-21.
750
Ibid., 21-22.
751
Ibid., 22-24.
752
Peter Brand, The Monuments of Seti I: Epigraphic, Historical and Art Historical Analysis
(Leiden: Brill, 2000), 131. None of the publications of these inlays, which have been reconstructed as a
single doorway, have provided an accession number and no reference to the item could be found in the
Louvre’s online catalogue.
Ibid.; Labib Habachi, “Sethos I’s Devotion to Seth and Avaris,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische
753
Sprache und Alterumskunde 100 (1973): 101, pl. II.

754
Hayes, 24-27, 32-38.
755
Ibid., 31-32.
756
Ibid., 30-31.
150
The most varied of the types of inlays described by Hayes are the one he entitles “Inlay
Tiles from the Private Rooms and Corridors of the Palace.”757 Foremost amongst these are tiles
that bear Nilotic scenes very similar to those found on the walls and floors of Amarna palaces.
These often depict pools or river channels between strips of black soil studded with flowers and
grasses (Plate 4.11). The waters are often populated by fish and ducks and dotted with lotus
flowers and lily pads (Figures 4.12 and 4.13). 758 Plaques depicting papyrus clumps, which
Hayes compares to those found in heraldic motifs, were discovered (Plate 4.14).759 It is likely
that these clumps formed part of a papyrus marsh above the pool in a manner similar to those
found at Amarna, although their style is much more formulaic, lacking the delicate naturalism of
those found at Amarna.
Additionally a number of circular rosettes of varying size between 3 to 12 centimeters in
diameter were discovered. Each rosette features a circular disk inlayed with ten teardrop shaped
petals centered on a small yellow boss (Plate 4.15). Hayes argues that these rosettes were not
restricted to any one area of pattern but were rather “employed freely wherever space-fillers were
needed”.760
Figural representations are also found on these tiles. Two examples, one in the
Metropolitan Museum (Figures 4.16 and 17) and the other in the Cairo Museum (Plate 4.18),761
depict young women with lotus flowers on their head surrounded by tall stalked flowering plants,
identified by Lisa Sabbahy as a member of the althea genus, against a blue background.762 The
757
Ibid., 38.
758
Lisa K. Sabbahy, Ramses II: The Pharaoh and His Times (Provo UT: Brigham Young
University, 1985), 25-26, 31; Hayes, 38-39.
759
Ibid., 39.
760
Ibid., 41.
761
35.1.117 and JE89483 respectively.
762
Sabbahy, 87; Hayes, 39-40.
151
partial example from the Cairo Museum depicts the head of a woman and her hand which she
holds in front of her (Plate 4.18). In her hand she holds a small pointed device763 which she uses
to seemingly prick the stalk of the plant.764 The figure on the fragmentary piece at the
Metropolitan Museum sheds further light on the subject (Plate 4.16). This fragment, while
missing the majority of the center, clearly shows a naked young woman wearing only jewelry.
She holds her right hand before her, undoubtedly also poking a now lost stalk, while her left arm
is held at her side.765 While it is unknown what these two women are doing this author believes
that their pose and activity bears some resemblance, perhaps only superficially, to the famous
representation of saffron gatherers from House Xeste 3 at Thera (Plate 4.19). Another figural
plaque, now badly broken, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art766 depicts a nude woman with a
curled tri-partite wig holding a small ungulate in her arms (Plate 4.17).767 Hayes suggests that
these women are members of the royal “harīm.”768
A final group of figural tiles were also found which depict the god Bes (Figures 4.20 and
4.21). Standing approximately 76.5 centimeters in height, the figures were composed of three
panels. In three of the panels at the Metropolitan Museum (Plate 4.21) the figure faces toward the
viewer in his traditional pose while in the fourth his face is presented in profile. While the figure
itself only takes up two panels Hayes suggests that a third panel would have been located below
with an object on which the god stands.769
763
Referred to in the Ramses II publication as a “stick.” Sabbahy, 87.
764
Ibid.
765
Hayes, 39-40.
766
35.1.118
767
Hayes, 40.
768
Ibid., 39.
769
Ibid., 40-41.
152
Palace of Merenptah at Memphis
Two palaces are known from the area of what was the city of Men-Nefer, or Memphis,
the political capital of Egypt through much of its history. Of these two palaces one, that of
Apries, falls outside the historical scope of this dissertation. The other, that of Merenptah was
particularly well preserved and excavated. The palace of Merenptah was first discovered by
sebakh770 diggers in early March 1914 in the Tell el Qala near Mit Rahineh (Plate 4.23).771 C.C.
Edgar began work on the site several weeks later under the auspices of the Antiquities Service.
His excavations were extremely limited in scope, uncovering only a single chamber.772
Additional excavations were conditioned by the University Museum of the University of
Pennsylvania under the direction of Clarence Fisher between 1915 and 1918 with additional
excavations in the area being conducted from 1919-1920.773 It was these excavations which
produced most of the available information about the palace and its complex.
The palace itself was located on the eastern edge of a trapezoidal enclosure measuring
more than 6 ha.774 The enclosure was hemmed in by the main processional way of the temple of
Ptah immediately to the north and the route of a small temple built by Ramses II to the south
(Plate 4.24).775 Petrie excavated the area of the enclosure in 1908 and concluded that it was a
temple of Merenptah. A feature in the center of the complex was described by Petrie as a
770
Sebakh is a type of fertilizer utilized by modern Egyptians which is composed in large part of
the decayed mudbrick. The practice of digging for sebakh is therefore highly destructive to mudbrick
monuments.
771
C.C. Edgar, “A Building of Merenptah at Mit Rahineh,” Annales du Service des Antiquités de
l’Égypte 5 (1915): 97.
772
Ibid., 97-100.
C.S. Fisher, “The Eckley B. Coxe Jr. Egyptian Expedition.” The Museum Journal 8 (1917):
773
211; O’Connor, “Mirror,” 172.

774
Ibid.; D.G. Jeffreys, The Survey of Memphis Part One: The Archaeological Report (London:
Egypt Exploration Society, 1985), 66-67.
775
Ibid.
153
courtyard with two stone portals. 776 It was here that two colossal limestone heads of Nubians,
most likely from a Window of Appearance, were discovered.777 David O’Connor has taken this
evidence to suggest that the remainder of the enclosure was likewise devoted to palatial
structures, and that the other palace would have been much larger and more centrally located than
the one excavated by the University of Pennsylvania.778
The palace itself was rectangular in shape, resembling in plan a standard New Kingdom
temple, and oriented north/south (Plate 4.25). A ramp at the front of the palace led into a
vestibule with four columns (Number 20 on Plate 4.25).779 Beyond was an open courtyard
measuring 24 by 53 meters surrounded on all four sides by a peristyle of thirty-four columns
(Number 19 on Plate 4.25). The columns were made of limestone and bore hieroglyphic and
figural programs. The stone bases of each column bore an inscription with names and titles of the
king. Four vertical lines of similar texts ran down the lower half of the column with a figural
scene of the king with Ptah above the center point. Fisher records that the columns were all
colored a bright yellow and that the hieroglyphs were executed as inlays in bright blue faience or
paste.780 The walls of the courtyard were “coated with mortar over which was a hard white
stucco decorated with regular panels and patterns in red, yellow and blue.”781
On the west side of the courtyard was a doorway leading into a series of corridors
(Numbers 24 and 25 on Plate 4.25) which lead out into another courtyard which does not seem to
776
W.M. Flinders Petrie, Memphis I (London: University College London, 1909), 11-12.
777
O’Connor, “Mirror,” 174-175.
778
Ibid.
779
Ibid., 175-176.
780
Fisher, “Coxe Expedition,” 213.
781
Ibid.
154
have been a part of this palace proper (Number 26 on Plate 4.25).782 The pavement of this area
had originally been painted, although apparently the motif itself was indiscernible undoubtedly
due to the close proximity of the water table to the floor of the palace.783
The south side of the great courtyard contained a large stone doorway which led into the
remainder of the palace. The jambs were decorated with figures of Nile gods carrying jars of
water on the bottom, presumably executed in relief, with lines of inscriptions in faience. The
lintel bore a panel with gilded figures of the king in relief before various deities. The cornice of
the doorway was inlayed with faience versions of the king’s cartouche. 784
This great doorway, along with a smaller door to the east, led into a transverse hypostyle
hall with two rows of six columns which extended the width of the structure (Number 18 on Plate
4.25). Fisher describes the columns as being similar to those of the peristyle in both subject
matter and execution with faience inlays and gilding on the figures of the king and gods.785 The
floor was described as “constructed of sun-dried bricks over which had been a painted stucco
pavement similar to those found in the palace at Tel el Amarna.”786
Three doorways were found in the southern wall. While the center doorway gave access
to the throne room the two flanking it opened into side chambers off of the throne room
782
On his plan Fisher simply labels the open area outside the corridor as area “26.” See Ibid., fig.
79. Fisher believed that this was the main entrance to the palace and that the vestibule at the north end of
the palace and its adjacent chamber served as an apartment. David O’Connor though has more correctly
identified the northern end of the palace with its ramp as the main entrance. O’Connor, “Mirror,” 175-176.
783
Fisher, “Coxe Expedition,” 215-216, 213.
784
Ibid., 216.
785
Ibid.
786
Ibid. Based on Fisher’s comments in his later publication, “Merenptah’s Throne Room”
“Merenptah’s Throne Room.” The Museum Journal 15 (1924):93 about the condition of the floors in the
adjacent throne room and the evidence for his reconstruction of these floors it is unlikely that this
comparison to the Amarna floors was a meant as a commentary of the motifs but rather of their
construction.
155
(Numbers 14 and 17 on Plate 4.25).787 The central doorway, which originally bore double wood
door panels fixed with bronze rod hinges, was richly carved and inlayed (Plate 4.26). The jambs
bore titles of the king below which were Nile gods carrying water pots. The lintel depicted in the
center two representations of the king enthroned, each facing outwards. On the left the figure of a
Horus heading sphinx offers the king dominion in the form of a Was scepter. On the right the
scene is repeated although the sphinx is Seth headed. Extending outward from these figures one
finds a representation of Ptah in his kiosk with the king before him offering Maat and “Life,
Prosperity and Health” to the god. Like the previous doorway the cavetto cornice is carved with
the cartouches of the king flanked by winged falcons.788 Fisher suggests that this central doorway
would have been used only for ceremonial occasions with the courtiers normally funneled
through the side doorways, into the side chambers and then into the throne room.789 Yet the
majority of throne rooms from other palaces do not have this entry pattern, preferring instead to
bring courtiers in through a central doorway that would evoke the greatest sense of awe in the
visitor.
The throne room (Number 7 on Plate 4.25) itself was quite large, measuring eighteen
meters long and twelve meters wide with limestone columns supporting a ceiling eight meters in
height (Plate 4.27).790 The lower half of these columns were carved in imitation of flowering
lotus petals which were highlighted with blue and gold. The figural bands which began about
midway up the column featured representations of the king in smiting scenes and offering to Ptah.
787
C.S. Fisher, “The Throne Room of Merenptah.” The Museum Journal 9 (1921): 31; Fisher,
788
“Merenptah’s Throne Room,” 97-98 and unnumbered plate before page 93.
789
Fisher, “The Throne Room of Merenptah,” 31.
790
Ibid. For the nature of the ceiling in the palace see O’Connor, “Mirror,” 175.
156
The associated hieroglyphs were inlayed with faience. Unlike columns in the previous chambers
which were heavily gilded here only the details appear to have born gold leaf.791
The focal point of the room was the limestone throne dais set in the center of the southern
wall (Plate 4.28). Measuring approximately four meters by five meters and over half a meter in
height, the dais incorporated into its structure the bases of the two columns that flanked it.792
While the main approach to the dais consisted of a ramp two small sets of stairs were placed on
the east and west sides of the dais. The image program of the dais consisted of panels of raised
faience reliefs which formed the floor of the platform itself as well as the surface of the ramp. 793
The floor of the platform consisted of four panels of bound foreigners identified by Fisher as “a
negro, a Libyan and a Sardinian, the fourth not yet identified.”794 In between these panels were
representations of bows, forming the traditional composition of alternating “nine bows” with
those of bound foreigners. Red bands which were used as borders appear to have been gilded.795
These panels were bordered by rows of rekhyt birds on Nb baskets. This motif continued down
the face of the ramp with six additional bound enemies all of different nationalities which Fisher
identifies (with the four figures from the dais floor) as “all the ten races which Merenptah claimed
to have subdued during his reign.”796 Like the ramp the stairs at the side of the dais bore
representations of bound foreigners alternating with bows.797
791
Ibid., 31-32.
792
Fisher, “Coxe Expedition,” 218. All dimensions have been converted from feet and inches.
793
Ibid.
794
Ibid.
795
Fisher, “Merenptah’s Throne Room,” 95.
796
797
Fisher, “Merenptah’s Throne Room,” 95.
157
The walls of the throne room bore extensive evidence for painted image programs despite
the fact that they were only preserved to a height of 183 centimeters.798 This lower portion of the
wall featured two dados arranged horizontally. The lowest featured painted niche designs
alternating with heraldic lotus and papyrus clumps in a manner identical to those found at the
King’s House at Amarna.799 Above this, and separated by a band of colored squares, the second
dado was composed of cartouches of the king between ankh and was hieroglyphs. Based in large
part on the visual programs of the stone elements of the room Fisher believed that the area above
the break featured a figural program depicting the king engaged in such activities as offering to
the gods, smiting his enemies, hunting and fishing.800
Fisher notes “[w]hen excavated the floor consisted of a soft sticky mud, on which only
the traces of the bricks…could be detected.”801 Despite this Fisher was certain that the floor of
the throne room was painted in a manner similar to the adjacent rooms. Utilizing the program of
the stone dais as well the pavement programs from Amarna as a guide Fisher suggested a
program that featured a wide aisle leading from the doorway to the throne composed of
alternating bound foreigners and bows between a border of rekhyt birds. The border of rekhyt
birds was likewise bordered by bands of colored squares and rosettes. He further suggests that
the area between the central aisle and the walls was painted with a Nilotic scene similar to those
found at Amarna. A border of colored bands and rosettes would have encircled the entire
room.802
798
Ibid.
799
Ibid. See page 159.
800
Ibid. In his model reconstruction of the throne room Fisher also posited a scene depicting the
king being carried in a sedan chair although this motif is not found in any of the stone elements of the
throne room nor in painted visual programs from any other palaces.
801
Ibid., 93.
802
Ibid., 94-95.
158
The ceiling of the throne room was, according to Fisher’s excavations, divided into three
parts by the two rows of heavy wooden beams that ran between the columns. These beams were
painted with blue and dark green patterns on a red background. Spanning the distance between
these beams and the walls were transverse beams, also painted red, set at regular intervals of
approximately a meter. Fisher suggests that the space in between the beams was painted dark
blue with yellow or gold stars in much the same manner as a temple ceiling.803
A total of six ante-rooms of unknown purpose branched off on the east and west sides of
the throne room (Numbers 11, 12, 14, 17, 16 and 4 on Plate 4.25). All of these Fisher describes
as having originally born painted plaster on the walls and painted pavements although gives no
information on the motifs, if any, that were discernible. The doors which gave access to these
ante-chambers all featured faience inlayed hieroglyphs and gilded sundisks.804 Two doors
flanking the throne room gave access to a series of suites situated at the southern end of the
palace which were undoubtedly meant to serve the residential needs of the king (Numbers 3, 6,
10, 5, 1, 2, 9 and 8 on Plate 4.25). A suite of rooms at the very rear of the palace, centered upon a
room with two columns (Room 5 on Plate 4.25), served as the washrooms and toilets for the
king.805 The central columned room was the chamber discovered by Edgar in 1914. Here Edgar
encountered both painted walls and pavements. While the floor had decayed in the damp
conditions to the point where no designs were discernible, portions of the walls still bore three
friezes of Was scepters and Ankhs on Nb baskets between cartouches of the king separated by
colored bands (Plate 4.29).806 The walls of the toilet and bathrooms were lined in stone carved
803
Ibid., 97.
804
805
Ibid., 220-222.
806
Edgar, 98-99.
159
with Ankhs and Was scepters.807 In the south-west corner of the palace was a long chamber with
a raised platform identified by Fisher as the bed chamber of the king. Here Fisher found traces of
painted pavement while the raised sleeping platform itself was lined in stone.808
Tell el-Yahudiya
The site of Tell el-Yahudiya, or Leontopolis, is located in the Delta north of modern
Cairo and may have originally functioned as an independent component of the larger Heliopolitan
district (Map).809 The site was explored first by T. Hayter Lewis in 1880 and then again by E.
Brugsch-Bey in 1886 before a thorough excavation was carried out by Naville and Griffin in
1890.810
Hayter Lewis noted that local tradition held that the site was the location of the Hebrew
temple built by Onias IV during the reign of Ptolemy VI Philometer, which, according to biblical
tradition was within the district of Heliopolis.811 Brugsch went a step further and identified the
site as ancient Heliopolis itself (utilizing the biblical name “On”).812 Naville rejected these
interpretations and instead argued that Tell el-Yahudiya was another site entirely, one mentioned
in The Great Harris Papyrus as being tA Hwt Ra-ms-s HqA-iwnw, “The Hwt of Ramses III” north of
807
808
Ibid., 222.
809
Eric P. Uphill, Egyptian Towns and Cities (Buckinghamshire UK: Shire Egyptology, 2001), 47;
Alain-Pierre Zivie, “Tell el-Jahudija,” in Lexikon der Ägyptologie Vol. IV, ed. Eberhard Otto and Wolfgang
Helck (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1977), 331-335.
T. Hayter Lewis, “Tel-el-Yahoudeh,” Society of Biblical Archæology VII (January 1881); E.

810
Brugsch-Bey, “On et Onion,” Recueil de Travaux Relatifs a la Philologie et a l’Archéologie Égyptiennes

and Assyriennes VIII (1886); Edouard Naville, The Mound of the Jew and the City of Onias (London:
Messrs, Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trübner and Company, 1890).
811
Hatyter Lewis, 177.
812
Brufsch-Bey, 5.
160
Heliopolis.813 Despite the varied translations of the term Hwt Naville identified the main structure
as an “abode,” essentially a palace, of Ramses III with a further title of “the abode of millions of
years of Ramses III.”814 Since the discovery of Heliopolis proper further to the south Naville’s
identification has been universally accepted.815
The site of Tell el-Yahudiya is dominated by an enclosed area measuring approximately
0.8 kilometers by 0.4 kilometers surrounded by massive enclosure wall of mudbrick with a
limestone foundation.816 The eastern side of the enclosure is dominated by a traditional Tell
which is divided in two separate tells, perhaps, as Naville opines, by a gateway.817 Already by the
time that Naville had arrived many of the architectural features described by Brugsch and Hayter
Lewis less than a decade earlier had been destroyed by sebakh diggers who were extremely active
at the site.818 Amongst these apparent structures was a large “chamber” of Ramses III which was
paved in Egyptian alabaster and containing numerous examples of faience elements.819 Within
the structure were discovered a number of column bases of granite and alabaster as well as other
fragmented pieces of stone architectural elements, many bearing the names and titles of Ramses
813
Naville, 8, 12. Author’s translations based on the hieroglyphs provided by Naville in Ibid., 12.
Note that Hwt can be translated as both temple and administrative district. Faulkner, Dictionary, 165. This
structure was apparently under the jurisdiction of the priests of Heliopolis, thus further cementing the
conclusion that Tell el-Yahudiya was associated with its southern neighbor, see Ibid., 12-13.
814
Ibid.
815
Zivie, 331-335.
816
Brugsch, 2; Naville, 5.
817
Ibid.
818
Ibid.
819
Brugsch, 5-9; F. Ll.Griffith, “The Antiquities of Tell el Yahûdîyeh,” in The Mound of the Jew
and the City of Onias, Edouard Naville, 28-53(London: Messrs, Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trübner and
Company, 1890), 41. It should be noted that Brugsch assigned the plaques and inlays to the Ptolemaic
period based on supposed Greek letters found on the rear of several inlays although the abundant
cartouches of Ramses III executed in faience, as well as comparable inlays from the palace of Ramses III at
Medinet Habu which have been found since the original publications, make a dating of the 20 th Dynasty
assured.
161
III.820 Perhaps most intriguing architecturally were a series of semi-circular features set against
the wall of the chamber each featuring two steps and overall inlayed with a large number of
rosettes and floral dentils (Plate 4.30).821 This location, due to the large number of faience and
related elements can safely be identified as palatial as these elements are almost exclusively used
in palaces.
The tiles and inlays from Tell el-Yahudiya have made their way into numerous
collections across the world due to heavy plundering during the late 19th and early 20th Century.
A sampling of these give an impression of the general program of the walls. The most common
elements are rosettes, almost identical to those found at Qantir, and were probably utilized in a
similar manner as either “space-fillers” or in long bands (Plate 4.31).822 Hayter-Lewis’
illustration of the two stepped platforms indicates that these rosettes were utilized as a border on
these features as well (Plate 4.30).823 Components of a floral and vegetal band were also found in
large quantities.824 This band was composed of open lotus flowers interspersed with plaques
featuring alternating grape clusters and shield shaped floral elements with small rosettes (Plate
4.32). These bands bear a similarity to a number of painted friezes found in Theban private tombs
as well as to fragments of painted scenes from the palaces of Amarna.825
The vast majority of human figures executed in faience are those of bound foreigners,
almost identical in style and execution to those found at the palace of Ramses II at Qantir
820
Griffith, 41.
821
Hayter Lewis, pl. IV.1; Griffith, 41.
822
See for examples EA69252, EA69253, and EA69319 in the British Museum, Brugsch, Pl. I. no.
2, For the use of the Qantir rosettes as “space-filler” see Hayes, 41.
823
Hayter Lewis, pl. IV.1.
824
Florence Dunn Friedman ed. Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian Faience (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1998), 204; Hayes, Scepter, 367-368; Christiane Desroches-Noblecourt, The Great Pharaoh
Ramses II and His Time, Trans. Elly Mialon (Montreal: Canada Exim Group, 1985), 22.
825
Ernest Mackay, “Theban Borders of Lotus and Grapes.” Ancient Egypt (1921): 39-41.
162
(Figures 4.33-4.35).826 The figures kneel or stand with their hands bound before them and a rope
around their neck. In all cases the figures wear ornate costumes characteristic to their particular
ethnicity as Libyan (Plate 4.33), Asiatic (Plate 4.34) or Nubian (Plate 4.35). A single fragment of
a figure now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art is believed to represent Ptah-Tatenen.827 The
object’s height of 11.8 centimeters would preclude the possibility that the fragment was from a
hieroglyph and instead suggests a visual program perhaps depicting the king interacting with
deities.
Several plaques were found with depictions of Rekhyt birds, symbolizing the populace of
Egypt, kneeling, usually on Nb baskets, with their arms upraised in adoration (Plate 4.36).828 In
addition a large number of plaques with indented cells for hieroglyphs executed in other colors
were found which include the names and titles of Ramses III as well as other components of
hieroglyphic texts (Plate 4.37).829 One of the more unusual plaques is found in the British
Museum. A square measuring approximately 9 centimeters on each side, the plaque depicts in
polychrome faience a pigeon alighting against a yellow background (Plate 4.38).830 The subject
matter and size suggest that the pigeon was originally part of a large scene, perhaps Nilotic in
nature.
826
Hayter Lewis, pl. I-II; , Brugsch, Pl. I. no. 7; see for example Louvre E7691 A, B, C, and D;
British Museum EA12288, EA12331, EA12334.
827
Accession Number 89.2.649
828
Brugsch, Pl. II no. 9, Metropolitan Museum 17.194.2336, British Museum EA12975
829
Brugsch, Pl. II no. 10, 11, 13, 14; British Museum EA12385, EA12911, EA12369.
830
Accession Number EA12968.
163
Palaces of Theban Mortuary Temples
Mortuary temples, more accurately known as “Mansions of Millions of Years,” by the
ancient Egyptians,831 were a series of temples built by pharaohs along the edge of the cultivation
on the western side of the river at Thebes. These temples were built primarily as centers of cult
for deceased kings dedicated to the king in conjunction with Amun.832 As such each king was
responsible for the construction of his own temple. One feature of many of these temples was a
small palace built perpendicular to the temple and usually placed adjacent to the first court, a
similar arrangement to the bureaucratic palaces at Karnak proposed by David O’Connor.833
While these structures are undoubtedly palatial they have been given the title “temple palaces”
due to their integration within the temple architecturally as well as their possible ritualistic
purposes, as opposed to residential or bureaucratic.834 Indeed some scholars have questioned
whether these were functional palaces at all. Rainer Stadelmann has argued rather affectively that
the design of these “temple palaces,” most notably their lack of support structures such as
bakeries and storerooms, in conjunction with the impracticalities of accessing them without
having to undergo temple purification rituals, make it extremely unlikely that they were ever used
by the king.835 Instead Stadelmann suggests that the site was used solely for the robbing of the
king during temple rituals and presenting the king at the Window of Appearance during festivals
831
Gerhard Haeny, “New Kingdom ‘Mortuary Temples’ and ‘Mansions of Millions of Years,’” in
Temples of Ancient Egypt, ed. Byron E. Shafer, 90-126 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 86-90.
832
Ibid., 107-109.
833
Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City, 33; O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom
Egypt,” 79-80; O’Connor, “Beloved of Maat, the Horizon of Re,” 270-279.
834
Uvo Hölscher, The Excavations of Medinet Habu-Volume III: The Mortuary Temple of Ramses
III (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), 37.
835
Stadelmann, “Tempelpalast und Erscheinungsfenster”: 222-223.
164
and that a statue of the king may have resided in the throne room the remainder of the time.836
Despite this their design and visual program is undoubtedly palatial in nature.
While Rainer Stadelmann has suggested that the prototype for these palaces can be found
in the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri,837 the earliest definitively identifiable
palace attached to a mortuary temple was that of Ay and Horemheb at Medinet Habu (Plate
4.39).838 Measuring only 21.6 by 22 meters the palace was unattached to the temple, rather being
located in the southern half of the open court between the third and forth pylons.839 Composed of
an extremely basic tripartite plan the palace contained no evidence for a visual program other
than remains of “whitewash” on one wall of the palace.840
Palaces were likewise constructed attached to the temple of Seti I at Gurna, Ramses II’s
temple known as the Ramesseum (Plate 4.40) and the mortuary temple of Merenptah at Gurna.841
These palaces demonstrate the formulation of a rather basic design. In all three cases the front
façade of the palace is in actuality the southern wall of the first court of the temple. Evidence
suggests that it was here that a Window of Appearance was placed which allowed the king to
address courtiers who were gathered in the courtyard.842 Beyond this each of the three palaces
had a large columned hall flanked on both the east and the west by antechambers or storerooms.
To the south of the columned hall was located a throne room from which the Spartan living
Ibid., passim; O’Connor, “City and Palace,” 81.

