THE ARTS OF THE KOFI-OO-KOFI CULT

Owusu-Boakye, Michael

A Thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies,

Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology,

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS IN AFRICAN ART AND CULTURE

Faculty of Art

College of Art and Social Sciences

July, 2012

Department of General Arts Studies

DECLARATION

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I hereby declare that this submission is my own work towards the MA African Art

and Culture degree and that to the best of my knowledge, it contain no material

previously published by another person nor material which has been accepted for the

award of any other degree of the university, except where due acknowledgement has

been made in the text.

Owusu-Boakye, Micheal ID No. 20068573………………… ….………………

Signature Date
(Candidate)

Certified by
Dr. Eric Appau Asante ….…… …………. ………………….
Signature Date
(Supervisor)

Certified by
Nana Afua Opuku Asare (Miss) …..……………… ………………….
Signature Date
(Head of Department)

ABSTRACT

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This thesis identifies the various forms of art used in the Kofi-OO-Kofi Religious

cult, been operated by Nana KwakuBonsam. How these arts are used and their

importance to the cult has been studied. In unveiling this, the qualitative research

method was used to collect data from a homogeneous population using purposive

sampling method. Critical observation of the cult processes, questioning and

interviewing some of the high ranking officials who are prime users and performers

of the arts of this cult, took place. Kofi-OO-Kofi’s cult has resulted from a dissenting

view by the priest. Dissenting views results from his perceived spiritual being called

Kofi-OO-Kofi who has bestowed powers on him that enables him achieve his targets

and aims. In his mission to see to achieving his vision of expanding the knowledge

of the deity to his followers, he uses the magical powers to assist people who care

for his assistance using basic ideas of the mainstream religion, African Traditional

Religion. The total embodiment of the religion includes the use of belief systems.

These belief systems can also be expressed in worship of the deity and basic moral

codes which individuals are to observe. These can also be expressed in the use of

various art forms. Categorizing the arts into four main aspects thus the

environmental, visual, verbal and body, these arts come to full play in the cult

dealings. The arts are used as shrine for the deities, protective charms, medication

for various ailments and other basic needs of people who patronize the cult. It is

therefore incumbent on whoever visits the cult to understand the arts and their roles

they play in the cults. The knowledge in the art will help to demystify some aspects

of the cult. This basic knowledge will also be a source of information to the

anthropologist, art historians and the Ghana Tourist Board for their use. It is

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therefore the researcher’s recommendation that the knowledge established in this

research made available for such bodies.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

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It is impossible for me to adequately acknowledge the debts of gratitude that I owe

various individuals in connection with this research. I derived a lot of useful

materials from people at different places of work, lecturers, colleagues and various

authors.

I must however acknowledge my special indebtedness to Dr. OseiAgyeman a senior

lecturer at the Department of General Art Studies, College of Art and Social

Sciences, KNUST, Kumasi who read through my work and whose meticulous

attention and unreserved constructive comments, criticisms and suggestions, this

thesis might not have been accomplished.

I wish to acknowledge Dr. Eric Appau Asante, who supervised this work and

through diverse ways contributed to the successful completion of this work. It was

through his advices , interventions and corrections that has led me to this far.

I am grateful to the head of the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult, Stephen OseiMensah

also known as Nana KwakuBonsam whose headquarters is at Akomadan-Afrancho

for granting me access to the cult. Special mention should be made of the Bosomfo,

Nana Kwadwo Poku and the spokeman of the cult, Nana Yaw Owusu who provided

the emit information of the cult and directed the researcher to other source where

necessary.

My sincere thanks also go to Mr. Clifford Addo-Diabene and Mr. Joseph Quansah,

Science and Business Management teachers respectively of KNUST Senior High

School who in diverse ways despite their tight commitments, have helped me in the

collection of data and giving me suggestions that have gone a long way to add value

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to this thesis.Besides, I express my thanks to the Chief Executive Officer of El Net

Café, Mr. Appiagye iKusi-Mensah who gave me access to this facility for the period

of research without paying for anything. I am also grateful to the typist, Richard

MawutorLoglo, a student of the Integrated Rural Art and Industry, KNUST who

helped me to produce this thesis. Likewise Mr. Richard Sarkodie, a friend and a

colleague whose guidance and assistance made this thesis a success.Finally, my

thanks go to the Lord Almighty who gave me strength throughout the study.

July, 2012 MOB

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page i

Declaration ii

Abstract iii

Acknowledgement V

List of Figures vii

List of Plates vii

Table of Contents ix

LIST OF FIGURES PAGES

1.1 Map showing study area 2

4.1 The wall with the cross 57

4.2 The D shrine 60

4.3 The Buta 63

4.4 The fly whisk 65

4.5 Drawing of nnaa 67

4.6 The gong () 77

LIST OF PLATES PAGES

4.1 A sample of fliers given to Client 37

4.2 A sculpture piece representing a shrine of a deity 40

4.3 AteaMframa’s shrine on the dais 42

4.4 A photograph of the dais of the cult 44

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4.5 A photograph of the Dwarfs Kingdom 46

4.6 A section of the porch with some officials of the cult 49

4.7 A black armchair with a horn decorated footrest 50

4.8 A girl being caned at the porch for invoking curse with Anfanfiri deity 53

4.9 A fence wall with a mural of someone playing the talking drum 54

4.10 The wall with a cross and a shrine hung on it 56

4.11 with a hole at the top 58

4.12 pot on its concrete pedestal 60

4.13 Some of the cooking pots used in the preparation of medicines 61

4.14 Kofi Baah, the herbalist of the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult 62

4.15 The ringing of  67

4.16 The act of kneeling as observed by cultists during a ritual performance 68

4.17 Silver pans containing prepared medicine resting on pedestals made of 71

blocks

4.18 Threads of different colours tied around a spear 72

4.19 Some artefacts being used in the preparation of some special medicine 73

4.20 A client standing behind the priest, Nana More with the hands on the 74

shoulder of the priest, ready for the shooting ritual

4.21 Some of the instruments used in the religious cult 76

(a) The  (left) and the talking drum ()

(b) The(left) and the  (right)

4.22 Some of the shrines being painted with blood 89

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4.23 Pouring libation onto the shrine 93

4.24 The mango tree supposed to have germinated from a leaf 103

4.25 A photograph of the  104

4.26 The priest covered with kaolin 108

4.27 The priest, Nana KwakuBonsam dancing wearing a Batakari 112

4.28 The priestess is in white with a cloth wrapped on it 113

4.29 The priest dancing wearing the doso(palm fibred kilt) 113

CHAPTER PAGE

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Overview 1

1.2 Background of the study 1

1.3 Statement of the problem 3

1.4 Objectives 3

1.5 Research questions 4

1.6 Delimitation 4

1.7 Limitation 4

1.8 Definition of Terms 4

1.9 Importance of the study 6

1.10 Organization of the text 6

CHAPTER TWO

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REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 8

2.1 Forms of art in religion 8

2.1.1 Environmental art 9

2.1.1.1 Sculptures 9

2.1.1.2 Architecture 10

2.1.1.3 Textiles 11

2.1.1.4 Pottery 11

2.1.1.5 Leather 12

2.1.1.6 Metal art 12

2.1.2 Verbal art 12

2.1.3 Body art 13

2.1.4 Performing art 14

2.2 Role of art in religion 14

2.3 Importance of art in religion 23

CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY 29

3.1 Overview 29

3.2 Research design 29

3.3 Library research 30

3.4 Population for the study 30

3.5 Sampling 31

3.6 Data collection instruments 31

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 3.7 Types of data 32

3.8 Administration of data 32

3.9 Data collection procedure 33

3.10 Data analysis plan 33

CHAPTER FOUR 34

ANALYSIS OF DATA

4.1 Environmental arts 39

4.1.1 Sculpture as shrines 40

4.1.2 Dais 43

4.1.3 Dwarfs kingdom 45

4.1.4 Patoso (the porch) The seat of the shrine 47

4.1.5 Fence wall 53

4.1.6 Pots 57

4.1.6.1 Mmotia-Ahina 57

4.1.6.2 Daayambosom (shrine) 59

4.1.6.3 Cooking pots 61

4.1.7 Buta 63

4.1.8 The fly whisk 64

4.1.9 The Umbrella 66

4.1.10 The Nnaa 67

4.1.11 The flower garden 69

4.1.12 Silver pans 70

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 4.1.13 Colourful thread tying 71

4.1.14 The gun, machetes, pestle and the mortar 72

4.2 Performing art in the cult 75

4.2.1 Music 75

4.2.2 Dance 82

4.2.2.1 The dance and healing 84

4.2.3 Drama 86

4.2.3.1 Sacrifice 86

4.2.3.2 Libation 90

4.2.3.3 Drama in egg throwing 93

4.2.3.4 Drama in breaking of eggs 94

4.2.3.5 Thread tying 95

4.2.3.6 Magical acts 98

4.3 Verbal Arts used in the shrine 100

4.4 Body Arts used in the shrine 106

4.4.1 Coiffure 106

4.4.2 Body painting 107

4.4.3 The ring and chains 109

4.4.4 Costume 111

4.5 Discussion on Findings 115

4.5.1 Social Importance 115

4.5.2 Economic Importance 116

4.5.3 Religious Importance 116

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4.5.4 The art of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi and Chieftaincy 117

4.5.5 The art of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi and Superstition 118

4.6 Summary of Discussion 119

CHAPTER FIVE:

SUMMARY, CONCLUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 121

5.1 Summary 121

5.2 Conclusions 124

5.3 Recommendations 124

Reference 128

Appendix A: Interview guide 133

Appendix B: Observation guide 134

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 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Overview

This chapter deals with the motivation which necessitated the researcher to undertake this

research. It also highlights the basic objectives and how he intend reaching his objectives. It will

also deal with the delimitations and the limitations perceived by the researcher.

1.2 Background to the study:

In this modern world where technology is scientific processes determine what one does many

people still tend to rely on spiritual sources for solutions on matters that burden them. They turn

to the cults for assistance. Despite the many cults available the choice to research into the art of

Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult comes as a result of the much publicity made in the media, thus

through the print, audio and audio-visual media. Many are the exploits believed to have been

performed by the senior priest of this cult, however little is known about the arts which aid him

in the performance of these exploits.

Kofi-OO-Kofi is one such deity which has been in existence for a period of time. It has shrines in

Accra, Obuase and the headquarters at Akomadan Afrancho in the Ashanti Region. Stephen Osei

Mensah, popularly known in practice as Kwaku Bonsam, a powerful traditional priest, operates

the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi deity. As one of the few contemporary traditional cults known in

Ashanti Region, people from all walks of life visit the shrines for various reasons. These include

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protection from evil spirits, spiritual and physical welfare, and consultation on inexplicable

situations as well as fishing out for the truth into certain situations.

Figure 1.1

Afrancho, the village where the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult is located.

Picture captured from Google map.

The people of Afrancho (figure 1.1) are predominantly farmers. It is close to the boarders of

Ashante and Brong Ahafo Regions. The village is influenced due to its position. It lies in the

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centre of two strong market towns of Akomadan and Techiman. Located on the Kumasi–

Techiman highway, Afrancho is a village that can boost of a Police Station and one public basic

school. Most of the buildings are made up of mud and roofed with metal sheets though there

were few thatched ones. There are some few block houses interspersed in the village. Major

financial institutions, like the Ghana Commercial Bank are located in Akomadan the closest

town.

The cult seems to thrive very well in the village perhaps due to the lower standard of education.

The people tend to resort to the traditional believes in religious cult practices to access their

aspirations.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

People who visit the shrines seem to regard the presence of traditional priests as an end to their

needs without acknowledging the role art plays in all the cult activities. A preliminary visit to the

Akomadan Afrancho shrine by the researcher revealed that various forms of art are employed at

the shrine for diverse reasons; however members of the cult, as well as those who visit the shrine

for various reasons do not appear to seriously acknowledge the role and importance of art in the

cult’s activities.

1.4. Objectives

The research seeks to:

1. Identify the various forms of art used in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult.

2. Study the role of the arts in the day-to-day activities of the cult’s practices.

3. Give account on the importance of art in the cult

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1.5 Research Questions

1. What forms of art are employed in the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi at Akomadan Afrancho?

2. What are the roles of arts in the cult’s practices?

3. Are the roles relevant to the practices of the cult?

1.6 Delimitation

The study covers only the art forms which the researcher witnessed. It also covers the activities

of the Kofi-OO-Kofi shrine at the headquarters at Akomadan Afrancho since its inception to the

present.

1.7 Limitation

Possible respondents were unwilling to contribute. This made it impossible to access varied

opinions from many possible respondents. Most of the information gathered was from the

Bosomf and few high ranking officials of the cult. The researcher was also banned for taking

photographs. All the pictures in the thesis were taken by the researcher before the ban.

1.8 Importance of the study

1. The study will play a distinctive role in providing beneficial information on the art of the

religious cult to anthropologists, art historians, art educators, the Ghana Tourist Board as well

as the general public.

2. It will furthermore preserve and demystify some aspects of the activities of the Kofi-OO-

Kofi cult.

3. Finally, it will serve as a reference material to other researchers.

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1.9 Organization of the rest of the text

To achieve a successful completion of the thesis, it has been organized into five chapters. The

Chapter one deals with the introduction. It contains the background to the study, the objectives,

and the importance of the research.

In chapter two, related literature is reviewed. The literature covers certain arts that have been

identified in religion, role of art in religion and the importance of art in traditional religions.

Chapter three of this work talks about the methods the researcher used in acquiring data. It

includes the research design, population for the study, data collection instruments and how the

instrument was administered. It also includes the data collection procedure and the data analysis

plan.

Chapter four contains the findings from the cult. It deals with various categories of art and their

roles in the cult.

In chapter five, the major issues raised in the work are summed up, conclusions have been drawn

and recommendations made.

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 CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult has played enormous roles in the lives of many people in

Ghana, Togo, Canada and other parts of the world. Many literary and audiovisuals have been

produced on the religious cult. However, little have been done on the arts of the cult. It is

therefore important to research into the arts of the religious cult and know their contribution to

the cult’s practices.

To achieve this, it is important to review available related literature. The review will give the

researcher adequate knowledge to solve any problem that he may encounter. The review will

help the researcher to compare the available material with his findings to make an informed

decision.

In light of this, the major issues of concern in this research are the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult

and the arts. This chapter is dedicated to a) identifying the various forms of art in religions b) to

study the role of the arts in religions and c) examine the importance of art in religion.

2.1 Forms of art in religion

This section identifies the various forms of art used in the religion of the world and their arts

used identified and discussed under environmental or visual art, verbal arts, body art and

performing art. The role of the arts and their importance in religion will be discussed later in this

chapter.

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2.1.1 Environmental art

According to Appiah (2005), environmental art refers to all material object found in ones

environment designed to promote religion among other things. According to Amenuke et al

(1991), they are the kinds of arts that can be seen and also perceived by touch.

2.1.1.1 Sculptures

Willett (1977) acknowledges the richly varied sculpture forms of Africa, nevertheless a great

number of them are used for religious purposes. Olupona (2006) and Mbiti (1925) identify some

of the sculptures as shrines which are man-made while others are nature altered in some form.

While a host of them have been carved in wood, there are some that have been modeled in clay

and those that have been cast of metals. For example, Willett (1977) identified a lot of wooden

sculptures like Awomekaso(also called Akaso) shrine of Kalabari region of Nigeria. He also

identified a terracotta head of a ram in the cult of Orisha Iko, and bronze figure of Onile in the

cult of Ogboni both in Nigeria. Notable forms of sculpture associated with religious cults are

masks, staffs, stool and figure of both humans and animals that have been abstracted.

Masks are forms of art that do play significant roles in religious cults. Willett (1977) identifies in

the egungun religious cult of Nigeria some masks while Annemaia SchweegerHefel (as cited by

Wilkinson, (2012) talks about the sword mask used among the Kurumba in Burkina Faso.