836
837
Stadelmann, 229-231.
838
Lacovara, 33.
839
Uvo Hölscher, The Excavations of Medinet Habu-Volume II: The Temples of the Eighteenth
Dynasty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), 81.
840
Ibid.
841
Lacovara, 33.
842
Stadelmann, 232-236.
165
chambers, if any were to be found, were accessed.843 At the Ramasseum palace an exterior
corridor running east west behind the throne room gave access to several suites of rooms.844
The only evidence for visual programs from these palaces comes from several stone
blocks from the façade of the Window of Appearance of Ramses II which were found by
Hölscher in the temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu. One of these, apparently located directly
below the window, depicted a complex motif of intertwining lotus and papyrus stalks surrounded
on either side by depictions of Egyptians wrestling with Nubians (Plate 4.41).845
The most complete and informative examples of these “temple palaces” were the two
successive palaces attached to the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu which were
examined by Uvo Hölscher in the 1930s under the auspices of the Oriental Institute (Plate 4.42).
The first palace was built at the same time as construction on the temple was begun, probably at
the beginning of Ramses III’s reign.846 During the second half of Ramses III’s reign a second
phase of building was begun on the mortuary temple which included the demolition of the
original palace and construction of the second.847 Although the second palace utilized the façade
of the first palace, which formed the south wall of the first court of the temple, it retained none of
the walls or foundations of the first, rather being built 25 centimeters above the demolished
843
Ibid.
844
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 77-78. Hölscher states that these rear rooms could not have been
part of the “harem” as they lacked the “common living-room for daytime use” which was found in the
“harem” chambers of the palace of Ramses III. Ibid., 78.
845
Ibid., 44; Harold H. Nelson, Medinet Habu Volume II: Later Historical Records of Ramses III
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932), pl. 127 B and C.
846
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 1, 37.
847
Barry Kemp argued based on the lintels of the second palace that it was built not by Ramses III
but instead by the Paser family at the end of the 20 th or beginning of the 21st Dynasty; Barry Kemp, Ancient
Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization (London: Routledge, 1991), 351.
166
foundation of the previous structure making it difficult to reconstruct the floor plan of the original
palace.848
The façade of the palaces, having been executed in stone, provide perhaps the most
complete examples of palatial visual programs known to exist. The center of the south wall of the
first courtyard extends 75 centimeters beyond the walls the flank it and is topped with a cavetto
cornice thereby emphasizing this section of the wall (Plate 4.43).849 Indeed the extension of the
façade and the use of the cavetto cornice both give the impression of the façade of a separate
structure which has been incorporated into the temple. This layout may have been meant to
imitate the mudbrick façade of the palace of Karnak which would have been perpendicular to the
temple axis, and perhaps later incorporated into the wall of the temple courtyard. As such this
central component of the south wall will be considered the primary palatial façade. To the west
of this primary façade were placed two doorways that gave access to the palace while a single
was placed to the east.
In the center of the primary façade was a large window, identified by Hölscher as the
Window of Appearance, which originally appeared to rest on six sculpted stone heads of
foreigners (Plate 4.44). This line of sculpted heads extended with seven stone busts of foreigners
on either side which gave the impression of prone figures viewed from the front. Lines of uraei
in relief which flank the now badly destroyed top of the window indicated to the excavators that
the cornice above the window was topped with sculpted rearing uraei.850 All of these sculpted
elements except the three outermost busts on either side were removed when the second palace
was rebuilt. Some of these were found reused in the Eastern Gate of the temple complex while
848
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 1, 37-39.
849
Ibid., 39.
850
Ibid. Compare Ibid., Plate 3 with Nelson, Medinet Habu II, Plate 111.
167
others were found badly mutilated within the stairs of the second palace leading to the Window of
Appearance.851
Flanking the Window, and thereby appearing to stand on the backs of the prone
foreigners whose heads were sculpted in the round, were representations of the king holding the
hair of standing foreigners with their hands bound in his left hand and a battle axe in his right.852
Beyond these were large representations of the king in a smiting pose holding the hair of kneeling
foreigners with their arms raised in supplication (Plate 4.44).853
Immediately below the window was large version of the smA tAwy represented by heraldic
plants. On either side of this central motif was a single line of figures representing ritualistic
combat (Plate 4.44).854 These figures are represented as pairs, an Egyptian and a foreigner
engaged in wrestling and stick fighting. In all the representations the Egyptian gains the upper
hand against his foe. The pair closest to the smA tAwy are no longer engaged in combat but rather
the Egyptian stands with arms raised in triumph over his defeated foe. Following a vertical line
of text the register continues with a depiction of courtiers and foreign envoys carrying fans who
watch the combat.855 In addition to this scene and the similar scene from the Ramasseum a
representation from Theban Tomb 19 (Amenmose) dating to the 19th Dynasty depicts wrestling
and stick fighting before a statue of the deified Thutmose III within a temple setting. This
inclusion suggests that these activities may have related to the cult of the deceased king. 856 An
851
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 40, 51.
852
Ibid., 40.
853
Nelson, Medinet Habu II, Plate 111.
854
Wolfgang Decker, Sports and Games of Ancient Egypt trans. Allen Guttmann (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1992), 79-82.
855
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 41, pl. 3; Decker, 79-80.
856
Ibid., 81-82. Decker even suggests that wrestling and stick fighting may have been part of the
funeral of the king. Ibid.
168
additional representation can be found in the tomb of Meryre II at Amarna where both wrestling
and stick fighting between Egyptians and foreigners occurs in the middle of a scene of foreign
tribute. Here the king sits upon his throne under an outdoor canopy with the combat is conducted
before him.857
The two thicknesses of the window bear inscriptions and representations of the king
making use of the Window of Appearances during ceremonial occasions. These inscriptions make
reference to the king viewing the temple, and inspecting priests, officers of the military and
chariots.858 A single phrase from the western thickness, “see my benefactions which are before
you,”859 undoubtedly makes reference to the rewards of office and gifts given by the king in other
representations of the king in the Window of Appearances.860
Although only the foundation of the first palace remains under the walls of the second the
elevation of the palace is discernible due to a rather fortuitous discovery (Plate 4.45). On the
exterior wall of the first court, the exterior or south side of the façade discussed above, the
shadow outline of the mudbrick walls of the first palace and second palace were preserved giving
a cross-section of both of these palaces (Plate 4.46).861 The first palace was accessible via the
doorways to the west and east of the Window of Appearances which led into antechambers that
flanked a large columned hall (Plate 4.45). A stairway in the center of the hall led up to the
857
Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna II, plate XXXVIII.
858
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III,, 41; Harold H. Nelson., Medinet Habu Volume IV: The Festival
Scenes of Ramses III (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1940), 238 A-B.
859
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 41.
860
Although the majority of scenes of the king rewarding officials from the Window of
Appearances date to the Amarna Period representations from the early 19 th Dynasty are known. See for
example the representation of Seti I in the Window of Appearances represented on Louvre C213 as well as
a representation of Ramses II rewarding a courtier from Theban Tomb 157 (Nebwenenef). For images of
both see Hölscher, Medinet Habu I, figures 19 and 22.
861
Ibid., 38.
169
Window of Appearance.862 The cross-section indicates that both the central columned chamber
and the side ante-chambers were roofed with barrel vaults.863
While Hölscher points out that there is only “very meager” evidence for the visual
program of the palace he notes that the north wall of the central hall, being in actuality the south
side of the south wall of the temple’s first court, was made of stone and as such preserves the
visual program (Plate 4.47).864 The program on this wall includes monumental scenes flanking
the doorway to the Window of Appearance depicting the king in a smiting pose. Here the kind
grasps the hair of standing foreigners and holds a khepesh in his hand preparing to strike.865 This
same motif is continued on the columns of the hall which while badly damaged were preserved
enough to provide a rather complete reconstruction.866 These columns featured a horizontal band
about two thirds the way up the column which depicted the king in a smiting pose (Plate 4.48).867
The stone elements of the doorway between the columned hall and the throne room to the
south were discovered under the courtyard of the harem of the second palace (Plate 4.49). Above
the cavetto cornice of the door was an elaborately carved and painted “supraporte” depicting
heraldic figures and the king kneeling offering Maat before Amun. The west thickness of the
doorway depicted the king on one side before a goddess who bestows “many Heb-Sed,” upon
862
Ibid., 44-45.
863
Ibid., 38, 46.
864
Ibid., 46.
865
Nelson, Medinet Habu II, Plate 114.
866
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 46.
867
Ibid., fig. 25.
170
him.868 A fragmentary relief from the east thickness shows only the feet of the king with a female
figure behind him. Below them is a dado of heraldic plants alternating with serekh paneling.869
The throne room immediately to the south contained four columns of similar design to
those in the columned hall. Directly behind the throne dais870 was placed a double folio false
door which was discovered in fragments with the doorway in the harem courtyard (Plate 4.50).
The semi-circular supaporte bore representations of the king as a sphinx amongst a number of
royal emblems (Plate 4.51). The main body of the false door bore a representation of the king in
full regalia on each folio of the door standing on a dado of serekh paneling.871 The preservation
of the piece is rather impressive preserving the detailed a vibrant paint that must have covered all
the stone reliefs.872
The construction of the second palace resulted in the destruction of most of the first
palace and major alterations of the palace façade (Plate 4.52). Most notably the Window of
Appearance was converted to what Hölscher described as a “Balcony of Royal Appearances,” by
widening the doorway, lowering the floor by 62 centimeters and removing the row of heads of
foreigners below the window. A stone base extending into the first courtyard of the temple was
added and holes for fastenings were carved into the façade (Plate 4.53). All this appears to have
been done in preparation for the erection of a large wooden canopy or kiosk which replaced the
window (Plate 4.54).873 Hölscher notes that at this point much of the stonework of the window
868
Ibid., 48. This author altered the published translation of this phrase using “Heb-Sed” rather
than “Jubilee.” This is confirmed by the copy of the inscription in fig. 27 in Ibid.
869
Ibid., 48.
870
Although no evidence was preserved Hölscher believed that there had originally been a throne
dais in this room. Ibid.
871
Ibid., 48, fig. 28.
872
See plate 31 in Uvo Hölscher, The Excavations of Medinet Habu-Volume I: General Plans and
Views (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934).
873
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 40, 42-44. See in particular Figure 20 and Plate 4 in Ibid.
171
(not made into a door) was either replaced or reworked for the addition of inlays made of glass,
faience and polychrome stones.874
The three doorways which gave access from the courtyard into the palace were likewise
adorned with inlays. Hölscher combined the rather scanty evidence from these three doorways to
provide reconstruction of a single doorway (Plate 4.55). The lintel featured the titulary of the
king flanked by representations of the king as a sphinx trampling foreign enemies while protected
by Maat below a winged sundisk. Each jamb likewise bore a representation of the king as a
sphinx trampling a foreigner. Directly below this was a panel of Rekhyt figures and below this
were placed faience tiles of bound foreigners very similar to those found in the throne room of
Ramses II at Qantir (Figures 4.56 and 4.57).875 The presence of nail holes in the door jambs up to
a height of 60 centimeters indicates that the lower reaches were augmented with a metal panel,
perhaps of gold. The areas of the door frames not augmented with inlays were probably gilded.876
The two most central doors led into a small vestibule (Labeled B on Plate 4.52) from
which the Balcony of Appearance was accessed on the north side and a door on the south side
gave entry into a small columned hall at the end of which was probably located a throne dais
(Labeled C on Plate 4.52). Very little of the visual program from these rooms is preserved. A
single stone fragment, likely coming from the base of a column, depicts a bound foreigners
contained within a rectangular frame alternating with serekh paneling (Plate 4.58).877 Window
grills were found throughout this portion of the palace and were generally made of rough
874
Ibid., 43; Uvo Hölscher, The Excavations of Medinet Habu-Volume IV: The Mortuary Temple
of Ramses III, Part II (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), 39-42; Rudolf Anthes, "Catalogue of
Tiles and Other Inlays," in Uvo Hölscher, The Excavations of Medinet Habu-Volume IV: The Mortuary
Temple of Ramses III, Part II. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), 42-47; M. Georges Daressy,
“Plaquettes émaillées de Médinet-Habou, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte XI (1941): 49-63.
875
Hölscher, Medinet Habu IV, 41; Hayes, 21-22.
876
Hölscher, Medinet Habu IV, 41-42.
877
Hölscher, Medinet Habu III, 51-52, Plate 33E.
172
sandstone and featured minimal visual program (Plate 4.59).878 Hölscher identified four stone
fragments found reused in the landing of the stairway of the Balcony of Appearances as having
come from the throne dais of the second palace (Plate 4.60). These fragments bear
representations of bound foreigners between serekh panels.879 In a side chamber to the east of
this columned throne room (Labeled D on Plate 4.52) were found the remains of two columns
including a fragment of a palm capital suggesting to Hölscher that all of the columns of the palace
had palm capitals.880
To the south of the throne room were found the remains of a number of private chambers
including a bed room, a lavatory and a more private audience chamber (Labeled F, G and H on
Plate 4.52). A courtyard, located just to the west of throne room (Labeled J on Plate 4.52) gave
access to a separate building (yet still within the enclosure wall of the palace) that contained three
living suites (Labeled M on Plate 4.52). Hölscher described this area as the harem of the palace.
The stone elements of this portion of the palace, where one would expect to find a visual and
written program like that found throughout the rest of the palace, appear to have been left blank,
only being inscribed during the reign of Panedjem I when the palace was apparently reused.881
Analysis
One can assume that Post-Amarna period palaces operated in a manner similarly to those
during the Amarna period, if not on a transformative and symbolic level, then at least on a
practical level. Indeed the most basic functions of kingship would have seen little change during
the Amarna period. Even so we can begin to see very specific trends in the Post-Amarna New
878
Ibid., 52.
879
Ibid., 52, Figure 30.
880
Ibid., 52, 53.
881
Ibid., 54- 56.
173
Kingdom palaces that differentiate them from their predecessors both in layout and in their visual
programs that hint at profound changes in the conceptualization of the palace.
The most notable trend is the increased use of inlays, usually in the form of glass, faience
and paste. While inlays and other three dimensional elements are known from the Amarna period
and the reign of Amenhotep III they become particularly common during this later period. Indeed
evidence from Qantir suggests that motifs which were executed in paint on plaster in earlier
palaces, in particular Nilotic scenes, are instead being executed in faience and glass plaques. The
same can be said of elements like floral friezes, alighting birds, and figural scenes all of which are
recorded in earlier palaces as having been executed in paint on plaster but were found in palaces
of this period executed as faience plaques. This is in stark contrast to Amarna period faience and
glass elements which normally take the form of hieroglyphic inlays in stone architectural features.
While this trend could easily be passed off as simply an accident of preservation due to the fragile
nature of painted plaster, the depiction of figural scenes in plaques indicates a radical shift, one
away from painted plaster. Indeed this same shift can be seen in the extensive use of stone
columns, often carved in deep relief in order to receive inlays, rather than the wooden painted
columns that would have graced most of the palaces at Amarna.882
Despite this there is still rather fragmentary evidence for the use of painted plaster during
the Post-Amarna New Kingdom. The most telling piece of evidence comes from the as of yet not
fully explored palatial structure at Qantir which resulted in the large quantity of gold leaf and
dust. Here polychrome painted plaster appears to have been used in conjunction with the gilded
relief although it is still unknown whether the paintings were figural or rather polychrome
patterns. Additionally Fisher believed that the palace of Merenptah made extensive use of
painting both in the visual program found on the walls but also of the floor. Unfortunately little
882
The notable exception being the Great Palace which made extensive use of stone.
174
evidence for this program was found and while it is extremely likely that Fisher’s conclusions are
correct very little can be said about the subject matter of these paintings.
The visual programs of these palaces utilized essentially the same motifs that were seen
at Amarna although in different manners and regularity. The most common motif found in the
Post-Amarna New Kingdom is the subject of dominance of the king over the forces of chaos and
disorder, most often depicted as foreigners. This is not surprising considering the modern
perception of the kings of the 19th and 20th Dynasties as “warrior pharaohs” or “empire builders.”
While it is possible that the reigns of these kings were punctuated by increased foreign conflict it
is extremely probable that this conception of the kings of the period is a result of shifting ideas on
royal identity. The majority of evidence that is preserved to scholars is royal inscriptions both
visual and literary. Rather than looking at this evidence for the nature of foreign relations at the
time, scholars should examine these inscriptions as deliberate choices by the king to display
kingship. As such the evidence presented says far more about royal ideology than the
practicalities of foreign interaction at the time.
In the temple palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu the motif of dominance over foreign
powers is most often found in the exterior portions of the palace, most notably on the exterior
façade and the doorways leading from the courtyard into the palace. The columns of the main
hallway of the First Palace again featured the king in smiting pose. As one moved further into the
palace these motifs are replaced with images of the king interacting with deities. Within these
inner rooms the motif is found on the throne dais. The use of the motif of domination is likewise
most often found associated with the thrones in the other palaces of the period. The throne daises
from Qantir identified by Hayes made extensive use of the motif as well as the dais from the
palace of Merenptah. The existence of the same motif at Tell el-Yahudiya is supported by the
discovery of faience plaques depicting bound foreigners from the site. The painted pathways of
bound foreigners alternating with bows that was found at Amarna is hinted at by the large number
of faience tiles with similar designs that likewise might have been placed on the floor although
175
evidence from Medinet Habu suggests that it is equally likely that these plaques were
incorporated into the walls of the structure. The use of plaques depicting bound foreigners seems
to strongly correlate with throne rooms and in particular throne daises. This perhaps indicates
that these plaques were restricted in their use to these locations. If so then this would indicate
that the stone lined chamber discovered at Tell el-Yahudiya was a throne room. Indeed this
seems likely as the extensive use of tiles depicting bound foreigners in conjunction with the small
rosettes here mirrors a similar use in the throne daises of Qantir.
The second motif identified in the palaces of Amarna, the natural environment, is only
rarely found in the palaces of the Post-Amarna Period. The most notable examples come from
the palaces of Ramses II at Qantir. Plaques excavated at Qantir depict similar Nilotic scenes to
those found in Amarna palaces, including fish and birds in narrow bodies of water dotted with
lotus flanked by stripes of black soil from which spring riverine plants. Faience plaques depicting
clumps of papyrus may have originally stood above these canals. Plaques depicting large stands
of alcea with naked female figures undoubtedly relate to this same idea of the natural
environment, although in this case populated by human figures, an occurrence which is not
unheard of in earlier palaces.
Evidence for scenes of the natural world from other palaces of the period is rather
lacking. The best evidence comes from Tell el-Yahudiya where a single faience plaque depicting
an alighting pigeon in a manner almost identical to the ceiling from Malqata was found. This
pigeon was most likely part of a larger scene of natural abundance which often included various
alighting birds. Fischer suggested that the floor of the throne room of Merenptah’s palace
featured Nilotic scenes flanking a procession of bound foreigners in much the same was as in the
Throne Room Complex of the Great Palace of Amarna. Yet there is almost no evidence for this
motif and rather may have been part of a rather overly ambitious restoration on the part of Fischer
who was looking at the largest and most complete palatial floor known at the time of his
excavation.
176
The one motif found at Amarna which is almost completely lacking in these later palaces
is depictions of palatial activity and abundance. Depictions of Ramses III from the doorway of
the Window of Appearance at Medinet Habu show the king dressed in full ceremonial regalia
walking towards the window. Likewise the depiction of wrestlers from the façade of the same
palace was interpreted by Hölscher as a representation of the ritual activities that took place
immediately before the palace, a conclusion which is supported by the scene from Theban Tomb
19.883 The frieze composed of bunches of grapes alternating with lotus flowers and other flowers
found at Tell el-Yahudiya undoubtedly relates to garlands that would have been hung throughout
the palace on festive occasions making reference to the sumptuousness of the palace.
These Post-Amarna New Kingdom palaces include numerous depictions of the king in
the presence of deities. These motifs are often found on columns, doorways, and false doors.
Additionally fragments of inlays depicting figures with blue and green skin as well as divine
headdresses found in many of the other palaces indicate that these motifs may have been carried
onto the walls of the palace. The inclusion of these scenes may seem novel but they are
undoubtedly linked to scenes found in earlier palaces. In Amarna palaces numerous
representations of the king and the royal family engaged in palatial activities would have included
the Aten above shining down on their activities. Additionally it must be remembered that both
the Medinet Habu palaces and the palace of Merenptah at Memphis were in close proximity to a
major temple and may have served the king only during festival occasions. As such the visual
program may have taken on a decidedly more temple like character. As such the inclusions of
scenes of the king with the gods may have been related to palatial activities. Despite this it is
evident that the palaces of the Post-Amarna New Kingdom were taking on a decidedly more
temple like nature. For instance the rekhyt figure, which has long been found in temple visual
programs, is now found in palatial settings where they had previously been absent.
883
See Page 171.
177
In both the Merenptah palace and the palaces of Ramses III at Medinet Habu these motifs
are most commonly found within inner rooms and are rarely in conjunction with other motifs. At
Medinet Habu the representations of the king smiting found on the exterior façade of the palace
show only the king. In contrast many if not most of the depictions of the king in a smiting pose
from the temple structures of Medinet Habu show the king before a deity, most often Amun or
Montu, who hands the king the weapon he uses to strike his enemies. The absence of the deity in
these scenes is particularly telling and may suggest a restriction on depictions of deities on the
exterior portions of the palace.
The general nature of the visual programs utilized during the 19th and 20th Dynasties
shows a rather delicate negotiation between a desire to utilize motifs commonly found in earlier
palaces and to rework the concept of the palace. The desire to restructure and reinvent the palace
comes primarily in the form of an apparent attempt to move away from influences of domestic
architecture towards a more templar model. This change can be seen in the general abandonment
of the sprawling palace with numerous lines of axis and made primarily of mudbrick and wood to
one with a central axis which utilized large quantities of stone to supplement the mudbrick walls.
In addition inlays and plaques are being increasingly used instead of plaster paintings at the same
time that inlays are increasingly being used in some temples. Gilding is also being utilized to a
much larger extent in these later palaces, perhaps once again reflecting the extensive use of
gilding that was undoubtedly employed in temples. Smiting scenes, a motif often seen in temples
even of a much earlier date, are now being found in palaces were before representations of
foreign domination were restricted to depictions of bound foreigners on floors and daises.
Representations of deities and royal interaction are also found in these later palaces were
previously these interactions appear less overt. References to royal palatial activity are also much
less common.
Yet throughout this apparent templification of the palaces there are attempts to invoke the
older palatial motifs. Indeed there are still references to Nilotic motifs, although these are far less
178
common than in earlier periods. Additionally many of the heraldic elements relating to kingship
which are not found in temples continued to be used. Perhaps most instructive is the use of the
dado of serekh or palace façade panels alternating with bunches of lotus and papyrus stalks to
represent upper and lower Egypt found at least from the reign of Amenhotep III. These palaces
also make extensive use of other royal emblems and titles, often utilizing the cartouche in a
pseudo-ornamental manner often flanked by elements such as the Was scepters, Ankhs, Djed
pillars and abbreviating “seneb” meaning “health” all placed on Nb baskets. These hieroglyphs
ensured the potency of the king and his continued ability to rule. As they relate directly to the
physical manifestation of the king they, like the latrines and bedrooms likewise needed to support
the wellbeing of the ruler, were essentially to the palace and would have continued being used
even when more templar elements were being incorporated in the palaces.
179
Chapter V
Palatial Inspired Motifs in Non-Palatial Settings
180
Throughout much of the history of court art, from far reaching cultures and historical
periods, the artists of the royal court have been some of the most sought after artists for private
commissions. Additionally, the palace, one of the most important center of artistic production
and innovation, directly influences the styles and subjects of art produced elsewhere, even when
the artists employed have no formal connection to the royal art world. The same can be said for
the Egyptian New Kingdom. The studies conducted by Melinda Hartwig have demonstrated
beyond any reasonable doubt that the artists who were responsible for the paintings for the palace
at Malqata were also the artists for many of the private tombs in Thebes executed during the reign
of Amenhotep III.884 Based on the use of palatial artists it should not be surprising to find motifs
which appear to be based in large part on palatial subject matter in both royal and private settings.
The purpose of this chapter is not to present evidence for the use of palatial designs
outside the palace, nor to explore methods or modes of transmission, but rather to analyze
surviving examples that may provide some evidence for trends in image programs in palatial
settings that are no longer extant. Although it is possible that motifs from palaces that have not
yet been identified in the archaeological record were utilized outside the palace, this chapter will
focus on the motifs already established in previous chapters of this dissertation in order to
identify beyond a reasonable doubt that the scenes found in non-palatial settings are indeed
palatially inspired. As such, this study will focus on: representations of the natural world; palatial
activities; domination and subjugation of chaotic or dangerous elements; geometric motifs and
certain deities commonly represented in palatial settings.
884
Hartwig, 30-36.
181
Elite Tomb Chapels
One of the most fruitful locations in the New Kingdom for the study of Egyptian visual
culture are the private tombs. Considering the evidence for the use of royal artisans from the
palatial workshops in the tombs of Thebes during the reign of Amenhotep III established by
Hartwig this seems to be a particularly important resource for evidence for palatial programs. 885
The most common palatial motifs utilized in private tombs are representations of paltial
activities.886 These scenes are usually found in the tombs of those who worked in the palace, as a
sign of their closeness with the king and their hope of continuing that relationship in the afterlife.
During the reign of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III this motif is usually expressed through
enthronement scenes where the deceased is shown, often conducting matters of the state, before
the king and queen who are enthroned under a kiosk. Occasionally the queen is replaced, or
sometimes appears alongside, a goddess, usually Hathor or Maat.887 The activities of the
individuals range from presenting tribute, or officiating their office, usually through the
overseeing of the presentation of foreign delegations. The regularity of this motif in tombs,
combined with small fragments of enthronement scenes found in palatial settings, such as
Malqata and the North Palace, indicate that the motif might be far more common in palatial
settings than previously thought. Indeed the importance of the subject in tombs suggest that the
enthronement scene, along with the enthroned king, may have been the focal point palatial
activity. The extremely detailed, and at times novel, appearance of these scenes in tombs also
suggests that the artisans who worked in the tombs were intimately familiar with the motif and
885
Ibid., 54-73.
886
Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, vol I part 1. The Theban Necropolis: Private Tombs. 2d ed.
(Oxford: Griffith Institute Ashmolean Museum, 1960), 463-464, 465.
887
Hartwig, 64-65.
182
the details. Their familiarity may indicate that the artisans often had to paint these scenes in
palaces, perhaps suggesting that it was a common motif.
With the advent of the Amarna period and the adoption of the Aten as the state god, the
programs of private tombs began to focus primarily on other motifs relating to the life of the king
and members of the royal family. This change appears to have occurred practically at the
beginning of the Atenist period of Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten’s reign, as is indicated by the
adoption of these motifs in the tomb of the vizier Ramose at Thebes (TT55). Ramose’s tomb,
perhaps the oldest private monument to utilize the subject matter that would become standard
with elite tomb chapels at Amarna, not only incorporates the traditional enthronement scene but
also introduces the Window of Appearances motif.888
In the elite tomb chapels of Amarna, the motif of the enthroned king becomes far less
common than in the pre-Amarna Eighteenth Dynasty. Only three representations of the
enthroned king and queen are extant in these tombs, originating from the tombs of Penthu,
Parennefer, and Tutu. In general these scenes are less formal than in the earlier Eighteenth
Dynasty. Only the representation from the tomb of Parennefer includes a depiction of a royal
kiosk. All three versions portray the king seated on a low stool as opposed to the rather ornate
throne often found in earlier versions. The differences in the motif from previous period are most
likely inspired by depictions of the enthroned king found in the palaces of Amarna.889
888
Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose (London: The Egyptian Exploration
Society, 1941), 27-35.
889
It cannot be ignored that these changes might also have represented a drastic shift in the
manner in which the king was physically enthroned. The presence though of formal thrones from the tomb
of Tutankhamun, made during the Amarna Period, which are more akin to the thrones depicted in pre-
Amarna period representations of the enthroned king, as well as the numerous and large throne rooms in
palaces of the period indicate that such a drastic change in court procedure is unlikely.
183
In contrast, representations of the Window of Appearance, with at least extant versions,
are quite common in the funerary chapels of Amarna.890 The motif was perhaps likewise in the
gateway of the North Riverside Palace and the bridge which connected the Great Palace to the
King’s House at Amarna.891 The pose of the figures, primarily the members of the royal family,
as well as the items being presented, are almost identical to those found in elite tomb chapels.
The seeming uniformity of the scenes, and their similarity to those found in the palatial settings
suggests that they were likely copied or at least inspired by palatial versions. In addition to
providing the basic evidence for the motif’s use within the palace, these representations from
private tombs often include details that may help elucidate which visual motifs may have
occurred in conjunction with the real world version of the Windows of Appearance. Of the nine
representations four included no details that could be interpreted as a visual program, usually
depicting the Window of Appearance as an unadorned structure.892 Two representations, from the
tombs of Meryre I and Huya, depicted the Window of Appearance embellished with a painting of
a floral swag frieze (semi-circular in shape) on top of a floral or geometric frieze. These are
remarkably similar to the friezes found in the gateway of the North Riverside Palace, a structure
that also bore a representation of a reward scene.893 One of these two, from the tomb of Meryre I,
also included representations of stalks of papyrus, one on each of the two posts supporting the
roof, perhaps an abbreviated version of naturalistic motifs found elsewhere in the palace (Plate
890
The scene occurs once in the tombs of Meryra I, Panehesy, Meryra II, Mahu, Parennefer, Tutu,
and Ay and twice in the tomb of Huya.
891
Page 122-123.
892
Petra Vomberg, Das Erscheinungsfenster innerhalb der amarnazeitlichen Palastarchitektur :
Herkunft, Entwicklung, Fortleben (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004), Abb. 119, 121, 123; Davies,
The Rock Tombs of El Amarna VI, pl. XXIX.
893
Page 68-69.
184
5.1).894 The remaining three representations show the Sema-Tawy motif directly below the
window.895 Three standing bound foreigners were depicted on either side of the Sema-Tawy
(Plate 5.2). Representations of similarly bound, although kneeling figures were found in the
King’s House at Amarna associated with the platform which Barry Kemp originally identified as
a Window of Appearance.896
Two representations of foreign delegations are known from the tombs of Meryre II and
Huya. Both these scenes show the king seated in a covered pavilion, not dissimilar from the
kiosks found in pre-Amarna enthronement scenes except for the inclusion of ramps or stairs on
both sides of the pavilion. The basic plan of these pavilions, as can be reconstructed from
representations from tomb scenes, is remarkably similar to the structure excavated at Kom el-
Samak south of the Malqata palace.897 Evidence for scenes of foreign delegations being received
by the king were found in the King’s House at Amarna as well as earlier at Site K at Malqata,
suggesting that these scenes, as well as the ceremony itself, occurred during both periods.898
Representations of the royal family in chariots in a non-combat setting are unheard of
prior to the Amarna period, although five examples are known from Amarna private tombs.899
These representations echo the similar motif found on the gateway of the North Riverside Palace.
Unfortunately, there is no evidence of the motif from palaces or non-palatial structures dating
894
The lack of a sprig of lotus flowers on the opposite post would seem to indicate that these
papyrus clumps were not heraldic in nature.
895
Meryre II, Tutu and Parennefer.
896
Kemp, “The Window of Appearance,” 86-92. Kemp has since stepped back from this
identification, identifying the platform as a throne dais. Kemp, The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 133.
897
See page 50.
898
See pages 48 and 131.
899
For Pre-Amarna Eighteenth Dynasty representations of the king in a chariot engaged in combat
see Susanna Heinz, Die Feldzugsdarstellungen des Neuen Reiches : eine Bildanalyse (Vienna: Verlag Der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001), 235-236.
185
outside the Amarna period, so no conclusions can be reached as to whether the motif was unique
to the Amarna period.
Eleven representations of the interiors of palaces are known from elite tomb chapels at
Amarna as well as numerous examples represented in talatat from both Hermopolis and
Karnak.900 Palace interiors appears to be a motif unique to the Amarna period. Earlier
representations of palatial settings focused on a single component, the royal kiosk and throne,
rather than the overall architecture of the structure. The only deviation from this trend appears to
have been the representations of the exterior of a Minoan palace found at Tell el-Dab‘a.901 This
method of representation, focusing on a schematic depiction of a building exterior, is consistent
with Egyptian canonical representations of architecture such as private houses often seen in pre-
Amarna elite tomb chapels.902 Representations of elements of palatial architecture are found in
numerous fragments of painted plaster discovered in the King’s House.903 Often these scenes
include amphora, an apparently ubiquitous feature in palace storerooms. Depictions of similar
wine jars have been found in the throne room of the North Palace, strongly suggesting the
presence of a scene relating to palatial activities.
Following the Amarna period, there is a sudden decrease in the number of representations
of palatial activities in elite tomb chapels. The one remnant is not the enthronement scene, which
was so prominent prior to the Amarna period, but rather the representation of the tomb owner
being rewarded from the Window of Appearance, which occurs only occasionally. The tomb of
Neferhotep (TT49), dating to the reign of Ay, contains two examples of this motif. One, in which
900
Vomberg, 125-200.
901
See page 20.
902
See for example the representation of the home of Nebamun from Theban Tomb 90 as well as
the representation of the Temple of Karnak from the tomb of Neferhotep (Theban Tomb 49).
903
186
Neferhotep is rewarded by the king, is rather similar to those found at Amarna (Plate 5.3). The
scene is different primarily in its inclusion of non-Atenist deities. Horus is above the head of the
king, his outstretched wings enfolding the king’s blue-crown, and carrying an ostrich fan as well
as a Shen ring and repeated hieroglyphs for anx wDA snb in a sort of chain. Below the window is a
frieze depicting Horus crowned with a sundisk with his outstretched wings embracing the king’s
Golden Horus Name, the cartouche of which is likewise topped with a sundisk. Below this frieze
is found the prototypical palace façade frieze. At the very bottom of the window a badly
damaged Sema-Tawy is flanked by kneeling foreigners with arms upraised in adoration, most
likely a representation of the visual program found below the Window of Appearance in Ay’s
palace.904
The second representation is rather novel not only in its subject matter but also in its
inclusion within the tomb. The scene shows Neferhotep’s wife, Meryet-Re, receiving a collar
from a Queen (Plate 5.4). The Queen leans out of a rather simple version of the Window of
Appearance, being devoid of representations of any figural program and instead bearing only a
frieze of colored rectangles. In contrast to previous representations of the Window of
Appearance, here the window is placed within an architectural feature, identified by Davies as
“the harīm.”905 The building, unlike Amarna period representations of palatial structures, depicts
the building from the exterior, including shuttered windows and doors as well as ornate columns
that may represent a columned portico on the roof of the building.906 The absence of the motifs
often seen in other representations of the Window of Appearance is most likely due to the use of
904
N. de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Nefer-Ḥotep at Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition, 1933), 20-21, Plate IX, XI.
905
Ibid., 23.
906
Ibid., 23-26, pl. XIV.
187
the structure by a queen as opposed to the king, perhaps suggesting the use of depictions of
subdued foreigners was restricted to those windows used by the king.
Two representations of the Window of Appearances are known from the Saqqara tomb of
Horemheb. The first is rather unusual in that rather than leaning over the side of the Window of
Appearance, with their bodies obscured by the ledge, the figures of the king and queen appear to
stand before the window ledge upon which rests the typical large cushion. There is unfortunately
no trace of a visual program on the Window of Appearance preserved.907 The second
representation, now in the Oriental Institute, depicts the lower portions of the Window of
Appearance. The window component is quite small, being placed on a much larger platform.
Upon the screen of the window is depicted fecundity figures in the act of tying together the Sema-
Tawy. The platform bears an image of two sets of five standing foreigners on either side of a
Sema-Tawy, their arms raised in adoration of the heraldic motif.908
A single representation of a Window of Appearance from the tomb of Neferhotep II
(TT50), dating to the reign of Horemheb, presents a drastically different version of the reward
scene found during the Amarna Period. Here the scene is composed of the king standing on the
same ground line as the figures that he is rewarding in front of a short half wall upon which is
placed the large cushion typical of Windows of Appearance (Plate 5.5). This method of depicting
the Window of Appearance is perhaps a continuation of the trend already scene in the Saqqara
tomb of Horemheb, where the window has been broken down into only the most basic
components while placing the figure of the king in such a way as to ensure that no part of his
body is obscured.909
907
Vomberg, 220-222, Abb. 127.
908
Chicago O.I. 10501. Ibid., 222-224, Abb. 128.
909
Ibid., 226-228, Abb. 130.
188
Representations of the Window of Appearance are known from tomb chapels dating to
the reign of Ramses II. The scene from the tomb of Nebwenenef (TT157) is very similar to those
found at Amarna with a large columned kiosk surrounding the window (Plate 5.6). Below the
window is represented a line of rearing uraei with a row of grape clusters or flower petals below
this. Below these two friezes is a depiction of a serekh pattern flanked on the left by a clump of
papyrus from which rises a crowned cobra. If the cobra is identified as Wadjet then it is likely
that this is a heraldic motif. Unfortunately damage on the right side of the scene prevents us from
knowing if it was flanked on the right by a Nekhbet and a sprig of lotus flowers. A vertical panel,
divided into five registers, immediately in front of the window, is rather novel. In these registers,
presented from top to bottom, can be found: cartouches resting upon nbw signs and crowned with
a sundisk; the king in the form of a sphinx shaded by a fan; a cartouche, with similar attributes to
those in the top register, flanked by rearing uraei; a rekhyt adoring a similar cartouche; and finally
two clumps of papyrus.910 The two clumps of papyrus are rather telling as they do not appear to
be heraldic and may relate to the traditional palatial Nilotic motif. The subject matter of the
remaining registers are all likewise found either in palatial visual programs or on royal furniture.
These four registers may be interpreted as a condensed version of the visual programs found in a
non-extant palace of Ramses II.
The tomb of Ipuy (TT217) includes a representation of the Window of Appearance that,
while similar to earlier representations, places the window structure low on the ground line as if it
is little more than a kiosk, although the height of the king above the attendees does indicate his
significance. The screen of the window bears a representation of the Sema-Tawy device with two
910
Ibid., 232-235, Abb. 135.
189
bound standing foreigners on either side facing towards the outside. Below the figures is a narrow
panel of palace façade paneling.911
The tomb of chapel of Paser west of Medinet Habu, dating from the reign of Ramses III,
included a representation of a reward scene strikingly similar to that found in the tomb of
Neferhotep II, with the king at the same level as the figure of Paser, standing next to the window
screen.912 Depictions of the Window of Appearance from the Ramesside period from a variety of
sources, including several representations from the temple at Medinet Habu, utilize this same
abbreviated formula.913
The rather sporadic yet equally consistent methods of depicting the Window of
Appearance throughout the post-Amarna period is particularly telling. With the exception of the
representations from the tombs dating to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay and Horemheb, the
artists who were responsible for the scenes of the Window of Appearances, which were executed
in a manner similar to those at Amarna, are unlikely to have lived and worked at Amarna. As
such one must question how they were able to replicate the motif as it appeared in the Amarna
period. The numerous differences between the representations of the Window of Appearances
from these post-Amarna examples, and the earlier Amarna examples, suggests that they are not
based on Amarna period palatial motifs, but must have originated in contemporary palaces. The
rarity of the motif in tomb chapels as well as other extant medium indicates that it is unlikely that
the motif was one with which most tomb artists would have been familiar. It is likewise doubtful
that these artists would have examined tombs from the reign of the heretic king for inspiration.
The continued use of the motif in tombs indicates that Windows of Appearance were still used for
911
Norman de G. Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 1927), pl. XXVII.
912
Vomberg, 238-239, Abb. 140. It is unclear why Paser and the king both face in the same
direction, as traditionally Paser should face the king to receive his reward.
913
Ibid., 238-245, Abb. 141-148.
190
reward and appointment ceremonies. As such it is likely that palatial artisans would have
continued representing these activities within the palace, probably within close proximity to the
physical Window of Appearance. It is therefore logical to conclude that the Windows of
Appearances, found as part of the palace, and the scenes which occurred with it, were the
inspiration for the details found within tomb chapels. Furthermore it is unlikely that the sudden
change in the depiction of the Window of Appearance which occurred in the Nineteenth Dynasty,
represented an architectural change in the physical Windows of Appearances but rather was
stylistic. The rapidity of the change, as well as the consistency with which it is depicted from this
point on, suggest that the stylistic change occurred first in scenes from the palace.
Naturalistic motifs which were inspired by those found in palatial settings are also found
in several tombs dating from the immediate aftermath of the Amarna period. As shall be
discussed, the details of some of these scenes, which are characteristic of palatial motifs, perhaps
suggest the continuation of this motif in palatial settings beyond the Amarna period. One of the
most apparent reuses of palatial Nilotic motifs comes from the mudbrick tomb chapel of the
“scribe of the treasury of silver and gold of the lord of the two lands,” and “priest of the temple of
Aten at Memphis” Iniuia at Saqqara, dating to the reign of Tutankhamun.914 The tomb’s small
mudbrick offering chamber features representations of Iniuia before various funerary deities. On
the north and south walls of the offering chamber a band below figural scenes contains a Nilotic
motif featuring fish and white lotus flowers, buds and leaves against a watery background (Plate
5.7).915 Like the Nilotic motifs found in palaces, the only fish included in the scene are the tilapia
and the mullet, indicating that it was directly inspired by scenes from the palace. Indeed the
placement of the Nilotic band below the figural scenes may likewise be reminiscent of the layout
914
Hans D. Schneider, The Tomb of Iniuia in the New Kingdom Necropolis of Memphis at
Saqqara (Turnhout Belgium: Brepols, 2012), 119-120.
915
Ibid., 66-67, 70.
191
of scenes in palatial settings. Additionally, this implies that the motifs utilized in the palaces of
Memphis, during and immediately following the Amarna period, were similar not only in their
overall visual programs but also in the details that were included in the larger scenes.
The tomb chapel of Neferhotep (TT49) at Thebes makes extensive use of palatially
inspired naturalistic motifs. On the north wall of the inner columned hall the top register contains
a sort of landscape depicting the area and activities associated with the tomb owner from the
temple of Karnak in the east to the marsh lands on the west side of the river. On the extreme left
of this rather large scene is represented, in three sub-registers, the activities of what appears to be
one of the papyrus thicket (Plate 5.8). In the uppermost register men are engaged in harvesting
papyrus. A pintail duck takes flight from the marsh, apparently frightened away by the activities,
forcing it to abandon its nest. The sub-register immediately below this depicts cattle herding in
the papyrus thickets. In the bottommost sub-register two men on a papyrus skiff while a third
propels it with a pole. A tethered calf sits on the skiff, its legs folded beneath it.916 The execution
of the papyrus thickets are strikingly similar to those found in the palaces of Amarna and the
motif of the calf in the papyrus skiff is almost identical to those found in Hall N of the Great
Palace.917
To the right of these scenes are two sub-registers, with the inspection of newly arrived
slaves or serfs in the upper sub-register and the branding of cattle in the lower, all of which
occurs along the banks of the Nile. In the upper sub-register is a third small sub-register, just
above the heads of a pair of disobedient slaves and their Egyptian overseers, which includes a
depiction of a calf leaping between two trees. A fourth sub-register, above the back of one of the
cows about to be branded, contains five full grown cattle and a calf which likewise leaps.918 The
916
Davies, Nefer-Ḥotep, 34, pl. XLIV.
917
Ibid., 34.
918
Ibid., 33, pl. XLIII.
192
rarity of representations of bounding cattle outside of palatial settings suggests that this scene was
palace inspired.
The soffit of the doorway into the inner chamber where these scene can be found is
painted with a representation of pintails and butterflies inside a checker-patterned frame (Plate
5.10). The scene is striking in that it is remarkably similar to the fragments of ceilings from the
Harem area of the Malqata palace, which likewise depict pintails taking flight with butterflies.
This motif is completely non-extant from Amarna palaces, nor is it a common motif in pre-
Amarna tombs. If the artists who were responsible for the painting of Neferhotep’s tomb were
palatial artists, which seems likely considering the similarities in style and subject matter, then
these artists were at work in the palace or palaces constructed at Thebes immediately after the
Amarna period. This would suggest that these palaces utilized motifs including the papyrus
marsh with leaping cattle and the duck taking flight.
The inclusion of the ducks on the ceilings is intriguing. It is unlikely that the artists who
were responsible for the paintings at Malqata during the last decade of the reign of Amenhotep III
were still active approximately thirty-three years later at the start of Ay’s reign.919 This presents
us with two possibilities. The first is that the artist learned the motif during the Amarna period.
Due to the similarity in his style to the palaces at Amarna it is likely that the artist was active in
the painting of the palaces at Amarna. As such it would be reasonable to conclude that the ceiling
919
This author prefers the chronology utilized by Ian Shaw in his book The Oxford History of
Ancient Egypt, ed. Ian Shaw, 61-88 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 479-483. This chronology
gives the dates of Amenhotep III as 1390-1352 BCE, with the construction of the Malqata palace likely
commencing in 1360. Ay’s reign is given as 1327-1323 BCE. These dates are based on the rejection of an
extended co-regency of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten, a possibility that this author finds
extremely unlikely. The recent study by Peter Dorman acts as an excellent refuting of this long co-regency,
or any co-regency, by using evidence from the tomb of Kheruef. P.F. Dorman, “The Long Coregency
Revisted: Architecture and Iconographic Conundra in the Tomb of Kheruef,” in P. Brand and L. Cooper,
eds. Causing his Name to Live. Studies in Egyptian Epigraphy and History in Memory of William J.
Murnane (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 62-82. Assuming for the youngest possible age of Neferhotep’s artist at the
beginning of construction of the palace, twelve, then the artist would have been in his late forties at the time
of the construction of Neferhotep’s tomb, probably beyond the age at which an artist would have been
employed.
193
motif of the pintails was in fact utilized in the palaces at Amarna but that these scenes are simply
not preserved. The second is that the motif was not utilized at Amarna. This would mean that the
artist would have had to have copied the motif from somewhere, perhaps from Malqata itself. If
so this would suggest the kings who ruled in the aftermath of the Amarna period were
intentionally seeking out motifs from earlier palaces to utilize in their palaces, thereby attempting
to return to pre-Amarna traditions of palatial imagery. The latter seems, to this author, to be the
most probable due in part to the strong similarities between the motif and those found at Malqata,
seemingly lacking any Amarna influence, as well as the complete lack of evidence for the motif
from Amarna.
Similar representations of birds can be found in at least seven Theban elite tomb chapels
from the reign of Ramses II through the end of the Ramesside Period.920 The ceiling of the hall of
the Nineteenth Dynasty tomb of Raya (TT159) for example features pigeons and pintail ducks
taking flight amongst poppies against a yellow background (Plate 5.11).921 The subject of
pigeons and ducks alone would be enough to link the scene with palatial antecedents, yet in
addition to these is the inclusion of the poppies, a plant often found in palace Nilotic scenes and
the use of the yellow background which is used in the majority of palatial Nilotic motifs. Despite
the fact that the subject matter is remarkably similar to ceilings found at Malqata the style is
distinctively Nineteenth Dynasty, making it unlikely that it was copied from an Eighteenth
Dynasty example. Rather, it is reasonable to conclude that the motif was inspired by those found
in Nineteenth Dynasty palaces, for which there is only minimal extant evidence from palatial
settings.
920
Porter and Moss, 474. These being Theban Tombs 6, 30, 31, 65, 159, 300 and 362.
921
Nina M. Davies, Ancient Egypt Paintings vol. II (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1936), pl. CI.
194
The same can be said of similar representations from the tomb of Khons (TT33) dating to
the reign of Ramses II. The ceiling of the entrance doorway features a badly preserved scene of
pigeons or doves in flight within a checkered border. 922 The ceiling of the third doorway is
painted with pintail ducks taking flight amongst flowering plants, most notably cornflowers,
populated by grasshoppers.923 The rather frenzied and disorderly style of these birds is in direct
contrast with the extremely regimented and precise scenes found elsewhere in the tomb, makes
these ceilings seem out of place stylistically. This suggests that unlike the rest of the tomb, which
is based on trends of tomb decoration, the ceilings are part of another tradition, namely the
palatial tradition and are likely inspired by contemporary palatial ceilings.
Representations of the domination of foreigners by the king are rather limited in elite
tomb chapels and seem to be restricted primarily to representations of the royal kiosk or throne.
A particularly good example of this comes from the tomb of the chief steward named Amenhotep
called Surer (TT48) dating to the reign of Amenhotep III. In this version of the enthronement
scene images of dominated foreigners can be found on the arm of the wooden throne in the form
of the king as a sphinx trampling several enemies. The king’s throne is place upon two platforms,
each with a different version of the same motif. The sides of the lowest platform bear the
traditional name-rings, containing the name of a foreign city or region, which are personified as
bound foreigners. The sides of the upper platform included small tableaus with the king, either in
the form of a sphinx or a human figure wielding a weapon, in the act of dispatching a defeated
foreigner.924
922
Norman de Garis Davies, Seven Private tombs at Kurnah (London: The Egypt Exploration
Society, 1948), pl. XX.
923
Ibid., pl. XIX.
924
Torgny Säve-Söderberg, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs (Oxford: Griffith Institute Press,
1957), 33, 36-38, pl. XXX.
195
Theban Tomb 73, dating to the reign of Hatshepsut, contains a depiction of a rather
impressive collection of gifts being given by the tomb owner, whose name is lost but may have
been Amenhotep, to Hatshepsut on the occasion of the New Year.925 The inscription
accompanying these gifts identifies them as objects specifically for the palace. This is not
surprising considering that many of the objects, such as linen and furniture, are domestic in
nature. Amongst these items are two that include depictions of the domination of foreigners. The
first appears to be a chair which rests upon the back of a royal sphinx treading upon a foreigner.
The second is a statue of Hatshepsut in the traditional smiting pose armed with a khepesh.926
These object provide evidence for the utilization of the motif, at the very least on the furnishings
of the palace, within the palace from at least the reign of Hatshepsut.
This conclusion is further supported by a representation of a kiosk from the tomb of
Antef (TT155) which likewise dates to the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. The
thicknesses of the entrance to the inner hallway feature representations of the tomb owner
standing before a badly damaged narrow kiosk or pavilion, only the lowest portions of which
remain. A partial hieroglyph identifies the kiosk as connected with the Heb-Sed, and the
inclusion of a serekh pattern at the bottom indicates that the kiosk is undoubtedly royal and
perhaps related architecturally to palace.927 On both versions of the structure are representations
of foreigners bound to the Sema-Tawy motif. It is entirely possible that if the structure is palatial
925
Ibid., 1-2. For a comprehensive summarization and bibliography on the various evidence for
the name of the tomb owner see Ibid., footnote 1.
926
Ibid., 3-4, pl. III.
927
Ibid., 19, pl. XVIII. The left jamb of the same doorway features a depiction of Antef holding a
ram-headed staff to Horus who is perched on top of the King’s Horus name. The size of the serekh, as well
as Antef’s actions, suggest that this might be a physical object, perhaps a statue. In any case the inclusion
of this motif so close to that described above links the actions of Antef with ritual actions associated with
kingship.
196
that this is a representation of a motif executed on paint, thus providing further evidence for the
use of the motif in palaces of the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III.
Figures of deities in motifs that appear to be directly tied to palatial settings are extremely
rare in elite tomb chapels. Perhaps the best evidence for the presence of figures of deities in
palatial settings comes from the enthronement scenes discussed earlier in this chapter. Often
these include figures of Hathor or Maat, usually enthroned with the king under the royal kiosk.
This suggests the possibility of the inclusion of either goddess in similar enthronement scenes that
in all likelihood occurred in royal palaces. Indeed the rather mundane nature of these scenes,
related to real world activities of the tomb owner, rather than those which will occur in his next
life, would seem to conflict with the inclusion of a deity. This suggests that in some manner these
goddesses would have been present in the throne room. The inclusion of an image of the
goddesses, rather than an oblique reference, indicates that this presence took on the form of a
physical manifestation, perhaps as a statue or two dimensional representation. The ease at which
palatial artisans included depictions of these deities in elite tomb chapels implies that their
presence was made manifest via wall paintings of the goddess in the company of the king.
Representations of Bes, the god most often associated with palatial image programs as
well as royal furnishings, are extremely rare in private tombs of the New Kingdom, usually
restricted to depictions of furniture.928 Some evidence for the presence of statues of deities,
including Bes, can be found in the tomb of Amenhotep called Surer (TT48) dating to the reign of
Amenhotep III. On the rear wall of the first hall the tomb owner is depicted presenting the
products of the royal workshops to the enthroned king, amongst which are two statues of Bes
along with two of Tauwert and two of standing lions.929 The presence of statues of the goddess
928
Porter and Moss, 487. Representations of Nekhbet are completely unheard of. See Ibid., 488.
929
Säve-Söderbergh, 39-40, pl.. XXXVII.
197
Tauwert in palaces was established by the wooden statue found in the ruins of the North-East
court of the North Palace at Amarna. Lion statues, similar to the ones shown in this tomb, except
that they are in the process of devouring a foreigner, were found in the palace of Ramses II at
Qantir.930 On this same wall from the tomb of Surer there are two representations of the
enthroned king, one on either end of the wall. In both these representations two statues can be
found placed on pedestals, presumably next to the steps leading up to the platform upon which
the king is enthroned. The lowest statue is that of a lion seated on its hindquarters, perhaps a
symbolic representation of the king. At the top of the steps is a statue of Horus as a recumbent
falcon-headed sphinx wearing the double crown.931 These are further evidence for the utilization
of statues, often of divinities, as a component of the palace’s visual program.
Geometric designs, similar to those used extensively in the King’s Palace at Malqata, are
quite common in elite tomb chapels of the New Kingdom. While these ceilings are undoubtedly
inspired by imported textiles, it is entirely possible that the motif arrived in private tombs via the
royal palace.932 A particularly good example of the use of these ceilings in the Ramesside period
is the tomb of Inherkha (TT359) at Deir el-Medina. While the tomb was most likely executed by
members of the Deir el-Medina community this does not preclude the utilization of palatial
inspired motifs as most of the scenes and details found in these tombs have no parallels in royal
tombs.
The ceiling of the outer chamber (F) is composed of eight rectangular panels, in four
groups of two, separated by bands of hieroglyphic text on a yellow background (Plate 5.12).933
930
See page 148.
931
Ibid., pl. XXXVI.
932
Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East, 130-131.
933
Nadine Cherpion and Jean Pierre Corteggiani, La tombe d'Inherkhâouy (TT 359) à Deir el-
Medina (Cairo: MIFAO, 2010), pl. 1.
198
The first design, moving from the rear forward, is composed of a grape arbor arranged rigidly in a
trellis.934 The panel immediately next to it is composed of a design of alternating rows of
continuous scrolls and rosettes.935 The next two panels feature a spiral pattern interspaced with
rosettes and a design of white lozenges connected in a diamond pattern against a red, green and
blue background with interspaced rosettes.936 The panel diagonally placed from the diamond
pattern is identical in design.937 The panel immediately next to it is composed of a complex
design of rows of bovid heads surmounted by a sundisk, separated by a continuous scroll
pattern.938 The next rectangular panel features a design of interlocking “I” shaped elements, each
crowned in their corners by scroll patterns, resembling in a way classical Greek ionic columns.939
The final panel is composed of rectangles of decreasing size composed of rosettes set inside each
other.940 All of these patterns, with the exception of “I” shaped devices, are similar to designs
found on the ceilings of the palace at Malqata.941 While most of these devices likely occurred on
textiles of foreign origin, the grape arbor is primarily palatial in nature, suggesting that the
inspiration for these patterned ceiling is likewise palatial.942 The latest evidence for these types of
ceiling designs utilized in palaces date from the reign of Amenhotep III, seemingly disappearing
934
Ibid., pl. 4.
935
Ibid., pl. 6.
936
Ibid., pl. 8, 10.
937
Ibid., pl. 12.
938
Ibid., pl. 14.
939
Ibid., pl. 16.
940
Ibid., pl. 18.
941
See pages 42-43.
942
Salland, Forthcoming.
199
during the Amarna period. Yet their continued use into the Ramesside period tombs suggests that
geometric ceilings may have been common in later New Kingdom palaces, although the use of
textiles in funerary rituals is indeed a distinct possibility.943
State Temples
While state temples utilized their own visual programs, and there appears to have been
extremely little cross-over between temple and royal workshops, the royal mortuary temple of
Ramses III at Medinet Habu presents unique subject matter that is likely related to palatial image
programs. The Eastern High Gate, one of a pair of gates that originally stood over both the
eastern and western approaches to the temple complex, contains, on its second and third floors,
scenes depicting the king in the company of young women (Plate 5.13). 944 These women wear
diaphanous garments, earrings, sandals, and headdresses composed of a plinth and in several
cases topped with plant emblems, which have been seen in the depiction of the young woman
from Malqata.945 The young women are identified in the text as nsw msw, “the King’s Children.”
946
David O’Connor has argued that this title does not convey familial relations, suggesting
instead that these women were the nfrt, young women who served the king.947 The women are
John Baines, “Not only for the Dead: Banqueting in Ancient Egypt,” in Banquets of Gods,
943
Banquets of Men: Conviviality in the Ancient World ed. Ovidiu Ghitta, 1-35 (Cluj-Napoca, Romania:
Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai, 2014), 9-14.
944
Hölscher, Medinet Habu IV, 4-8; The Epigraphic Survey, The Eastern High Gate With
Translations of the Text (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), pl. 630-658. Scanty remains of
similar motifs are found in the West Gate. Hölscher, Medinet Habu IV, pl. 25-26.
945
See page 36.
946
Ibid., 14.
947
O’Connor, “Harem,”60, 65, 66.
200
shown in the company of the king, who is usually seen enthroned on either a formal throne or on
a folding stool and in two instances standing.948 O’Connor has identified several different
activities performed by these women: serenading and playing music for the king; playing board
games and drinking; presenting bouquets of flowers; ceremonially giving the king collars and
attending upon him in the throne room.949
O’Connor points to the scenes as representations of the activities of the royal harem,
noting that the layout of the scenes and activities likely correspond to specific parts of the
harem.950 Indeed, while most commentators have noted similarities between the towers and
military architecture, the tower is very similar in design to the gateway of the North Riverside
Palace at Amarna. It is entirely possible that towers like these were common features at the
entrances to palatial complexes, and as such the gateways at Medinet Habu are not meant to
replicate military architecture, but rather mimic an essential part of palatial architecture. The
great gateway would have been the first vision of a royal complex seen by a visitor. If the
designers of the Medinet Habu complex wished to encapsulate the palace in a single architectural
feature it would therefore likely have been this structure. The utilization of scenes of palatial
activities in a building that may have been palatially inspired suggest that the scenes may have
also been inspired by palatial visual programs. The majority of the scenes from the Eastern High
Gate feature ornamental bands above them. These bands are composed of uraei, dentil patterns
and most tellingly floral elements. These floral bands feature lotus flowers alternating with
groups of flowers and fruits composed of rosettes, cornflowers and lotus flowers. This band is
almost identical to bands of faience plaques found at Ramses III’s palace at Tell el-Yahudiya.
The similarity of these borders to excavated examples from a contemporary palace, as well as
948
For the king standing see Epigraphic Survey, Eastern High Gate, pl. 633, 656.
949
O’Connor, “Harem,” 63-66.
950
Ibid., 66-68.
201
their absence from any other temple structure dating to the period, indicates that they were
inspired by palatial examples.
The logical continuation of O’Connor’s conclusions, as well as this author’s conclusions
regarding the palatial inspiration for the scenes of the Eastern High Gate, is that the scenes in
these rooms were similar to the motifs that would undoubtedly have been found in the
corresponding chambers of an actual palace. The depictions of the palace women found at
Medinet Habu give an approximate idea of the types of scene that the fragmentary woman found
in Hall F at Malqata, a throne room or audience hall, was a part of. As O’Connor has argued, the
activities depicted in rooms 5 and 2 of the Eastern High Gate likely occurred in the throne room,
as these rooms appear to replicate throne room positioning within palatial structures.951 The
scenes found in these chambers would therefore likely have been similar in content to those found
in Hall F. These scenes focus on representations of the king, enthroned, in the company of young
women who present him food, embrace him and fan him from behind.952
The use of these motifs at Medinet Habu also echoes trends that would have been found
in contemporary palaces. This suggests the continuation of scenes of palatial activity and in
particular that of the enthroned king into the Ramesside period. This is particularly important as
there are no preserved examples of the motif found in surviving palatial settings after the Amarna
period, while at the same time the motif almost completely vanishes from elite tomb chapels. Yet
the prominence of the motif in the Eastern High Gate speaks to its apparent popularity in the
palaces of the period.
The mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu also contains a scene, likely inspired
by palatial designs on the exterior western face of south tower of the first pylon. The wall
951
Ibid., 66.
952
Epigraphic Survey, Eastern High Gate, 651-654.
202
features representations of the king hunting. The upper portion of the wall shows the king
hunting antelope and wild asses in the desert from his chariot.953 The lower sections of the wall
feature a similar scene with the king hunting wild bulls in the Delta marshes.954 The exterior
north wall of the second court includes a similar scene of the king hunting lions in a marsh.955
These scenes reflect images of royal hunting found both in the King’s Palace and Site K, both at
Malqata.956 Additionally, these scenes include details often found in scenes of nature found in
earlier palaces. The scenes in the marshes contain stands of common reeds (Phragmites
australis) which are included in earlier palatial Nilotic scenes such as those found on the floors of
the Great Palace at Amarna. The scene of the king hunting wild bulls includes, in its lower right
corner, a depiction of a small body of water. Within this body of water are pintail ducks, both
swimming on the surface of the water and taking flight, in addition to tilapia and mullets, the two
fish found in earlier Nilotic scenes. These trends indicate that these motifs are at least partially
inspired by both hunting and Nilotic scenes found in contemporary palaces.
Analysis
The evidence presented here is meant provide evidence for scenes from now lost palaces
that appear to have been replicated in contemporary non-palatial settings. The evidence strongly
suggests that the naturalistic motif was in use long after the Amarna period in palaces until at
least the Nineteenth Dynasty. While the evidence from palaces through the Twentieth Dynasty
has indicated that certain naturalistic elements, such as clumps of papyrus and fish were being
953
The Epigraphic Survey, Later Historical Records of Ramses III (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1932), pl. 116.
954
Ibid., 117.
955
Nelson, pl. 35.
956
203
utilized within the palace, primarily on glazed faience tiles, the evidence from tombs supports the
conclusion that the naturalistic motif was far more common than the palatial evidence would
suggest, and may even be indicative of large scale scenes of naturalistic environments similar to
those found at Malqata and Amarna.
Representations of Windows of Appearances from tombs as well as several temples
indicate provide two key conclusions. The first is that representations of Windows of
Appearance from these building also include tantalizing details about the nature of the visual
programs which could be found on real world Windows of Appearances. These images, which
suggest that the royal windows bore scenes of subjugated foreigners as well as heraldic plants and
animals, are striking similar to the motifs found on the Window of Appearance from the temple
palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, suggesting that the visuals which accompanied these
architectural spaces changed little from their Amarna period predecessors.
The rarity of these scenes in private tomb chapels after the Amarna Period indicates that
they never became a part of the standard repertoire of the tomb artist. Yet at the same time the
similarities between the few occurrences of the motif in tomb chapels indicates that the artists
who were producing these scenes were well familiar with the motif, thus suggesting another
source of inspiration. The only other known source for these scenes are palaces themselves, a
supposition well in line with the apparent popularity of the palatial artists as tomb artists.
Evidence from the North Riverside Palace and the Bridge at Amarna both indicate that real world
Windows of Appearance would have included depictions of the reward ceremonies carried out in
them that would have been remarkably similar to those found in Amarna period tombs.957 This
evidence therefore suggests that the representations of Windows of Appearance from post-
Amarna period tomb chapels were directly inspired by similar scenes which would have been
found in the palace, undoubtedly in close proximity to the real world Window of Appearances.
957
See pages 192-197.
204
While not the focus of this dissertation, the evidence presented begs the question as to
why so many palatial motifs were replicated in the tombs of elite court officials. For some
motifs, such as the reward and enthronement scenes the answer is quite obvious, the official
wished to associate himself, and his occupation, with the king as a representation of his authority
and cultural status. Other motifs, like geometric designs and naturalistic scenes are less obvious.
In some cases elements of the naturalistic motifs of the palace are incorporated into tomb scenes
which are not directly to the related to palatial scenes. For instance the representation of the
riparian environments from the tomb of Neferhotep (TT49, figures 5.8 and 5.9), are related to the
career of Neferhotep, a motif often found in private tombs, yet the artist has included details
which are directly inspired with palatial naturalistic motifs, such as the leaping bull. This
suggests that the artist who executed these scenes in Neferhotep had previous painted naturalistic
scenes on the walls of palaces and was likely trained at the palace. These details therefore are a
more artistic choice, not containing the same symbolic meaning they had in the palatial scenes.
Other occurrences, such as in the tomb chapel of Iniuia at Saqqara, where the naturalistic
motifs are not directly related to any known motif from elite tomb chapels, but rather appear to be
direct copies of palatial scenes, are less easy to explain. Perhaps they are symbols of the tomb
owner’s involvement in palatial activities, previously represented in enthronement scenes, or are
simply a testament to the powerful influence of court artists and the scenes they painted in palaces
over other aspects of Egyptian visual culture. These scenes may have been included as a nod to
the ability of the tomb owner to employ a court artist for the work on his tomb chapel.
205
Chapter VI
Symbolism of Traditional Egyptian Thematic Groups
206
Throughout this dissertation, a number of thematic groups or motifs have been identified
that represent major trends in the visual programs of palaces. This study raises a number of
significant questions that must be answered. Why were these particular motifs chosen out of the
entire available repertoire of Egyptian visual culture? How do the motifs work with one another?
What is their symbolic and transformative value? How do these thematic groups relate to the
role of the king as he was visualized by the elite class of Egypt? To answer these questions we
must engage each of the varying motifs individually before trying to examine the symbolism of
New Kingdom palaces holistically.
Perhaps the most pervasive motif, and the one most often associated with royal palaces in
Egyptological literature, is the natural world. It is this motif that is perhaps the most frustrating
for the study of these programs as they are usually executed in a visually pleasing way, and are
regularly associated with ideas of natural beauty and leisure, that they are often assigned to the
category of “pleasing decoration” used to create a calming or “beautiful” space.958 Yet the
transformative nature of Egyptian visual culture would preclude this conclusion. Any motif
would have to be carefully chosen as the visual program would create a ritualistically charged
space, one where both the negative and positive aspects of the space would surround the king. If
the visual program was meant to imitate the bank of the Nile in a realistic manner then it would
have imbued the palace with not only the leisurely activities of these real world spaces but also
their negative aspects.959 Instead it seems more likely that these images are meant to depict an
otherworldly space rather than a real one, one devoid of the dangers experienced along the Nile in
this world.
958
It is this response that the author most often receives when discussing this work with
colleagues.
959
The river would have presented a real threat not only from drowning but also from dangerous
animals such as the hippopotamus and crocodile.
207
Therefore a symbolic function of these motifs must be pursued. For example both David
O’Connor and Gay Robins have argued that floor pavements from palaces featuring leaping
calves and birds taking flight, within a river bank setting, are direct references to the morning
activities of the sun, animals and humans which occur at dawn in the Akhet (horizon).960 This
association is based primarily on a passage from the Great Hymn to the Aten which describes the
effects of the sun upon the land. The Hymn, as it was presented in the tomb of the God’s Father
Ay, describes this moment thusly; “the whole land, they do their work: all flocks961 content with
their pasturage, trees and grasses flourish, birds are flown from their nests, their wings adoring
your Ka, all small cattle prance upon their legs, all that can fly up and alight, they live when you
rise for them.”962
Immediately one can draw attention to several aspect described in the Great Hymn and
depicted in scenes of nature. The most prominent, and perhaps most commonly associated with
the Nilotic scenes, are the leaping calves. These calves are extremely common throughout the
scenes of the banks of the Nile, having been found at Malqata, Qantir, the Great Palace and the
Maru Aten of Amarna as well as in the painted palatial furniture from Medinet el Gurob.963 The
cattle depicted in these scenes are the domesticated variety of the genus Bos which are described
960
O’Connor, “Mirror,” 184; Robins, “The World at Dawn.” See also James P. Allen, “The
Celestial Realm,” in Ancient Egypt, ed. David P. Silverman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997),
119. See also James P. Allen, “The Cosmology of the Pyramid Texts,” in Religion and Philosophy in
Ancient Egypt, ed. William Kelly Simpson (New Haven Conn: Yale University Press, 1989), 25 for a
discussion of the Axt in the pyramid texts.
961
The term that Murnane has translated as “flocks” refers to flocks of small mammals such as
goats or sheep. The Egyptian word is iAwt.
962
William J. Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995):
112-116.
963
See page 28.
208
as the now extinct breed of “Egyptian Cattle” and not a species of wild cattle that may have been
inhabiting the Nile Delta during the New Kingdom.964
The behavior of the cattle would at first seem rather perplexing as these bulky animals
are not well known for agile leaping. Yet studies of the behavior of young cattle have
demonstrated a link between leaping and trotting and the wellbeing of the animals, and behavioral
scientists have gone so far as to call this behavior “play.”965 Young cattle and calves are most
likely to engage in this behavior when encountering new and unexpected environments.966 In
modern western agricultural practices this behavior is most commonly associated with spring,
when cattle are released from the enclosed pens and barns in which they are kept during the
winter months into spring pasturage.
Cattle would not have been uncommon along the banks of the Nile. Douglas Brewer
suggests, based on comparison with other herding cultures of Africa, that herding in Egypt would
have been limited to the desert margins of the Nile Valley, areas where grasses would have been
available but the growing of crops would have been impractical.967 Despite this, during the dry
season, May to September, alternate practices of feeding cattle would have been required. This
would have resulted in one of two alternative methods, either long distance herding or pen
feeding. Due to improved agricultural practices, Brewer suggests that by the New Kingdom, the
desert margins normally reserved for cattle herding would have been widely used for more cost
964
Douglas J. Brewer, Donald B. Redford and Susan Redford, Domestic Plants and Animals: The
Egyptian Origins (Warminster UK: Aris and Phillips 1994), 79-82.
965
Erin M. Mintline et. al., “Assessing Calf Play Behavior in an Arena Test,” Applied Animal
Behaviour Science 141.3-4 (November 2012): 101-107.
966
Vieira De Paula, A.M. de Passillé and D.M. Weary, “Effects of the early social environment
on behavioral responses of dairy calves to novel events,” Journal of Dairy Science 95 (2012): 5149-5155;
Maria Godoy, “The Secret Lives of Cows.” www.npr.org (accessed June 2, 2014).
967
Brewer, Redford and Redford, 78.
209
effective farming practices. As such, the practice of keeping animals in pens had become far
more common, at least during the dry months.968 Additionally, while the practice of moving the
herds from one pasture land to another in the desert margins might have be common during the
Old Kingdom, in later periods the vast Delta marshes became even more important for dry season
grazing.969
During the New Kingdom the moving of animals from pens to pasture land, undoubtedly
following the dry season, would have resulted in behavior, such as leaping and bounding, which
is observed with modern cattle when they are moved to pasture land in the early spring. The
same could be said for the moving of these animals into the new pasture lands in the Delta. As
such, the leaping behavior of cattle may have become associated with the coming inundation.
Some animals, particularly highly prized cattle or calves, may have been kept in enclosed pens at
night to protect them from nocturnal predators, then released into pasture lands during the day.
This too would have probably led to leaping and prancing amongst young cattle, perhaps linking
the activity in the mind of the Egyptian to the dawn. Comparing this behavior to the jubilant
actions of humans, it would have been logical for viewers to interpret the prancing of these
animals as a joyous activity. Therefore cattle would have been expected to leap during the
festival-like atmosphere of the dawn described in the Great Hymn.
The sacred imagery commonly associated by scholars with cattle in ancient Egypt, at
least in later periods, focuses on sacred animals such as the Apis Bull of Memphis and the
Mnervis bull of Heliopolis.970 It seems highly unlikely that these young cattle seen frolicking in
the marshes were the sacred animals whose lives were so strictly controlled. Additionally, it
968
Penning practices could have consisted either of the use of a pen alone or by means of tethering
stones, which apparently became widespread in the New Kingdom.
969
Ibid., 78, 86.
970
Ibid., 90.
210
seems unlikely that Akhenaten would have included references to animals linked so strongly to
cults of non-Atenist deities in the visual programs of his palaces. The most common of these is
between the cow and the goddess Hathor. In the area of Thebes Hathor, in the guise of a cow,
took on a decidedly funerary role. In contrast in the Delta, where cattle raising was most
prevalent, she was considered a sky goddess as well as the goddess of music, dancing and
fertility.971 It is possible that the leaping calf is a reference to Hathor, perhaps even in her role as
sky goddess, although there is little evidence for this.
A particularly intriguing reference to the leaping calf can be found in the tomb of
Kheruef (TT192) dating to late in the reign of Amenhotep III. The tomb is particularly well
known for its rather detailed depictions of the king’s first Heb-Sed, carried out in year thirty of
his reign. In one scene from the west wing of the tomb’s south portico, a procession of musicians
and dancers is shown before the king and queen, who are enthroned before Hathor in an ornate
kiosk. In the top sub register, before a line of dancers, and directly behind the “daughters of the
great ones,” are depicted three animals: a baboon, a pintail duck, and a prancing calf. All three
animals face away from a small shrine as if they have just exited it.972 The area immediately
above the animals has been smoothed as if in preparation for a text that was never executed.973
While the majority of the inscriptions in the sub-registers of musicians and dancers provide little
more than captions of the various figures, one extended text above the musicians in the lower
sub-register might shed some light on their meaning .974 The text is an address to Hathor who is
971
Brewer Redford and Redford, 90.
972
The Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef, Theban Tomb 192 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Oriental Institute Publications, 1980), pl. 24, 33, 34.
973
Instead a later graffito has been added giving the titles of an individual, most likely the same
person who has added the image of a kneeling man in adoration. See Ibid., pl. 34 and 36.
974
Ibid., 47, 48-49.
211
enthroned behind the king and queen. It begins by describing Hathor’s role at sunset and then
continues:
Adoration of the Gold975 when she shines forth in the sky. To you belongs
everything in the sky while Re is in it, and to you belongs everything in the earth while
Geb is in it. There is no god who does what you dislike when you appear in glory…O
my mistress, come and protect King Nebmaare, given life. Make him healthy on the left
side976 of the sky so that he is happy, prospering, and in health in the horizon.977
Other sections of this same text describe Hathor as the “hair” of Ra. Edward Wente relates this
phrase to the concept of Hathor as the glow of the sun that remains after it sets. Presumably, this
phrase would also apply to the glow that immediately precedes the sunrise in the morning. 978
This address suggests that in this instance Hathor is linked with the horizon both at dawn and at
sunset. Could these animals perhaps be emblematic of this association?
The inclusion of the baboon is particularly telling, as it is often linked with the sun at
both dusk and dawn when it is represented standing on its hind legs to worship the sun. This is a
classic example of the process by which ancient Egyptians assigned sacred meaning to the
observed patterns and practices of the natural world. In this case, the baboons’ particularly
boisterous habits during sunrise and sunset led to their belief that baboons were sun
worshippers.979 As shall be demonstrated below, a similar connotation can be assigned to the
pintail which was also found in this scene.
975
i.e. Hathor. See Shafik Allam, “Beiträge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren
Reiches)” Zeitshrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 4 (1963):40, 81, 131.
976
i.e. the East. See Kurt Sethe, Die aegyptischen Ausdrücke für rechts und links und die
Hieroglyphenzeichen für Westen und Osten (Göttingen: Nachtichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Göttingen, 1922), 201-209.
977
Epigraphic Survey, 47 with notes on 48.
978
Ibid., 47, note g on page 48.
979
Osborn and Osbornová, 35.
212
Foreign influence in these elements must not be ruled out. Indeed the posture of these
calves shows a freeness of motion not often seen in Egyptian art. This fluidity of movement is
often described as the “flying gallop,” a motif commonly found in the art of the Ancient Near
East and Aegean.980 Despite the foreign influence and perhaps inspiration of the motif, which is
impossible to deny, this does not devalue the symbolism the Egyptian would have attached to
such a motif.
Certain species of birds are rather ubiquitous in the Nilotic scenes of the palaces and are
mentioned several times in the Great Hymn to the Aten. To understand the symbolic role these
birds might have played within the motif, it is prudent to look at them one species at a time in
order to identify any common trends. The rock dove (Columba livia) occurs with the greatest
frequency perched on stalks of papyrus in the Nilotic scenes of the Green Room of Amarna’s
North Palace.981 The bird is also depicted taking off in several large ceiling fragments from
Malqata and Amarna as well as in a single faience plaque from Tell el-Yahudiya.982
Pigeons are not known to have been associated with any particular deity nor to have had