Another important sculptural form worth nothing is the stool. Different types of stools have been

identified by Sarpong (1971) with the Asantes. Such stools include the Golden stool, the

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Crocodile stool (). Sakyi-Dua-korodwa(the stool with only a single central

support). Each of these do plays significant roles in the traditional cult of the Asantes. According

to Webster and Boahen (1967) the Golden stool is one sacred object that the Asantes cannot part

with. Buah (1980) mentions the Golden stool of the Asantes. Sarpong (1971), indentifies two

main types of stools associated with the Asantes namely the Golden stool and the blackened

stools.

Staffs such as Shango sacred staff as mentioned by Amenuke et al (1991) is found in the Ibo

religious cult in the worship of the Shango deity. We learn from Ejizu (n.d.) that elders use the

lineage Ofo staff in when promulgating laws, given them the divine assent. One significant

characteristic of some of the sculptures is that some of them are combined with materials to form

a unit.

Some of the visual arts are made with composite materials. For example, according to Ward

(1967), the Sika-dwa-kofi(Golden stool) of the Asantes is believed to have been made of wood

and plated with gold and the Bakongo magic figure is made up of wood, iron and fibre. The

minkisi meaning ‘power figures’ used in the religion of the people of the Democratic Republic of

the Congo are made of wood, paint, nails, cloth, beads and shells among others(Metmuseum,

1972)

2.1.1.2 Architecture

Mbiti (1975) identifies two main sacred places of worship, the natural and temples. According to

Olupona (2006) some larger buildings such as temples are built for religious purposes. These

kinds of building are built for the various deities all over. According to de Heusch (1995) there

are other such structures called kitchen where the arts of the cult are kept.

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Another important architectural work that many writers have identified in religion is the altar

Altars, according to Thompson (1995) are either grounded or raised structures in the sanctuaries

(temples). It might be simple or complex, personal or even communal.

2.1.1.3 Textiles

Textiles are used generally as costumes in most of the religious cults. Rattray (1925) identifies

such used in Hwemso cult in Ghana where the priest wore white frock (smock) while the dancers

of the cult wore white skirts which scallop during dancing. Willett (1977) writes on the cloth

designed to cover the face of the dancers in egungun cult from Ila in Northern Yoruba. Wahlman

(1993) wrote on cloth bags which are usually red in colour, which are tied at the neck. He also

asserts that, there is a cloth of minkisi which is used to wrap bodies of important people in the

cult of the dead.

2.1.1.4 Pottery

Various forms of pots have been identified in various religious cults. Rattray (1925), talks about

various pots found in the religion of the Asante. Such includes mogyemmogye pot and summum

pot. Abusua kuruwa is also identified by Amenuke et al (1991), Rattray (1925) as another kind of

pots used by the Asantes. Willett (1971) also talks about the use of pots in the religious activities

of the Mani society of Ivory Coast. Some of these pots have anthropomorphic forms while others

are decorated with zoomophic ones. Others are featured with lines in their decorations.

2.1.1.5 Leather

Leather is significant in some African traditional cults. Willett (1971) mentions the use of leather

gaiters in egungun religious cult of Nigeria.

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2.1.1.6 Metal art

According to de Husch (1995) ngkë, a single and double bell, that is struck with a stick. These

kinds of art are found within the Wangkye religious associations among the Bamileke people in

Cameroon and are kept secret from non-initiated people. Other forms of iron bells like the

mankombwu and mbangkla are also mentioned by de Husch. Willett (1977) mentions the use of

bells tied to above the leather gaiters used by egungun dancers from Ila in Northern Yoruba land.

2.1.2 Verbal art

They are arts that are spoken. They are oral arts. According to Appiah (2004) they include

prayers, invocations and storytelling. Mbiti (1975) acknowledges the use of verbal art in African

traditional religions. This he does by acknowledging the use of proverbs, myths, riddles and wise

sayings in African traditional religion.

We learn from Rattray (1925) that certain stories as told by the Asantes are about spirits which

forms part of the beliefs of the people. The use of verbal art is identified in the cult of Edinkra in

Ghana. Osei-Agyeman (unpublished) also noted the use of prayers to accompany libation in

Kwahu religion. Other forms of exclamation are also identified in Kwahu religion by Osei-

Agyeman (unpublished).

Olupona (2006), in his accounts on African traditional religion talks about the use of myths and

legends among others. He alleges that, they are integral part of the religion. According to

Olupona (2006), African stories are conveyed in linguistic styles.

2.1.3 Body art

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Body arts refer to artistic phenomena seen on a person’s body at any given time to enhance

beauty as indicated by Appiah (2004) and Amenuke et al (1991). These include all forms of body

paintings, body marks, coiffure and all forms of visual arts found on the body. The body painting

could be done with one or more colours upon the purpose of which it is been done and the

pigment available in the environment. The use of this art plays important roles in this cult.

According to Akwasirifa (n.d.), priests and worshippers do paint their bodies with clay slips of

various colours. Olupona (2006) also believes that, clay and other substances are used in the

painting of the bodies of priests and devotees. Rattray (1925) identifies body art in the Hwemso

cult. He asserts that the dancers of the cult were smothered in white clay. According to Walhman

(1993), the Luba diviners of the Democratic Republic of Congo and royals do smear their faces

and arms with kaolin. Olupona (2006) indentifies the African religious art with the use of

coiffure. He alleges that certain priest do wear long hairstyles.

According to Walhman (1993), some of the cults do practice scarification. Such cults include

that of Ogun in Yoruba. Ogun is believed to be a god of iron. Some Yoruba Ogun cult members

do create intricate patterns and shapes on their bodies.

2.1.4 Performing art

Performing arts refers to the various form of art that are perceived by the sense of hearing, and

kinesthetic sense. Amenuke et al (1991) they are enacted. According to Appiah (2004) it includes

drumming, chanting and dancing. Amenuke et al (1991), also makes mention of dram as a

performing art. According to Appiah (2004), the arts are usually performed to promote ritual

activities of a religion. Some cults have their own dancers who perform in the cult and such is

the egungun dancers in Ila, of Northern Yoruba (Willett 1971), Rattray (1925) identifies dancers

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who perform in the Hwemso cult. Others like Osei-Agyeman (unpublished) also identify forms

of dance in Kwaku culture. These are performed alongside various forms of musical instrument.

Mbiti (1925) believes that religious rituals and ceremonies are usually accompanied by music,

singing and sometimes dancing. Amenuke et al (1991) and Walker (1988) do believe that the

ritual which are performed are forms of drama and these are practiced in the cults

2.2 Role of art in religion

Most writers appreciating the unity of art and religion also identified that art is to complement

religion to make religion whole. The absence of art will make religion vague and devoid of

identity. It is therefore important to identify some of the roles that art plays in some of the

religions.

Some of the arts are for identification. According to Alupona (2006) some kinds of clothes,

accessories, and permanent or temporary body accoutrements distinguish devotees from others.

Priests and their devotees may wear special clothes to distinguish them from others. For

example, Yoruba devotees of an orisa (deity) wear red and white marks on their foreheads.

Members of the cult of Ogun in Nigeria make scarifications in the form of palm trees on their

bodies. Some cult’s members paint themselves with white to differentiate them from others.

According to Pope Benedict (as cited in Diboick (2011), art is used to express the faith of

individuals. Nukunya (2003), described religion as any belief one has and the practices one

engages himself with that is related to a supernatural being. It is in this line that Spalding (1905)

that true poets are those who believe in their dreams. He argues that arts that are sincere emanate

from religious inspiration. The arts exhibited may be true reflection of how the individual

perceives things from within of which he is able to translate into physical or tangible asset. For

25
example, we learn from Ejizu (n.d.) that Africans believe in the existence of many spirits. These

invisible spirits or gods who work as messengers for the Supreme Being are represented by

various kinds of symbols that signify their presence. These symbols are made in different forms

which serve as shrines and sacred objects as perceived by the various artists. Art plays vital role

in exhibiting beliefs of various religious cults. For example among the Yoruba of Nigeria, the

god of thunder, Shango, is represented by a staff (Amenuke, et al 1991).

Verbal arts are also used to express the belief of Africans in general of the existence of God and

his potency. Various names according to Gyekye (1998) are used by Africans to refer to God

such as; Creator, Comforter, The great one, The Grand ancestor, Eternal etc. According to Mbiti

(1975) the verbal arts like the proverbs, riddles and wise sayings talk about man’s relationship

with God and the world,

Some of the art works are for self expressions. They are acquired through the perception of

creative people who try to interpret their beliefs into symbols and expressions. In this wise Pope

Benedict (as cited in Diboick, 2011) states that it is through art that what is divine or spiritual is

made physical and that faith is given representation. To illustrate this, Lord Shiva is perceived to

be a supreme deity of India and is sculpturally represented by followers in their general

understanding of him and his abilities. In an artistic form, of Lord Shiva is believed to possess

the essential holistic vision of reality in the spirit as asserted by Das (n.d). Most other religions

who perceive God to be the supreme deity do not have pictorial representation of Him. However

in solidarity with Matthew chapter 3 verses 16, the Holy Spirit is given a representation of a dove

which has been adopted by Christians. Artists have used the dove in various compositions to

illustrate the Holy Spirit and many songs are written in reference to that. Some Christian hymns

associate the Holy Spirit with the dove and are sung to invite His presence into the midst of His

26
followers. An example is Andrew Reed’s (1829) ‘Come as the dove and spread thy wings’, an

extract from ‘Spirit divine attends our prayers’. Olupona (2006) identifies these ideas in African

traditional religion and writes:-

African art is a central part of traditional religious expression. It is known

worldwide for its powerful ability to represent abstract ideas and spiritual forces.
African artists produce sacred icons and symbols of traditional religions in an
enormous array of forms, both abstract and representational. Traditional artists
typically carve images that express the powers of God, demigods, ancestors, and
spirits as intermediaries between deities and humans…. Practitioners of African
traditional religions are generally familiar with the symbols and icons, but often
only a few trained individuals can interpret the significance of such symbolic and
iconic forms, which are used to imply religious meaning in initiation, divination,
and secret societies.

The art also brings the presence of the cosmology into close relation to the faithful. Altars are

made with special colours pertaining to special deities to depict a divine throne of glory

(Religion-African Diaspora [ADR], n.d.). According to Thompson (1995) altars are sights of

ritual communication with all forms of spirits and serve as the meeting point of the spirit world

and the physical one. It therefore inspires people to make offerings to their deities. It is upon

these altars that votive foods and sacrifices are offered to deities. The presence of the altar

creates an atmosphere of divine presence which therefore incites worship and reverence. As

identified by Thompson (1995) an altar, be it simple or complex elevated or grounded, personal

or communal incite faithful to worship.

The art is used to express the needs of people. Human needs are numerous and vary from

physical to spiritual. There are some which can be satisfied no matter how complex they may be.

However, it is believed that there is that other yearning of the inner self of man which sometimes

is difficult to explain. The feel of inner emptiness and other inexplicable feelings which lives

27
with man and sometimes create insecurity and fear of uncertainty are believed to be dealt with

when art is well employed. According to Pope Benedict (as cited in Diboick, 2011) art can be

used to express physical human needs which go beyond simple perceptions which are translated

into inner desire for the infinite. Vogt (2003 p. 25) has this to say in the light of this;

One of the things which religion adds to thought is feeling. Religion is always
more than definitions of the mind; it is the attitude or disposition of the heart;
it is an immediate experience of reality, a contemplation of the Divine, a
communion. It is a feeling of dependence, a feeling of peace and of trust.
Religion is joy and exuberant abundance of life. It is the experience beyond
thinking and doing which engages all the faculties in the highest spiritual
adventure.

Geertz (1993) defines religion among other things as symbols. It is these symbols which are art

that gives the faithful the feeling that there is an absolute authority which is close to assist

thereby granting the full assurance of security and hope against all odds. It is this authority which

is found in the divine that the faithful depends on.

The act of worship in religion is a very vital aspect that cannot be overlooked. It signifies the

faithful acceptance of the lordship of the divine authority acknowledged in the religion. The act

of worship may be completed with music, dance, prayers, sacrifices and other forms of rituals

that are artistic in nature. All the artists in play are expected to give their maximum best to

enhance religious activities. It is the perfect use of the arts that leads to the manipulation of the

spiritual forces in the environment to cause effect on behalf of the faithful. Vogt (2003)

acknowledges this by saying that worship is an all comprehending art which requires human

nature to achieve an all exclusive experience. The understanding created by Vogt (2003) is that,

the innermost self is fully expressed when one sings, drums, dances or performs anything in line

with religion. It is only through this that effective worship can be attained.

28
Futurismo (1933) also identifies art as being the greatest representation of a faithful spiritual

attitude. It is the attitude that the faithful exhibits which leads to spiritual expansion of the

individual towards the divine or sacred. It is this expansion or growth that transforms an

individual from a profane world to a sacred one which allows the individual to access issues

from the divine realm where divine mysteries are realized.

Art also assists in inculcating into individuals ideas on morals into members of religions. It

places the idea of humility and reverence into the faithful which needs to be upheld to. Vogt

(2003) argues that for an architect to build successful church building, he must take into

cognizance the kind of worship that will be conducted within. He stresses on the fact that, if the

building is ugly and its complemented with shoddy order of services, then no reverence may be

acknowledged since most people detest poor workmanship and that no humility will be accorded

towards the faith. In that case, Vogt (2003) tries to suggest that the building itself should denote

the kind of religion and then self attract people of similar faith to it. In that case, individuals may

show respect towards the faith through the acknowledgement of beauty of the building. Special

feel of acceptance and belonging can be created by the beauty of the building.

Some art forms in sacred rooms and environs promote the sense of godliness which faithful are

to inculcate. Spalding (1905) cites an example of the painting of Beato Angelico, an Italian

which can influence those who see it to appreciate the importance of holy and noble lives.

Herbert Hag (as cited in Ebertshaassere, et al, 1998) also appreciates the image of Mary which

plays a vital role in theology and ascribes it to piety. For that, artists have created hymns and

songs which are sang to praise her as “fairest of women”. The faithful are therefore taught to live

pious lives as Mary.

29
We also learn from Ejizu (n.d.) that these invisible spirits or gods who work as messengers for

the Supreme Being are represented by various kinds of symbols that signifies their presence.

These symbols are made in different forms which serve as shrines and sacred objects. For

example; among the Yoruba’s of Nigeria, the god of thunder, Shango, is represented by a staff

(Amenuke, et al 1991).

The Akans of Ghana represent the ancestors with the carved stools which are blackened as

recorded by Ejizu (n.d.) and Sarpong (1971). We also learn from Amenuke, et al (1991) that the

Baluba people of Democratic Republic of Congo carve anthropomorphic figures in wood to

represent ancestors.

Art is exhibited in all forms of worship by the religious cults. Worship is that act of respect

admiration and love for a being which is believed to be higher than the individual concerned. In

African traditional religion, God the Supreme Being is what the Africans give reverence to.

Sarpong (n.d) and Onah (n.d) believes that the African worship only God but through the

divinities who are active in human activities. The worship according to Onah (n.d) and Buah

(1977), involves sacrifices and offerings. Various animals like cattle, sheep, fowls, dogs and cats

are but few that are sacrificed and their blood poured on various sacerdotal objects while the

flesh is eaten later. Apart from these, prayers are said, accompanied by the pouring of liquor

(water and spirits), invocations, singing, music and dance. These are aspects of worship that are

exhibited during cultic sessions. All these are done to show appreciation to the deities for their

care, protection and prosperity bestowed on them.

Some of the arts signify authority. In Exodus 4:20, the Bible gives account on the staff of God

which was used by Moses. This assertion is confirmed by Nwafo-Ejelinma and Adelugba (1987).

30
They use the Biblical assertion to buttress the authority associated with the use of the staff by the

Igbo people of Nigeria.

According to Asihene (1978), prayers are made effective with the use of the arts. He argues that,

a carved figure could be used as a visible representation and a vehicle of which the spirits are

invoked into to commune with the living. Amenuke, et al (1991) believes that, drumming,

singing, prayers and offerings move together to aid the faithful in worshipping.

Art serves as the vehicle for meditation. Visual objects perceived as sacred are used by the

faithful for meditation. According to Vogt (2003) the great religious artist made the arts for the

religious faithful who wanted symbols of their faith for worship. This idea is also echoed by

Alvarado (n.d.) who asserts that the voodoo dolls used as tools in meditation. Hatcher (1999)

also thinks that, the artist satisfy the needs of people who share similar needs with him when they

provide image and therefore believes that such expressions are symbols of what is desired.

Art also plays important role in inculcating into members high sense of morality. According to

Parker (2005) some of the stories told in religion influence believers. He argues that the

connection of these stories to gods do affect the devotee through sympathetic transference. He

writes:

The effect of religion upon conduct is partly due to the institutions with
which it is connected and the supernatural sanctions which it attaches to
the performance of duty; but partly also, and more enduringly, to the
stories of the gods. Now these stories, even when believed, have an
existence in the imagination precisely comparable to that of works of art,
and their influence upon sentiment is of exactly the same order. … Even
when no longer accepted as true their influence may persist, for the
values they embody lose none of their compulsion.

31
Indigenous Ghanaian, like most African societies, in various transitions of life goes through

various religious rites to become a perfect whole. Perfection in the traditional sense is measured

by the individual’s knowledge not only on physical issues but also his endowment to see and

translate spiritual things. According to M. Arnold Van Gennep, (as cited by Rattray, 1927), the

various rites performed with the arts are to transform one from a profaned world to a sacred one.

He therefore underscores the need of rituals to be performed in order for one to be in a holy state.

Ejizu (n.d) argues that, many traditional African religions have means of motivating members to

comply with the social norms with the use of the arts. These are carried through the use of art in

forms of myths, proverbs, wise sayings, songs. Sculptures and dance are used to preserve and

impress beliefs ideas and values into members. However, punitive measures are taken against

people of recaisitrant behaviours. In the Ibo traditional areas, we learn from Ejizu (n.d) that,

traditional elders demonstrate the promulgation of law or taboo by striking the lineage ritual

symbol, the Ofo staff on the ground. He also underscores the use of masks representing the

various deities and ancestral spirits to participate actively in the enactment of laws and morality

in many African societies. According to de Heusch (1995) the ngkë bell is a symbol associated

with the speaking of the truth among the Bamileke people of Cameroon. He who speaks the truth

spits on it but it is believed to have powerful effect by wasting away of the person who lies and

yet spits on it.

Some of the art forms act as symbol of unification. According to Ejizu (n.d.) the Ofo staff of the

traditional Igbos are important to them because the belief that it is the soul of the lineage

connecting particular group of people to the ancestors. We learn from Webster and Boahene

(1967) that the golden stool, Sika-Dwa-Kofi carries the bears the spirit of the Asante people,

bringing together different Asante town and states to form one unit.

32
2.3 Importance of art in religion

One of the major importances of religion is to discover his true self and identity enshrined within

spirituality and thus the need to search for it. As Spalding (1905) puts it; “no human act can be

wholly spiritual. We ascend by a law of nature, form, and the visible to invisible, from sensible

to supersensible”. It is the observance of these laws and the performance of these rites and

rituals, which incorporate the use of the arts, that are basic necessities to advance individual’s

spiritual growth as identified by M. Arnold Van Gennep (as cited by Rattray 1927). According to

Van Gennep the various rites performed are to transform one from a physical or profane world to

a sacred are spiritual one. Somé (1999) also believes that dramatic rituals are vehicles which are

used to reach the spiritual world in a way that causes rearrangement of the physical world and

brings about physical transformation. Magesa (1997) identified this and stated that the religious

commitment of a person and identity is revealed by the person’s personal pronouncement to

observe certain laws and perform certain rites and rituals. He however explained that the zeal to

perform certain rites and rituals and to observe certain laws is determined by intrinsic

motivation. Though the motivation may vary from individual the ultimate is to have good life,

security and protection. The arts therefore play significant role in the transformation of the

individual from a profane world to spiritual one without which the desire of an individual to

attain spirituality might not be possible.

Highwater (1976) believes that art is important during healing in the cult. The images used

usually represent symbols of the culture that can convey the mindset of the healer and the

33
concept of the ultimate source of healing. These may include the shrines or alters which are

believed to draw man closer to the divine. According to Osei-Agyeman (unpublished) drugs are

often believed not to have any intrinsic curative value, and even if they have, their efficacy may

be removed by opposing forces. He believes that it is the dramatic rituals which are performed

that are meant to counteract the attacks of the negative powers and cause the drugs to be

effective. Ritual cannot be devoid of the arts; visual, verbal, performing or body art. It is the

rightful manipulation to cause the spirit forces to react and comply with the needs of the patients.

Osei-Agyeman (unpublished) identifies this and stated that ritual ceremonies are said to be more

important than the administration of drug. From the argument it is realized that spiritual healing

cannot be achieved without the manipulation of the visual arts and the performing arts. Healing

can be achieved in certain religions through the use of art. It is seen from the discussion that

without art, healing might not have been possible in some religions.

Some of the art forms are believed to have power to help people have insight into the future. The

Arochuku, oracle of Ibo and Ibibio lands of Nigeria, according to Webster and Boahene (1967)

was consulted to settle disputes among the people, believed to possess supernatural insight into

situations, and was impartial in adjudicating issues brought before it. The verdict of the oracle

via the priests’ commands authority and are adhered to. Arochuku provided employment for the

people as mercenaries who saw to the enforcement of verdict of Arochuku oracle. The above fate

might not be achieved if the art is not available.

Worship is a major responsibility in religion. Onah (n.d.) and Buah (1997) believe that sacrifices

and offerings rendered to the deities are means of worshiping them. Sacrifices offered to the

deities signify the respect, trust, admiration, and love for the deities. To compliment the sacrifice

and offering with prayer, good relationship is developed between the devotees and the deity.

34
Webster (1999) believes that ritual sacrifices, which deal with the shedding of blood, are

believed to release vital forces that sustain life. Therefore in ceremonies or rituals that blessing

and prosperity are sought for, ritual sacrifices do play important part. It is the sacrificial knifes or

swords that are used to slaughter the animals for this important ritual.

According to Assihene (1978) prayers are made effective with the use of the arts. He argues that

carved figures could be used as visible representation and a vehicle of which the spirits are

invoked into to commune with the living. According to Wahlman (1993), some triangular quilts

signified prayer messages during the American civil wars. He believes that the art helped to

provide means of praying even in the battlefield. The assertions made by the writers are

indications that without the arts being used as vehicles for prayers, the offering of prayers by

religious people might not be effective and the desired results will not be achieved.

Charms are functional arts made by priests or priestesses on commission from clients who

believe need certain kinds of protection from problems such as political, personal, emotional or

religious. The protection of the individual is secured as long as he/she wears the art. According

to Wahlman (1993) the charms are accumulated art, with magical ingredients. These may be

attached to clothes and costume to imbue them with protective powers. According to Wilkinson

(2012) some of the sculptures such as masks are worn as necklace pendants, as brooches, on belt

or at the elbow as amulets to protect the wearer. Another form of charm was made of wood with

hollow in the centre where magical substances are kept. It also suggests that the refusal to wear

the art or keep such a charm makes the individual prone to all forms of attack, both spiritual and

physical which can lead to the death of that individual. The essence of the charms might not be

realized if the art objects are eliminated.

35
According to Walhman (1993), body painting plays important role in the Kongo healing rituals.

For example when a person is painted with red, white and black, it suggests that the person has

been endowed with annihilating powers. This form of spirit helps the individual to fight evil

spirits themselves. It suggests that individual ability to fight evil spirits depends on the body

paint without which the individual cannot access that power.

According to Olupona (2006) and Mbiti (1975), some larger buildings such as temples are built

for religious purpose. These kinds of buildings are built for the various deities. They are used as

places of worship for the various deities. They also serve as shelters for some of the deities. They

provide the shrines with shelter from rain and sunshine and any rough weather. It is obvious that

without the buildings, there might not be better places for worship. The shrines will be left o the

mercy of the weather and therefore might be destroyed thereby destroying the major elements in

worship. The result therefore might be the collapse of the religion.

Some of the arts do help in ascertaining the truth of certain religious beliefs and practices.

Although most of the stories supposed to have happened had been seen as only stories that were

used to cloak the cults, some of the stories, nevertheless, communicated through oral culture

have been authenticated as truths with evidence such as archaeological finds, carbon dating, and

deoxyribonucleic acid test(DNA) has corroborated certain elements contained in African myths

(Olupona, 2012). These have helped tin the preservation of certain aspects of religious history.

Some of the art objects after going through various tests have given credence to some of the

stories. Such stories have become reliable forms and support to some aspects. The arts of

architecture, sculpture, textiles, dance, drumming and music serves as recordings and is used for

transmitting and reinforcing traditional religious believes for future generations. Without the arts

the truth of some religions would not have been ascertained.

36
The use of some of the arts objects helps to ascertain the truth in certain situations. Among the

Wangkya religious association of the Wuli people in the Cameroon, it is believed that he who

speaks and punctuates word by spitting on the handheld ngkë speaks the truth, for he who lies an

spit on it will is believed to waste away (de Heusch 1995) for this reason it was adopted in all

customary law courts. This seems to suggest that, in the absence of the bell, it might be difficult

for the cult to establish the truth. The establishment of the truth depends on the use of the bell.

Colour, an element of art is also used to complement spiritual activities in religious cult.

According to Amenuke et al (1991) the meanings associated with the colours are not based on

scientific theories but physiological, philosophical and spiritual meanings relating to life.

Wahlman (1993) believes that colours have power. The colour an individual wears gives him

power against annihilating powers. It also protects the individual. Various cults and priest adapt

certain colours to aid their activities. The sick may be given cloth of certain colours to wear to

protect him from evil forces. It is leant from Wahlman (1993) that white colour helps the priest

to have clairvoyance. It aids in the ability to see supernatural things, and the presence of spirits.

It helps the priest to see things spiritually and able to draw benevolent spirits to himself and to

aid situations. De Huesch (1995) also states that the use of white colour from kaolin is a symbol

of good will and purity of motive to both man and spirits for Luba diviners in the Republic of

Congo. It is evident that without the use of white (as in kaolin or chalk) the priests or diviners do

not stand pure before the deities and therefore cannot access anything from the deities. Their

vision may be impaired and the deities will not be motivated to assist them.

According to Olupona (2006) modes of dressing in African traditional religions vary depending

upon the kind of devotee, geographical location, and a person’s age. He argues that certain kinds

of clothes, accessories, and permanent or temporary bodily accoutrements help to distinguish

37
devotees from others. Some priests and followers often wear white clothes to distinguish them

from others. The absence of these art forms will not allow others to differentiate between the

cults and other members.

38
 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Overview:

This third chapter shows how the whole research was carried out. It deals with the various forms

of techniques used to gather the necessary data to contribute immensely to knowledge in the arts

of the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult.

The methodology used by the researcher has been so helpful that it has helped him acquire the

necessary data to accomplish the thesis. It has also helped in the analysis and the discussion of

data collected. The methodology used has helped him to arrive at informed conclusions and thus

to able to make recommendations.

3.2 Research Design:

Primarily, the focus of the research is to identify the arts and their importance to the Kofi-OO-

Kofi cult. This research problem is best answered by the qualitative research method. Qualitative

research method allows respondents to give answers and insights into questions posed to them.

The techniques used for gathering the data were observations, interviews and field notes.

The researcher adapted participant observation method as means of collecting data since it

appears not much written literature is available on the arts of the religious cult. The participant

observation method used in the cultic practices paved a way for the researcher to examine the

39
arts and their role in the cultic practice and understand the significance of beliefs of the various

activities by the celebrants.

3.3 Library Research:

The research led to the reading of many books and magazines that had relation to the topic. The

use of libraries became indispensable. Some of the libraries used by the researcher were: Ashanti

Library, KNUST Senior High School Library, the Main KNUST Library and the Reference

Library of the College of Art and Social Sciences. Other books were borrowed from personal

libraries of various individuals like Dr. Mariama Ross to supplement the ones available in the

libraries.

3.4 Population for the Study:

Population for the research is the Kofi – OO-Kofi religious cult. According to Kumakpor (2002),

population involves all the various units of occurrences that do exist in the area of study. This

includes all the arts and the people who worship in the cult.

3.5 Sampling

The researcher adopted purposive sampling to collect his information. Purposive sampling is

used whereby only limited samples do have the basic information needed. According to

40
Kumekpor (2002), the units of sample used in purposive sampling are intentionally selected

because they possess the basic qualities under investigation which are not randomly distributed

in the society. The purposive sampling therefore targets people who have the necessary

information which cannot be overlooked. In the cultic session the emic perspective is very vital

since it uses the art and guides other attendants in the performance of the rituals therein.

It also helps in the acquisition of data since the religious cult has been divided into forms of

departments assigned with leaders who act in place of the high priest. The leaders of the various

departments have information about their departments.

3.6 Data Collection Instruments

Observation of the cultic process forms an integral part of this research. This helps to understand

fully the complexities of many situations that do arise during the cultic process. According to

Saunders et al (1997) observation involves systematic observation, recording description,

analysis and interpretation into human actions. It therefore does not only mean being at the cult

premises to observe what is happening but it also involves great store of knowledge and

philosophical thinking into traditional worship.

Various interviews were conducted using the in-depth or unstructured interview method. This

method of conducting interview, allows the interviewer the choice to use the full scale interview

questionnaire. Interviews are far more personal than using the research questionnaires. This

method also allowed the researcher to probe further for clarification where necessary; the

41
respondents on the other hand also felt easy since the approach made the interview more casual

than formal.

3.7 Types of Data

Data were collected from activities that took place on the cult premises. Respondents to

interviews were high ranking officials of the cult who take active part in the processes.

3.8 Administration of Instrument

Ethical considerations were also taken up. The researcher in the company of another student

researcher, Tei Victor sought for permission from the senior priest and the founder of the cult

verbally. The senior priest has the sole prerogative to authorize the study of the cult after paying

homage with sum money and two bottles of Schnapps.

For fear of the wrath of the deity, Kofi-OO-Kofi possible respondents were unwilling to grant the

researcher their consent to be interviewed. The second priest of the cult who is also a brother to

the founder helped the by directing him to possible respondents while authorizing respondents to

assist the researcher.

The medium of communication was Twi, the local dialect of the people. They felt comfortable

communicating in the local language which helped them to express themselves.

42
3.9 Data Collection Procedure

Data were partially collected during the cultic processes through direct observation and

interviews of respondents. Most interviews were conducted casually after the sessions. Where

needed, the respondent arranged to meet the researcher at the next visit to the shrine.

3.10 Data Analysis Plan

The data were assembled, analyzed and interpreted, conclusions drawn and recommendations

made. To facilitate the understanding o the text, photographs and drawings were also used. The

details of this will appear in the next chapter, (Chapter four).

43
 CHAPTER FOUR

ANALYSIS OF DATA

In accordance with the objectives of this thesis, this chapter identifies the arts and their roles in

the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult and examines the importance of the cults in the cult. Since this is a

qualitative research, the descriptive method has been used to present facts in this chapter. The

facts have been analyzed and interpreted. Conclusions have therefore been drawn and where

necessary, recommendations have been made.

For the purpose of this research, the researcher intends to give background knowledge of the day

to day activities that occur in the cult. The understanding of the day to day activities will help the

reader to know and appreciate how and when the arts are used.

The general cultic process is structured to attend to the needs of individual members and clients.