any particular symbolic value in ancient Egyptian visual vocabulary.983 In fact, only a few
depictions of the rock dove are known in Egyptian visual history, and the majority of these are
palatial in nature.984 Only two representations of pigeons from tombs are known. One, from the
980
Janice Crowley, The Aegean and the East: An Investigation into the Transference of Artistic
Motifs between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East in the Bronze Age (Stockholm: P. Åströms, 1989),
113-119.
981
Also known by the common name “pigeon.”
982
983
Houlihan, 101-103.
984
Ibid. This might be due to the rock dove’s frequent confusion with its relative the turtle dove
(Streptopelia turtur) which is quite often depicted in ancient Egyptian art as is suggested by Houlihan.
Ibid.
213
18th Dynasty tomb of Nebseny from Thebes (TT108), shows trussed pigeons being presented as
offerings to the tomb owner.985 In the Nineteenth Dynasty tomb of Raya at Thebes (TT159),
pigeons are shown along with pintail ducks amongst Nilotic plants in what appears to be a
reference to palatial Nilotic scenes.986 Neither of these do anything to elucidate any symbolic
meaning to the bird. Instead, its symbolism must be inferred from the natural history and
behavior of the bird itself.
Rock doves are a non-migratory bird choosing to nest year-round in Egypt, although
breeding occurs at a higher rate during the spring and summer months. Seemingly in contrast to
their placement amongst papyrus plants in the Green Room, rock doves, as their name suggests,
prefer to nest in rocky outcroppings and in the eaves of buildings. They would therefore have
been more commonly seen in the desert margins and high desert cliffs of Egypt than the low river
environment in which they are shown. Additionally, pigeons are a ground feeding bird and
generally averse to perching on plants, such as the papyrus stalks found in these same depictions.
Although pigeons are known to vocalize at all hours of the day, their morning cooing is
particularly characteristic and may have helped associate them with the sunrise.987
The visual evidence for both rock pigeons and turtle doves indicates that Egyptians
consumed both pigeons and doves, although depictions of the consumption of turtle doves are far
more common.988 Further supporting this conclusion, Emery reported the discovery of “pigeon
985
Nina M. Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings vol. I (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1936), pl. xlix.
986
Houlihan, 103.
987
Based on personal observation of the behavior of pigeons nesting and matting on the ledges of
New York City apartments.
988
Houlihan, 103-106.
214
stew” in a Second Dynasty tomb at Saqqara.989 Ramses III also reported the offering of 57,810
pigeons to the temple of Amun at Karnak.990 While the keeping of domestic pigeons is a
common practice in modern Egypt, the earliest references to pigeon coops date to the Greco-
Roman Period.991 Despite this, earlier depictions clearly show the capturing and caging of turtle
doves, some of which might in fact have been rock doves, indicating that the keeping of rock
doves in earlier periods was at the very least possible.992 In modern Egypt, dove guano is often
used to fertilize fruit trees.993 Although it is unknown when this practice began, it is possible that
it was used in the pharaonic periods. If so, pigeons might have been associated with agricultural
fertility. The pigeon, mnt in Late Egyptian, might have served as a visual pun for the word mnt,
meaning to be in a state of happiness, which relates back to the joy experienced by animals and
humans at dawn in the Great Hymn to the Aten.994
A single bird from the Green Room wall paintings is perhaps representative of another
type of dove, the laughing dove (Streptopelia senegalensis).995 This bird is shown with the
general body shape of a dove but without the band around its neck found on other species of
dove. This along with the coloration of the bird seem to indicate that it was indeed a laughing
989
W. Emery, A Funerary Repast in an Egyptian Tomb of the Archaic Period (Leiden:
Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1962), 6-7.
990
J. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt IV (New York: Russell and Russell, 1962), 242.
991
Houlihan,103.
992
Ibid., 105. The representations can at times be rather ambiguous as to whether the animals are
rock doves or turtle doves.
993
Ibid., 103; L. Keimer, “The Pigeons & Pigeon Cotes of Egypt,” in Egypt Travel Magazine 20
(1956): 26-27.
994
Leonard H. Lesko and Barbara Switalski Lesko. A Dictionary of Late Egyptian, 2d ed.
(Providence, RI: B.C. Scribe Publications, 2002), 184-185.
995
215
dove.996 Like both the rock dove and the turtle dove, the laughing dove was a yearlong resident
of Egypt, preferring to nest in cliffs and feed on the ground, as opposed to in the papyrus plant in
which it is depicted. Strong pictorial evidence suggests that it too was commonly captured and
raised by ancient Egyptians as a food source.997
The second most common bird in the Nilotic scenes is the northern pintail (Anas acuta),
which was the most often used duck not only in palatial programs but throughout Egyptian visual
culture.998 In examples from Malqata and the Great Palace at Amarna, these birds are most often
shown as either taking flight from a riverine environment, in flight or swimming across the
surface of a body of water. As the pintail is a dabbling duck, it most commonly seen swimming
amongst aquatic plants, upon whose rhizomes it feeds upon.999 Thus the pintail would have been
most commonly seen along the banks of the Nile or in marshlands, areas where papyrus and
water lilies were plentiful. It is just such an environment that is most often represented in palatial
wall and ceiling paintings.
The bird is a winter resident to Egypt, nesting during the summer months in northern
Europe.1000 Studies of the behavior of wintering pintails in Louisiana marshlands and flood rice
fields have found that the birds are most social in the early hours of the morning.1001 The vast
996
See Houlihan, 105 for the identification of doves without the neck band as Laughing Doves.
997
Ibid., 105. See for example a scene of force feeding laughing doves from the tomb of
Mereruka. P. Duell, The Mastaba of Mereruka (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago,
1938), pl. 52.
998
Houlihan, 71-72.
999
A dabbling duck is one that feeds at the surface of the water rather than diving.
1000
Ibid.
1001
These flooded fields would be roughly analogous to the inundated fields of Egypt in that they
both represent small graded agricultural areas covered, temporarily, in several feet of water. The winter
environment of Alexandria, Louisiana, near where the study was conducted, was surprisingly similar to that
of Cairo. For example, in January, central Louisiana experiences temperature ranges between 14.8 and 3.3
degrees centigrade with an average rainfall of 5.4 millimeters. Cairo’s January average temperature ranges
from 18.9 and 9 degrees centigrade with an average rainfall of 5 millimeters. Climate data for Alexandria,
216
majority of flocks congregate immediately before the sunrise and spend the first two hours of the
day feeding, courting and preening. This is also the time when they are engaged in the greatest
amount of locomotion. It is not until evening, within one hour of sunset, that the birds leave their
wading and feeding areas.1002
The pintail is one of the most commonly depicted birds in the art of ancient Egypt, being
found in numerous representations of hunting as well as being the model of the hieroglyphs
designated by Gardiner as G39, G40 and G41 ( ).1003 The pintail is most frequently
represented in Egyptian art as a food source, often being trapped in nets, hunted with throwing
sticks, plucked and roasted and offered in temple and tomb rituals.1004 The frequency with which
the bird is depicted is undoubtedly referential to the species being the primary duck hunted by
ancient Egyptians and as such one of the most common food sources. Houlihan points to the
scene from the tomb of Anen (TT120) of the enthroned queen Tiy, under whose throne a cat is
represented with a presumably dead pintail in its mouth, as evidence for the keeping of the bird as
a pet although this is only conjectural.1005 It has also been suggested that the pintail duck carried
very subtle erotic associations connected primarily with female fertility.1006
Louisiana from National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration at www.weather.gov. Climate date for
Cairo Egypt from the United Nation’s World Meteorological Organization at worldweather.wmo.int.
1002
David P. Rave and Carroll L. Cordes, “Time-Activity Budget of Northern Pintails Using
Nonhunted Rice Fields in Southern Louisiana,” Journal of Field Ornithology, 64.2 (spring 1993): 213-214.
1003
Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar: Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs, 3rd
Edition. (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1973), 471-472; Houlihan, 71-72.
1004
Ibid., 72-73.
1005
Ibid., 73. It seems more likely to this author that the pintail is the prey of the cat, perhaps
demonstrating its prowess as a hunter or its extremely privileged life where it has been given a whole duck
as its meal by its keepers. In either case there is little to indicate that it is to be considered a special pet of
the Queen as it would be unlikely that a representation of its death would have been appropriate for such a
scene.
1006
E. Derchain, “La perruque et le cristal,” in Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur 2 (1975): 62-63;
P. Derchain, “Symbols and Metaphors in Literature and Representations of Private Life,” Royal
Anthropological Institute News (August 1976): 8.
217
One of the birds identified in Green Room of the North Palace is the pied kingfisher
(Ceryle rudis). This bird is a breeding resident of Egypt found in the Delta, Fayium and south of
Sohag from February to April. The kingfisher is known for its rather unique hunting method,
hovering above shallow water, nearly motionless, except for its rapidly beating wings. When it
spots its prey, the bird dives rapidly at the water, at times even entering the water, to catch the
fish. If the dive is successful the bird will find a perch to consume the fish. In Egypt this perch
would have often been papyrus plants.1007
In the wall painting from the Green Room of the North Palace the kingfisher is shown in
its characteristic dive towards the water below with the papyrus thicket behind it. The kingfisher
is also commonly found in scenes from the Old Kingdom. In the Fifty Dynasty tomb of
Hetepherakhti at Saqqara, the bird is shown nesting in a papyrus thicket, despite the fact that it
actually nests in small burrows dug into the banks of canals.1008 A depiction of the kingfisher can
likewise be found in the Fifth Dynasty scenes from the mortuary temple of Userkaf, where the
bird hovers awkwardly above a papyrus marsh populated with a large number of waterfowl.1009
All these demonstrate that the pied kingfisher was associated with the marsh, making it a sort of
prototypical marsh bird.
The masked shrike (Lanius nubicus) is also one of the birds identified in the extant
segments of the Green Room. The masked shrike is an uncommon winter resident of Egypt,
usually arriving in the Nile Valley in the early fall and staying until February or March.1010 It is
1007
Ibid., 114.
1008
Ibid., 115.
1009
Houlihan, 115; Egyptian Museum Cairo JE 56001. The bird can also be seen in the Middle
Kingdom tomb of Bakt III at Beni Hasan. See Nina M. Davies, “Birds and Bats at Beni Hasan,” JEA 35
(1949): 15, pl. I number 3.
1010
Houlihan, 127. M.J. Nicoll recounted in 1919 that the bird nests in the Nile Valley during the
winter although Houlihan notes that he cannot confirm this. See M.J. Nicoll, Handlist of the Birds of Egypt
(Cairo: Government Press, 1991), 27 and Houlihan, note 668.
218
most commonly seen in modern Egypt, migrating through Egypt during the spring and fall.1011
The bird is known to inhabit desert margins as well as the more fertile valley area, making its
home often in the Acacia nilotica, upon whose thorns it is known to impale its prey.1012 Recent
studies have shown that the masked shrike prefers to fly into the sun to attack its prey, thus
casting its shadow behind it rather than before it and therefore alerting the intended prey. The
dark masking around the eyes is a direct evolutionary adaptation that allows for this behavior by
eliminating glare.1013 If this behavior had been noted by ancient Egyptians they would have seen
it flying towards the sun, perhaps giving the bird solar associations, although this is only
speculative.
The rock dove, laughing dove, northern pintail, masked shrike and pied kingfisher are the
only birds known to have been included in scenes of papyrus marshes from palatial settings. Yet
these are not the only depictions of birds from Egyptian palaces. The Fowl Feeding scenes from
the North-East Court of Amarna’s North Palace offer an intriguing comparison, as here the birds
are domesticated, as opposed to the wild birds from the Nilotic motifs. The birds of the Fowl
Feeding scenes are harder to identify as the scenes are poorly preserved, often offering only
tantalizing glimpses of feet, legs or tails. Despite this, it is possible to classify several species of
birds.
The largest fragment of a fowl feeding motif comes from the south wall of Room 7 of the
North-East Court. In the center of the image is a rather large goose, identified quite definitively
1011
J.F. Madden, “Bird Migration in the Red Sea Province,” Sudan Notes and Records 12 (1930):
134, 135.
1012
Ibid.; Althea R. Sherman, “Birds by the Wayside, in Egypt and Nubia,” The Wilson Bulletin
27 (1915): 386.
1013
Reuven Yosef, Piotr Zduniak and Piotr Tryjanowski, “Unmasking Zorro: Functional
Importance of the Facial Mask in the Masked Shrike (Lanius nubicus),” Behavioral Ecology 23 (February
2012): 1-3.
219
as a graylag goose (Anser anser).1014 The graylag goose is considered an “accidental winter
visitor,” only having been recorded in Egypt once in the last century. It is only positively
identified in Egyptian art from this single depiction.1015 Despite this remains of the graylag have
been found in several archaeological contexts as food offerings.1016 The graylag is also widely
considered to be the wild forerunner to most varieties of domestic goose.1017
The goose was a bird of significant religious importance to the ancient Egyptians. The
domestic goose was commonly associated with the god Amun and was believed to father the
primordial egg from which the sun was born.1018 This association was so pervasive that a goose
depicted under a chair in the banquet scene from the tomb of Ramose (TT55) was exorcised
during the Amarna period in an apparent attack on the god Amun.1019 The goose was also a
symbol of the earth god Geb as well as being associated with the Nile god Hapy through a
homophone of the god’s name and the word for goose, hp.1020
If we are to interpret the majority of domestic geese found in Egyptian visual culture to
be the domesticated version of the graylag, then we must wonder why, in this instance, the artist
was so careful to depict the wild version of the bird, as opposed to the domesticated version,
1014
Houlihan, 54.
1015
Ibid. A. El Negumi et. al. Birds of Egypt. 2nd ed. (Cairo: 1950):225.
1016
Houlihan, 54-56; Brewer, Redford and Redford, 121, 122.
1017
Ibid.
1018
Ibid., 123; Sanaa Abd el-Azim el-Adly, “Amun und seine Nilgans,” Göttinger Miszellen 126
(1992): 47-57. The goose most often associated with Amun is the Egyptian Goose not the Greylag.
1019
Lise Manniche, “The so-called scenes of daily life in the private tombs of the Eighteenth
Dynasty: an overview” in The Theban Necropolis; Past Present and Future, ed. Nigel Strudwick and John
H. Taylor, 42-45 (London: British Museum Press, 2003), 42-45.
1020
Ahmad Abdel-Hamid Youssef, “An Unusual Representation of the Nile god in Abydos,”
Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte 70 (1985): 415-417.
220
which would be expected in a scene depicting apparently captive birds. The graylag is a
particularly gregarious bird and its flocks are easily domesticated. As such wild graylag geese
could have been easily kept in captivity.1021
Immediately to the right of the graylag are the hind quarters of another bird which can be
identified by its tell-tale tail as a northern pintail. While, as discussed above, there is ample
visual evidence for the hunting and consumption of wild pintails, there is no evidence that they
were ever domesticated. While it is likely that some wild ducks were caught and held in
captivity, they do not appear to have been raised from hatchlings.1022 Above the head of the
graylag in this same scene are the long legs of a rather large bird that can only be identified as a
type of heron, stork or crane, all wild birds.
To the left of the graylag are preserved the legs and chest of another large bird with long
legs. Unlike herons and storks, whose knees are commonly depicted close to their chest, with the
upper leg rather short, this bird has it knees located approximately half way down its legs, a
feature common in depictions of cranes. Indeed, the tuft of feathers on the bird’s breast is
characteristic of both the common crane (Grus grus) and the demoiselle crane (Anthropoides
virgo). Both birds are winter migrants to Egypt. In modern Egypt, the common crane will stop in
the northern Delta as well as far to the south along the banks of Lake Nasser, but is also quite
common during its migration along the Nile Valley of Egypt to points farther south.1023 The
demoiselle crane is also a migratory visitor to Egypt, although it seems to prefer to travel through
the Nile Valley as well.1024 Both birds are commonly depicted in Egyptian art beginning in the
1021
Houlihan, 54-56; Brewer, Redford and Redford, 121, 122
1022
Ibid., 123.
1023
Houlihan, 83.
1024
Ibid., 87.
221
Old Kingdom. They are often shown being kept in aviaries, often being force fed.1025 The large
flocks of cranes depicted in aviaries often include both species of cranes.1026 A scene from the
Fifth Dynasty mastaba of Atet from Meidum which shows the son of Atet with two pet monkeys
and a crane suggest that they may have also been kept as pets.1027 While there is some debate
about how easily cranes can be raised domestically, it appears that most Egyptian cranes, like
pintail ducks, were captured in the wild and then kept in captivity.1028 While there is no obvious
symbolic value to the crane in Egyptian visual culture, the simple fact that they are wild birds
which were often caught and kept in captivity, rather than being raised in captivity, could be
representative of the taming of the wild forces of nature.
To the left of this crane is the head of a goose with its characteristically long neck. The
head is dark and exhibits only the slightest bit of color variation, a small light patch immediately
in front of the beak. It is likely that this bird is a white-fronted goose (Anser albifrons). This
particular bird is a common winter resident of the Nile Delta.1029 While most famously included
in the famous Meidum Geese panel from the Fourth Dynasty tomb of Atet at Meidum, the white-
fronted goose is the species of goose most commonly depicted in Egyptian art. The white-fronted
goose is usually depicted in as a food product, often as a funerary offering. Like the graylag
1025
Ibid., 84-88. Houlihan notes that although cranes are widely considered unpalatable by
humans it was reported to him that if one were to feed the birds in captivity they become quite edible rather
quickly. Ibid., 86.
1026
Ibid.
1027
Ibid., 85; C. Vandersleyen, Das alte Ägypten (Berlin: Propyläen Verlag, 1975) pl. 242.
1028
Ibid., 85-86; H. Altenmüller, “Bemerkungen zur Kreiselscheibe Nr. 310 aus dem Grab des
Hemaka in Saqqara,” Göttingr Miszellen 9 (1974):13-18.
1029
Houlihan, 57.
222
goose, it is easily domesticated and formed one of the more common components of the Egyptian
diet of fowl.1030
At least two pigeons can be identified in the fowl feeding scenes. As was discussed
above, like many of the other birds depicted in this motif, these birds were probably captured and
then kept in captivity rather than being fully domesticated.1031
Two genera of fish are easily recognized in palatial programs, the mugil and the tilapia.
This is not surprising as both are some of the most commonly depicted and most often caught
varieties in Egypt. The tilapia is found in three palatial programs: Room E of the King’s Palace
at Malqata; the pavements of the Great Palace at Amarna, including the Great Pavement; and also
from a glazed tile found at Qantir.1032 All examples are likely to be the Nile tilapia (Tilapia
nilotica) based on the characteristic markings of the caudal fin, although this identification is only
speculative, as the ancient artist often combined aspects of both the Tilapia nilotica as well as the
Tilapia zillii making it unlikely that ancient Egyptians distinguished between the different
species.1033 The three species of tilapia native to Egypt can be found in the Nile year round. All
three species of tilapia prefer shallow water with dense aquatic plant life due to their preference to
1030
Ibid., 57-59.
1031
Brewer, Redford and Redford, 123.
1032
See Plate 3.53 In Petrie’s line drawing of the Great Pavement are found three very different
representations of Tilapia.
1033
Douglas Brewer and Renée Friedman, Fish and Fishing in Ancient Egypt (Warminster UK:
Aris and Phillips, 1989), 77, 79.
223
feed upon the stems of these plants.1034 The fish are most common in the Nile Delta although
they are found throughout the Nile Valley.1035
The reproductive cycle of the tilapia might give some evidence for additional symbolic
meaning in Egyptian art. In the vicinity of modern Cairo, the spawning season reaches its height
between April and September. The females of both Tilapia nilotica and Tilapia galilaea are
known to keep their newly laid eggs in their mouths and will even protect their fry in their mouths
after they hatch.1036 This behavior was potentially witnessed by ancient Egyptians and may have
given the fish symbolism associated with birth, as the fry would appear to be born from their
mother’s mouth.1037
Members of the fish genus mugil, known in English as mullets, are depicted in the
pavements of the Throne Room Complex of the Great Palace from Amarna as well as a single
faience tile from Qantir.1038 Three species of mullet, Mugil cephalus, Mugil capito and Mugil
auratus, are known to inhabit the Nile River. All three are oceanic fish, needing to migrate from
the Nile to the open ocean to breed.1039 As such, they only inhabit the Nile during their non-
1034
It is unknown if the Tilapia receives its nourishment from the plant material or rather from the
diatoms which grow on the stems as examination of stomach contents indicates that the plant material is
never digested. Ibid., 79.
1035
G.A. Boulenger, The Fishes of the Nile (London: Hugh Rees Ltd., 1907), 525-527. Brewer
and Friedman note that the tilapia is often shown speared along with members of the Lates genus, a fish
that is most common in the Nile Valley and is rarely found in the Delta. As such it would be odd for these
two genera of large fish to not only be sharing the same habitat but even the same geographic region. They
therefore suggest that the fish might be symbolic of the unification of Upper and Lower Egypt. Brewer and
Freedman, 77, 79.
1036
Ibid., 79; Boulenger, 527-528. Tilapia zillii does not keep eggs nor fry in its mouth.
1037
Boulenger notes that in the early 20th Century this practice was commonly observed by
Egyptian fishermen and was believed to be the result of “a reversed mode of parturition.” Ibid., 527.
1038
See pages 112 and 150 and Plate 4.11.
1039
Ibid., 72.
224
breeding season, roughly January to June, although they are caught most often during their
summer migration.1040 They are found almost exclusively in the Nile Delta, preferring the deep
lakes and plant filled marshes, although they are known to travel as far south as the first
cataract.1041 The mullet is a bottom feeder, eating decaying organic matter including waste from
human settlements.1042
These two species of fish have a number of commonalities that might explain their
inclusion in the palatial programs instead of the numerous other fish known to the ancient
Egyptian. Both species are primarily associated with the Delta, although they are occasionally
found farther south. They primarily feed in areas rich in plant life, such as papyrus marshes, the
most common setting depicted in scenes of nature. Additionally, like the birds discussed above,
both genera are present in the Nile valley in the winter during the inundation. Human interaction
with these fish must also be considered, as the tilapia and the mullet are the two most frequently
caught fish on the Nile River and thus would have come to symbolize the ability of the Nilotic
environments to provide sustenance to the human populations of Egypt.
The plants of the Nilotic scenes also offer an opportunity for a better understanding of the
symbolism of the Nilotic motif. The most common plant, and the one that in most cases
comprises the majority of the thickets depicted, is Cyperus papyrus (papyrus). Representations of
papyrus can be found in Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a, on the floors and supports of the main palace
at Malqata, from the North Palace’s North East Court, where it is seen in both the large picture
area as well as the small black bands representing the shoreline, the floors of the Throne Room
1040
Ibid. See Ibid., note 166 for a discussion of some of the confusion about when exactly the
mullet is present in the Nile River.
1041
Ibid., 72. Boulenger, 430-432, 434, 436.
1042
Brewer and Freedman, 72.
225
Complex of the Great Palace, including the Great Pavement, as well as in faience plaques from
Qantir.
Papyrus is a perennial sedge, composed of a long three sided green culm (stalk) with
umbrella like florescence. The plant is rather large, growing up to six meters.1043 Depictions of
papyrus stands from ancient Egyptian art, as well as its widespread use by ancient Egyptians,
indicate that the plant was quite common along the banks of the Nile in ancient times. 1044
Cyperus papyrus is almost entirely non-extant in the Nile Valley and Delta in modern Egypt. A
record of what was believed to be the last stand of papyrus in Egypt was made between 1820 and
1821 along the shores Lake Manzala in the north-eastern Delta.1045 In 1872 papyrus was
reintroduced to Egypt from Paris for use in the production of tourist’s souvenirs as well as an
ornamental garden plant.1046 In July of 1968 M. Nabil el Hadidi discovered a single stand of
papyrus, consisting of twenty plants, in a swampy freshwater area on the outskirts of Umm Risha
Lake in Wadi Natrun. He concluded that these plants were growing naturally and were
descended from ancient plants rather than those reintroduced to Egypt in the 19th Century.1047 His
discovery provided some details about the ecological nature of ancient stands of papyrus,
although it paints a rather incomplete picture. As such, any understanding of papyrus marshes
must come from analysis of similar swamps still found in other parts of Africa, most notably the
northern regions of Lake Victoria in modern day Uganda and Kenya.
1043
Donald P. Ryan, “Papyrus,” The Biblical Archaeologist 51.3 (1988): 132.
1044
Ibid., 132-133; Brewer, Redford and Redford, 40.
1045
Ryan, 133; M. Nabil el Hadidi, “Distribution of Cyperus Papyrus L. and Nymphaea Lotus L.
in Inland Waters of Egypt,” Mitteilungen der Botanischen Staatssammlung München 10 (1971): 470-471;
V. Täckholm and M. Drar, “Flora of Egypt II,” Fouad I University Bulletin of the Faculty of Science 28
(1950): 134.
1046
Ibid.
1047
el Hadidi, 471-472.
226
These studies have shown that Cyperus papyrus grew at the edges of water, often
forming a fringe zone, as well as in floating mats of biomass within the water itself.1048 The plant
prefers marshy conditions, as opposed to fast moving water. These conditions would have been
most prevalent in the Nile Delta. Indeed one can imagine great stretches of papyrus dominating
the Delta in ancient times.
El Hadidi’s discovery of a papyrus stand outside the Delta afforded him the opportunity
to investigate where papyrus might have been found in Upper Egypt. He pointed to the studies
written by Karl Butzer, John Ball and Omar Toussoun on the pharaonic geography of the Nile.
They argued that the ancient Nile flowed through the flood plains of Upper Egypt not in a straight
line but rather in a series of river arms. 1049 This course would have produced “islands, back-
swamps and seasonally inundated alluvial basins.”1050 These “back-swamps,” would have been
the primary habitat of the papyrus plant in Upper Egypt.1051 The evidence from Wadi Natrun
suggests that the C. papyrus would have shared these swamps with other varieties of Cyperus
1048
John J. Gaudet, “Natural Drawdown on Lake Naivasha, Kenya, and the Formation of Papyrus
Swamps,” Aquatic Botany 3 (1977): 1-47; Edna M. Lind and S.A. Visser, “A Study of a Swamp at the
North End of Lake Victoria,” Journal of Ecology 50 (1962): 601-606; W.J. Eggeling, “The Vegetation of
Namanve Swamp Uganda,” Journal of Ecology 23 (1935): 425-431; John J. Gaudet, “Papyrus and the
ecology of Lake Naivasha” National Geographic Society Research Reports 12 (1980): 267-272; K.
Thompson, “Swamp development in the head-waters of the White Nile,” in The Nile: Biology of an ancient
river ed. J. Rzoska, 177-196 (The Hague: Dr. Junk B.V. Publishers, 1976), 177-196; K. Thompson, P.R.
Shewry and H.W. Woolhouse, “Papyrus swamp development in the Upemba Basin, Zaire: studies of
population structure in Cyperus papyrus stands,” Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 78 (1979): 299-
316.
1049
John Ball, Egypt in the Classical Geographers (Cairo: Government Press, 1942), 1-124; Karl
W. Butzer “Environment and human ecology in Egypt during predynastic and early dynastic times,”
Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d'Egypte 32 (1959): 46-55; Omar Toussoun, “Mémoire sur les
Anciennes Branches du Nil-Epoque Ancienne” Mémoires de l’Institut égyptien 4 (1922): 1-60; el Hadidi,
473-474.
1050
Ibid., 473.
1051
Ibid., 473-474.
227
sedges as well as Phragmites australis, both of which, as will be discussed in the following
pages, are commonly found in depictions of papyrus marshes from palatial settings.1052
The papyrus plant also gained important cosmological associations. The primordial
marsh which surrounded the mound of creation was understood to consist in large part of papyrus
plants. Hypostyle halls of New Kingdom temples, conceived of as representations of the
primordial swamp, often featured papyriform columns.1053 As the mound rose to become the
created world, a boundary area between the waters of the sky and the earth was formed. Like the
papyrus swamps that bordered large bodies of water in pharonic times, this boundary between the
earth and the celestial waters, known as the Akhet, was thought to be dominated by an extensive
papyrus marsh. It was in this papyrus marsh that the nascent sun was sheltered each morning.
Representations of the liminal zone that was the horizon often make reference to the vast ring of
the papyrus swamp. One of the most common motifs to utilize this, although in a much
abbreviated manner, were depictions of Hathor as Goddess of the West, rising out of a mountain
that came to symbolize the western horizon and the liminal world between the living and the
dead. Often these representations of the goddess include a grove of papyrus at the base of the
mountain.1054 According to Egyptian beliefs popular during the Late Period, a papyrus marsh was
also where Isis took refuge from Seth in order to birth Horus.1055
Practical uses of Cyperus papyrus by ancient Egyptians might also help to elucidate their
meaning within these motifs. Herodotus, Theophrastus and Diodorus Siculus describe methods
1052
Ibid., 472.
1053
A. Wilkinson, 107-108; Ludwig Borchardt, Die Ägyptische Pflanzensäule (Berlin: Wasmuth,
1897): 25.
1054
See for example the Papyrus of Ani in the British Museum (EA10470) sheet 37.
1055
Richard Fazzini, Egypt Dynasty XXII-XXV (Leiden: Brill, 1988), 8-11; Gay Robins, The Art of
Ancient Egypt (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 199.
228
by which ancient Egyptians would consume the papyrus plant, although Donald Ryan has
questioned the plant’s nutritional value.1056 Recent studies, as well as anecdotal evidence from
ancient Egypt, suggest that the plant would have made useful fodder for livestock, particularly
during the dry months when other sources of feed would have been unavailable.1057 As such,
cattle and other livestock might have grazed in papyrus marshes. The plant was also widely used
for cordage, for small skiffs, as a fuel source, for making sandals and other fiber based objects, as
well as sheets of papyrus paper.1058
Three particular varieties of Cyperus sedges, Cyperus alopecuroides, Cyperus esculentus,
and Cyperus rotundus, have been identified by Alix Wilkinson in Nilotic scenes from palaces.1059
These plants, like the papyrus plant, have a long green three sided stalk. From the stalk sprout
three broad flat leaves which usually hang down. All three species of Cyperus have short stalks
with oblong spikes, each with neatly arranged spikelets.1060 These species commonly grow on the
banks of the Nile and in canals, swamps, ditches and any reservoir of standing water.1061 In
1056
Herodotus, II.92; Theophrastus, IV.8.4; Diodorus Siculus, I.80.5; Ryan, 134-135.
1057
F.M. Muthuri and J.I. Kinyamario, “Nutritive Value of Papyrus (Cyperus Papyrus,
Cyperaceae), a Tropical Emergen Macrophyte,” Economic Botany 43 (1989): 28-29; Brewer, Redford and
Redford, 40-41.
1058
Ryan, 133-136.
1059
Wilkinson, 147, 164. It should be noted that the three species are almost impossible to
distinguish from one another in Egyptian art with any certainty.
1060
Loufty Boulos and M. Nabil el-Hadidi, The Weed Flora of Egypt (Cairo: The American
University in Cairo Press, 1984), 252; Loufty Boulos, Flora of Egypt vol. IV (Cairo: Al Hadara Publishing,
1999)., 378-379, 382-385; Renate Germer, Flora des pharaonischen Ägypten (Cairo: Deutsches
Archäologisches Institut Abteilung, 1985), 244-248; Lise Manniche, An Egyptian Herbal (London: British
Museum Press, 2006), 98.
1061
Boulos and el-Hadidi, 252; K. H. Shaltout, A. Sharaf El-Din and M. A. El-Sheikh, “Species
Richness and Phenology of Vegetation along Irrigation Canals and Drains in the Nile Delta, Egypt,”
Vegetatio112.1 (May 1994): 38; K. H. Shaltout and M. A. El-Sheikh, “Vegetation-Environment Relations
along Water Courses in the Nile Delta Region,” Journal of Vegetation Science 4.4 (June 1993): 567-570;
Irina Springuel, “Riverain Vegetation in the Nile Valley in Upper Egypt,” Journal of Vegetation Science
1.5 (December 1990): 595-598
229
Upper Egypt, Cyperus rotundus is extremely common. It is the primary plant species of the
vegetative zone which occurs immediately above the reed swamp, known as the “sedge zone.”1062
Only Cyperus esculentus was widely consumed by ancient Egyptians. The plant’s tubers are
today widely known as “tiger nuts” and are still consumed in Egypt. A scene from the Eighteenth
Dynasty tomb of Rekhmire (TT100) includes a depiction of men measuring piles of these nuts,
presumably after they have been dried, indicating their widespread consumption in ancient
Egypt.1063
In Egyptian art, Cyperus alopecuroides first occurs in the Fourth Dynasty tomb of Atet at
Medum in close proximity to the famous “Medum Geese” panel. 1064 This same scene also
depicts workers in the marshes tying bands of the plant around their heads as a sort of fillet,
perhaps to keep the sun out of their eyes. This fillet appears, although far more stylized, in
several representations throughout the Old Kingdom.1065 The plant was not widely represented,
except for a rather dubious identification as a hieroglyphic determinative from the Twelfth
Dynasty, until the New Kingdom, when it appears in scenes of nature.1066 In her Ph.D.
dissertation, Helene Kantor identified the use of C. alopecuroides as a fillet for the adoption of
the plant, in an increasingly abstracted manner, as an ornamental device which has become
known to Egyptologists as “the Egyptian volute.”1067 This device appears on numerous royal
1062
M. Nabil el Hadidi and Irina Springuel, “The Natural Vegetation of the Nile Valley at Wadi
Kubbaniya,” in The Prehistory of Wadi Kubbaniya Volume 2: Stratigraphy, Paleoeconomy, and
Environment ed. Angela E. Close, 243-251 (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1989) 244-245.
1063
Manniche, 98.
1064
H. J. Kantor, “Plant Ornament in the Ancient Near East,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago,
1999), 170; W.M.F. Petrie, Medum (London: D. Nutt, 1892), Pls. XVIII, XXIII.
1065
Kantor, 172-173.
1066
Ibid., 171. See for example the representation of force feeding cattle from the tomb of
Kenamun (TT93) which features a man sitting under a clump of Cyperus alopecuroides.
1067
Ibid., 173-194.
230
objects, such as furniture of the Old Kingdom Queen Hetepheres, and it was embossed on leather
items from the tombs of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV.1068 If C. alopecuroides, or one of the
other two varieties of Cyperus found in Egypt, was indeed the inspiration for the Egyptian volute,
by the New Kingdom, the motif had become so abstracted that in this author’s opinion it would
have lost any and all symbolic value previously associated with the Cyperus sedges. Despite the
frequent use of the volute on royal objects, its extensive inclusion on non-royal objects, such as a
device on the reverse of a large number of scarabs and scarab shaped seals as well as the
garments of foreign dignitaries, demonstrates, in this author’s opinion, that it carried no
exclusively royal connotation.1069
By the reign of Amenhotep III representations of winged female sphinxes with decidedly
Near Eastern features begin to appear in Egyptian art.1070 These sphinxes often wear a crown or
fillet with stalks of sedges protruding from them. In many cases these sphinxes are shown
holding the royal cartouche.1071
In palatial Nilotic motifs, Cyperus alopecuroides, Cyperus esculentus, and Cyperus
rotundus are almost always shown in close proximity to clumps of Cyperus papyrus. In the
Green Room of the North Palace, these three species are shown exclusively within the black
bands of alluvial soil which occur between the water and the large, banks of papyrus above.1072
In contrast to the North Palace representations, the pavements of the Throne Room Complex of
the Great Palace, which are devoid of the black middle band, place the sedges in the main visual
1068
Ibid., 173, 192-193.
1069
See Ibid., 180-191 for these non-royal uses.
1070
See for example the carved sard (carnelian) plaque for a bracelet in the Metropolitan Museum
of Art. 26.7.1342
1071
Ibid., 191-192.
1072
Plate 3.35.
231
area, often near papyrus clumps.1073 Therefore in these occurrences the ducks taking flight and
leaping cattle are frequently seen with the sedges. Brigit Crowell has likewise identified the
rather extensive use of what she terms the “cyperus reed” in numerous faience plaques from
Amarna. In her analysis, scenes of leaping calves only occur amongst two types of plants,
Cyperus papyrus and these “cyperus reeds.”1074
One of the most commonly depicted varieties of flora in palatial art, and indeed in
Egyptian art in general, is the so called “lotus.” It is more accurately identified as the flower of a
water lily of the genus Nymphaea.1075 Two species of water lily are identifiable from pharaonic
remains, Nymphaea lotus (the white lotus) and Nymphaea caerulea (the blue lotus).1076
Remarkably, the blue lotus is not represented in any known palatial programs. In contrast, the
white lotus is heavily used in palatial programs, being found in floral friezes as well as scenes of
nature. In scenes of nature the lotus is always found, along with its associated lily pads, rising
above bodies of water.
Not a true lotus, but rather a water lily, Nymphaea lotus is an aquatic plant. Like all
Nymphaea the white lotus has rhizomes which anchor it to the bed of the body of water. Long
fleshy petioles extend from the rhizomes up to the surface of the water where large leaves,
1073
See Plate 5.53.
1074
Crowell, 103-108, 269, 273. Note that Cyperus are not reeds which belong to the family
Graminae.
1075
Clair Ossian, “The Most Beautiful of Flowers: Water Lilies and Lotuses in Ancient Egypt,”
KMT: A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt 10 (1999): 49.
1076
Ibid., 50 The Egyptian white lotus is also occasionally identified as Nymphaea albicans. See
for example W. Benson Harper Jr., “Lotus,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt vol. 2, ed.
Donald Redford, 304-305 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 304. A third variety of lotus Nelumbo
nucifera (known as the India Lotus or the Sacred Lotus) is known from Ancient Egyptian sources but
appears to have been introduced under the Persians. See Germer, 39-40; W. Benson Harer Jr.,
“Pharmacological and Biological Properties of the Egyptian Lotus,” JARCE 22 (1985): 49.
232
commonly referred to as lily pads, grow, usually floating on the surface of the water.1077 Flowers
also grow from these petioles and are usually found floating or just above the surface of the
water. The flower of the white lotus is rather large with numerous spear shaped petals radiating
from a large cluster of yellow stamen in the center. 1078 Descriptions found in some Egyptological
sources which describe the flowers of the blue and the white lotus as emerging from the water at
day break as a bud, opening during the day and then descending at night, are pure fantasy.1079
Rather, the white lotus is a night blooming plant, the flowers opening in the afternoon and staying
open until approximately mid-morning. The flowers will stay above water, blooming daily for up
to four days before dying.1080 The flowers of the blue lotus open during the mid-morning and
close again by the mid-afternoon, staying above water for one to two days before drooping and
dying.1081 Both the white and blue lotus bloom consistently throughout the year.1082
The white lotus prefers calm still water, favoring deeper water than the blue lotus. The
plant is native to Egypt as well as all of tropical Africa. In recent history, the white lotus could be
found in canals and drains of the Nile Delta and the Fayum, but since the late 1960s, the white
lotus has completely disappeared from the Fayum.1083 Between 1963 and 1966 el Hadidi
discovered a small growth of Nymphaea lotus in a drain near the town of Beni Suef in Middle
1077
Immature leaves are found below the surface of the water.
1078
Germer, 39-40.
1079
Ibid., 50. For the inaccurate description of the life cycle of the lotus see for example M.
Lurker, The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Egypt (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1991), 77-78 and Ian
Shaw and Paul Nicholson, The Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1995), 164.
1080
Harer, “Pharmacological and Biological Properties,” 53; Wilkinson, 54; Ossian, 52.
1081
Ibid., 51-52.
1082
Ibid., 52.
1083
el Hadidi, 471.
233
Egypt, the most southern wild occurrence of the plant in the last century.1084 Like papyrus, the
white lotus was originally found throughout much of Egypt, as indicated by its use as the heraldic
symbol of Upper Egypt. El-Hadidi concluded that in southern Egypt the white lotus would have
grown in the same “back-swamps” in which papyrus was commonly found.1085
Although not a foodstuff, nor as functional as papyrus, the Egyptians found uses for the
white lotus. The flowers were often depicted in women’s fillets, particularly in banquet scenes,
and were often used as parts of garlands, wreaths and collars. At these same banquets, guests are
often shown holding the lotus up to their noses as well as placing them in cups of wine. W.
Benson Harer Jr. has pointed out that the rhizomes and flowers of Nymphaea contain strong
concentrations of four different narcotic alkaloids.1086 When consumed in large quantities, the
plant can be fatal to livestock. The Ebers papyrus describes members of the Nymphaea family as
poisonous.1087 In small quantities, the narcotic alkaloids would have produced drowsiness and
sleep, and may have had the potential to cause vivid dreams and hallucinations.1088 These
alkaloids are leached out of the flower and rhizomes by alcohol and Harer has suggested the
placing of the flowers in wine was intended to produce just such a result. He additionally points
to a scene from the 13th Dynasty Heliopolitan tomb of Pa-Ir-Kap, now in the Louvre, which
appears to depict the pressing of lotus flowers in a manner similar to grapes in order to produce a
1084
Ibid.
1085
Ibid., 473-474.
1086
Harer, “Pharmacological and Biological Properties,” 53.
1087
Ibid., 51, 53. The Ebers papyrus does not differentiate between the two native species of
Nymphaea. For the ancient Egyptian terms for “lotus” and its various parts see Wilkinson, 54.
1088
Harer, “Pharmacological and Biological Properties,” 53. Harer admits that the evidence for
hallucinations and vivid dreams comes from “anecdotes from the California drug culture” a rather dubious
source to say the least. Ibid.
234
liquid, which was then perhaps mixed with wine.1089 In addition to these possible uses,
Dioscorides reported that the white lotus was eaten in times of famine both raw and cooked and
that the seeds were occasionally used in bread.1090 The flowers of both the white and the blue
lotus were often included in both funerary and temple offerings.1091
The widespread use of the flowers of the white and blue lotus as offerings in ritual
settings is not surprising considering the mythological associations with the flowers. The most
commonly cited myth is one in which the sun is sheltered from the waters of Nun inside a lotus,
perhaps as the eyelid of Ra. At dawn on the first day the lotus opened and the infant Horus,
crowned with a sun disk, rose from the flower.1092 This myth led to the association of the lotus
with the rising sun.1093 The lotus became deified as an aspect of Nefertum who was the “lotus of
the sun.”1094 The role of the lotus in the creation of the sun, and therefore his daily resurrection,
resulted in the flower becoming an integral part of the resurrection of individuals in the New
Kingdom. Spell 81A of the Book of the Dead recounts how the individual will become a “pure
1089
Ibid., 54.
1090
Manniche, 127; Dioscorides, IV.I 14.
1091
Their presentation in funerary offerings is preserved mostly through depictions from tomb
chapels as well as funerary stelae. Both white and blue lotus were included on the mummy of Ramses II,
while only blue lotus were found with Tutankhamun. Lotus are often found depicted in piles of offerings in
temples and Ramses III recorded to the donation of hundreds of thousands of lotus flowers to the temple of
Amun at Karnak. Ibid.; Ossian, 54 n.21. See also Marie-Louise Tyhiner, L’Offrande Du Lotus dans les
temples égyptiens de l’époque tardive (Brussels: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 1986).
1092
W. Spanton, “Water Lilies of Egypt,” Ancient Egypt 1 (1917): 9; Stephen Weidner, Lotos im
Alten Ägypten: Vorarbeiten zu einer Kulturgeschichte von Nymphaea lotus, Nymphaea coerulea and
Nelumbo nucifera in der dynastischen Zeit (Pfaffenweiler : Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft,1985), 106-113.
1093
Ibid., 121-123; Fazzini, 8-9; Hermann Schlögl. Der Sonnengott auf der Blüte: eine ägyptische
Kosmogonie des Neuen Riches (Geneva: Editions de Belles-Lettres, 1977), passim; John Baines, “Review
of H. Schlögl. Der Sonnengott auf der Blüte,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 71 review supplement
(1985): passim.
1094
Ibid., 113-117.
235
lotus that has ascended by the Sunlight and is at Re’s nose.”1095 Although it is generally
suggested that these references refer to the blue lotus and not the white lotus, the lack of separate
words for the two plants make this assertion tentative at best.1096
Two varieties of perennial reeds are also recognized in these Nilotic motifs, the common
reed (Phragmites australis) and the giant cane (Arundo Donax).1097 Both plants are found in the
Great Pavement and a possible depiction of the common reed can be found in the black river bank
stripe on the west wall of the Green Room of the North Palace. Both are common plants in the
Nile Valley and Delta, usually found in damp conditions, although the giant cane prefers drier
environments than the common reed, usually being found higher on river banks.1098 The common
reed is distinguishable from the less frequently depicted giant cane by its florescence which tilts
as opposed to the giant cane’s florescence which stands upright.
Only a single possible depiction of giant cane outside the palaces of Amarna has been
identified, the hunting scene from the Eighteenth Dynasty tomb of Nakht (TT52) which shows
the plant growing out of a bank of papyrus directly behind the upraised arm of the rightmost
figure of Nakht, although this identification is only speculative.1099 Vivi and Gunnar Täckholm
suggested that all dynastic representations identified as giant cane up to this point were in fact
1095
Thomas George Allen trans., The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day: Ideas of the
Ancient Egyptians Concering the Hereafter as Expressed in their own Terms (Chicago: Oriental Institute of
the University of Chicago, 1974), 70.
1096
Ossian, 56.
1097
Wilkinson, 147, 164.
1098
Boulos, Flora IV, 221; Shaltout, El-Din and El-Sheikh, 38; Shaltout and El-Sheikh, 567-570;
springuel, 595-598; F. Nigel Hepper, Pharaoh’s Flowers: The Botanical Treasures of Tutankhamun (Kew
UK: Royal Botanic Gardens Kew, 1990), 35; Germer, 203-206. At Wadi Kubbaniya the common reed was
found in the zone closest to the water level. See el Hadidi and springuel, 244.
1099
Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Nakht at Thebes (New York: Publications of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1917), pl. XXII; Germer, 204.
236
representations of the common reed.1100 The common reed is far more common in its ancient
Egyptian portrayals, probably being the inspiration behind the i ( ) hieroglyph.1101 One of the
most characteristics representations comes from a representation of a lion hunt from the temple of
Ramses III at Medinet Habu. A lion is shown fleeing from the king through a rather dense stand
of common reeds.1102 Archaeobotanic evidence suggests that both the common reed and the giant
cane were used since the Predynastic Period in the production of baskets, mats and other
domestic articles, as well as being used as fuel, although the common reed occurs with much
greater frequency.1103
A wide variety of flowering plants are also found in the Nilotic scenes from both the
Great Palace and the North-East Court of the North Palace. In the scenes from the North Palace,
these plants are always found in the black strip at the base of the papyrus stands, while in the
floors from the Great Palace they are generally placed in between stands of reeds and sedges.
Additionally, on the floors of Corridor J of the Great Palace’s Throne Room Complex, horizontal
bands were depicted, each containing two specimens of flowering plant as well as papyrus and a
second variety of sedge.1104
Perhaps the most common variety of flowering plant in these motifs, and one of the
easiest to identify, is the cornflower (Centaurea depressa). Several cornflowers are found on the
1100
Vivi Täckholm and Gunnar Täckholm, “Flora of Egypt I,” Fouad I University Bulletin of the
Faculty of Science 17 (1941): 207.
1101
Germer, 206; Täckholm and Täckholm, 213.
1102
Harold H. Nelson, Medinet Habu Volume I: Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), pl. 35; Germer, 206.
1103
Loutfy Boulos and Ahmed Gamal El-Din Fahmy, “Grasses in Ancient Egypt,” Kew Bulletin
62 (2007): 509; Ahmed Gamal El-Din Fahmy, “Evaluation of the weed flora of Egypt from Predynastic to
Graeco-Roman times,” Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 6.4 (December 1997): 243.
1104
Cyperus alopecuroides, Cyperus esculentus, or Cyperus rotundus
237
floors of the Great Palace as well as in the black river bank band in scenes from the North-East
Court of the North Palace.1105 The cornflower is an annual weed growing to an approximate
height of 40 centimeters. It has short green grey leaves sprouting from long thin stems which end
in the distinctive thistle-like head from which grows its pale blue flowers. Although it is no
longer found in Egypt, the cornflower is a weed commonly associated with several varieties of
cereals. As such, it was most likely an import from Europe.1106 Like the cereal crops with which
it grew, the cornflower would have preferred well watered yet dry agricultural fields, although the
similar species Centaurea calcitrapa, which also commonly occurs in agricultural settings,
occasionally grows alongside canal banks in close proximity to crops.1107
The cornflower is regularly found in both representations and extant examples of
garlands and bouquets. Cornflowers were included in a large number of funerary bouquets and
garlands found in archaeological settings. These include the garlands from the burial of
Tutankhamun as well as the wreath of princess Nesikhensu found in the Deir el-Bahri cache.1108
In Egyptian visual culture, cornflowers often occur in floral bands or garlands such as the floral
friezes from the North Riverside Palace.1109 The cornflower was also frequently used as an
1105
Figure 3.35 and 3.54.
1106
Percy E. Newberry, “On the Vegetable Remains Discovered in the Cemetery of Hawara,” in
W.M. Flinders Petrie, Hawara, Biahmu, Arsinoe, 46-53 (London: The Leadenhall Press, 1889), 49;
Manniche, 85; Hepper, 14.
1107
Boulos and el-Hadidi, 54; Monier M. Abd El-Ghani and Nadia El-Sawaf, “Diversity and
Distribution of Plant Species in Agro-Ecosystems of Egypt,” Systematics and Geography of Plants 74. 2
(2004): 335.
1108
Herbert E. Winlock, Materials Used at the Embalming of King Tūt-Ankh-Amūn, (New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1941), 17; Renate Germer “Die Blütenhalskragen aus RT 54,” in Miscellanea
Aegyptologica. Wolfgang Helck zum 75 Geburtstag ed. Hartwig Altenmüller and Renate Germer
(Hamburg: Archäologisches Institut der Universität Hamburg, 1989): 89-95; P.E. Newberry, “Report on
the Floral Wreaths Found in the Coffins of Tut-Ankh-Amen,” in Howard Carter, The Tomb of Tut-Ankh-
Amen, 189-196 (London: Cassell and Company Ltd., 1927), 189, 190, 191, 192, 193-194.
1109
See page 135.
238
amulet.1110 Representations of cornflowers growing alongside canals can be found in the
Ramesside tombs of Senedjem (TT1) and Ipuy (TT217).1111 In the tomb of Senedjem the
cornflower is accompanied by both the corn poppy and mandrake (see below), while the tomb of
Ipuy includes the mandrake, the corn poppy, papyrus and several variety of trees.
Despite all of these occurrences, little is known about ancient Egyptian thoughts on the
cornflower, perhaps due in large part to the fact that the Egyptian name for the plant is currently
unknown.1112 Wilkinson speculates that the plant was often included in funerary bouquets and
garlands due to an association with Osiris. This connotation would have developed as a result of
the plant’s tendency to grow in close proximity to cereal crops, which carried symbolic
connections to Osiris.1113
The common red poppy, or corn poppy (Papaver rhoeas), played a similar role in ancient
Egyptian society. Like the cornflower it is a weed that commonly grows with cereal crops and
was undoubtedly introduced to Egypt from the Eastern Mediterranean along with seeds of cereal
crops. In addition to crops it also commonly grows alongside canals.1114 The plant, an annual
occurring most often in winter, grows upwards of 20 to 50 centimeters. It has long green serrated
leaves near the base of the plant. The poppy’s bright red flowers, each with an ovoid capsule at
its base, are found at the end of a long stalk. The interior of the flower has dark black spots
which are often represented in Egyptian art on the exterior of the flower.1115 In palatial
1110
Petrie, Amarna, pl. XIX.
1111
Davies, Two Ramesside Tomb, pl. XXIX; A. G. Shedid, Das Grab des Sennedjem (Mainz am
Rhein : Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1994), T. 80.
1112
Germer, 173; Manniche, 85.
1113
Wilkinson, 108.
1114
Hepper, 16; Boulos, Flora I, 160; Germer, 44; Manniche, 130-132.
1115
Hepper, 16; Boulos, Flora I, 160.
239
representations these black spots are missing. Unlike its relative Papaver somniferum (opium
poppy), the corn poppy does not have any narcotic effect and does not appear to have been used
in any medicinal way by the Egyptians.1116 The Egyptian name for the flower is unknown despite
the fact that it is commonly represented growing alongside canals in tomb scenes and was often
included in floral garlands, often found as part of burial assemblages.1117 Wilkinson suggests that
like the cornflower, the poppy’s inclusion in funerary bouquets came about through its
association with Osiris due to its proclivity to grow with cereals, a supposition that seems
probable.1118
A plant, similar to the poppy, featuring red flowers and feathery leaves can been seen in
representations from the peristyle of the North Palace’s North-East Court as well as on the floors
of Corridor J of the Great Palace. These could easily be mistaken for the poppy if not for the fact
that they are almost always shown in close proximity to the poppy and usually in a very different
manner. Whereas the poppy often includes a red brim above the conical flowers, these never
include this additional brim and instead are always represented as either conical in shape or as
small blooms viewed from above (in a manner similar to how a child would draw a daisy). These
appear to be hollyhocks (Althaea ficifolia), also known as marshmallows.1119 This is the same
variety of flower which Lisa Sabbahy identified as the flowering plants depicted on the tiles from
Qantir with the naked women.1120
1116
Manniche, 130-132. It has been suggested that the opium poppy was introduced to Egypt
during the New Kingdom. Ogden Goelet personal communication.
1117
Ibid.; Fahmy, 243; Wilkinson, 40; Newberry, “Tut-Ankh-Amen,” 189.
1118
Wilkinson, 108.
1119
“Althaea” is often alternatively spelled “Alcaea.” Manniche, 73-74; Wilkinson, 164; Boulos,
Flora II, 98-100; Germer 121.
1120
Sabbahy, 87. See page 151.
240
The hollyhock is a perennial which can grow up to 1.25 meters with hairy leaves and
stems and white or pink flowers.1121 It grows in sandy soil, often near the edge of cultivation or
in desert environments.1122 It is not native to Egypt but rather to the eastern Mediterranean,
probably having been imported from Syria, perhaps as a medicinal herb.1123 Little is known
about its use or symbolism in Egypt. A reference to sd pnw ( ) is found in a single
pharaonic medical text. It is possible that this plant is the hollyhock as the Egyptian name is a
literal translation of the plant’s Greek name ουραμυός (mouse tail).1124 Like the cornflower and
the poppy, the hollyhock was also used in funerary wreaths, having been included in the garlands
adorning the mummies of Ahmose and Amhenhotep I.1125
In the black riverbank band of the Nilotic scenes discovered in the peristyle and Green
Room of the North-East Court are small plants with small white daisy-like flowers growing from
stems with multiple small leaves. This plant can easily be identified as mayweed (Anthemis
pseudocotula).1126 Mayweed is an annual growing between 10 and 40 centimeters in height
which is known to grow in fields, sandy soil and alluvial mud. The flowers, which occur in the
early spring, consist of white petals surrounding a yellow disk. 1127 These flowers, and those of
closely related species of Anthemis, were found in funerary garlands, and in the underground
1121
Manniche, 73-74. In Egyptian art pink would have been represented as red.
1122
Boulos, Flora II, 98-100.
1123
Manniche, 73.
1124
Ibid.
1125
Germer 121.
1126
Wilkinson, 54; Germer, 180-181; Boulos, Flora III, 242; Boulos and el-Hadidi,48.
1127
Boulos and el-Hadidi,48.
241
chambers of the Djoser pyramid complex.1128 The flowers are widely believed to have been the
inspiration for the Egyptian rosettes. Rosettes are commonly found in the form of faience inlays
in Eighteenth Dynasty and Ramesside palaces. Additionally the ornamentation was used as a
decorative motif on royal objects such as a pair of Tutankhamun’s sandals as well as on painted
ceilings from Theban private tombs.1129 Although rosettes occur commonly in New Kingdom
visual culture, little is known about the role of the plant in ancient Egypt aside from its use as a
visually pleasing flower.
Despite the general consensus at present, there was some discussion amongst
Egyptologists in the early twentieth century as to whether mayweed was the sole inspiration for
the rosette.1130 One of the flowering plants often associated with these discussions is the garland
chrysanthemum (Chrysanthemum coronarium), a single representation of which can be found in
the riverbank strip on the west wall of the Green Room.1131 The plant, native to the eastern
Mediterranean, grows to a height of 60 centimeters and has green bipinnate leaves and a
flowering body composed of numerous yellow or white florets around a large head.1132 The plant
prefers dry conditions and is most commonly found near the Mediterranean as opposed to the
Nile Valley and is most common during the winter although it flowers during the late winter early
1128
Germer, 180-181.
1129
Hepper, 13-14; Fahmy, 242; Percy E. Newberry, “Extracts from my Notebooks: The Daisy in
Egyptian Art,” Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 25 (1903): 361; Christine Lilyquist,
“The Gold Bowl Naming General Djehuty: A Study of Objects and Early Egyptology,” Metropolitan
Museum Journal 23 (1988): 18-19; Germer, 180-182; Johanna Dittmar, Blumen und Blumensträusse als
Opfergabe im alten Ägypten (Munich/Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986) 18-19.
1130
See Lilyquist, “Gold Bowl,” 18-19 for a comparison of the two flowers with the ancient
Egyptian rosette as well as a brief summary of these debates.
1131
Plate 3.35.
1132
Gemer, 182.
242
spring.1133 Remains of the chrysanthemum have been found in archaeological contexts as a part
of garlands.1134
One of the most intriguing and often misidentified plants from ancient Egypt is the
convolvulus or bindweed. The term “convolvulus” has often been used inaccurately by
Egyptologists to describe any variety of climbing or vine-like flowering plant which often occurs
in Egyptian visual culture. The “convolvulus” has been recognized in several capacities: as part
of bouquets, either with or without stalks of papyrus; offered in funerary contexts; carried by
deceased women in tomb scenes, usually grasped in the same hand as a sistrum; and hanging
from royal and birthing kiosks.1135 This plant occasionally occurs as a more “decorative” motif
such as on vases.1136 The identification of “convolvulus” was extremely contentious amongst
Egyptologists for years, with a variety of different plants being proposed, including ivy, a plant
which was not introduced into Egypt until the Greco-Roman Period.1137 The best evidence
suggests that the plant is indeed a member of the convolvulus genus, perhaps Convolvulus
arvensis, known colloquially as field or lesser bindweed.1138
1133
T. M. Tadros and Berlanta A. M. Atta, “The Plant Communities of Barley Fields and
Uncultivated Desert Areas of Mareotis (Egypt),” Vegetatio 8 (1958): 162; Fahmy, 242, 244.
1134
Ibid.
1135
For representations of the convolvulus as a funerary offering see the Tomb of Nefersecheru
(TT296). Erika Feucht, Das Grab Des Nefersecheru (TT 296) (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von
Zabern, 1985), Tafel XVIII. The funerary image of a woman holding the plant can likewise be found in
TT296 as well as on the coffin of Isis discovered in the tomb of Sennedjem (TT1) now in the Cairo
Museum (Ent. 27309). For royal kiosks see for example the royal kiosk from the Amarna tomb of Meryre
II. N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna: Part II. The Tombs of Panehesy and Meryra II
(London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1905), 34-35, pl. XXXII. The convolvulus is found hanging from a
birthing kiosk in an ostraca, believed to be from Deir el-Medineh, now in the British Museum (8506).
1136
L. Keimer, “The Decoration of a New Kingdom Vase,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 8
(1949):5.
1137
Manniche, 160-161.
1138
Sydney Aufrère and André Lopez-Moncet, “Représentations végétales énigmatiques du
Nouvel Empire. La "liane" à feuilles sagittées,” in Encyclopédie religieuse de l'univers végétal. Croyances
phytoreligieuses de l'Égypte ancienne (Montpellier : Université Paul Valéry, 1999), 39-78.
243
Bindweed is an extremely aggressive climbing weed which can grow up to two meters in
height. Representations of convolvulus from ancient sources often show it curling around the
stock of the papyrus plant, suggesting that it may have used the stock of the papyrus as a
support.1139 Its leaves, either long and narrow or arrow shaped, are arranged spirally around the
stock of the plant. The flower, trumpet shaped, is usually white or pink although blue and purple
varieties are known.1140 In Egypt it often occurs as a nuisance plant, invading crops and taking
over any area which is not closely maintained, including abandoned or unfarmed areas near the
desert edge.1141 Indeed C. arvensis can commonly be found growing in fields of Egypt in all
seasons, although it blooms between May and August.1142 A related variety of convolvulus, C.
hystrix, which is found in Egypt’s desert regions, blooms in late winter and early spring.1143
Considering the numerous and varied depictions of convolvulus in New Kingdom art, it
is not surprising that the plant appears to have had many multifaceted uses in Egyptian culture.
Representations of the convolvulus from New Kingdom settings indicate that it was widely used
to form a canopy, either in the form of cuttings hanging from a kiosk, as a planted arbor or as a
painting on a wall, under which women gave birth.1144 A similar arbor, this time in front of a
1139
Aufrère and Lopez-Moncet, 39-78. Unfortunately this supposition is unprovable due to the
lack of papyrus thickets in modern Egypt.
1140
Boulos, Flora II, 243-253; Boulos and el-Hadidi, 96-97; Germer, 156-158; Robert L. Miller,
“Was Convolvulus Erotic,” in Beyond the Horizon: Studies in Egyptian Art, Archaeology and History in
Honour of Barry J. Kemp, ed. Salima Ikram and Aidan Dodson, 247-261 (London: British Museum Press,
2003), 247.
1141
Tadros and Atta, 162, 166.
1142
Miller, 247, 252; M.N. el Hadidi and J. Kosinová, “Studies on the Weed Flora of Cultivated
Land in Egypt. I. Preliminary Survey,” Mitteilungen der Botanische Stätssammlung München 10 (1971);
tables 1-2.
1143
Miller, 252.
1144
E. Brunner-Traut, “Die Wochenlaube,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orient Forschung 3
(1955): 11-30; Miller, 247; J. Wegner, “A Decorated Birth-Brick from Abydos: New Evidence on
244
royal palace at Amarna, depicted on a talatat, has been tentatively identified by Miller as C.
hystrix, here being used instead of C. arvensis in order to provide flowers for the spring equinox,
as C. arvensis will not bloom until much later in the year.1145 C. arvensis has been tentatively
identified as sn-wt.t, a plant commonly referred to in medical texts from ancient Egypt as having
hemostatic and healing properties. It is also a cure for snake bites.1146 Miller notes the presence
of convolvulus in the Turin erotic papyrus and suggests that the plant may have had erotic uses,
specifically when used to stop vaginal bleeding as a result of a first sexual encounter.1147 This
same hemostatic property might have been the reason why the plant was associated with
childbirth, either as a form of sympathetic magic or as a ready source of the medicinal plant if it
were needed.1148 Miller likewise suggests that the plant’s use as a remedy for snake bites might
have played a part in its common appearance in tombs. He argues that the bouquets of flowers
wrapped with bindweed might have been used as a magical tool to ward off snakes and cure
snake bites, something that would have been important for tomb workmen as well as for the
deceased who was required to combat forces of chaos in the afterlife.1149
Childbirth and Birth Magic in the Middle Kingdom,” in D.P. Silverman, et al., eds. Archaism and
Innovation. Studies of Middle “A Decorated Birth-Brick from Abydos: New Evidence on Childbirth and
Birth Magic in the Middle Kingdom,” 447-496, in D.P. Silverman, et al., eds. Archaism and Innovation.
Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt (New Haven and Philadelphia: Yale University Press,
2009), passim.
1145
Miller, 252. John D. Cooney, Amarna Reliefs from Hermopolis in American Collections
(Mainz on Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1965), 80-82. It should be noted that Cooney identifies the
trellis as a grape trellis, a conclusion supported by the inclusion of wine jars immediately adjacent to the
trellis.
1146
This identification was made in 1934 by Warren R. Dawson based on a description of the
plant in papyrus Ebers 294. See W.R. Dawson, “Studies in the Egyptian Medical Texts-IV” Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 20 (1934): 186-187. For a summary of the medicinal values of C. arvensis and
references to sn-wt.t in Egyptian medical texts see Miller, 248-251.
1147
Ibid., 252.
1148
Ibid., 252-255.
1149
Ibid., 255-256.
245
In the visual programs of New Kingdom palaces, convolvulus is found in several
different settings. Weatherhead identified the convolvulus as part of an offering bouquet depicted
in the portal rooms of the North Riverside Palace along with a variety of Lupinus.1150 The stone
column resembling a tree trunk, which was discovered by Petrie in the southeastern portion of the
Great Palace, bore upon it a wrapping convolvulus vine.1151 On the floors of the Great Palace, the
convolvulus abandons its typical vine form and instead takes the bushy form that occurs when it
lacks supporting plants or structure. Here the convolvulus appears as a rather large and sprawling
plant with pairs of leaves resembling dropping, almost fluidly executed, leaves and flowers which
resemble either small red and blue buds or larger trumpet shaped blossoms with blue and white
petals with red tips or perhaps a red interior.1152
The Nilotic scene which graced the walls of the North-East Court’s peristyle included a
single representation of a rather enigmatic flowering plant. The flowers of this plant are
remarkably similar to those of the mayweed, which is depicted in the same black riverbank band,
while the leaves are strikingly different.1153 The leaves are depicted as long and pointed, similar
in shape to a tulip or daffodil. This suggests that the plant in question is Narcissus tazetta,
commonly known as the paperwhite. The paperwhite is a perennial flower which grows from a
bulb. While the plant is native to the Mediterranean coasts of Egypt it appears that it was not
widely used as an ornamental flower until the Greco-Roman period.1154 Petrie uncovered
1150
Weatherhead, 236-242. See page 135.
1151
Petrie, Tell el-Amarna,10.
1152
Plate 3.54.
1153
The inclusion of both plants in such a small space, undoubtedly painted by the same artist,
precludes the possibility that they are the same plant with different modes of representation.
1154
Germer, 197-198.
246
garlands made from the paperwhite flower in Greco-Roman tombs at Hawara.1155 A gilded
paperwhite bulb was likewise found on a mummy assemblage most likely also from the Greco-
Roman period.1156
One flowering plant which is surprisingly absent from the palatial programs of natural
settings is the mandrake (Mandragora officinarum). This is remarkable as the mandrake is one of
the most ubiquitous plants, along with the cornflower and the poppy, found in scenes of gardens
and nature. Indeed, these plants are rarely shown without one another. The mandrake is a small
plant with rosette shaped leaves, which is native to the eastern Mediterranean.1157 During the late
winter and early spring it produces small purple flowers, often depicted in Egyptian art as either
yellow or red. In the summer it produces red or yellow fruits, somewhat resembling tomatoes.1158
It grows in wet conditions, most notably in the flood plains.1159 The fruit of the mandrake can be
found in the floral and fruit friezes from the North Riverside Palace at Amarna. A single plant
from the black riverbank area of the west wall of the Green Room may depict a mandrake
although in this case it bears only the standard long lance shaped leaves, and not the flowers or
fruit with which it is normally represented in Egyptian art. Could this perhaps be a reference to
the plant in a winter state, prior to blooming or producing fruit?
In addition to the numerous flowering plants, palatial depictions of natural environments
often include domesticated, fruit bearing plants. The domestic grape (Vitis vinifera) is also a
common plant in palatial visual programs. The grape vine is frequently utilized as a ceiling motif,
1155
Newberry, “Hawara,” 51, 53.
1156
M.-A. Beauverie, “Description Illustrée des Végétaux Antiques du Musée Égyptien du
Louvre,” BIFAO 35 (1935): 126, pl. III.
1157
Germer, 169.
1158
Manniche, 117-119; Germer, 169.
1159
Newberry, “Tut-Ankh-Amen,” 193.
247
such as in the apartments of the North Palace, and the Harem of the palace at Malqata.1160 A
single example of a grape vine from a wall painting was also found in the throne room of the
North Palace. The grape cluster was also commonly used as a component of floral and fruit
friezes, such as those found in the North Riverside Palace, and the grape itself is regularly found
in baskets or bowls on stands depicted on the floor pavements of the Great Palace.1161 Grape
clusters executed in faience were commonly utilized in both palatial architecture as well as on
royal kiosks and are found in palaces from the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty through the
Ramesside Period.1162
Evidence for the consumption of wine during the Protodynastic Period indicates that the
grape had been imported to Egypt from the eastern Mediterranean sometime prior to this date.1163
The domestic grape is a woody vine, usually trained on trellises or pergolas. The vine lies
dormant during the winter only producing leaves and fruit during the hot summers.1164 Grapes
appear to have two dietary forms, as a fruit to be eaten, either fresh or dried as raisins, and as a
beverage, most notably wine.1165 Dockets written in hieratic on wine jars discovered in proximity
1160
See Patrick Salland, forthcoming.
1161
Plate 3.61
1162
Patrick Salland “Pharaoh’s Grapes: A Study of Decorative Faience Grape Clusters,”
(University of Memphis, 2008) passim.
1163
Wine jars have been found in tomb Uj at Abydos. David O’Connor, Abydos: Egypt’s First
Pharaohs and the Cult of Osiris (New York: Thames and Hudson, 2009), 145.
1164
Mary Anne Murray, “Viticulture and wine production,” in Ancient Egyptian Materials and
Technology, eds. Paul T. Nicholson and Ian Shaw, 577-603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2000), 582.
1165
Hilary Wilson, Egyptian Food and Drink (Buckinghamshire UK: Shire Egyptology, 1988),
27-28. Hilary Wilson identifies an alabaster jar from the tomb of Tutankhamun as having contained grape
juice as opposed to wine. In opposition to this it has been argued that grape juice in Egypt would ferment
almost immediately upon being crushed as a result of naturally occurring yeast on the grape skins and thus
fermentation was a natural action of grape pressing, see Brewer, Redford and Redford, 56. Dried grapes are
often found as funerary provisions in Egyptian tombs. Unfortunately it is almost impossible to tell whether
a grape was dried before being placed in the tomb, i.e. that it was intended to be eaten as a raisin, or
whether the drying occurred in the tomb setting. Mary Anne Murray, “Fruits, Vegetables, Pulses and
248
to palaces at Malqata and Amarna, as well as those found in the tomb of Tutankhamun, provide
some evidence for the geographic distribution of grapes in ancient Egypt. The majority of these
vessels contained wine produced in what is called “The Western River,” believed to be the
Canopic branch of the Nile which empties near Alexandria, the Rosetta branch and the important
cities of Buto and Memphis. Several other vessels originated from the north-eastern corner of the
Delta and the Kharga Oasis in the Western Desert. These labels establish the Delta as the primary
wine-producing area of Egypt, with the Kharga Oasis acting as a smaller wine-producing
region.1166
While grapes appear to have been widely associated with Osiris during pharaonic times,
due primarily to the grape’s ability to regrow after its apparent death during the winter months,
research on the part of this author inspired by the ideas proposed by Christine Descroches-
Noblecourt suggest that the grape arbor during much of the New Kingdom was a symbol of solar
regeneration.1167
Several fragments of painted plaster depicting an olive tree, Olea europaea, were
discovered in the North Palace, most likely in the king’s apartments.1168 The olive is not native to
Condiments” in Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, eds. Paul T. Nicholson and Ian Shaw, 609-
655 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 612.
1166
Jaroslav Černy, Hieratic Inscriptions from the Tomb of Tutaankhamūn (Oxford: Griffith
Institute, 1965), 1-4; P.E. McGovern,“Wine of Egypt’s Golden Age: An Archaeochemical Perspective.”
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83 (1997): 72; H.W. Fairman, “The Inscriptions” in The City of
Akhenaten. Part 3: Central City and the Official Quarters by J.D.S. Pendlebury (London: Egypt
Exploration Society, 1951), 163; Leonard H. Lesko, “Egyptian Wine Production During the New
Kingdom” in The Origins and Ancient History of Wine, eds. Patrick E. McGovern, Stuart J. Fleming and
Solomon H. Katz, 215-230 (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology, 1996), 226; Mu-Chou Poo, Wine and Wine Offering in the Religion of Ancient Egypt
(London: Kegan Paul International, 1995), 13; Leonard H. Lesko, King Tut’s Wine Cellar (Berkeley: B.C.
Scribe Publications, 1977), 23.
1167
Salland, “Pharaoh’s Grapes,” 70-80; Christine Descroches-Noblecourt, “La Cueillette Du
Raisin a la fin de L’Époque Amarnienne.” The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 54 (1968): 82-88; Salland
“The Grape Arbor”.
1168
Plate 3.23
249
Egypt, having undoubtedly been imported from the eastern Mediterranean sometime during the
New Kingdom.1169 The tree appears in artistic representations during the Amarna period, most
notably in a talatat now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which depicts Akhenaten holding up
a branch as an offering to the rays of the Aten.1170 The olive was eaten by Egyptians, as is
evidenced by the remains of olive pits found in archaeological settings.1171 Olive oil was also
produced in Egypt during pharaonic times, although it never gained the cultural importance that it
would in Greece and Rome.1172 In Harris Papyrus I, Ramses III records planting a vast orchard of
olive trees for the production of olive oil outside the temple of Ra at Heliopolis.1173 Olive leaves
were utilized in garlands, including three found on the mummy of Tutankhamun, in particular the
so called “wreath of justification,” which was placed upon the king’s brow surrounding the
ureaus and the vulture of Mut.1174 This wreath, described in Chapter 19 of the Book of the Dead,
would have been essential for the deceased individual in to gain the status of Imakhw in the
afterlife.1175
In modern Egypt, olive orchards are found in the Siwa Oasis, the Fayum and along the
coast of the Red Sea. Greek and Roman travelers remarked on the presence of olive trees as far
south as Thebes, although Theophrastus noted the great lengths taken to water these orchards. As
1169
Manniche, 128-129; Germer, 150-151.
1170
1981.449
1171
William J. Darby, Paul Ghalioungui, and Louis Grivetti, Food: The Gift of Osiris (London:
Academic Press, 1977), 720.
1172
Ibid; Germer, 150-151.
1173
Ibid., 151; Harris Papyrus I.27.10.
1174
Newberry, “Tut-Ankh-Amen,” 190, 191, 192.
1175
Ibid., 190; T.G. Allen, 34-35. See Nigel Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age (Atlanta:
Society of Biblical Literature, 2005), 30 for the use of the term Imakhw.
250
the tree would have needed to be carefully watered and tended in a garden, its inclusion in a scene
of nature is rather odd.1176 It is entirely possible that the olive tree from the North Palace was
shown in a garden scene associated with palatial life, although the scale of the tree seems to
preclude this, as representations of palatial gardens are often quite small.
Two representations of a thin woody shrub with thin pointed leaves can be found in
palatial scenes of nature, one from the North Palace’s Green Room, the other from the Great
Pavement of the Great Palace. The plant is undoubtedly a variety of Vicia, perhaps even Vicia
faba, the fava bean.1177 The fava bean, and other varieties of Vicia which occur in Egypt, are
found primarily in agricultural settings although they can be found growing wild in fields and
along canal banks.1178 Legumes, often referred to in classical sources simply as “beans,” held a
rather curious position in ancient Egyptian culture. Numerous classical sources make reference
to a prescription against the consumption of beans by Egyptian priests. While Diodorus
identified the cause of this as simple priestly abstinence, Pythagoras ascribed it to the belief that
man and the bean were made from the same material, and thus it was only to be used as a
symbolic funerary offering.1179 Herodotus notes that even looking at the plant was forbidden to
priests.1180 Pharaonic evidence, however, suggests quite a different outlook towards legumes.
Fava beans have been found as food offerings and funerary provisions in tombs since the Old
1176
Manniche, 128-129; Newberry, “Tut-Ankh-Amen,” 195.
1177
For a survey of the varieties of Vicia known to ancient Egyptians see Germer, 76-81.
1178
Boulos and el-Hadidi, 172-173.
1179
Diodorus, 1.89.4; Darby, Ghalioungui, and Grivetti, 683.
1180
Ibid., 684; Herodotus, II,37. Darby, Ghalioungui, and Grivetti, note that it is stated that
priests could not look upon the plant indicates that it was widely cultivated in Egypt.
251
Kingdom. Additionally, Ramesside records indicate that the bean was an important food source
for the populace of Egypt and would have been used as temple offerings.1181
A representation, likewise from the Green Room, of a plant with broad serrated leaves is
similar to representations from the Maru Aten identified by Von Bissing as lettuce (Lactuca
sativa).1182 Lettuce has a long association with fertility and procreation in ancient Egypt,
undoubtedly a result of the milky white substance which exudes from the plant when it is
squeezed or cut, which the Egyptians believed to be seminal in nature. As such lettuce was
associated with the masculine procreative god Min and ithyphallic versions of the god Amun.
Temple scenes often depict the king offering lettuce to these gods, and both are commonly shown
standing before several rather large lettuce plants.1183 The Contendings of Horus and Seth also
makes allusion to this association where Isis deposits the semen of Horus on lettuce in order to
trick Seth into consuming it.1184 It is therefore not surprising that Egyptians utilized lettuce in a
number of medicines aimed at curing impotency. It was consumed as an aphrodisiac.1185
Three components must be examined in order to determine trends in the plant and animal
species present in the natural depictions found in palatial programs: seasonal trends, daily trends,
and geographic trends. The first, seasonal trends, relates to the time of the year the animals are
present in Egypt as well as engaging in specific behavior. For plants, the seasons in which they
grow, bloom and fruit must also be considered. The vast majority of the flowering plants
1181
Darby, Ghalioungui, and Grivetti, 683-684.
1182
F.W. Von Bissing, Der Fussboden aus dem Palaste des Königs Amenophis IV zu El Hawata
(Munich: Verlag F. Bruckmann, 1941),45-46.
1183
Ibid., 675-678. There are some problematic elements with this association, see B. Adams, “A
Lettuce for Min,” GM 37 (1980), 9-18.
1184
Edward F. Wente trans. “The Contendings of Horus and Seth,” in The Literature of Ancient
Egypt, ed. William Kelly Simpson, 108-126 (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1972), 120.
1185
Darby, Ghalioungui, and Grivetti, 678-680.
252
discussed above grow during the winter months, flowering during the season of Peret (roughly
January to April). If the plants produce fruit, this usually occurs during the season of Shemu
(May to August). The main outlier to this trend is the grape, which is dormant during the winter,
flowers in the late spring and then grows fruit during the height of the summer.
The fauna found in the palatial scenes fall into three general categories: year-long
residents, migratory residents, and domestic animals. With the exception of cattle, all of the
domestic animals are found in the fowl feeding scenes, which appear to take place in a domestic
setting. Of the remaining animals, only cattle, pigeons and tilapia are year round residents of
Egypt. The remainder are primarily migratory birds, the exception being the migratory mullet.
With the exception of the kingfisher, which never truly inhabits Egypt but rather stops during its
spring migration, all of the migratory birds are winter residents of Egypt, usually being present
during the Peret season. The mullet is also present in the waters of the Nile during Peret.
Egyptian cattle would have been grazing during this season, perhaps only recently allowed to
graze in lands along the river and canals which were flooded during the inundation, thus
exhibiting the play activity often seen in palatial settings. Thus, it is apparent that the majority of
both plant and animal activity depicted in the palatial settings would have occurred during the
Peret season.
The vast majority of the plants examined do not exhibit changes in their appearance
during different times of the day. The main exception to this is the white lotus which is open only
during the night and the early hours of the day. Unlike the palatial flora, animals often exhibit
behavior which is dependent upon the time of day. Both the pintail duck and the rock dove, the
most common animals in the palatial scenes, are most active in the early morning, usually in the
hours immediately before and after dawn. The majority of fish in fresh water environments will
rise to the surface in the early dawn hours in order to bask in the warm waters before it becomes
253
too hot for their cold blooded natures.1186 The behavior of these fish would likewise encourage
animals that rely upon fish, such as the kingfisher, to be most active during these early hours. At
night, herdsmen would have gathered grazing cattle either into pens or into a tight, well
monitored group in order to protect them from dangerous animals. This would have resulted in
the play activity occurring primarily during the early morning hours when cattle were once again
returned to open pastures. All of this points to an early morning setting for the naturalistic scenes
depicted in palace paintings. This undoubtedly is why the blue lotus, which is depicted in
Egyptian art more often than the white lotus, is not found in palatial scenes, as its flowers would
not yet have opened.
Determining the geographic setting of these scenes is more problematic than determining
their temporal setting. The majority of the plants and animals cataloged can be found in aquatic
environments: either in Delta marshes and lakes, Upper Egyptian back-swamps, in and on the
banks of canals, and in the Nile River itself. All of these would support the general idea that
these are scenes of marsh settings. A number of flowering plants, including the commonly
depicted cornflower, are found only in close proximity to agricultural fields. Many of these
flowering plants, however, could have been found on dry land in close vicinity to marshy
environments. Both the pigeon and the shrike would have more often been seen in the desert
margins than in close proximity to large bodies of water as both prefer drier, often rocky
environments. This does not mean, though, that they could not have been found on occasion in
the vicinity of these marshes.
Thus we are presented with scenes that appear to depict marshy or riverine environments
in the early hours of the morning, most likely within an hour of sunrise, during the season of
Peret. The specificity of this setting indicates that it must not have been chosen arbitrarily and
most likely relates to a mythological time and place. The choice of the riparian environment in
1186
This is based on observations made by fishermen and explains why fishing with nets in Egypt
is most often done in the early hours of the day.
254
invocative of the hypostyle halls of New Kingdom temples, which are understood to be symbolic
of the swamp that surrounded the mound of creation that rose out of Nun.1187 This association is
further enhanced by the depiction of Peret as the season, as this was the time of year in which
swamps and farmlands would have appeared again out of the receding flood waters in a yearly
reenactment of the emergence of the original mound of creation. By further narrowing the time
frame of the setting to dawn, the rising of the mound is related to more solar aspects of the
creation myth, where the sun is first born, rising out of the cosmic waters to bath the world in its
life giving rays, the exact incidents described in the Great Hymn of the Aten. This supports the
conclusions of O’Connor and Robins that these motifs relate to the constantly reoccurring
creation of the world with the rising of the sun. An inscription from the door jamb of the Window
of Appearance in the temple palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu describes the king as
“appearing as a divine child like Ra [at da]wn in his august palace which is like the horizon
(Akhet) of Ra when he shines in the heavens.”1188 This gives further credence to the conclusion of
Robins and O’Connor that palatial programs may have related to the concept of creating a space
that replicated the Akhet.
The presence of pools, gardens, and basins for plants in more formal areas in the palace
acted as mediators between the world depicted on the walls, floors and ceilings of the palace and
the tangible environment. A prime example of this is the T-shaped basins at the Maru Aten
surrounded on all sides by vivid depictions of Nilotic marshes. These basins most likely would
have held living examples of the same plants which were found on the floors that surround it
bringing the painted world into the tangible. The animals kept in the pens of North Palace are in
many cases the same animals which are seen populating the scenes of nature. Yet they are all
animals which are thought to have commonly been caught and then reared in captivity, obtaining
1187
Hornung, Idea into Image, 115-130.
1188
Hölscher, Medinet Habu-Volume, 41; Nelson, Medinet Habu IV, 238 A.
255
a semi-domesticated status. Their inclusion in the palace would have served a similar purpose as
the plants and water features, transforming the built environment of the palace into the Akhet, and
thereby its denizens, both human and animal, into its inhabitants.
On several occasions at Amarna, human intrusions are encountered in these Nilotic
motifs.1189 These take the form of buildings, boats and occasionally people. There are perhaps
two reasons for these inclusions. The most practical is that it was an attempt to combine the
Nilotic motif with representations of palatial activity in order to better integrate different scenes
and to create a motif that was more versatile, able to transcend boundaries necessitated by rules of
decorum.1190 Another possibility, not mutually exclusive with that suggested above, is
elucidated by the Great Hymn of the Aten. The hymn makes numerous references to the
endeavors of both man and animal alike as being “proper,” “functional,” and as being carried out
according to the Aten’s will, 1191 in essence devoid of the chaos or pollution and danger which
permeates the night. These actions occur at dawn, effectively within the Akhet. The inclusion of
occasional human elements within Nilotic motifs was feasibly a reflection of this concept.
The need to establish the properness and functionality of human activities would have
needed to have been transferred as well to palatial activities. It is undoubtedly for this reason that
many palatial activities are represented, often in close proximity to representations of the natural
world. The most frequently depicted palace activities include the receiving and rewarding of
courtiers, the enthronement of the king and the royal family, and the king engaged in
ceremony.1192 In the Amarna period we see the first examples of the the royal family in repose, as
well as to palatial architecture and servants, most likely in scenes similar to those found in private
1189
See page 151.
1190
See the analysis section of Chapter III.
1191
Ibid., 113.’
1192
No evidence for the rewarding of courtiers appears prior to the Amarna period.
256
tombs of the period. While it is possible that these scenes originated during the Amarna period, it
is entirely possible that they were present in pre-Amarna period, although the absence of these
scenes in non-palatial structures seems to suggest that they were not prominent.
Representation of palatial activity operate in a manner similar to scenes of daily life from
private tombs, to create an idealized version of the way things should occur. If we see the visual
program as a sort of guide or mechanism for the creation of a magical or otherworldly space, then
it would stand to reason that the activities of the royal family, courtiers and servants would need
to be defined. A scene of the enthroned king would not only ensure that the enthronement was
carried out properly and effectively but also establish the room as the appropriate place for the
king to be enthroned. It is therefore dividing the cosmological and cosmogonic world of the
palace into functional palatial spaces. Scenes of the activities of servants would have provided a
sense of legitimacy and correctness for their activities. How else could a man sweeping the floor