Two days of meeting, that is, Saturdays and Sundays are used for consultations at the

headquarters at Akomadan Afrancho in the Ashanti region while other days are scheduled for

other stations at Obuasi and Sapema in Ashanti and Greater Accra Regions respectively except

on Akan sacred days like Kwasidae, Fodwo and the rest which are mainly dedicated for other

obligations such as setting disputes between members. Many visit the shrine due to ill health;

whiles other visit the shrine for protection. Others seek to prosper in life for various reasons. For

some, the search for protection from detractors and possible conspirators has led them to the

shrine. An interview granted by to Multi TV by the senior shrine priest who is also the founder

of the cult Stephen Osei Mensah affectionately called Nana Kwaku Bonsam on the cult premises

which the researcher witnessed, he indicated that the gifts of God given to him is to help people

44
both spiritually and physically and he uses the traditional form of worship, a legacy bequeathed

to the African by the ancestors. Barrenness is cured, impotent men are healed while others who

want to have certain favours from work places and relations are helped. He emphasized that his

assistance to people is not only limited to Ghanaians only but all neigbouring countries including

some overseas countries like Canada where he has recently visited. He also used the opportunity

to show women who he has been able to help give birth after coming to the cult. He also

explained that in helping the needy, he has established among other things an orphanage and has

helped brought prostitutes from the roadside and set them up.

As part of preparation towards each day’s activities, the attendants gather all possible materials

for the day’s session. There is usually a communal eating. The communal eating is done by the

male attendants of the cult. One can observe a total union and understanding between the cult

attendants and thus help in active participation in the cult processes.

As observed by the researcher there is no standard timetable for the operations of the cult and

they are not guided by written guidelines. When the priest is ready for the day’s activities,

dressed in his batakari (smock) and anchored by his attendant, he walks majestically to a caged

veranda in front of the abosomdan (room of the deity) and the consulting room. It is required that

all assembled stand till the first shot is carried out. It is therefore the responsibility of the

attendant to shout to the gathering to stand while this shooting takes place. The priest takes a

long single barreled gun, usually kept in the room of the gods and shoots into the air after which

he enters the consulting room. According to Nana Kwadwo Poku, the obosomfo of the cult, the

first shot is done to invite the deities for the commencement of proceedings.

45
Patronizing the cult starts very early in the day. The guests who come for consultation are met

by a “receptionist”, who attends to them. A charge of two Ghana cedis (GH¢2) is taken in

exchange of fliers which carry basic information needed for one to consult the priest. (See plate

4.1)

At the back of the leaflet is written a number that shows the turn of the individual when

proceedings begin, the receptionist invites the guest into the consulting room. An attendant

serves as a link between the priest in the consulting room and the secretariat located just behind

the caged area.

The fliers perform two main roles in the cult. They are for the advertisement and they help

maintain order. The information on the fliers helps others who get access to them. They provide

all possible ways one can talk to or meet the priest. Secondly, the fliers help to maintain order in

the cult. There is no struggle for turns since each person turn due has been indicated at the back

of the flier.

Plate 4.1; A sample of fliers given to clients

46
When the fliers are given to them, the clients are ushered into a reception, a large room which is

well ventilated and stored with enough plastic arm chairs. A provision of a television and a DVD

player is set at the reception. Most of the films shown for the clients are the various

performances of the senior shrine priest, those that that exhibit his magical powers. It is here that

the clients wait till the operations of the day begins. The films exhibition showing the cults

leader have high psychological impact on the clients even before they are attended to. It provides

relaxation for the client. The artifacts provide pre worship form of entertainment and relaxation

for clients. It is from here that the clients ushered into the abosomdan (room for the shrines).

The secretariat is made up of a simple table and few chairs, a laptop computer which is

connected to the internet and a team of workers coordinating together for the success of the cult.

The secretaries write the demands communicated to them through an attendant from the priest

and attach cost to materials needed to go through any specific ritual. It is the money accrued

from the sales of materials for rituals that are used in the running of the cult. Individuals are,

however, not obliged to purchase all materials from the cult officials if they can provide the

materials themselves.

Secondly, the secretariat does correspondence with clients who for any reason cannot come

personally. Any payment obligations of the clients are paid into bank accounts of the cult. The

secretariat helps in keeping records and communications with the other clients through the use of

the internet. The use of the arts like tables, and chairs and the internet helps in facilitating

communication between clients and the cult. The use of the modern gadgets like the laptops and

mobile phones for communication helps clients and the cult to disseminate information quicker

and easier. Again the use of the laptop computers to access information from clients helps to

47
maintain secrecy and confidentiality of clients. The clients can have their interest being met

without necessarily going to the shrine. By this, people of different religious background can also

adapt to the cult for solutions to their problems.

The cult has in stock various items needed to go through a specific ritual only if the client can

pay for them immediately or an alternative settlement plan is made which allows the client to pay

by installments for the rituals to be performed for him. After the various consultations the priest

leaves the consulting room for the forecourt where all other rituals are performed.

In the performance of rituals for clients, the priest takes the centre stage. The senior shrine priest

has trained other priests who man the various shrines on his behalf notably, Nana More (his

brother, who is the immediate assistant) and Nana Akoto (his sister). The , Nana

Kwadwo Poku plays the role of an administrator in the cult and see to the smooth running of all

activities in the cult. The various arts have been grouped under their respective categories and

discussed below.

The following are some art forms that were identified in the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi. They have

been analyzed and explained in this chapter, under the following subheadings:

 Environmental Art or Visual Art

 Body art

 Verbal Art

 Performing Art

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4.1 Environmental Arts

Environmental or Visual arts are the various material objects which are seen and can be

perceived by touching in the environment. According to Appiah (2004) and Amenuke et al

(1991), they are designed among other things for religious, philosophical and domestic activities.

These consist of the sculptures both in relief and in the round, paintings, textiles as costumes,

pottery, bead making, calabash works, architecture, leather work and all forms of metal works.

However the environmental and visual arts used in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult in Afrancho includes

the following; sculpted shrines, dais, dwarfs kingdom, the porch (patoso), the Gye Nyame arm

chair, fence walls, pots and the buta. Others are the fly whisk, the umbrella, the nnaa (a hand

bell) and the flower garden. It also includes silver pans, colourful thread, the gun, machetes,

pestle and the mortar.

4.1.1 Sculptures as shrines

Below are some sculpted shrines found at the sanctuary of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi religious

cult. One of the shrines as depicted in plate 4.2 represents one of the deities. My informant, Nana

Kwabena Segbefia, however refused to mention the name of the deity to the researcher. The

occasion was a Fodwoon the Akan calendar and it was his turn to celebrate the festival with the

devotees of the cult.

49
 Plate 4.2: A sculpture piece serving as a shrine of a deity.

Picture taken by the researcher

It is a black mass with a cylindrical body which curves at the base with a flattened bottom to help

it sit on its pedestal. There is a horn fixed into the cylindrical body at the centre. It is mounted on

a small pedestal made to suit its size.

Around the bosom (shrine) is a black circular marking. After this is a white angular marking

made with kaolin. Such angular markings with kaolin abound in the premises. It is an indication

as to where the cultists have a mandate to stand. That is, during ritual performances at the

premises, the devotees stand or squat behind the white marking. It is only the priest who goes

into it unless otherwise permitted.

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According to the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku the abosom (gods) sleep and before they come

active, they need to be woken up. The black marking is made up of gun powder and charcoal. A

lit charcoal is placed on the gun powder to ignite it. Beautiful lighting flashes ensue,

accompanied by sequential sparks which encircle the shrine. It is the firing works from the gun

powder and the heat it generates that are believed to waken up the powers of the bosom (shrine).

Perhaps, this explains why Elijah in 1Kings 18:20-40 mocked the prophets of Baal in their

contest of supremacy between his God and their gods. In his mockery he alleged among other

things that probably, their god was asleep and needed to be woken up.

The assertion made by the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku also infers that the abosom (gods)

cannot be all knowing since they sleep. It is when they are awake that they might see certain

things. Similar blackened sculpture pieces abound in a room where most of the shrines of the cult

are kept. These old shrines or habitats are for the various deities. Every deity having his own

shrine suggest that at any time there is a new deity that the cult accepts to work with; a sculpture

piece should be made for the spirit of the deity to reside in. The deities have their unique

characteristics and special artifacts they associate themselves with. It is presupposed that the

more the deities, the more the artifacts and various acts that they are associated with.

51
 Plate 4.3: Atea Mframa’s shrine on the dais

Picture taken by the researcher

The Atea Mframa’s shrine for example, is a black huge mass which looks oval in shape. It is

entangled with metal chains with a bell attached at the end. One of the ways that is used to

awaken this deity whose shrine is carried by two people is that, the shrine is carried to the

okyerema (drummer) playing a s carried by two men on

their shoulders. One end of the shrine is pushed into the barrel of the while the

okyerema plays it, sounding the accolades of the deity. This is repeated three times. According to

the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku, it is a sign of waking up the deity and inviting the deity into

the shrine. This suggests that the playing of the drums can activate sleeping gods and invite them

into shrines and this conforms to his earlier assertion that the deities do sleep.

In recounting how some of the shrines were acquired, the spokesman of the cult  Yaw

Owusu said some of them were acquired through periods of fasting and sleeping at the cemetery

52
alone by the high priest or other times he was accompanied by few of his officials. It was there

the deities assisted him on what to do to acquire the shrine.

The researcher could not have too close feel of the shrines that were available to ascertain the

materials used for and the methods applied in the production. However looking at some of them

critically, some of them have been carved to depict human forms others showed clear examples

of animal parts like the horns and ivory of the elephant. Others were also made from parts of

plants. The uses of these animal parts are perhaps based on the basic belief in animism. This goes

to confirm Mbiti (1975) and Olupona (2006) assertion that some of the art are man-made while

others are nature which has been altered in some form. The sculptures are important because they

provide bodies to house the spirits.

4.1.2 Dais

A permanent concrete dais has been built right in front of the Sasabonsam tree. It is a very good

architectural work. It is semicircular in shape with two step ladders and a flat top. Artistry

associated with this architectural work lies in the creation of seemingly a semi-circular dais

depicting the traditional colours of the cult: red and white which make it attractive (see plate

4.4).

According to the ObosomfoNana Kwadwo Poku, a shrine has been buried in the second step

ladder and therefore forbids females to go beyond that step except the male attendants. Females

who sit on the dais are believed to become barren. The dais by its form and nature is a

representation of female tenderness and warmth which is being expressed architecturally. It is on

this dais that the shrines of the gods of the cult are placed. It is like a stool for humans in some

53
societies. The platform serves as the seat of the deities or the gods. As we learn from Amenuke et

al (1991), crescent moon shapes are symbols which represent the general female influence in the

society which involves the warmth, affection kindness, calmness and gracefulness and of the use

of the said shape on which the shrines are placed can be expressed in the same faith as attributes

which are exhibited in the deities towards its clients. The projection of a welcome into the

religious fraternity is demonstrated with the construction of the platform.

Plate 4.4: This is a photograph of the dais of the cult.

Picture taken by the researcher

Women are perceived not to be always holy by many societies in Ghana due to their monthly

menstruation. It is perhaps because of this that females are forbidden to mount the dais. The

burying of a shrine under the dais has made it sacred for cultic worship and therefore the touch of

it by women may defile it. It is on this dais that the abosom (shrines) are mounted when they are

brought out from the abosomdan (room for the shrines). The dais serves as a seat for the shrines.

Without the dais the shrines may have to be placed on the ground which might make them look

54
ordinary. Their position on the dais shows the kind of respect attached to shrines. The dais

identifies the shrines and signifies respect for them.

4.1.3 Dwarfs Kingdom

The dwarfs’ kingdom is a very good piece of architecture that can be found on the premises. It is

a circular hut with a conical roof. It is painted in red and white. This structure is one of the

highest sacred places of the whole religious cult (see plate 4.5).

According to the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku, this hut temporary houses the dwarfs that

operate in the religious cult. Only the Nana Kwaku Bonsam, has the right to enter this

place but in his absence the bosomfo does the feeding of the dwarfs on his behalf. The hut

provides a temporary habitat for the dwarfs and thus it is a shrine. The deities or the gods are

spirits who do not need physical structures to house them. It might therefore be only a belief that

the hut houses the spirits. However it might also be a temporal structure for habitation but not as

a permanent abode for the deities.

In the absence of the artifact, the deities may not have a place to stay which might leave them

‘roaming’ and that in time of want, they may not be accessed. In that case the cult will be

affected because the clients’ needs may not be met by the deities who may not be available to

assist them.

In front of the dwarfs’ kingdom is a sculptural monument of about 1.5m high. It is made of

concrete and it depicts a clenched fist with a Gye Nyame symbol on top of it. On the arm is a two

crossed swords also known as Akofena symbols. This monument is mounted on a flat and short

pedestal.

55
 Plate 4.5: A photograph of the Dwarfs Kingdom

Picture taken by the researcher

According to the Bosomfo this sculpture piece was given to the priest by the Asantehene

Otumfuo Osei Tutu II. This is to honour him of his contribution to the Asante Kingdom. The

date of which this honour was made could not be given. It is a symbol of recognition to the

priest. The meaning associated with this as given by the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku is that,

this sword and the clenched fist are symbols of authority which is believed to have been

endowed on the cult’s priest and that it takes only God to outdo his activities.

To Agbo (2006), the Akofena is a symbol of power and authority which is won on merit based on

the achievement and the commitment of the individual. It is believed that the priest has protected

and defended the traditional religion. It is therefore this authority that has been entrusted in the

arms of the priest and him holding onto in a clenched fist. He however, acknowledges the

supremacy of God which is exhibited with the Gye Nyame symbol which is placed on the fist.

56
This is to say that apart from God, there is no other authority comparable to what is endowed in

the religious cult through the priest. The location of the sculpture piece is also significant. It is

placed right in front of the dwarfs’ kingdom, the one of the highest sacred places of the religious

cult thereby acknowledging the source of the power that operates within the cult.

4.1.4 Patoso (the porch); The Seat of the Shrine

The shrine has a porch which is named the Seat of the Shrine (see plate 4.6). It is guided by two

large sculpted lions. The porch is painted in red, yellow and blue colours with a tiled floor. The

walls are decorated with two pictures of landscapes, sculptures of females and other pictures of

the senior priest, Nana Kwaku Bonsam are neatly framed adorning the walls. Some examples of

the pictures show the senior priest in a hat and doso (palm fibre kilt) with the whole body painted

in white standing at with Otumfo Opoku Ware 11, the Asantehene. Another picture on the wall

shows the shrine priest in childhood.

Projecting a modern kind of environment, this porch serves as a mock palace. It is a “palace”

where issues relating to the cult are heard, discussed and adjudicated. Such issues include marital

problems of members which has constituted to an invocation of some of the deities. Some special

guests to the cult are also received here. The total set up is made of simple like chairs which have

been organized linearly. They are made of white wood. The like chairs of the cult are used bby

members of the cult who pose as sub chiefs to Nana Kwaku Bonsam. The seats identify them as

leaders of the cult who play certain authoritative roles in the cult. T he likeness of the chairs

suggest that the occupants have similar offices and that not too much superiority is expressed in

the cult. The seat is made of a dark sheep skin.

57
In the middle of the linear arrangements is a podium on which an attractive and appealing form

of chair is placed. This chair as shown in plate 4.7 represents the highest symbol of authority in

the cult. It identifies the person who sits on it. The wood used for the chair has been blackened.

The central motif of the backrest is a kontonkrowi (rainbow) symbol. Brass nails have skillfully

been incorporated in the basic pattern of the chair to give multiple sense of beauty. The legs of

the chair have been crossed on the sides with the front ones crossing to the rear while the rear

ones crossing over to the front, thus providing stability to the chair. It represents authority.

Plate 4.6; A section of the porch with some officials of the cult

Picture taken by the researcher

Before the introduction of chairs the stool was used as a symbol of empowerment of priests,

chiefs and queen mothers of Akans including Asantes of Akomadam Afrancho. The stool is an

embodiment of the soul of the society and any person who is mandated to sit on it has the total

58
support of the society. It was carved in white wood from sese or Nyamedua. However with the

advent of chairs, chiefs sit on different kinds of chairs. According to the Bosomfo Nana

Kwadwo Poku, no one has the right to sit on it except the senior shrine priest. He can only sit on

it when he is possessed by the highest deity of the cult, Kofi-OO-Kofi. He also said that it is a

Gye Nyame (Except God) seat made in the form of the Akonkromfi arm chair with a special kind

of footrest.