or inventorying wine jars have been allowed into a cosmologic space normally reserved for the
offspring of the gods?
Depictions of domination are a part of a long and well established Egyptian visual
tradition. These are representations of the king’s role as the champion of order and protector of
Egypt. As such this motif serves a twofold purpose. The extensive use of the motif in the
exterior portions of later palaces undoubtedly performed an apotropaic function, separating space
that was potentially polluted by chaotic forces from the more ordered space of the palace. The
front façade of the palace at Medinet Habu would have served just such a function, protecting the
palace beyond from the intrusion of these elements. Yet at Medinet Habu this function would not
have been necessary, as the palace opened onto an already ritualized space. As such, the motifs
on the walls of the façade are meant to mimic those found on the facades of contemporary
palaces, indicating that at the time the use apotropaic of scenes of foreign domination were
probably commonly seen on the facades of royal palaces, at least after the New Kingdom. If we
are to see the interior of the palace as taking on the role of a cosmogonic location, then the
257
apotropaic function is even more important, as the influx of dangerous chaotic forces would
prove particular destructive to the efficacy of the king and the created universe within the palace.
These motifs would also have been reminders to the visitor of the power of the pharaoh,
serving an almost propagandistic purpose. At the same time they ensure that the king is enacting
this role. To an Egyptian the visual destruction of an enemy would have meant the physical
destruction of the same opponent, at least in a metaphysical sense. When the king walked upon
the images of bound foreigners he was not only visually reinforcing his power over these enemies
but enacting a form of magic similar to an exorcism, violently trampling upon the power of these
distant foes and the negative forces they represented.
The paths of bound foreigners that are often found on the floors of palaces also present a
rather interesting case study in the rules of decorum. These walkways are almost exclusively
found in conjunction with floors depicting a Nilotic environment. In fact, the only example in
which a Nilotic floor does not include a path of bound foreigners is from Room H of the King’s
Palace at Malqata, although this floor was poorly preserved and may very well have contained
just such a pathway. The combination of these two motifs suggests that they are somehow linked,
or more specifically that the act of trampling the foreigners is linked to the floor motifs. The
most probable answer is that Nilotic floors were not meant to be walked upon and that doing so
would result in the trampling of something positive and necessary. Rather, the king is provided
with a pathway that acts to quell the forces of chaos. Perhaps here the king is meant to function
as the defender of the ordered natural environment, ensuring the chaotic elements that constantly
threaten even the ideal world of the Akhet remain bound, their powers constantly defeated. Both,
too, relate to the concept of royal potency. By being placed within the divine moment of daily
rebirth, the king is imbued with the same energy and legitimacy that Ra receives from his union
with Osiris, as well as Ra’s powers to defeat forces of chaos. The same power is gained through
the ritualistic defeat of his enemies. The defeat of royal enemies, made manifest in the foreigners
258
also links the king to Ra, who is required to defeat his own enemies and bring them to
subjugation prior to rising at dawn.
Representations of deities, a motif commonly seen in temple and in later funerary
architecture, is not as common in palatial architecture. The earliest examples come from Malqata
in the form of the figures of Bes as well as the Nekhbet vultures that graced many of the ceilings.
There are no known representations of the king in the company of the gods from any of these
early palaces. Representations of the king enthroned with a goddess, usually Hathor or Maat, are
often found in tombs contemporary with the construction of Malqata.1193 If these scenes were
executed by palatial artists then it would suggest that similar motifs may have been found in
palaces. The depictions of Bes are not surprising, considering the largely residential function of
the palace and the role of Bes as a protector of the household. The inclusion of the Bes figures on
the walls of Room D at Malqata, the ante-chamber to the small throne, as well as the robing and
bed rooms, served an apotropaic function, protecting the throne room from the intrusion of
negative and dangerous forces in much the same way as representations of domination.
Additionally, dancing figures of Bes are found on both the thrones of Sitamun from the tomb of
Yuya and Tjuya, suggesting that Bes served as a protector for the royal family while
enthroned.1194 The Bes figures found on the walls of the robing room and bedroom of the king at
the rear of the palace would have protected the king in his more intimate moments. As in Room
D, a parallel of the motif can be found in furniture that the king would have used in this chamber,
specifically the ebony bed of Tutankhamun.1195 Although later in date, it still provides a
1193
Hartwig, 64-65.
1194
Theodore M. Davis, The Tomb of Iouiya and Touiyou: The Finding of the Tomb (London:
Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd, 1907), 37-42; Hollis S. Baker Furniture in the Ancient World: Origins
and Evolution. (London: The Connoisseur, 1996), 64-6.
1195
Carter object no. 47. See Nicholas Reeves, The Complete Tutankhamun (London: Thames
and Hudson, 1990), 180 for an image of the footboard.
259
tantalizing visual comparison. This trend is possibly reflected in non-royal beds contemporary
with the palace of Malqata, such as that found in the tomb of Yuya and Tjuya.1196
During the Amarna period, representations of deities other than the Aten fall out of use in
royal programs. As such it is not surprising to find no evidence for the Nekhbet vulture and Bes
in Amarna period palaces. The statue of Tauret found in the North-East Court of the North
Palace suggests that personal deities did not fall entirely out of favor, even amongst the royal
family. Despite this, they are no longer appropriate for the visual program of the palace. Several
fragments of depictions of the Aten are known from scenes of the royal family from palatial
structures, and it is likely that representations of the sun disk were found in all such scenes. This
trend reflects the newfound attention to the role of the royal family as intermediaries between the
earthly realm and the god. Additionally, Atenist imagery was compatible with the representations
of the Akhet, a primarily solar location, that are found in palaces before, during and after the
Amarna period. As such, it would have been logical to find the Aten proliferating throughout the
palaces in a manner unheard of with the traditional pantheon.
The increase in depictions of the king engaged in activities with the gods during the 19th
and 20th Dynasties has been well demonstrated in the analysis section to Chapter IV. The lack of
the motif prior to the Amarna period demonstrates a rule of decorum that emphasized the king
within otherworldly space but not in the direct company of the gods, an odd distinction
considering the prominence of the motif in the visual programs of temples and royal mortuary
architecture from at least the early Old Kingdom. The prominence of the motif after the Amarna
Period therefore represents a drastic change in the decorum and conception of the king within the
palace. The rise in these depictions may be a direct result of increased representations of the
royal family in the company of the Aten during the Amarna period. During the Amarna period
1196
J.E. Quibell, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptienne: Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu (Cairo:
Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 1908), 50-51.
260
the royal family acted as the direct intermediary between the tangible world and the celestial
realms not only within the temple but also within the tombs of the elite and in the palace itself.
This same concept of the king’s role as intermediary within the palace, and therefore in the
position of the office of kingship, therefore probably continued into the 19th and 20th Dynasties.
It is interesting to note that this change occurs at the same time as a dramatic
development in the subject matter of private tombs. During the post-Amarna period, Theban
Tombs show a drastic increase in depictions of private individuals in the company of funerary
deities.1197 Perhaps then the changes in the conception of the king on earth were related to this
new understanding of the relationship of the individual on earth and in the afterlife to the deities.
This transformation, often referred to as “democratization,” would have changed not only the
relationship of the elite with the gods but also the king with the gods. Likewise, Peter Brand, in
his study of royal ideology during the reigns of Seti I and Ramses II, has pointed to increases in
royal piety and royal divinity which emphasized the role of the king as a child of the gods, an
ideology that is perhaps resulted in an increase in representations of the king and the gods during
this period.1198 It is probable that these trends in the expression of royal ideology would have
been reflected in the programs of the palaces of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties and are
the most likely cause for the increase in depictions of the king with the gods in palatial visual
programs.
1197
Nigel Strudwick, “Change and Continuity at Thebes: The Private Tomb after Akhenaten,” in
The Unbroken Reed: Studies in the Culture and Heritage of Ancient Egypt in Honour of A.F. Shore, eds. C.
Eyre, A. Leahy, and L.M. Leahy, 167-188 (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1994), 167-188.
1198
Peter Brand, “Ideology and Politics of the Early Ramesside Kings (13th Century BC): A
Historical Approach,” Prozesse des Wandels in historischen Spannungsfeldrn Nordostafrikas/Westasiens
(Würzburg, 2005), 23-38. For more on the concept of personal piety as form of royal identity see the
chapter entitled “Personal Piety and the Theology of Will,” in Jan Assmann, The Mind of Egypt: History
and Meaning in the Time of the Pharaohs, trans. Andrew Jenkins (Cambridge MA: Harvard University
Press, 1996), 229-246.
261
Chapter VII
Symbolism of Imported Thematic Groups
262
In addition to the large corpus of traditional Egyptian motifs found in palaces, there was a
sizable group of visual elements which are either distinctly foreign or inspired by foreign motifs.
While it is tempting to explain these elements as simply part of a larger trend that was occurring
throughout the eastern Mediterranean, where rulers utilized visual designs which have been
characterized as Aegean or International in their palaces, this relegates the motifs to impotent
decoration with no symbolic or transformative power, a concept foreign to Egyptian
conceptualization of the image. Instead, the programs must be examined in a twofold manner.
First, the individual motifs must be understood as working in both a traditional Egyptian visual
vocabulary as well as an Aegean vocabulary. Second, the overall trend in utilizing foreign motifs
must be examined in relation to Egyptian concepts of kingship and the palace in order to
understand why they were utilized.
The most explicit example of the utilization of foreign motifs within an Egyptian palace
comes from Palace F at Tell el-Dab‘a where entire figural scenes were utilized, apparently
painted by Aegean artisans. Bietak and others have suggested, based on the extensive use of
Minoan program, that the palace must have been built for a Minoan, either a visiting envoy or a
princess.1199 As such, Bietak would undoubtedly find the task of parsing Egyptian meaning from
Aegean motifs to be problematic and unnecessary. Yet as was demonstrated in Chapter II of this
work, it is unlikely that the palace was ever meant for anyone other than a member of the
Egyptian royal family. Indeed, the Egyptian nature of the palace is exemplified by the design,
which appears to be part of a long standing Egyptian tradition of palatial design, as well as the
reuse of the gateway of Amenhotep I at its entrance. As a result we must continue to pursue an
Egyptian meaning within these motifs.
The large visual programs fall into three basic groups: the hunt scene, the bull leaping,
and the heraldic griffons. Of these three, the hunt scene is the easiest to establish connections to
1199
263
traditional conceptions of the king as the defeater of the forces of chaos as established in the
discussion section of Chapter 2. Not only can the motif easily be applied to Egyptian concepts of
kingship but it also fits into traditional palatial programs which make numerous references to the
defeat of dangerous forces by the king. It is undoubtedly this reason why at Malkata hunt scenes
take on both Egyptian and Aegean characteristics.
Bull leaping, as it was practiced in both Syria and in Minoan lands, has been identified as
a theme meant to evoke the power of the king, allied with protective deities, against aggressive
and dangerous powers. This identification has come as a result of careful comparison between
depictions of bull leaping and lions engaged with bulls from Syrian and Minoan art. 1200 In the
symbolism of both of these cultures, the lion is used to represent “both the king and his patron
goddess.”1201 The association of the king and the lion was quite familiar to the Egyptians, even
being incorporated into the traditional guardian figure of the sphinx, a manifestation of Horus of
the Horizon. It is likely that bull leaping was carried out at Tell el-Dab‘a, as is indicated by the
wall paintings, although this is not a prerequisite for the motif to operate within the palace. If so,
then both the spectacle and the wall paintings operated as manifestations of the power of the king
and his role in the defeat of dangerous elements. Here, the king utilizes the foreign symbol of the
bull, rather than traditional Egyptian symbols commonly found in palatial domination scenes such
as the nine bows, and desert animals, to symbolize his power via the spectacle to conquer these
forces.1202 Indeed, the bull fills just such a role in the scene of the marsh hunt from the temple of
1200
Nanno Marinatos, “Bull-Leaping and Royal Ideology,” in Manfred Bietak, Nanno Marinatos
and Clairy Palivou., Taureador Scenes: In Tell el Dab’a (Avaris) and Knossos, 127-132 (Vienna:
Österreiche Akademie der Wissenshaften, 2007), 130-132.
1201
Ibid., 131-132. It is this connection to royal ideology which explains why the bull leaping
motif only occurs in Minoan palaces at Knossos which has been long been established as the seat of power
of the Minoan world.
1202
The use of bovid imagery in Egyptian palaces to represent the ordered environment of the
dawn as well as chaotic forces might seem contradictory but is simply another example of the multifaceted
nature of Egyptian symbolism.
264
Ramses III at Medinet Habu.1203 Additionally, if we are to assume that bull leaping occurred
within the palace complex at Tell el-Dab‘a, then the motif can also be seen as part of the palatial
activity genre.
The heraldic griffins which may have flanked the throne are far more difficult to fit into
traditional Egyptian visual programs related to kingship.1204 Bietak goes so far as to suggest that
the Tell el-Dab‘a griffin is a direct reference to the Knossos griffins, and therefore the ruling
family of Knossos, suggesting a diplomatic connection between Knossos and Egypt.1205 Yet
these griffins have been found in other settings, most notably at Pylos on the Greek mainland and
the eastern Mediterranean sites of Tel Kabri and Alalakh (Tell Atchana).1206 As such we might
imagine the motif as something that began at Knossos but eventually spread throughout the
Bronze Age Mediterranean, being used in all these settings as representation of palatial authority.
Why then was it adopted by an Egyptian king? Flanking an enthroned royal is not unheard of in
Egyptian royal visual programs. Furniture such as Tutankhamun’s golden throne feature
protective figures such as uraei and lions that form the sides of the chair. The walls flanking the
entrance to the rear throne room of the King’s Palace at Malqata would have likewise appeared to
frame the king to anyone approaching the throne room. Like the heraldic griffins, these walls
featured representations of royal power and authority, in this case the enthroned king himself.
The utilization of the griffins, as opposed to a more traditional Egyptian motif, was undoubtedly
1203
Nelson, Medinet Habu Volume II, plates 116-117.
1204
Bietak, Marinatos and Palivou, Taureador, 41; Bietak and Palivou, “A Large Griffin,” 104-
105.
1205
Bietak, “Setting,” 89; Nanno Marinatos, “Divine Kingship in Minoan Crete,” 37.
1206
B. Niemeier and W.D. Niemeier, “Minoan Frescoes in the Eastern Mediterranean,” in The
Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium, eds. E. Cline and D. Harris-Cline, 69-98 (Austin, Tx,
U.S.A. : University of Texas at Austin, 1998), pls. VIc and VIf; Bietak and Palivou, “A Large Griffin,”
104-105.
265
an attempt to integrate the king into an Aegean inspired setting, the reason for which will be
discussed in the closing sections of this chapter.
The figural scenes from Tell el-Dab‘a often included representations of architectural,
perhaps palatial, features which suggest depictions of palatial activity, a motif well known from
Egyptian palaces, although not as common in Minoan palatial programs. As such, we can see
here an attempt to incorporate Minoan artists and their subject matter into traditional Egyptian
palatial programs, thus fulfilling the necessary role of legitimizing the human activities of the
palace.
Minoan motifs from Site K at Malqata were limited to two categories; the hunt and faux-
stone. The first has been well established as appropriate to Egyptian palatial visual programs and
kingship and as such need no further elaboration here. The faux stone is similar to Egyptian
attempts at creating imitation materials, which included ceramic and glass vessels which bore
patterns intended to imitate stone. Additionally, faience and paste may have been used in
Egyptian palaces in order to create the appearance of more precious materials.1207 While the
methods of depicting the faux-stone from Site K were indeed Minoan, the concept was not
unfamiliar to Egyptians, nor was it unheard of in royal palaces.
The patterned ceilings from Malqata were heavily influenced by Aegean designs. These
designs make extensive use of spirals, scrolls, bull heads and rosettes, all of which are well
attested in a number of Minoan media including palatial wall and ceiling paintings.1208 The rather
dense nature of the ceilings, though, indicate that these are not simply inspired by spiral bands or
1207
Florence Dunn Friedman, “Faience: The Brilliance of Eternity” in Gifts of the Nile: Ancient
Egyptian Faience ed. Florence Dunn Friedman (London: Thames and Hudson, 1998) 15.
1208
William Stevenson Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East: A Study of the
Relationships between the Arts of Egypt, the Aegean, and Western Asia (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1965),156; Janice Crowley, The Aegean and the East: An Investigation into the Transference of
Artistic Motifs between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East in the Bronze Age (Stockholm: P. Åströms,
1989), 84-91, 105-112.
266
rosettes but perhaps that they originate from traded textiles, which would have been more likely
to suffer the effect of horror vacui than architectural features.1209 Indeed, it was argued in
Chapter II that the use of these highly patterned ceilings was in direct imitation of hung textiles
which may have been used to cover ceilings. As such, the use of these elements on the ceilings of
the palace at Malqata indicates a desire to replicate this method of ceiling adornment, perhaps as
a demonstration of the king’s ability to procure highly sought-after trade textiles and thereby
establish not only his appropriation but mastering of the trends in visual culture that were in
vogue across the eastern Mediterranean.
Unlike Tell el-Dab‘a and Malqata, there is no evidence from Amarna of large scale
foreign-inspired figural motifs. Yet influences can be seen in at least three examples. Room F of
the Throne Room Complex of the Great Palace’s North Harem included a representation of a lion
attacking a bull, a motif that has unmistakable parallels to the art of the Aegean and the Levant.
As discussed above, the motif of the lion attacking a bull is a common motif from these cultures
and is believed to act as a representation of the king’s prowess over dangerous elements.1210 The
foreign nature of this element is not only indicated by the subject matter but also the style, with
both animals in the “flying gallop” that is so common in Aegean art. The lion, too, is far more
similar to contemporary Aegean animals than Egyptian depictions of lions.1211
What is odd is that the lion is extremely out of place in this scene. Throughout the
marshes there are no indications of violence of the animal world, nor depictions of human
domination over nature, a motif commonly found in Egyptian art. In most representations of
lions attacking bulls, the motif is the central point of the entire scene. Instead, the focus of the
1209
Crowley, 247.
1210
Marinatos, “Bull-Leaping and Royal Ideology,” 130-132.
1211
See Crowley, 113-119. Compare for example this representation (Figure 3.59) with the inlaid
dagger from Grave Circle A at Mycenae and the representation of lions from Tutankhamun’s small painted
box.
267
rest of the floor is on the peaceful world at dawn where calves leap freely, with this particular
vignette only forming a small area that would have been easily missed by the viewer. Indeed the
lion could easily have been lifted out of the scene and the calf would not have been out of place.
This seems to indicate that the lion was added after the bull and perhaps was not part of the
original plan of the floor. Is it possible that the artist chose to include the lion, perhaps as a sign
of his fondness for Aegean designs? Indeed if he was Minoan or trained in the Aegean then he
could have included the lion as a sort of signature.
While this idea is intriguing it is necessary to also pursue a solution that would have
implied deliberate choice by the king, as either option is possible and neither is definitively
provable. The vignette may have been chosen simply as a nod to Aegean styles of palatial visual
programs that were so fashionable with rulers across the eastern Mediterranean as a means of
establishing the Amarna palaces as the equal to those of any other contemporary ruler. Perhaps
the vignette is meant to operate visually in a manner similar to Aegean examples as a reference to
the power of the king. If so then the role of the king as the defeater of chaos would have been
imbued with the same legitimacy that permeated the other royal action carried out in the Akhet.
Plaster painted in imitation of wood was found in the entry tower of the North-Riverside
Palace. Pendlebury identified it as coming from a large dado below the picture area. Pendlebury
stated that the design was most similar to faux-wood painting from Tiryns.1212 This paneling is
representative of the trend, also found at Malqata, of painting the walls in imitation of more costly
materials, a trend that is seen more in the Aegean than in Egyptian architecture. Wood in the
quantity required to compose a dado would have been rather expensive. The attempt therefore
would have been to mimic the more costly material and therefore emphasize the wealth and
prestige of the king, thereby relating to the motif of abundance.
1212
Pendlebury, “1931-1932,” 144.
268
The third example of potential foreign influence is the closed window found in the
Princess Panel room of the King’s House. This depicted a window in a manner that was not
characteristic of Amarna period representations of architecture, undoubtedly showing the exterior
of the structure rather than the interior. While it seems odd that this would be included, as most
representations of palatial architecture from the palaces of Amarna followed the artistic
conventions of the time, this manner of depicting a structure was common before and
immediately after the Amarna period as well as in Aegean visual culture.1213 The representation
of the exterior of the palace was therefore either a result of Minoan influence on the visual
program, and perhaps a direct attempt to evoke Minoan depictions of architecture, or simply a
lapse back to older Egyptian style of representation. If the scene meant to evoke Minoan styles it
would therefore have been an attempt to depict the palace not as an Egyptian palace but rather in
a Minoan method, therefore linking it with the royal palaces that were preferred by the rulers of
the Levant and the Aegean.
1213
See for example the fragment of painted plaster depicting a window from Tell el-Dab‘a as
well as the flotilla fresco from Thera.
269
Conclusions
270
The material presented in this dissertation proves beyond any reasonable doubt that there
exists a large enough corpus of evidence for the visual palaces of the New Kingdom to be able to
draw a number of key conclusions. The material itself begs the scholar to examine the concept of
“decorum,” as it was defined in Chapter 1. The primary problem with establishing palatial rules
of visual decorum is the uncertain nature of the function of many parts of the palace. For
example, interpretations of the function of the North-East Court of the North Palace at Amarna
vary drastically, with possibilities including an aviary, a religious complex, storage chambers,
servants’ quarters and a royal harem. As such it is extremely difficult to fit the motifs found
within these rooms within the larger framework. That being said, certain basic conclusions can
be made based on room location, layout, as well as visual programs, from palaces in which room
function is more apparent.
Motifs of bound foreigners and bows are usually found in areas that are associated with
royal audiences, most notably the floors of throne rooms and their approaches, throne daises, and
Windows of Appearances.1214 At Medinet Habu, the motif is expanded upon with representations
of the king smiting foreigners on the front façade of the palace, undoubtedly an apotropaic use of
the motif. The use of the motif in this palace appears to be rather unique and may be a result of
the palace’s location within a temple complex, or might reflect re visual program of the now lost
facades of palaces. The related motif of the king engaging in the hunt is most notable from Room
F of the King’s Palace at Malqata, and is likewise found immediately behind the throne dais. The
use of the motif in areas of royal audience is not surprising considering that it is an image of royal
power and authority that would have been easily interpreted by any visitor to the palace.
The Nilotic motif is likewise most often found on the floors and walls of chambers
directly associated with royal audiences. In every instance, with the exception of the badly
1214
As the identification of Windows of Appearances in archaeological settings, with the
exception of the one found in the mortuary temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, is tentative at best, this
conclusion is based largely on representations of the Window of Appearances from elite tomb chapels.
271
damaged floor of Hall H, floors depicting Nilotic motifs are paired with pathways of bound
foreigners. This implies two rather significant conclusions. The first is that treading upon
representations of the natural world, at least by the king, was inappropriate and most likely
dangerous to the perfectly created world it represented. Second, as the pathways of bound
foreigners would have been primarily reserved for the king, the Nilotic scenes must likewise have
been placed in such places so that the king could walk past them, rising above them, but never
walking upon them. In this way the king would rise above these scenes of the natural world as
their ruler.
On walls, scenes of nature are primarily found not in private settings, where one would
expect them if they were truly intended to provide a relaxing setting for the royal family, but
rather in public areas. In the North Palace at Amarna scenes of Nilotic motifs painted on wall
surfaces occur primarily in the approaches to the throne room at the rear of the palace. At the
Great Palace these wall scenes likewise occur primarily in the chambers associated with the
throne room complex of the North Harem. Additionally, nature motifs are found at Amarna in
palatial areas with small rooms surrounding a small sunken garden or pool. These chambers may
have private living spaces, but, in comparison to the much more functional chambers of the
Harem rooms of the King’s Palace at Malqata, they lack many of the necessities of a comfortable
lifestyle. Rather, they seem to have served some ritualistic purpose.1215 Despite this supposition,
it is unknown whether these chambers served a public or private function.1216
Representations of the king with deities are well attested in the palace of Merenptah from
Memphis, as well as the palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu. In both cases these scenes are
found on the sculpted stone architectural elements. In both palaces, the evidence for painted
1215
As argued by Weatherhead, 146-147.
1216
The North-East Court of the North Palace at Amarna is in a rather secluded corner of the
palace, while a visitor had to pass through the “Garden Court” to access the Throne Room Complex of the
Great Palace’s North Harem.
272
plaster is either non-existent or extremely denuded. It is therefore possible that the scenes of the
king in the company of the gods continued onto walls, in the likely case that they were painted.
In both cases these scenes occur primarily in the approaches to the throne room and the throne
room itself, areas where naturalistic scenes are often encountered, thereby seeming to link the
function of the two motifs and further supporting the argument that the Nilotic motifs were meant
to represent an otherworldly location. In both cases the proliferation of these motifs, which are
rather unheard of in other palaces, is undoubtedly due to the association of the palaces with large
state temples. Like the representations of bound foreigners and bows found in many temples, the
Nekhbet vultures found at Malqata appear to form pathways through the palace, under which the
king would presumably walk. Domestic deities, most specifically Bes, are found in more
intimate areas of the King’s Palace, in the king’s robing and bed rooms, as well as the small
private throne room.
The motif of palatial activities likewise occurs in public areas of the palace and can
generally be divided into two categories. The first category consists of representations of
activities that occurred within the space, such as enthronement scenes of the king from Malqata
and processions of courtiers in the approaches to the throne room of the North Palace. These
scenes are normally large in scale and focus on simple figural scenes as opposed to the second
group, comprising small scale representations of the palace and the activities of servants, which
appear to have occurred primarily in areas where the king would look upon them while
enthroned. This trend is most notable in the throne room of Amarna’s North Palace, but is
alluded to in several other palaces at Amarna. The placement of these scenes enforced the king’s
role as overseer of palatial activities and thereby ensured that these activities were performed in
accordance with divine justice.
273
Parsing out aspects of royal ideology from the visual programs found throughout the
palaces of the New Kingdom is far easier than attempting to establish rules of the decorum. 1217
Scenes of palatial activities, which are extremely self-referential in nature, are meant to invoke
the impression of the proper palace, one existing in a pure state of Maat. The concept of Maat,
was manifested as a divine being, the goddess Maat, who would have often be seated
immediately behind the king in enthronement scenes which were likely ubiquitous in the royal
throne room. This would have conferred upon the physical structure of the palace the same
components of divine order, insuring that all palatial activities occurred in a manner conducive to
divine will. Yet this would have been impossible in a structure that existed within the physical
world, a space filled with forces of chaos, both physical and supernatural. How then can the
palace have existed in a state of divine order?
In order to achieve this, the palace had to be removed from this world and placed within a
location within the larger universe that was devoid of dangerous chaotic forces. The method of
relocating the palace comes almost exclusively from the visual program, working in conjunction
with certain architectural elements. As is argued in Chapter VI, elements such as Nilotic scenes
are meant to invoke the liminal horizon, a border zone between this world and the world of the
gods that exists out of time at the moment of solar creation and is therefore both a cosmological
and cosmogonic location. The transformative power of Egyptian visual culture ensures that these
images do not simply mimic and remind the viewer (defined as the king, the royal family,
Egyptian courtiers and foreign dignitaries) of this location but rather transform the building into
this otherworldly space. As such, the palace can be seen as existing within the Akhet, in a way
acting as a small pocket of the perfectly created mound, in much the same way that state temples
of the New Kingdom did, within the imperfect world.
1217
Decorum is defined as the rules governing where and how certain motifs can be utilized and
displayed within a certain structure. This concept is discussed in more detail in the Introduction.
274
This conclusion must change the way we understand the place of the pharaoh and the
royal family within the created world. The status of the king as a semi-divine being is reinforced
by placing the king within the liminal zone between the world of the living and the divine world.
At least on a theoretical level, this implies that the king did not experience pure divinity in life,
but rather operated as the being that first inhabited the divinely created mound. His role is that of
the first of men, the one who is a child of the sun god who rises over the mound and shines its
light upon the world, imbuing it with efficacy.
The general absence of representations of gods in visual programs of palaces is not
surprising in light of this understanding. The primary deities who are referenced in the palace,
Bes and Maat, would be appropriate for the newly created mound encapsulated within the royal
palace. Bes serves as the protector of the household, and is thus a deity whose presence is
confined more to the domestic sphere of this world. Maat is present as an emblem of the divine
justice that penetrates throughout this moment of solar creation. The presence of Mut on the
ceilings of the palace invokes the goddess, who, like Wadjet, was a protector of the king, within
the royal life, but not as part of the unfolding landscape in which the king lives, rather she surveys
over it as a symbol of otherworldly divinity. The primary deity alluded to in the visual programs
is the sun god, either Ra or the Aten, represented by the profuse yellow background of figural
scenes, as well as invoked in representations of the primordial environment and the animals that
inhabit it in a seemingly celebratory manner. The sun god’s presence, however, is only alluded
to, and he is never present in a physical form. This hints at the sun gods’s role as an absent deity,
one not directly involved in the physical world, but rather acting upon it through his light. This
concept is most clearly seen in the visual culture, as well as written texts, of the Amarna period,
which focus on the light of the Aten as the principal medium by which the god interacts with
275
humanity and this world, light which is responsible for giving life to the royal family.1218 Henri
Frankfort notes that the power of the king is simply a reflection of the creative potency of the sun
god.1219
The king’s authority to rule is therefore not expressed within the palace by his proximity
to the gods, as he is rarely shown in their presence, but rather through the fact that he inhabits this
primordial liminal zone imbued with Maat. It is this existence within the solar cosmogony that
imbues the king with divine authority. His placement within this world in reflected in his
identification as the “son of Ra,” as well as a child of Amun-Ra, the creator. While this
procreative act was represented in the New Kingdom not as a primordial action, but rather one
involving the queen mother and Amun in the guise of the previous king, the concept of the king
as a child of the creator god associates him with the first generation of humans who, as children
of the creative forces of the universe, inhabited the created mound. The king is also, therefore,
the inheritor of the divinely created world over which Ra ruled in the mythological past. Yet the
lack of representations of Ra in a figural form, focusing instead on oblique references to the god,
indicates that Ra has departed, leaving the king seated upon a throne in the middle of primordial
world.
The picture of the king presented by the visual programs of the palace is one of a being
that is not truly divine, but rather one that relies on the creative power of the gods, most
specifically the sun god, usually through his synchronization with creator gods, and the divine
order that permeated the early world, from which he ruled, as the divine power behind royal
1218
This concept is made clear in the texts which describe the life giving power of the sun’s rays,
as well as representations of the sun’s rays, ending in human hands, placing Ankhs before the mouths and
noses of the royal family.
1219
159-161.
276
authority.1220 This concept of kingship is most in line with the concepts proposed by Georges
Posener in his seminal De La Divinité du Pharaon. Posener argues for an interpretation of royal
authority as being one of divine substitute or image, based primarily on the king’s role as the
earthly image of Horus. John Baines further supports the idea of royal authority being an
inheritance from Ra, but points to the king as the inheritor of a “perfect history,” which can be
seen as manifest within the primordial world.1221
The final conclusion must be that the palace was an extension of royal ideology, a
manifestation of the king and his office not in death but rather in life. The king, as a being of
indeterminate divinity in this world, required a home that reflected his placement within the
universe, as well as his position in relation to not only the citizenry of Egypt but also the divine
world. The palatial visual programs overwhelmingly present an image of the world newly
created, bathed in the light of the sun god, and filled with divine order. It was in this liminal
place, newly born from divine power, but not yet the polluted world of the living that existed
outside the palace wall, that was the fountainhead for royal authority. This authority is therefore
one based on the fact that the king is the inheritor of the perfect world, and that all actions he
makes are reflections of this world. The presence of foreign motifs though within the palace hint
at the role of the king as not just a ruler of Egypt, but rather an important link in a web of rulers
scattered throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. As such, the king needed to express royal
ideology not only in a way that his subject would understand, that is in a typically Egyptian
manner, but also in a method that exhibited those same concepts of royal order and authority
through the widely accepted international language of royal power. Additionally, by utilizing
these modes of representation, and by employing Minoan artists to create these stunning works of
1220
Frankfort notes that we should not ignore these synchronizations as mere attempts to combine
deities into a more consumable package but rather as inherently accurate representations of the multifaceted
nature of the gods. See Ibid.
1221
John Baines, “Kingship, Definition of Culture and Legitimation,” 23-25.
277
art, the king showed his role as a patron of an art style that signified in the Eastern Mediterranean
that the patron possessed power, wealth, as well as being a consumer of an elite and highly sought
after artistic style. This fits with the king’s role not only as ruler of Egypt, but the greatest of
rulers, the one to whom all foreign rulers must kowtow. As such the palace and the images and
words that adorned almost every surface must be understood as essential components of kingship,
as expressions of royal authority that was made manifest not directly by the king’s connections
with the gods, but rather his inhabitation of and rule over the perfect world they created.
278
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PLATES
Plate 2.1
Plan of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas
Plate 2.2
Reconstructed Plan of the North Palace
Plate 2.3
Fragments of Painted Plaster from the North Palace
Plate 2.4
Map of the Nile Delta with the Location of Tell el-Dab‘a
Plate 2.5
Plan of Tell el-Dab‘a with Thutmoside Palatial Complex Highlighted
Plate 2.6
Plan of the Thutmoside Palatial Complex
Plate 2.7
Hypothetical Plan of Palace G
Plate 2.8
Hypothetical Plan of Palace G
Plate 2.9
Plan of the Palace of Apries at Mit Rahina
Plate 2.10
Distribution of Painted Plaster Fragments Outside Palace F
Plate 2.11
Panthera Leo Leo (Barbary Lion)
Plate 2.12
Lions on the Ochre Background
Plate 2.13
Lions on Red Background
Plate 2.14
Leaping Lion
Plate 2.15
Leaping Lion
Plate 2.16
Leaping Lion With Rocky Ground
Plate 2.17
Leaping Lion
Plate 2.18
Lions Attacking a Bull, detail of Plate 9
Plate 2.19
Panthera pardus suahelicus (Leopard)
Plate 2.20
Leaping Leopard
Plate 2.21
Leaping Leopard
Plate 2.22
Leopard
Plate 2.23
Leaping Leopard
Plate 2.24
Stalking Leopard
Plate 2.25
Stalking Leopard
Plate 2.26
Griffin from the Hunt Frieze
Plate 2.27
Dog with Running Hunter
Plate 2.28
Large Heraldic Griffin
Plate 2.29
Reconstructed Heraldic Griffins and Throne at Knossos
Plate 2.30
Bietak’s Reconstruction of the Throne Room of Palace F
Plate 2.31
Reconstruction of Maze Pattern Flooring
Plate 2.32
Spiral Designs from Palace F
Plate 2.33
Bull Leaping Maze Pattern Frieze
Plate 2.34
Bull Leaping Beige Frieze
Plate 2.35
Two Bovids
Plate 2.36
Black Spotted Bull
Plate 2.37
Painted Plaster Fragments Depicting a Minoan Priest against a Façade with Window
Plate 2.38
Running Man with Penis Sheath
Plate 2.39
Bearded Minoan Priest
Plate 2.40
Fragment of Painted Plaster Relief of a Calf or Arm of a Man
Plate 2.41
Ivy Design
Plate 2.42
Feet and Skirt Hem of a Minoan Woman
Plate 2.43
Coiled Uraeus on the Arm of the Throne of Tutankhamun
Plate 2.44
Plan of the Site of Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.45
Head of Queen Tiy found at Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.46
Two Wooden Boxes found within the Palace Enclosure of Medinet el-Gurob
Plate 2.47
Wooden Grape Cluster
Plate 2.48
Plan of the Main Palace at Malqata
Plate 2.49
Feet of Two Plate s of the God Bes
Plate 2.50
Pavement from Room E
Plate 2.51
Fragments of Pavement from Room E
Cairo Museum JE 89480 and JE 89479
Plate 2.52
Woman from Room F
Plate 2.53
Floral and Vegetative Frieze from Room F
Plate 2.54
Ceiling of Hall H, First Phase
Plate 2.55
Ceiling of Hall H, Second Phase
Plate 2.56
Painted Plaster from a Pillar in Room K4
Plate 2.57
Suite 1 looking South-West
Plate 2.58
Remains of Painted Ceiling from Room K5
Plate 2.59
Remains of Painted Ceiling from Room B5
Plate 2.60
Ceiling from Room L2
Plate 2.61
Ceiling from Room L3
Plate 2.62
Ceiling from L1
Plate 2.63
Painted Mudbrick Support from Room M1
Plate 2.64
Dado and Bes Plate s from the King’s Bedchamber
Plate 2.65
Ceiling from the King’s Robing Room
Plate 2.66
Reconstructed Ceiling from the King’s Bed Chamber
Plate 3.1
Map of Egypt
Plate 3.2
Map of Principal
Structures at Amarna
1. North Riverside
Palace
2. North Palace
3. Great Aten
Temple
4. Central City
Bureaucratic
Area
5.Great Palace
6. Bridge
7. King’s House
8.Small Aten
Temple
9. Maru Aten
Plate 3.3
Plan of the North Riverside Palace and Adjacent Houses
Plate 3.4
Lavers Reconstruction of the Gateway of the North Riverside Palace
Plate 3.5
Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Chariot Scene with Identified Fragments
Plate 3.6
Fragment of Painted Plaster Depicting King’s Face
Plate 3.7
Facsimile of the Fragment of King’s Arm
Plate 3.8
Facsimile of Painted Plaster Fragment with Head of a Pigeon
Plate 3.9
Facsimile of Jewelry Stand (?) Fragment
Plate 3.10
Fragments of Floral Frieze with Polychrome Chequer Border
Plate 3.11
Facsimile of Small Floral Fruit Frieze
Plate 3.12
Facsimile of Large Floral
Fruit Frieze
Plate 3.13
Plan of the North Palace
A.North-East Court
B. King’s Apartments
C. South-East Section
D. Green Room
E. Throne Room
F. Transverse Hypostyle Hall
G. Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.14
Stone Animal Troughs
Plate 3.15
Hypostyle Hall Dado
Plate 3.16
Fragments of Feet from the Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.17
Vine from Transverse Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.18
Fragments of Vine Arbor Ceiling from the Transverse Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.19
Reconstruction of the Throne Room
Plate 3.20
Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Parennefer
Plate 3.21
Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Penthu
Plate 3.22
Enthronement Scene from the Tomb of Tutu
Plate 3.23
Olive Branch from the King’s Apartments
Plate 3.24
Brooklyn Museum 27.35, Waterbank Design from a Pier in the South-East Court
Plate 3.25
Plan of the North-East Court
Plate 3.26
Reconstruction of the Picture Frame Areas in a Typical Cubical of the North-East Court
Plate 3.27
Facsimile of Grape Arbor Ceiling
Plate 3.28
Facsimile of Waterbank motif from the Courtyard of the
North-East Court
Plate 3.29
Facsimile of Foul Feeding and Framed Border from Room 2
Plate 3.30
Lotus Petal Motif from Room 3
Plate 3.31
Remains of Fowl Feeding Motif from north wall of Room 5
Plate 3.32
Fowl Feeding Scene from the North Wall of Room 6
Plate 3.33
Fowl Feeding Scene from the south wall of Room 7
Plate 3.34
Feet of Four Birds from Unknown Room in the Northeast Court
Plate 3.35
Pigeons and Shrike in Papyrus Thicket from the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.36
Excavation Photograph of the Green Room looking North
Plate 3.37
East Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.38
West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.39
Shrike from the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.40
Pigeons, Kingfisher and Shrike on the West Wall of the Green Room
Plate
Plate 3.41
North Wall of the Green Room
Plate 3.42
Rushes from Room 14
Plate 3.43
Frame from Room 14
Plate 3.44
The Great Palace
1. The Broad Hall

2. State Apartments
3. Servants Quarters
4. South Harem
5. North Harem
6. Coronation Hall
7. Main Hall
8. Location of Painted
Pavement in the Broad Hall
9.
Plate 3.45
Restored Plan of the Great Palace Complex during the Reign of Smenkhkare
1. Weben-Aten 2. Broad Hall 3. North Harem 4. South Harem 5. Coronation
Halls 6. State Apartments 7. Quays 8. Kings House 9. Bridge over Royal
Road
Plate 3.46
Eastern Half of the Great Palace
Plate 3.47
Plan of the Garden Court
Plate 3.48
Laver’s Reconstruction of the Garden Court
Plate 3.49
Reconstruction of the painted plaster on the western screen wall of the Garden Court
Plate 3.50
Bowls of Grapes on Stands from the Garden Court
Plate 3.51
Wine Amphorae from the Garden Court
Plate 3.52
Plan of the Throne Room Complex
Plate 3.53
The Great Pavement, Eastern Side of Room E
Plate 3.54
Petrie’s Color Facsimile of a Portion of the Great Pavement
Plate 3.55
Diagram of the Subject Matter of Floor Pavements in the Throne Room Complex
Green- Waterbank and pools Yellow- Bound Foreigners
Blue- Bouquets and Offerings on Stands
Plate 3.56
Palatial Activity from Room E
Plate 3.57
Pavement Remains from the Main Hall
Plate 3.58
Pavements from Room F
Plate 3.60
Plate 3.59 Fragments of Painted Plaster from
Detail of Lion Attacking a Bovid Room X
from Figure 3.58
Plate 3.61
Floor Pavement from Room H
Plate 3.62
Pavement from Corridor J
Plate.63
Plan of South Harem with Motifs
Identified
Plate 3.64
Floor Pavement from Hall N
Plate 3.65
Details of Plate s on Papyrus Skiffs and Foreigner from Hall N Floor Pavement
Plate 3.66
Floor Pavement from Main Area of Room 10
Plate 3.67
Floor Pavement from the Annex of Room 10
Plate 3.68
Pavement from Room 12
Plate 3.69
Akhenaten, Nefertiti and a Princess Worshiping the Aten in a Stone Fragment from the State
Apartments
Plate 3.70
Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting palatial servants in the kitchens
Plate 3.71
Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a courtier bowing before a royal
figure
Plate 3.72
Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a Shrine with a Hathor Headed
Column
Plate 3.73
Fragment of stone relief from the State Apartments depicting a riverine environment and a
palatial structure
Plate 3.74
Floor Pavement from the south side of the Broad Hall
Plate 3.75
Comparison of Known Throne Rooms
A. Malqata B. South-east Court of the North Palace C. North Palace Throne Room
D. Throne Room Complex Great Palace E. Hypostyle Halls and Dais Chamber Kings
House F. Coronation Hall Great Palace
Plate 3.76
Plan of the Bridge between the Great Palace and King’s House
Plate 3.77
Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting Akhenaten
Plate 3.78
Fragments of Painted Plaster depicting the face of Nefertiti
Plate 3.79
Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Bridge Scene
Plate 3.80
Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting Plants and Garden Plots
Plate 3.81
Palatial Garden with Plots from the Tomb of Penthu
Compare with Plate 3.21
Plate 3.82
Plan of the Kings House at Amarna
North East Block is Highlighted
Plate 3.83
Plan of North-East Block
Plate 3.84
Excavation photograph of Dado on the East Wall of the Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.85
Color Reconstruction of Dado in Plate 3.84
Plate 3.86
Excavation Photograph of Dado in Hypostyle Hall
Plate 3.87
Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Dais
Plate 3.88
Petrie’s Facsimile of the Foreigners from the Dais
Plate 3.89
Excavation Photograph of the Dais with Bound Plate s
Plate 3.90
Facsimile of the Princess Panel
Metropolitan Museum 30.4.125
Plate 3.91
Davies’ Reconstruction of
the Princess Panel
Plate 3.92
Weatherhead’s Reconstruction of the Standing Princesses
Plate 3.93
Two Fragments of Painted Plaster Depicting the Asiatic Figure from the Princess Panel Room
Plate 3.94
Fragment of Painted Plaster Depicting a shuttered Window
Plate 3.95
Feet of Akhenaten from the Princess Panel Room
Plate 3.96
The Precinct of the Great Temple from the Tomb of Panehesy
Plate 3.97
Detail of Plate 3.96 showing Potential Palatial Structure and its Relationship to the First Pylon
Plate 3.98
Plan of the Great Temple at Amarna
Plate 3.99
Restored Plan of the Platform Building Excavated by Kemp
Plate 4.1
Map of Qantir
Plate 4.2
Hayes’ Reconstruction of the Throne Dais
Plate 4.3
Prostrate figure from the side of the stairs with molding and dado
Plate 4.4
Kneeling Plate s with Tribute, Heraldic Dado, Torus Molding and Cavetto Cornice from
side of Dais
Plate 4.5
Faience Statue of Bound Figure and Lion
Plate 4.6
Raised Faience Plate s from the Wall of the Throne Room
Plate 4.7
Doorway of Seti I in the Louvre
Plate 4.8
Raised Faience Inlays of Bound Foreigners
Plate 4.9
Rekhyt tiles
Plate 4.10
Tiles with Fragments of Headdresses
Plate 4.11
Tile Depicting a Riverbank Scene
Plate 4.12
Tile with Tilapia
Plate 4.13
Tile with Pin-tail Duck
Plate 4.14
Tiles with Papyrus Clumps
Plate 4.15
Rosette Tiles
Plate 4.16
Woman amongst Flowers from the Metropolitan Museum of Art
Plate 4.17
Woman with Gazelle
Plate 4.18
Woman amongst Flowering Plants from Cairo
Plate 4.19
Saffron Gatherer from House Xeste 3 at Thera
Plate 4.20
Reconstruction of a Bes Plate
Plate 4.21
Fragmentary Bes Plate
Plate 4.22
Tiles from the Steps of the Dais
Plate 4.23
Location of Tell el Qala and the Merenptah Palace at Mit Rahineh
Plate 4.24
Enclosures and Processional Route at Memphis
Plate 4.25
Plan of Merenptah Palace
Plate 4.26
Doorway from Transverse Hypostyle Hall into Throne Room
Plate 4.27
Fisher’s Reconstruction of the Throne Room
Plate 4.28
Visual Program of the Throne Dais
Plate 4.29
Painted Dado from Room 5
Plate 4.30
Stepped Feature from the Chamber of Ramses III at Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.31
Rosettes from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.32
Floral and Vegetal Frieze from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.33
Libyan Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.34
Asiatic Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.35
Nubian Captive from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.36
Plaque with a Rekyht from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.37
Plaques with Hieroglyphic Texts from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.38
Plaque with Pigeon taking flight from Tell el-Yahudiya
Plate 4.39
Mortuary Temple of Ay/Horemheb at Medinet Habu at the end of the reign of Horemheb
Plate 4.40
Plan of the Ramesseum
Plate 4.41
Fragments of Relief of Wrestlers from Ramesseum
Plate 4.42
Plan of the Temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.43
Façade of the Palace/South Wall of the First Court of the Temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.44
Central Window Area of the First Palace Façade of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.45
Plan of the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.46
Exterior of South Wall with Cross-Section of the First Palace
Plate 4.47
Reliefs on the Exterior of the South Wall Flanking entrance to the Window of Appearance
Plate 4.48
Reconstructed Pilaster, Column, and Lintel from the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.49
Section and Elevation of Doorway between Columned Hall and Throne Room of First Palace
Plate 4.50
False Door from the Throne Room of the First Palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu
Plate 4.51
Color Facsimile of Remains of Upper Portion of the Throne Room False Door
Plate 4.52
Plan of Second Palace
Plate 4.53
Evidence for Balcony on the Palace Façade
Plate 4.54
Hölscher’s Reconstruction of the Balcony of the Second Palace
Plate 4.55
Right Entrance to Second Palace
Plate 4.56
Faience Plaques of Bound Foreigners
Left: Libyan Right: Nubian
Plate 4.57
Faience Plaques of Bound Foreigners
Left: Syrian Right: “Northerner”
Plate 4.58
Column Fragment from the Second Palace
Plate 4.59
Window Grill from the Second Palace
Metropolitan Museum of Art 14.6.232
Plate 4.60
Remains of Throne Dais from Second Palace
Plate 5.1
Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Meryre I at Amarna
Plate 5.2
Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Meryre II at Amarna
Plate 5.3
Window of Appearance of the King from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.4
Window of Appearance of the Queen from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.5
Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep II (TT50)
Plate 5.6
Window of Appearance from the Tomb Chapel of Nebwenenef (TT157)
Plate 5.7
South Wall from the Tomb Chapel of Iniuia at Saqqara
Plate 5.8
Riparian Environments from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.9
River Bank Activities from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.10
Bird Ceiling from the Tomb Chapel of Neferhotep (TT49)
Plate 5.11
Bird Ceiling from the Tomb Chapel of Raya (TT159)
Plate 5.12
Ceiling from the Tomb of Inherkha (TT359)
Plate 5.13
Ramses III and Palatial Women from the Eastern High Gate at Medinet Habu, Thebes