Plate 4.7: A black armchair with a horn decorated footrest

Picture taken by the researcher

The assertion made by the  Nana Kwadwo Poku is an indication that the chair

identifies the priest and also the deity that might possess him. If the seat is only sat on when the

medium is possessed by the leading or the highest deity of the cult, then who ever has the

privilege of sitting on it becomes the highest person of authority in the cult. Placed on a platform,

59
and in the middle of the liked-chairs is an indication of the uniqueness of the occupant. Such is

believed to be the usual arrangements in most Ashanti palaces. /

This seat is an example of the akonkromfi armchair. The central symbol is the kontonkurowi

symbol. The Kontonkurowi is a rainbow. The philosophy underlying this is that he who sits on

this chair glows like the rainbow. Complementing the Akan proverb which associates God with

the rainbow which is perceived to be seen by people of all walks of life, the occupant associates

himself with the characteristics of God. The chair identifies the priest with God, and as the

source of his power. Unlike the traditional kingship where kingmakers select the man of their

choice and delegate him to serve as a medium between the spirit world and the living, it is the

deity that selects the priest and the deity’s presence is almost always felt therefore, and total

authority is not bestowed on the priest unless he is possessed by the deity. This is, perhaps, why

the priest is not permitted to sit on the seat himself unless he is possessed by the deity Kofi-OO-

Kofi. Secondly, the judicial authority in the cult is though to be in the care of the deity who is

regarded as the spiritual ruler of the cult. Since the chief priest is believed to represent the deity,

the chieftaincy title “Nana” is said to have been bestowed on him by the deity. It is also by this

reason that chairs of the same kinds are provided for the attendants who operates as sub chiefs in

their various fields of the cult’s operation. The females are not permitted to sit on any of the like

chairs but on stools. The chair is a preserve for males. To check and control the use of power in

the cult, the total administrative authority is enshrined in the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku who

chairs every sitting of the chiefs. In the  own words, he is the only person who has

the right to stop any undertakings of the shrine priest.

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A footrest as shown in plate 4.7 above is an object that supports a person’s foot when he is

sitting. It is covered with animal skin and decorated with a pair of horns of ram in the middle. In

some Akan society in Ghana, it is forbidden for a chief to sit in public without a footrest. Some

of them are decorated to suit the authority believed to be embedded in the chiefs while others are

decorated with charms supposed to protect the chief.

Horns of animals are symbols of war.  (the horns of the ram) are used to

denote the strength and ability to fight against opponents. Therefore the priest, the occupant of

the chair, is believed to have a strong fighting spirit to war against his enemies. This is

complemented by the carrying of the spear by the medium. Again it was observed that the horns

were used also as shrines. It is one of the objects on which the priest pours libation as the

researcher observed during his visit to the shrine. The footrest therefore identifies the occupant

and confers authority to him, since it is a symbol of political power among Akans of Ghana

The researcher on one of his visits encountered a sitting of the and the attendants who

pose as sub chiefs to the cult at the porch, where some members of the cult had used the name of

one of the deities of the cult, Anfanfiri (Unforgiving) to invoke a curse upon somebody. The

bosomfoNana Kwadwo Poku presiding over the sitting adjudicated and sanctioned the culprits.

In one of the cases the children who were minor and could not afford money for the necessary

rites were caned to serve as a deterrent to other children as seen in plate 4.8.

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 Plate 4.8; A girl being caned at the porch for invoking curse with Anfanfiri deity

Picture taken by the researcher

4.1.5 Fence Wall

The fence wall of the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult is a solid structure built around the sasabonsam sacred

tree, leaving the frontal part through which the tree can be accessed. It protects the sacred area

from unauthorized intrusion. The wall is built in seven columns and another single column

separating itself from the rest. The walls have been built in cement with an arch top in every

column. The wall is painted red and white. On one of the columns is a mural in high relief

depicting a traditional drummer playing the twin atumpan drums (see plate 4.9). The twin drums

have been placed on sticks causing the drums to tilt. Behind it stands the kyerma (drummer),

holding the sticks for drumming. The mural is finished with a gold colouration. The atumpan is a

talking drum and it is used to deliver messages or communicate. It therefore takes someone who

can interpret the sounds that can benefit from it. The messages they deliver can be good or bad

news.

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 Plate 4.9: A fence wall with a mural of someone playing the talking drum

Picture taken by the researcher

The bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku explained it as a symbol which gives identity to the place.

He explained that the picture of Jesus would have been used if it was a church. So by using the

okyerma playing the drums any individual who understands the use of symbols will know that

the place is associated with religious traditions. The  Yaw Owusu also buttressed this

by saying that it is just to identify the place and that other ones will be added in due course. The

mural is therefore a symbol that identifies the cult; however it is also a symbol of beauty. The art

beautifies the wall. The art gives a unique identity to the cult of which people can use to describe

the place or give direction to clients. The picture on the wall can be used ton direct people who

are visiting the sanctuary for the first time. With the painting and the mural as a guide, one can

depend on it and be lead to the sanctuary.

The wall provides a fence for the sasabonsam tree and the sacred dais, keeping the place out of

encroachment or trespassing by animals and humans. It again helps to provide maximum

63
concentration for the devotees during the performance of various rituals. Their attention is not

interfered with by the activities of passer-bys and by-standers.

The separate wall as shown in plate 4.10 is a single column measuring about two and half metres

(2.5m) in width. The top of the wall is an arc with two metal rods crossing each other to form a

cross having sharp ends placed in the middle of the wall. The wall is painted in white and red.

On the upper part of the wall, cowries have been used to make a cross and the word “Powers”

written below it. In the picture (plate 4.10) however the cross and the writing are not legible due

to the breaking egg ritual on the wall which has soiled the surface of the wall. Hooks have been

fixed into the wall and these are used to hold the shrines these are represented with dot in the

amplified version. Powers is the responds whenever the main deity’s name is called. That is,

when the name Kofi-OO-Kofi is mentioned by an official of the shrine, the response made to it

is, “Powers!” This is inferring to the powers enshrined in the deity of the cult. In the middle part

of the wall are hooks. These hooks are for hunging some of the shrines on the wall, such as the

Obiara ba nye shrine

According to the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku, the wall is a support for some of the shrines.

The cross (figure 1) signifies the sort of problems that the would–be pastors are bound to

encounter and the sharp ends represent what will happen in case of disobedience to the rudiments

given to such pastors by the deities through the priest. It is in front of this wall, that the shrines of

deities like Boame and Tantanta are hung when rituals are performed for people who come for

powers to set up churches. Some of the shrines are only hung. The wall therefore provides the

support needed to be able to hung.

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 Plate 4.10: The wall with a cross and a shrine hung on it.

Picture taken by the researcher

Figure 4.1

The wall with the cross amplified

4.1.6 Pots

Art works like pots made in clay cannot be overlooked in matters associated with religious

traditions. Therefore in this cult, three main categories of clay pots are identified and

appreciated. These are mmoatia-ahina (meaning dwarf’s pot), daayam (meaning it is in your

stomach) which is a shrine and general pots for the preparation of medicine.

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4.1.6.1 Mmotia-Ahina (Dwarf’s Pot)

This pot can be found in the porch of the premises. It is circular and painted in red and white, the

official colours of the cult. The distinctiveness of this pot is that it has been turned upside down,

thus the supposed rim serving as the foot and the bottom serving as the pot with a circular

opening as shown in plate 4.11.

Plate 4.11: This is the  with a hole at the top.

Picture taken by the researcher

According to the  Nana Kwadwo Poku, the pot is used for special magical purposes.

That is, on special days, when the deities want to exhibit their powers through the high priest,

this pot is brought forth. The high priest invokes magical words onto it, which will cause the pot

to rise unsupport in the air as a sign of the deities’ presence. After that, some of the attendants

are made to kill flies and the priest is said to bring them to life. The rise of the pot signifies the

presence or readiness of the deities.

66
It is quite unfortunate that the exhibition of these powers did not take place during the researcher

visits to the cult’s sanctuary for information. Therefore the researcher cannot substantiate the

Nana Kwadwo Poku’s claims. If this assertion is true, then the pot plays a magical

role in the cult.

4.1.6.2 Daayam Bosom (shrine)

The second type of pot is the  shrine (see plate 4.12). This is another well rounded,

smoked pot mounted on a concrete cylindrical pedestal with an arched top well grooved to allow

the pot to sit on. The pedestal is decorated with cowries, as shown in figure 2, to form a cross on

the front and two others on the sides. The pedestal has been made permanent on the semicircular

dais.

The pot according to the  Nana Kwadwo Poku, is a shrine for the  deity. The

name  meaning  which is interpreted as it is in your belly. He explained

that whatever spell a person casts in the name of this deity is believed to settle in the individual’s

belly. That is if the deity’s name is used to cast a spell on an individual it becomes something

that remains permanently in the belly of the victim and tortures him to death. However, it is

mainly used for performing rituals for children. For instance, a child is raised upside down

putting the head into the pot three times while necessary prayers are made. This protects the

child from any sickness. While performing this ritual, fowls are slaughtered and the blood poured

into the pot as sacrifice. This is a sacrifice to the deity to thank him and ask for his protection for

the child. It is believed that children that go through this ritual are well protected from all forms

of sicknesses. The shrine therefore is believed to be a vehicle through which the deity protects

children. Without such ppots and pedestals been the vehicle for the deities to use in protectin the

67
children, perhaps most of the children born To the shrine would have suffered various diseases

and died.

Plate 4.12: This is the  pot on its concrete pedestal.

Picture taken by the researcher

Figure 4.2

The  shrine amplified

The drawing was done by the researcher

68
According to Amenuke et al (1991), spherical shapes are symbols that relate to God. It relates to

all sacred objects. It also refers to purity and holiness of God. According to Asihene (1978), the

gods are messengers for the Supreme Being. The gods play the role of intermediaries between

God and man. Since they relate directly with man on behalf of the Supreme Being, they are

believed to possess purity and holiness, characters associated with the Supreme Being, to relate

to man. It is therefore perhaps for this reason that a pot of spherical shape has been adopted as a

shrine for the Daayam deity.

4.1.6.3 Cooking Pots

The third kind of pots is used for medical purposes. They are used for boiling and storing herbal

concoctions for clients who report with various ailments as seen in plate 4.13. Individuals going

through treatment of ailments are given herbs collected by an attendant to be boiled in the clay

pot. The pots are the approved vessels for the preparation of medicines and therefore without it

concoctions cannot be prepared and that will affect the healing activities that go on in the cult.

Some of these concoctions are drunk while others are used for bathing.

Plate 4.13: Some of the cooking pots used in the preparation of medicines

Picture taken by the researcher

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The pot is essential because according to Kofi Baah (who is responsible for the preparation of all

forms of medication in the cult), it is the accepted material used in the preparation of herbal

medicine. He explained that any other utensil for the preparation should be brand new with the

exception of the pot; however people who patronize the place may not be able to immediately

afford a new utensil.

The pot therefore helps in the preparation of effective medicines in the cult, without which

healing would not have been achieved. Medicines which are boiled for clients would not have

been possible.

Plate 4.14: Kofi Baah, the herbalist of the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult.

Picture was taken by the researcher

Amenuke, et al (1990) asserts that water which is used to promote life is traditionally stored in

spherical pots. It is symbolically associated with God who is the originator of life. Perhaps, it is

for this reason that the various herbal medicines are prepared in spherical pots.

70
It was observed by the researcher that preparations of large quantities of herbal medicines were

done in metal pots. This is so because the boiling and intermittent stirring of the medicine on fire

cannot be supported by the fragile nature of the clay pot. These metal pots are purposely used for

preparation of medicine in large quantities.

4.1.7 Buta

A buta is an artifact made up of both plastic and metal materials used for storing water. (see

figure 3). It has a handle, a lid on the rim which serves as the inlet and a spout through which the

water is released. It comes in different colours with patterns randomly placed on them. It is

usually used by Muslims for religious cleansing or ablution before prayers.

Figure 4.3

The buta

Drawing was done by the researcher

The use of buta is significant in the religious cult. It is used to store water. It is from this that

water is given to the priests to drink before the deities finally dispossess the priest. According to

the  Nana Kwadwo Poku, the buta is the required vessel as instructed by the deities.

To him the spirits do not like water therefore after possession performance, the water is given to

the priest to facilitate dispossession and to bring the priest to normalcy.

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It is the researcher’s view that water given to the priest refreshes and revitalizes the body and

makes the individual regains self-consciousness. If water is used for certain libation purposes

then it is probably not possible for the deities to detest the use of water. An observation by the

researcher again shows that there is an adaptation of artefacts from Islamic religion into the

religious cult practices. It is well used by the Muslims for ablussion rites.

If the assertion of the  is right, then without such an artefact like the buta, then the

priest cannot be revitalized and that will make the act of possession very difficult for the priests.

There would be any object to carry the water to help refresh the priest to regain self-

consciousness.

4.1.8 The fly whisk

The fly whisk is an artefact with various importance to the cult. As seen on figure 4.4, it is

decorated with cowries at the handle. It is believed that it is very powerful to ward off evil

spirits. It was observed on the researcher’s first visit to the shrine that, it was given to a would-be

chief to hang it in his room to ward off evil spirits and manipulate the minds of the people who

would come to him with evil intentions. In this situation, the whisk is believed to be medium

through which the spirits use to protect the would-be chief. The fly whisk played the role of a

medium through which the deities are believed to use in protecting the would-be-chief. This also

signifies the deep believe of members in animism.

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 Figure 4.4

The fly whisk

The drawing was done by the researcher

To show the potency of the whisk, the priest threw a challenge to the gathering that no

individual, given a lump of sheer butter could throw it at the whisk. The contention was that it is

a taboo to touch it with sheer butter and no matter how one tries the power inherent in the fly

whisk will repel it. All those who attempted to hit it with a piece of the sheer butter failed. The

use of the fly whisk emphasizes the animistic aspects of the cult, and the spectators seemed to

agree that the inability of the sheer butter to hit the whisk is as a result of powers embedded in it.

The researcher observed that, the butter was sticky and therefore sticks to the fingers of those

who attempted to throw it at this fly whisk. It is therefore a matter of simple logical reasoning

but not an act influenced by external powers.

4.1.9 The Umbrella

The use of the umbrella is significant in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult. It signifies authority. It is used to

protect the shrines of the cult from sunshine or rain. Made up of a central wooden pole and a

circular cut of both spread out by wooden spokes, it is placed on chiefs, who are the embodiment

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of the traditional authorities in the traditional areas of the societies. It is the repetitive patterns in

red and black are used to make a colourful cloth for the umbrella, held wide spread out by the

wooden spokes with a central pole. Held loosely down are black and red strips of cloth which

flows with the blowing of the wind. It is used to protect the shrine from the scorching. Nana Yaw

Owusu, the okyeame of the cult explained that in the Akan culture, umbrellas are placed on

people of authority and chiefs. When it comes to the religious cult, the deities are the highest

authority and therefore the umbrellas are placed over their shrines. This agrees with Amenuke’s,

et al (1991) assertion that the umbrella is a symbol of authority.

Most fascinating is the fact that the umbrella is not placed on humans but the shrines of the

deities who are believed to be the spiritual heads of the cult. It is used to protect the shrines from

the scorching sun or rain. It provides shelter for the shrine. It is therefore the shrines that enjoy

the coolness produced by the umbrella and all its accompanied recognition. Without the

umbrella, the shrines may have effect from the sun or bad weather which may cause them to

destroy. The umbrella helps to preserve the artefacts, thus the shrines. The destruction of the

shrines will also mean that the deities will not have any temporal habitat.