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Palatial Paintings and Programs

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of

Institute of Fine Arts

New York University

To Blythe and Tobin

No work is ever completed in a vacuum, and this dissertation is no exception. Thanks

completion of this dissertation.

Association’s Works in Progress Forum provided immense feedback on my work from a

have been able to complete the dissertation.

List of Plates vii

Chapter 2: Pre-Amarna Evidence for Palatial Decoration 11

2.1 Deir el-Ballas 12

2.2 Tell el-Daba 14

Chapter 3: Amarna Period Evidence for Palatial Decoration 66

3.1 North Riverside Palace 68

3.2 North Palace 77

3.3 Great Palace 106

3.4 “King’s House” 126

3.5 The Platform Building 135

3.6 Analysis 138

Chapter 4: Post-Amarna Evidence for Palatial Decoration 144

4.1 Qantir 145

4.2 Palace of Merenptah at Memphis 153

4.4 Tell el-Yahudiya 160

4.5 Palaces of Theban Mortuary Temples 163

Chapter 5: Palatial Inspired Motifs in Non-Palatial Settings 179

5.1 Elite Tomb Chapels 181

5.2 State Temples 199

Chapter 6: Symbolism of Traditional Egyptian Thematic Groups 205

Chapter 7: Symbolism and Use of Imported Themes 261

Plate 2.1 Plan of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas

Plate 2.2 Reconstructed Plan of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas

Plate 2.3 Fragments of Painted Plaster from the North Palace

Plate 2.6 Plan of the Thutmoside Palatial Complex

Plate 2.7 Hypothetical Plan of Palace G

Plate 2.8 Hypothetical Plan of Palace F

Plate 2.9 Plan of the Palace of Apries at Mit Rahina

Plate 2.10 Distribution of Painted Plaster Fragments Outside Palace F

Plate 2.11 Panthera Leo Leo (Barbary Lion)

Plate 2.12 Lions on the Ochre Background

Plate 2.13 Lions on Red Background

Plate 2.14 Leaping Lion

Plate 2.15 Leaping Lion

Plate 2.16 Leaping Lion With Rocky Ground

Plate 2.17 Leaping Lion

Plate 2.18 Lions Attacking a Bull, detail of Plate 9

Plate 2.19 Panthera pardus suahelicus (Leopard)

Plate 2.20 Leaping Leopard

Plate 2.21 Leaping Leopard

Plate 2.22 Leopard

Plate 2.23 Leaping Leopard

Plate 2.25 Stalking Leopard

Plate 2.26 Griffin from the Hunt Frieze

Plate 2.27 Dog with Running Hunter

Plate 2.28 Large Heraldic Griffin

Plate 2.29 Reconstructed Heraldic Griffins and Throne at Knossos

Plate 2.30 Bietak’s Reconstruction of the Throne Room of Palace F

Plate 2.31 Reconstruction of Maze Pattern Flooring

Plate 2.32 Spiral Designs from Palace F

Plate 2.33 Bull Leaping Maze Pattern Frieze

Plate 2.34 Bull Leaping Beige Frieze

Plate 2.35 Two Bovids