4.1.10 The Nnaa (A hand bell)

The nnaa is an artefact which is used during performance of rituals, as whenever the priest is

performing rituals, such as libation or sacrifice on behalf of a person, the nnaa is rung. This nnaa

is a kind of metal cup with an iron bar set loosely in it and has a short handle, which is rung like

a bell (see plate 4.14 and figure 4.5). It is used to invite the deities during such rituals to attend to

the client.

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 Plate 4.15 The ringing of 

Picture taken by the researcher

Figure 4.5

Drawing of the nnaa

The drawing was done by the researcher

In pursuance of these rituals, attendants and all around are obliged to kneel. The act of kneeling

or squatting is very common in the performance of rituals as seen in plate 4.15.

According to the bosomfo Nana Kwadwo Poku, kneeling while talking to a superior is a sign of

respect and humility being accorded to a superior, such as an bosom (a god). It shows how the

individual has accepted the lordship of the deity and the readiness to obey him. It is of the belief

that when such a thing is done, whatever the individual requests shall be granted. The attendants

also kneel as a sign of oneness with the client to plead with the deities on the client’s behalf.

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 Plate 4.16: The act of kneeling as observed by cultists during a ritual performance

Picture taken by the researcher

4.1.11 Flower garden

Among the environmental arts available to the cult is a small garden established on the premises

of the cult. This garden has varieties of flowering plants which have strong aesthetic appeal to

anyone who loves and appreciates nature. This beautiful garden of fresh green-leaf plants amidst

others is not an epitome of beauty only, but the quarter of the premises where all forms of

medications are prepared.

Among the ailments which are brought to the premises for healing include infertility in men and

women, paralysis, mental derailment and convulsion in children. The root, bark and leaves of

some of the plants are used in the preparation of the various medications. The kind of medication

is determined by the operating priest whiles the leader of this quarter performs the rule of the

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herbalist. Some of the plant parts are boiled in water before drinking it, while others are prepared

into paste for application on the body.

This garden, aside its role of providing beauty, serves as a source for some rituals for healing,

cleansing and protection. It is here that concoctions for ritual baths for both the attendants and

clients are prepared.

Some of the green plants are also used to “decorate” some of the shrines of the deities. Bedi atuo

shrine is one of such deities. Some of the deities are believed to be asleep or inactive according

to Nana Kwadwo Poku, Bedi atuo is consulted to help protect clients and relations. To activate

this deity, the client uses a very itchy plant called nsansono and ground pepper to decorate this

deity. This is to make the deity feel itchy and rise to duty. Without this decoration perhaps the

deity will feel lazy to work therefore sleep perpetually. This comment is in line with some of the

previous assertions by the same person that some of the deities do sleep and become inactive. It

is the use of the art that activates them and place them into action.

The use of nature in this direction cannot be over emphasized. The leaves from the garden

provide medicine for clients while others are used to activate some of the deities.

Notwithstanding these importance’s, the garden promotes beautiful scenery.

4.1.12 Silver pans

Some silver pans play vital roles in satisfying various cultic purposes in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult.

It is these silver pans that carry and store the prepared concoctions (plate 4.16). They are mainly

used for preparation and storage of concoctions and nothing else. Their role therefore is to hold

the medicine intact for healing. It is placed on cement blocks well arranged to form a pedestal

77
with wooden planks which are laid on the blocks to provide a flat surface and stability to the

weight of the concoction in the pan.

There is a serious concern on health. It is probable that the herbalist or the cult operators

intending to give uncontaminated medication which might otherwise be hazardous to clients

have regularized the use of the pans in the preparation of medicines only.

Plate 4.17: Silver pans containing prepared medicine resting on pedestals made of blocks.

Picture taken by the researcher

The pedestal made with blocks on the other hand provides a very good support. The height of the

pan is raised above waist level. They make the collection of medicine devoid of continuous

bending of the waist which could result in the development of waist problems. Again the height

provides some amount of distance between the earth and the pan, thereby making the medicine

free from dust contamination.

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4.1.13 Colourful thread tying

These are colourful threads tied on a wooden spear with a metal arrow at one end. This is used in

thread tying ritual. Its uses will be explained in the thread tying ritual under performing arts.

Plate 4.18: Threads of different colours tied around a spear.

Picture was taken by the researcher

4.1.14 The gun, machetes, pestle and the mortar

Some of the artifacts are also used in the preparation of certain special medicines. Such kinds of

medicine include those that are believed to make an individual immune to gun shots, cuts from

the knife, and hits from sticks. The preparation of such ritual medicines includes a long single

barreled gun, a cutlass and a pestle representing all forms of wooden materials, tied together to a

plant which holds the items static, while the ends rest in a wooden mortar (see plate 4.18).

Within the mortar is collection water. It is this collection of water that clients preferring any of

such immunities are given to bath.

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The herbalist of the cult, Kofi Baah explained that other preferred rituals in connection with the

choice of the individual are also performed, after which occurs the slaughtering of fowls to

request the gods to grant the desire of the person. When the sacrifice is believed to have been

accepted, the individual is then tested in the preferred choice. The individual on the other hand,

by his conviction accept to go through the test or turn it down.

The artefacts, gun, machetes pestle and the mortar are used to prepare medicine against various

attacks. Without these artefacts, the medicine which will make the individual immune to them

will not possible. It is the water collected from the mortar after raining which washes these

artefacts into the mortar that are collected the rituals.

Plate 4.19: Some artefacts being used in the preparation of some special medicine.

Picture taken by the researcher

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Apart from using the gun to invite spirits before the commencement of the day’s activities, and

making of concoctions for bathing, this artefact is used to destroy the ‘devils’ or detractors in the

lives of individuals during cultic sessions.

After going through preliminary rituals, which vary from one person to the other based on the

problem presented, the priest pulls a single barreled gun while the client stands behind the priest

placing his hands on the shoulder of the priest; the priest then fires the gun into the air once or

thrice. If the shots are made thrice, then the first is made to the front, then to the right and then

left of the priest who does the shooting (see plate 4.19).

Plate 4.20: A client standing behind the priest, Nana More with the hands on the shoulder of the

priest, ready for the shooting ritual.

Picture taken by the researcher

The understanding is that, the client is being provided security and protection with the priest

serving as a front guard, who by virtue of his position is performing the ritual on behalf of the

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deities. The placement of hands on the shoulders of the priest as seen in the picture below is an

affirmation of trust and firm ties the client has established with the deities. The shooting of the

gun though a physical act is believed to have a special spiritual motivated and directed purpose.

This is, bullets are believed to hit the enemies or the detractors of the client.

4.2 Performing Arts in the cult

Performing arts are those art forms that are perceived by hearing, seeing and the kinetic senses.

They are performed with the body. Performing arts play vital roles in religious cults. They

consist of music, dance and drama. However, other forms of art can be incorporated onto the

performing arts to make it complete.

4.2.1 Music

Music cuts across the total operations of the cult. All ceremonies in the religious cults are

connected to the deities of the supernatural world or spirits which are believed to operate in the

cult. To invite or attract them into their various forms of medium, music is employed. Sounds are

made by musical instruments and can be combined with singing in support of rituals being

performed. The  for example is rung during sacrifices and pouring of libation (as shown in

page 57).

The use of indigenous musical instruments like , (talking drum)

complemented by a type of drum believed to originate from Mali is crucial in the ritual

activities of the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult. The smaller size drum () is usually played to

determine the tempo and rhythm of the music. They are either played by striking them with the

hand or aided with sticks.

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 (a) The  (left) and the talking drum ()

(b) The (left) and the  (right)

Plate 4.21: “a” and “b” Some of the instruments used in the religious cult

Pictures taken by the researcher

The atumpan is a twin drum. It is mounted on props and tilted at an angle. It is believed to be

male and female. It is played to shower praise, and send messages across to which the kyerema

(the drummer) chooses. During the cultic sections all the praise and honour are believed to be

limited to deities however it is acknowledged through the medium. The skilful rendering of the

drums to complement the smaller ones creating harmonious sounds arouses the ecstatic feeling in

the individuals to dance.

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The  is usually the largest single barrel drum in the Ghanaian musical ensemble. It

is a royal drum. In some ethnic groups in Ghana, it is played to accompany the chiefs. It is

played with sticks to shower accolades on him.

The presence of  shows a sense of royalty in the cult. The Nana

Kwadwo Poku explained that the senior shrine priest hails from the royal family of Akomadan

Afrancho and had it not been the scar he acquired on his face he would have been the chief of the

town. It is therefore not surprising that the playing of the  was always done in the

presence of the senior shrine priest who, apart from being a royal person, is the founder and

leader of the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult.

Figure 4.6

The gong ()

The drawing was done by the researcher

Apart from the use of the drums, various idiophones are used in the cult. These idiophones are

the self resonating instruments (figure 6). The sounds are produced as a result of vibration when

they are struck. In some of the instruments the vibration is caused by striking two metals like the

. The other forms of idiophones are made of gourds. Beads are put into the gourd, and

84
by shaking of the gourd with certain determined tempo, sound is produced from it. It is therefore

the membranophones and the idiophones that constitute the musical instruments of the cult.

In the cult, the playing of the instruments alone usually does not give the impulse expected

unless it is accompanied by a song. The quality of the song is determined by the quality of the

words or lyrics assembled. It is the lyrics of the songs which send basic messages across to the

deities. . Some of the songs are sung to invite the deities into their fold. One of such songs the

researcher gathered is this:





Meaning

He is coming oo ei ei!
He is coming oo ei ei!
Kofi is coming Oo yei yei!

Some of the songs are also sung to invite the deity to perform miracles of various forms. Some of

the songs are to invite the deity to heal the sick. An example of such is:






This means

Kofi ee Kofi ee!

Kofi ee Kofi ee!
Kofi the merciful!
As for Kofi he does wonders

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Apart from singing, chants are also made in the cult. The chants are made to caution the

devotees on certain actions they intend to take since the aftermath result is believed to be

associated with the what the ask from the deities. The devotees are warned to be cautious of their

proclamations.







Meaning

It is you who said it oo

It is you who said it oo
It is you who said it oo
It is you who said it oo
You said it!

This chant is usually made on behalf of clients who attend cultic sessions and make certain

agreements with the deities. The deals are usually of an exchange of a promise for favours they

seek from the deities. This chant is made to warn cultists to be mindful of whatever is said.

Apart from the general songs sung at the shrine, there are particular ones which are affiliated

with certain special deities. It is sung to coax the deity when a medium is possessed. For example

when Atea Mframa, possesses the priest, the medium behaves like an intoxicated person. It is

believed to be the character of the deity. His communication to the attendants is characterized

with many repetitions. When the priest walks around, it is associated with meandering,

wandering and intermittent stoppages on his way. As the deity is known through the behaviour

the priest picks up when possessed by Atea Mframa, the attendants are sent to bring his favourite

drink, an alcoholic beverage known as 8PM with alcohol content of 42%. The medium treats

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himself to the drink and as a good will gesture gives some to the devotees of the cult. The act of

drinking with exceptional skills is associated with the priest when possessed. He raises the bottle

containing the alcohol high and tilts the head, pouring the liquor straight into the mouth and

gulping down the throat unperturbed. Despite posing as a drunk, with ease he is able to follow

the line of the drink perfectly as not to pour it onto the ground. The skill at which he does the

drinking needs to be commended.

According to Nana Kwame Adade of the cult, the song is a reserve of the deity Atia Mframma

who is a drunkard and that drinks should always be provided when he settles on the priest to

carry out responsibilities. He always demands alcohol and react to it while delivering the

necessary information to the cultists so apart from the physical act the priest puts up when

possessed by Atia Mframa, a song is sung to emphasize his thurst for alcohol.








This means

I have sat down I have sat down,

I have sat down, I have sat down,
When I sit I play with drinks, when I sit I play with drinks
I have sat down,

It was observed by the researcher that as soon as the deity leaves the priest, the latter’s total

countenance changes and no traces of drunkenness can be read on him. He behaves just

ordinarily.

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According to the Nana Kwadwo Poku, it is only this deity that on possession of the

priest drinks a lot in the religious cult and the priest exhibits too much friendly attitude towards

clients. The act of sharing echoes the communal life practice within the cult. The drinks are not

only served to the attendants but all the assembly.

There is a notion that, the drink taken goes into the deity but not into the stomach of the priest. If

this assertion is true then the taking in of the drinks can be associated with magical act where the

priest possesses some special powers to do some impossible things, taking into consideration the

alcoholic level taken in by the priest and whose explanation might be spiritual.

Scientists believe that alcohol have neurological effects. It interferes with the functioning of the

brain thereby influences the actions of the individual. Its intake during supposed possession

could be the cause of the many visions he is perceived to have gotten from the deities. It could

probably be hallucinations from the alcohol intake. It is also psychoactive drug that is; it is a

drug that has the ability of having effect on the mind and sometimes the behaviour of an

individual who drinks it. It has a sedative effect. It is probable that the alcohol effect gives the

priest enough energy to operate throughout the day. Certain seemingly uneasy tasks are pursued

possibly by the enhancement of the alcohol. The otherwise calm person becomes aggressive in

pursuance of his responsibility. Alcohol is believed to be addictive. If the use of it is not

controlled, some of the members may become addicted to it and after a long term may affect

their brain and lead to madness.

Women form the core of the singing body. They exhibit different voice strengths which together

produce melodious songs. The blend of the voices creates harmony which is well appreciated.

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Combining with body percussions they exert maximum energy to sing to the deity of whom

maximum allegiance is due

4.2.2 Dance

Dance in the cult is associated with music. It is a series of movements and steps that are usually

performed. This art is very passionate. It reveals the full atmosphere a person is found in. Dance

within the cult is very common. It can be performed in groups or by individuals.

Dance plays great important roles in the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult. Most of the individual

dances and skills of the cult are exhibited by the priests. The priests dance for various reasons.

The basic dance form as alleged by the  is the priestly dance called . This dance

varies in accordance with its purpose.

As observed by the researcher, the priest may call the orchestra to play when he is possessed by a

deity. This is usually after he has finished the general consultation in the consulting room and

comes out to perform rituals for clients. During such periods, the priest being possessed,

incorporates dance into the performance of various rituals for clients. However, there are few

times which the priest is led into dancing by the orchestra. One of such was witnessed by the

researcher. Against the normal practice where consultation was made first, the priest had

engaged himself in other activities like attending to invited guests since the day was an

Akwasidae. The orchestra played to entertain the guest which included some invited traditional

priest. One of such priests got possessed, and in performance, invited the senior priest of the cult,

Nana Kwaku Bonsam to dance. No sooner than he started dancing than he got possessed.

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The  dance was also danced in a group which was made up of the male attendants of the

cult. The dance preceded that of the senior priest’s who was possessed. Skilful calculated steps

were taken to synchronize with the tempo played by the drums. Forward and backward foot-

works accompanied with swings of the arm and manipulations of the fingers were seen. They

danced in circle. Individuals’ skills were not seen much since the dance had been rehearsed quite

well.

The female members of the cult form the greater part of the orchestra. They danced to the music

by wriggling their bodies combined with playing of an instrument or clapping of the hands. The

females never joined in the group dance; neither did they dance as individuals except the

priestess of the cult, Nana Akoto. However the priestess does not operate in the sanctuary at

Akomadan Afrancho except special occasions and therefore much cannot be said about her. She

probably dances to entertain.

The role of dance as observed by the researcher includes entertainment. The dance helps to

entertain the devotees. Without it the sanctuary would have been bored, and all the activities

carried on in the cult would have been done in absolute silence. Oftentimes, the priest was

possessed before the orchestra was even invited to play before the medium to dance.

Another major role of the dance is to invite the deities into the cult to assist clients. From some

of the expediencies, the priest danced into possession. The dance facilitated the possession of the

priest.

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The dance served as a means by which the attention of the priest was gotten. Some of the priest’s

attention was divided due to other necessary activities that also needed attention. The invitation

to dance drew him from other ‘less important’ activities which necessitated his possession.

4.2.2.1 The dance and healing

Dance plays important roles in the performance of healing rituals in the cult. One of such dances

was witnessed by the researcher during a healing ritual performed for a man believed to have

been sick due to a spell cast on him. The man, being assisted to walk was led to the durbar

ground and was met by the priest who was holding on to wooden shrines that are close to Atea

Nframa shrine. The sick person was hit hard three times on the chest before one of the shrines

was handed to him. He walked to and fro on the healing grounds with the shrine.

In the process the priest poured libation with water from a calabash. During the libation, he

invoked the names of his own and other deities not affiliated to the shrine to appease them and

ask for their assistance in the curing of the sick man. The belief is that any of the deities might

have been used to cast away the spell and he therefore needed their pardon before healing of the

person could be assured. After this he was possessed.

The medium changed his clothing and wore what was preferred by the deity,  and some

necklaces. He carried the shrine and danced to the tune of the music. Perhaps, due to the weight

of the shrine, few gentle steps were taken with few twists and turns of the hand. This was

accompanied with smashing of eggs. It was through the dance that the rituals of breaking the

spell were performed. Eggs were placed in a bowl of kaolin. They were picked and crushed on

the ground amidst majestically calculated dance steps.

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The crushing of the eggs as explained by the  Nana Kwadwo Poku signifies the

breaking up of the spell. A concoction was prepared for the sick person to drink and bath to

compliment the healing process. This act of healing is believed to be spiritual and therefore the

deity's action is to give relief to the sick, first spiritual before the physical. The dance was used

by the medium as vehicle through which the spell was broken. Without it the act of breaking the

spell would not have taken place. The medium chose to incorporate the egg breaking ritual into

the dance. The dance served as a catalyst to the breaking of the spell with the breaking of the egg

rituals.

At one of the usual visits, the researcher chanced on one of the dance performances which led the

priest to perform one of his magic acts by conjuring money which was given to the assembly as a

good gesture. This magical art was performed amidst dancing. It is believed that, the magical art

was influenced and affected as a result of the mode in which the priest was coaxed into. The

magical art will be discussed later.

4.2.3 Drama

The use of drama dominates the activities of the cult. According to Amenuke et al (1991), it is a

kind of ritual or acts. It is usually a conscious act that is executed. It might be very realistic or

abstract in nature.

It is evident that most activities being pursued in the religious cults are rituals and most are

represented in the abstract. The real meaning of the rituals may not be known by the actors.

According to Penner (2011) ritual is presentation of formal acts agreed by custom or by sacred

ruling.

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Most rituals carried out are under the guidance of the spiritual leaders who are perceived to see

and understand the effects of the rituals spiritually. As a researcher, I have tried to analyze some

of the artistic aspects of the rituals under sacrifice, libation, egg throwing and tying of threads,

taken into consideration the philosophical connotation underlying them. It must, however, be

explained that the rituals could be accompanied with other forms of art, enriching the act and

giving much power to it.

4.2.3.1 Sacrifice

Sacrifice is the act of killing an animal or human in religious ceremonies. It is made to ensure

good living, acquire favours, and secure good health and protection from the gods. Sacrifice at

the Kofi-OO-Kofi’s cult is artistic because of its dramatic performance.

In the cult, sacrifices are made with various forms of animals and fowls as directed by the gods

through the priest. The animals include cattle, sheep, dogs, fowls and doves. However most

sacrifices found were those of fowls.

Clients carry the fowls in their hands and make their preferred prayers on the birds. At the

commencement of this important ritual, attendants holding the  continuously ring them till

the end of the ritual. It is used to invite the deity responsible to come and accept the sacrifice. At

each individual’s turn the fowl is handed over to the priest. The priest uses the fowl to encircle

the head of the client three times, who at this time will be kneeling before the priest with all the

members of the cult. A black sword is used for the slaughtering of the fowls. The black

colouration of the blade of the sword is perhaps the constant stains of the blood on it. The blood

is made to drop on any shrine available that day, after which the fowl is thrown to the ground to

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wriggle and die. It is believed that if the bird dies supinely, it is a sign that the sacrifice has, been

accepted by the gods. In that case the attendants shout in unison “”

meaning “Nana thank you” but if it dies on its chest then the sacrifice has been rejected. The

situation becomes serious when the fowl shows signs of rejection for the second time. Then the

orchestra may be called in to drum, sing and dance, calling on the spirits to have mercy and come

to their aid.

The incorporation of drumming, singing and dancing into the rituals of sacrifice is to venerate

the spirits and also calling on them for their assistance. Thus the performances aid in the ritual. It

is the belief of the worshippers that the veneration will cause the spirits to acknowledge their

sacrifices and attend to them.

If the priest is possessed by a spirit, he will dance to the music for sometime, but if not he will sit

down quietly in a pensive mood as if trying to divine into the course of the rejection. It is when

he seems to be convinced that he rises to slaughter the third fowl. If the fowl shows signs of

rejection by lying on the chest, then another fowl is to be offered again to intercede for the client.

The researcher is of the view that, the use of the birds’ posture to determine the acceptability or

otherwise is very problematic. The possessed priest should be able to tell whether the sacrifice

will be accepted or otherwise before the slaughtering of the birds so as not to burden the client

with over spending. The trust of which the clients and devotees have entrusted to the priest

should be relied on. Most religious activities are based on faith which is not usually measured

with science. If the devotees have that faith and trust for the priest and the powers endowed in

him, then they could depend on whatever the priest says. If a more accurate standard of measure

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could be instituted to make the judgments of the priests more reliable and acceptable, then it

could reduce the burden of over spending.

Plate 4.22; some of the shrines being painted with blood

Picture was taken by the researcher.

Another striking sacrifice that was observed by the researcher was the cow sacrifice. A very big

cow was used for sacrifice on the occasion of Akwasidae. With the help of the attendants the cow

was thrown onto the ground. The shrine priest stood in front of it and invoked some of the names

of the deities of the cult to accept the thanks offering sacrifice and also make the activities of the

cult prosper after which he cut the throat of the animal. As the blood spilled out it was collected

with two large forms of calabash.

The calabash is used to collect the blood. The blood spilling out from the throat of the animal are

collected. The blood most significant part of the sacrifice would have gone wasted since the

animal is too large to be carried and allow the blood to spill directly onto the shrines. The

calabash serves as a vessel for collection of the blood, for onward application onto the shrine.

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The priests, assisted by the attendants used their hands as brushes to paint the shrines available

with blood. This form of painting seems to agree with the pre-historic men who used blood for

painting pictures on walls as alleged by Amenuke et al (1991).

The lower part of the limbs was cut including the tail. The  Nana Kwadwo Poku

explained that the limbs would be used for communicating with the deities while the tail would

be used in preparing a shrine. This assertion indicates that some of the shrines are art products

created by the priest himself perhaps under magical powers to make them potent to satisfy

certain purposes of the cult.

4.2.3.2 Libation

Libation is the act of pouring any liquid substance as and offering or sacrifice. It may be oil,

water or wine. Libation at the Kofi-OO-Kofi shrine is artistic because of its dramatic

performance accompanied by poetic prayers.

Libation is poured as offering or sacrifices in religious circles to the deities, ancestors and the

Supreme Being. It is usually done to express once appreciation to the spirits, seek their consent

in ventures, ask for pardon and seek protection.

Libation at the shrine, as performed at other places in Asante, is poured by a priest, using well

organized prayerful words to beautify the act. An example of such as given by Nana Yaw

Owusu, the spokesman of the cult to the researcher is;






96






















This means;

Dependable (God) Kwame, We show you drink, we do not give you drink,
Asaase Yaa, come for wine,
Grandsire Ghost, have wine,
Afrancho Afua, come for wine,
Abotannsu, come for wine,
Abotansua, come for wine,
Kofi-OO-Kofi, come for wine,
Atea Mframa, come for wine,
come for wine,
Gambagra, come for wine,
Mfa-nfiri, come for wine, come for wine,
Atan-Atea-Akosua-fram, come for wine,
Akua Kasa, come for wine,
Laba, come for wine,
Dele, come for wine,
Okure, ome for wine,
Today is Akwasidae, a very great day,
We are gathered here today to celebrate with the great ones
Protect us from any eventuality,
Come and help us so that all our undertakings will be a success,
Anyone who does not like our welfare but for our disgrace,

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Please no one buys drinks to bless his detractors,
Then please change the one,
But if he does not change then turn him into a dog.

The prayer is an act of acknowledging the existence of the Supreme Being, Asaase Yaa or

Mother Earth who is recognized as the great earthly power, the ancestors and deities. It also

appreciates the deities associated with the town like Afrancho Afia, Abotannsu, and Abotansua.

After which the deities of the cult are also acknowledged. The purpose of which the pouring of

libation is been undertaking is made known to the deities and the quest for blessing, guidance

and protection on issues to be pursued and finally to plead with the deities to punish all

detractors. The gathering responds wee intermittently in agreement to the accompanying prayers.

 is believed to mean “let it be done” just like Amen used in the Christendom. The libation is

poured gradually and with intervals. It is significant that, throughout cultic sections, libations are

done on the shrines () directly.

Libation which is also a form of sacrifice, serves as a channel through which the deities are coax

and communicated with. It enables the performer to express his feeling to the deities. The

performer gets the opportunity to show his appreciation and further seeks favours from the

deities.

At one of the visits the researcher witnessed a client being prayed for in the  (shrines)

room. The priest poured the liquor on all the numerous abosom (shrines) in the room invoking

their names one after the other and extending to shrines that were outside as seen in plate

4.22.The researcher is of the belief that the reason behind pouring the liquid on the shrines of the

gods is to make all the gods responsible to the client.

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 Plate 4.23; pouring libation onto the shrine

Picture taken by the researcher

4.2.3.3 Drama in egg throwing

The rite of throwing eggs as observed by the researcher is very rampant and very artistic.

However the purpose of which the throwing of the egg is done and the location this ritual takes

place varies.

Egg traditionally signifies life. If therefore given to someone with good intention, it is perceived

to be a blessing; but when crushed in the name of an individual, it signifies a curse to that person,

and may result in sicknesses like swelling of certain parts of the body, such as the stomach, the

feet, and the head and death as the ultimate.

The rite of throwing of the egg is usually done by the priest and is believed to be of a good

gesture to the cultists. It is done amidst singing and dancing. Fresh eggs are put into a bowl

containing kaolin and carried along by an attendant while the priest is possessed while dancing to

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music produced by an orchestra. The eggs are picked from the bowl and carefully thrown into

the midst of the cultists. The cultists scramble for the eggs. The freshness of the eggs makes it

difficult to catch without breaking. Some, which the cultists are unable to catch, break on the

ground with a splash. Those which are caught are cooked and eaten. Those who can eat them raw

also do that. According to Nana Kofi Baah, those who have special ailments troubling them have

testified of being healed which includes barren women. The egg throwing ritual provides

solution to different ailments associated with different people who visit the cult. The role of the

egg throwing ritual therefore is medicinal.

The enthusiasm and the zeal expressed in this ritual by the members and clients, the young and

old, ladies and gents alike suggest the kind of trust the people have in the cults ritual. The ritual

also provides some form of entertainment. The “battle” for a single egg at a given time by many

people, able and the sick alike, shows a kind of competition for superiority in the catching of

eggs. This provides amusement for members. Those who succeed in catching some of the eggs

are praised by others. The ritual may perhaps be for a spiritual fortification. It was realized that

the struggle for the egg was done by all able bodied persons of the cult, irrespective of their

sexes.

4.2.3.4 Drama in breaking of eggs

This is another form of artistic ritual associated with the use of eggs that takes place in the Kofi-

OO-Kofi religious cult. The ritual is characterized by short but purposeful prayer which is

accompanied sometimes by the ringing of the . This ritual is usually performed by clients

who cast spells on their enemies. Three eggs are given to him to splash on either the

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 tree or one of the shrines usually the  (everyone’s child is bad)

shrine, while reciting a prayer.

The act is believed to activate the deity to respond to the plea of the devotee. The shrine serves as

a medium through which the deities are reached. Without the shrine, this special act of breaking

eggs would not have been successful. The  is used to invite the deities to attend to the

prayer of the client while the breaking of the egg is meant to invoke curses on one’s enemies or

detractors. To make the individual responsible to his actions, this form of ritual is performed by

the client himself. Clients look cheerful after performing this ritual because they feel they are on

the course of achieving their aim.

4.2.3.5 Thread tying

Tying of threads is one of the rites performed in the cult. This rite is associated with tying

colourful threads onto a spear, when certain spiritual problems are being solved. Examples of the

problems and the colours used in the tying process are discussed later in this passage

Explaining to the researcher how it is done, Nana Kwabena Segbeffia of the cult said each colour

signifies a particular kind of problem which is being solved with that colour. A bundle of thread

in the colour believes to relate to the problem the client is given to the person. He releases the

thread from the bundle while gradually tying to a same colour on the spear. The individual prays

specific pray to accompany the tying process. He pointed out that the black thread is used in

divination to identify thieves.

Red is used when someone is sick and he is being interceded for. It can also be used to destroy

ones enemies. The white colour is used when someone is seeking for favour. Yellow is used to

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seek for favours associated with money. Green on the other hand is used when someone is

dealing with land litigation. He also associated the use of violet and ash threads to land issues.

He however stressed that the tying should be accompanied by specific prayer relating to the

issue. For example, the researcher witnessed one such occurrence when the spokesman of the

cult, Nana Yaw Owusu, instructed a female client to pray to the god while tying the thread as

“ that is “The gods are to strike your assailants

in a broad day light”. This means, the woman should ask the gods to avenge on her behalf and

expose her detractors. Strong maxims are used to beautify the language.

The individual is also expected to make his petition while tying the thread to the spear. The

prayer serves as a medium through which individuals request are communicated to the deities.

Without such prayers, the deities might not be able to perceive exactly what the individual needs.

The researcher also believes that the choice of art object for this ritual is also important. One of

the important accoutrements used by the lead deity, Kofi-OO-Kofi of the shrine is the spear;

hence the tying of the thread to the spear is a symbolic reminder to the deity of his obligation to

the clients.

It must also be noted that, the client’s responsibility of tying the thread to the spear and making

his petition make the client the prime executioner of the curse. The client’s actions become the

standard through which the spirits may act. If the individual shows maximum seriousness, during

the performance of the tying ritual, his or her request will be carried out quickly by the deity.

The ritual in its totality, to a large extent gives the client the opportunity to judge and execute

punishment of his choice to his detractors. This gives the client self satisfaction and urges him on

to partake in the cult activities.

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The tying of the threads also helps the believers to focus on their prayers. The act of tying

threads and praying at the same time helps the individual to keep track and not to be distracted

by other activities which might be going on. The coordination of the fingers, the eyes and the

mouth on a single activity helps enable the individual to monitor his own performance. It is

probably for these reasons that the Muslims use the “tasbee” while the members of the cult of

Mary (Roman Catholics) of Christianity use the Rosary. The difference however is that in Islam

and Roman Catholicism, the prayers are structured and are to be repeated for a number of times.

For example, in Islam, the faithful are to recite the prayer for ninety nine times while the

Catholic faithful is to pray to correspond to the number of beads or counters attached to the

thread or cords. In traditional religion however, no specific number of prayer are suppose to be

made and therefore the individual uses the full thread till it finishes.

The absence of such ritual, the individual or clients will feel bored to repeat their prayers for a

period of time. The boredom which could have been created by repetition is reduced with the

intrusion of the activity. The individual is also made to focus on his activity thereby build some

amount of seriousness on the use of his organs. The various sense organs for talking, binding and

looking are all brought to bear.

4.2.3.6 Magical act

According to online dictionary, magic is the art of producing a desired effect or result through

the use of incantation or various other techniques that presumably assure human control of

supernatural agencies or the forces of nature. It is a special power that one possesses which

enables him to perform impossible task. The performance of such impossible tasks is artistic

because it incorporates the use of various art forms which include visual and performing arts.

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At the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult the priest exhibits various magical arts to the admiration of the faithful.

An example of such magical art as witnessed by the researcher was the conjuring of money by

the priest for the faithful. This act was done when the priest was possessed by the Kofi-OO-Kofi

deity. Using gestures he beckoned the assistant priest who went and brought a leather file which

was wrapped in a white piece of cloth. The file is decorated with cowries. He opened the file for

all at the gathering to see that it was empty. Speaking through an interpreter the priest requested

for a five cedi note which was provided. He placed it in the file with a leaf from 

tree and demanded that powder (talc) should be poured onto the items. As it is associated with

this deity anytime he possesses the priest, the priest demanded a lot of London White Cigarette

sticks to smoke. He gave a piece of the cigarette to one of his attendants to smoke and blow the

smoke onto the money and the leaf. Dramatically he used the file to “catch” the smoke while

closing it. Holding the file in one hand he danced to the music played by the orchestra. At a point

he became jammed, and like pulling something from the sky, he dramatically pushed whatever

he caught into the file. He gestured to the attendants to pour more powder into the file and blow

more smoke from the cigarette into the file after which he followed up with a dance, and

repeated similar dramatic movements. After the third repetition of the routine he slid his hand

into the file and pulled out many five cedi notes which he threw to the faithful to struggle for.

The total execution of this magical art was done amidst drumming and dancing. Dexterity was

shown in the dancing which was accompanied by dramatizing the act he was performing. Paper

money which is a graphic art is used in the magical art.

The magical art is a form of sympathetic magic. The money used by the priest served as a link to

the result that was achieved, thus similar denominations were conjured by the priest. The money

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served as a link of which the deities were communicated to, and of which the deities assistance to

help produce more for the devotees was sought. The music produced enabled the priest to dance

into the performance of the act. The file served as a medium through which the magical act was

executed while the magic art shows power entrusted onto the priest.

The exhibition of magical art influences the devotees to believe in the deity and the priest. The

devotees experience the power endowed with the priest and thus influence the devotees to fear

the priest and the deities of the cult hence show maximum respect to them. It can also lead to the

influence of new members who are earning for remedies to their various troubles and ailments to

patronize the cult thereby increasing the number of membership.

It should however be pointed out that the act of smoking though facilitated the magical act of

conjuring money by the priest; it comes along with its own problems. According to health

reports on smoking, cigarettes contain nicotine and carbon monoxide which are harmful to

human health. It causes varieties of visible health problems which include yellow teeth and

leathery skin. More dangerous diseases which can result from smoking are associated with the

respiratory organs. A long term use of cigarette can cause damage in blood vessels, develop lung

cancer (Community, 2011), and can also result in Stroke and heart diseases.

Individuals who are not smoking friendly, and who often inhale smoke released from cigarettes

may contract one or more of the diseases mentioned above. If two or more smokers smoke one

piece of cigarette in turns, they are likely to spread a disease, such as tuberculosis among

themselves.

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4.3 Verbal Art As Used in the Shrine

Verbal arts are used to communicate to the gods and other benevolent spirits in the cult. They are

used to express inner desires of individuals to the deities through prayers. They are poetic and

use refined language to express intricate desires. They are used before various rituals are

performed. However the situation or the occasion determines how the prayer should be carried

out such as mentioned in pages 76 and 77

Poetic expressions are made for the deities to help in the course. Nana Yaw Owusu explained

that for occasions like Kwasidae and Fofie as many deities that pertain to the cult’s names are

mentioned. This is to invite them to partake in the celebration with devotes of the cult. But when

it is associated with the healing of someone who has a spell cast on him, other deities that the

priest knows are all mentioned so as to appease them and ask for their assistance to heal the sick.

At the shrine premises, during cultic ceremonies, verbal arts are associated with almost all forms

of speech made by the priest. They are used to flatter or placate the spirits. Various appellations

are made during cultic sessions. This is to influence the spirits to rise to their responsibilities and

assist in facilitating response on request of the cultists.

Commonly used appellations that one hears at the shrine of Kofi-OO-Kofi’s cult are a shout of

the deity’s name Kofi-OO-Kofi!! And the cultists response in unison ‘Powers!!’ another title

 (Lord of witches) and (Witches fear him).

The belief and the faith the cultists have in the deities often lead them to show their interest and

love for the deities. It is also believed that if devotes express praise for the deity, it helps to

quicken the deities to respond to their request.

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Verbal art is used to cut short hitherto long stories. Making use of idioms and philosophical

expressions are associated with the beauty in the verbal arts and such is shown in pages 84 and

85. It is believed that this carefully arranged form of words shows maturity and beauty in

traditional religion.

Another form of verbal art associated with the principal shrine of Kofi-OO-Kofi’s cult is stories

that are told about the cult. Giving the researcher an insight into the present day location of the

cult, the senior  (spokesperson), Nana Yaw Owusu, of the cult said that after the deities

had settled to work with the priest, it was realized that the area that was being used for ritual

operations was too small and could not accommodate the number of clients and the necessary

structures. There was therefore the need to expand the premises to accommodate the structures

which the cult needed to have. One day the senior shrine priest got possessed and in condition,

he placed a mango leaf between his lips. Guided by the spirits certain areas were located where

the leaf was planted. According to him it was only the leaf that was planted on this present

location which was originally a forest. But the leaf geminated and grew to a big tree (see plate 4.

23). To them it was an indication that, that area was the preferred area for the establishment of

the cult. The area was then cleared of weeds by the devotees and necessary structures built for

the cult operations. That also explains why the premises of the cult share a common barrier with

a forest.

This story seems to have been embellished and infused into the establishment of the cult at this

present location. It projects a cult that is divinely set up. Mango tress scientifically cannot grow

from leaves; therefore the story may not be true. However the story seems to suggest that the

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deities are very powerful to make unnatural phenomena happen naturally. They are therefore

capable of changing natural laws.

Plate 4.24: The mango tree supposed to have germinated from a leaf.

Picture was taken by the researcher

Another such story is attached to one of the trees the cultists call the sasabonsam dua. The

mysterious power of the religious cult is more pronounced with the presence of this plant. (See

plate 4.24). It is under this tree that most of the rituals are done. It has strong wide-spread

branches with broad leaves and a strong stem. Its uniqueness is that, it has an oil palm plant

grown between two of its branches. The oil palm is not big enough too big enough to be captured

by camera as shown by the position by the arrow.

The oil palm plant is therefore behaving like an epiphyte. It is always encroached by birds that

are always cracking, giving sweet musical sound free from any disturbances.

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 Plate 4.25; A photograph of the 

Picture taken by the researcher

This plant is wonderful to the cultists and highly regarded in the cultic practices. According to

the Nana Kwadwo Poku, the tree was planted by the lead deities, Kofi-OO-Kofi.

Though he could not tell when and how it was done, he explained that the tree serves as a habitat

for spiritual beings or the gods and thus the presence of spirits around the tree is ensured every

time. According to Wofa Kwadwo, one of the secretaries to the cult, anyone who visits the

place, and for any reason cannot be attended to by the priest, all that the one needs to do is to

stand under the tree and make his/her supplication to the deities to receive results. It is to this tree

therefore that throwing of eggs, one of the major rituals in the cult, is done.

This story is told to people to show the essence of the tree and the power it is believed to be

endowed with. Proverbs are used to amplify the belief the cultists have in the tree. One of such

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is;  meaning ‘If all trees be uprooted, it will be left with the

oil palm tree’. A cloud of mysticism has been created around the tree and proverbs, being verbal

arts, are used to advance that course. Verbal art has been used to clothe the tree with mystical

powers. However, the stories could not be substantiated. It is clear that belief in animism is

strongly held by the cultists. The tree though simple scientific explanation could be given as it is

an ‘epiphyte’; the perception held by the cultists is a clear example of superstition. The role of

the story is to mystify the cult.

The role played by these stories is enormous. They inspire the devoted to believe in the deities of

the cult and rely on them. The stories show the amount of power endowed in the cult and the

priests by the deities. The faith of the members is lifted when such stories are told.

Secondly, the stories have the power to attract new members into the cult. The story serves as a

means of advertising the cult to others. People who are interested in spiritual protection, healing

and interpretations to personal problems are motivated to become part of the cult to have their

problems and needs met.

Again, the stories create fear and respect for the deities of the cult. The deities are feared by

cultists for their ability to change natural laws. Devotees are afraid to err against the deities.

Maximum respect is therefore accorded the deities of the cult.

4.4 Body Art As Used in the Shrine

Body arts refer to anything that are worn or applied to the body to enhance beauty as indicated

by Appiah (2004) and Amenuke et al (1991). The application of a visual art form unto the body

can also be referred to as body art. There are three main types of body arts; namely body

painting, coiffure and body marks. The body painting could be done with one or more colours

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upon the purpose of which it is been done and the pigment available in the environment. The use

of this art plays important roles in this cult.

4.4.1 Coiffure

This refers to the hairstyles carried by the attendants in the religious cults. Various hairstyles

seen with the females include; the braids, perming and the curls, all these have their aesthetic

features but the most notable one is the  hair do worn by the priestess and some

few ladies. The priestess started wearing that hair style after her initiation into priesthood.

According to an informant, the girls carrying a similar hairdo were also being trained into

priesthood of the cult.

The  carried by the priestess shows elements of dots sparsely scattered with line of

hair strands converging at the base of the dot forming spectacular knots of the hair.

The males however have shaved their hair. All the male devotees carry similar hair-do including

the priest. It may not be wholly true that the shaving of hair by the males is as a result of their

religious function. Most young men like the males of the cult prefer to have their shaved since it

is fashionable. This makes it clear that not all priests have the  hair style as

perceived by some people. The hair do identifies the members of the cult.

4.4.2 Body Painting

Body painting is practiced in the cult and is highly associated with the priest. When the priest is

possessed with certain kinds of spirits he paints himself and sometimes he is assisted by an

attendant, in white with kaolin an example of such deity is the Atia Mframa as seen in plate 4.25.

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Other deities combine kaolin with white powder and an example is the Kofi-OO-Kofi. The

application of the kaolin or talcum the powder is done haphazardly with emphasis usually on the

face and abdomen. When other deities like  and , possess the priest,

soot is used to blacken the body of the priest.

Plate 4.26: The priest covered with kaolin

Picture was taken by the researcher

According to the there are two groups of deities at the Kofi-OO-Kofi sanctuary.

There are the Ayan group of deities who on possession of the priest, the priest uses kaolin or

white powders. The priest behaves friendly towards attendants and clients. The second group of

deities, the executioners, prefers black colouration. When they possess the priest, the medium

uses sooth to blacken himself which makes the priest look too horrifying. They usually carry

around objects of war like the cutlass.

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This was quite evident on one of the days, when some five young boys disobeyed the orders of a

senior official of the cult to go and fetch water for the preparation of medicine. They were

summoned before the priest when he was possessed Kofi-OO-Kofi deity who uses kaolin and

powder. The priest cautioned the young boys. Unfortunately, as soon as another deity possesses

the priest, there was a change over which was believed to be an executioner. The medium was

painted in black with accompanying horrifying looks and holding a cutlass, punished the boys by

hitting them with the flat side of the cutlass on their chest over and over again which ended up

cutting one of them. The third possession of the priest, he painted himself white and behaved

sympathetically with the boys who he had earlier on beaten and even shared his alcoholic

beverage with them. It is the opinion of the researcher that the use of colours and their mode of

application yielded the effect. The notion that white represents anything good while black

represents evil is well echoed in this scenario. The body painting as used in the cult identifies the

priest to which group of deities he is possessed with.

Body painting as used in the cult is for identification. Different deities may use different colours

to identify themselves through the medium. Some writers like de Heusch (1977) believe that the

kaolin or the white powder signifies holiness of the priest and the attendants. The researcher is

of the view that if such role of the painting is to be accepted in line with the traditions of many

religious societies, then the use of black by the medium may infer that the priest is unholy and

thus the spirits that prefer black are all unholy spirits.

4.4.3 The Ring and Chains

Rings are visual arts, however, when they are applied on the body for any purpose, they become

body arts. Rings are worn by emit members of the cult. They appear in different colours of dark

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silvers and browns. The attendants wear rings on their ring-fingers while the priest places them

mostly on the thumb. The researcher was informed they are products of magical acts. They were

invoked into being through magical acts and are believed to have special powers to protect the

wearer. The wearer is believed to have strong burning sensations from the ring if he is

undertaking a venture which might be dangerous and can end up in death. For example, if he

begins to feel the sensation, when boarding a vehicle for a journey, it is a signal to him that the

bus is probably bound to have an accident. He should therefore stop boarding it. It therefore

provides security and protection for the wearer.

The thumb on which the priest wears rings is a symbol of authority which cannot be overlooked.

Akans have a proverb which states: “sane ” that is “one cannot

leave the thumb in the making up of a knot”. It signifies its unique role. Anyone who puts a ring

on the thumb is believed to have special powers and therefore may be tempted by anyone who

feels his power is being challenged. It again identifies the wearer as a priest in the cult.

The researcher also chanced on some of the attendants who wore a type of “chain” on their waist.

The chain is made up of a piece from calabash with two perforations through which tong has

been passed to tie two cowries to the calabash. The tong is long enough to tie around the waist

and they wear their clothes on them. The bosomfoNana Kwadwo Poku explained those as

charms that have been given to them to protect them. For whatever secret reason these charms

were given, he declined to tell the researcher.

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4.4.4 Costume

The most commonly seen costume worn by the priest and the attendant is the batakari (smock)

over any pair of shorts. Smocks made up cotton and of different colours are the favorite

costumes of the cult. Some of the smocks are decorated at the front and back with various

artefacts plate 4.26. For example the priest wears a smock decorated with a shell and a red piece

of cloth tied to smock. The extreme sides close to the armpit are decorated with cowries.

According to the  they are charms that protect the priest. Some of the costumes are

for protection.

In Ghana wearing of is highly associated with certain tribes of the northern part of the

country. The upper part of the costume is worn to fit. It has short sleeves which are relatively

longer than that of an ordinary shirt. Usually from about the rib ends, splits are made in the

clothing and pieces of the same material cut into a V-shape are placed upside down to sew. The

additional pieces give the  very broad ends at the base. The priest dancing in this

costume is very beautiful to behold. As he spins and turns, the base spreads out and opens up

forming a beautiful umbrella with the body.

Its dominance in the religious cult is perhaps linked with the original donor of the first shrine to

the high priest whose name the o could not mention but agreed with the online

interview Nana Kwaku Bonsam granted the Daily Guide, that the donor hailed from Chaana near

Navrongo in the northern part of Ghana. Smocks are largely produced in this area of Ghana.

Another observation made by the researcher is that some of the attendants including the senior

spokesperson of the cult referred to the medium as malam, a word used for learned people in

Islamic religion.

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A conversation between the priest and some guests to the shrine of which the former was

possessed by the Kofi-OO-Kofi deity, indicated that, when he is possessed by the deity, Kofi-

OO-Kofi, the right costume he wears is a  (smock) and he holds a spear in one hand.

That is the two artefacts that identify him.

Plate 4.27: The priest, Nana Kwaku Bonsam dancing wearing a Batakari

Picture taken by the researcher

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 Plate 4.28: The priestess is in white with a cloth wrapped on it.

Pictures taken by the researcher

Plate 4.29: The priest dancing wearing the doso (palm fibred kilt)

Picture taken by the researcher

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Another costume that one can witness to which is worn by the priest when he is possessed, is the

 (palm fibred kilt) as in plate 4.27. It is a string-like form of wrapper joined at one end with

a long pad which is tied around the waist with ropes. The soft looking string-like wrapper is

decorated with cowries, tired materials in red into the wrapper. Also visible are the tinny bells

that are attached to this wrapper. According to the  some of the deities like 

and  prefer the priest to put on the while others like Atia Mframa and Kofi want the

priest to put on the. There are other deities, such as Atutuatu who want their priests to

wear only pairs of shorts.

Some of the costumes worn by the priests do signify the particular deities possessing them. This

seems to buttress the assertion made by Kyerewaa (n.d) that the priest take the characters of the

deities which do possess them and thus the attendants by just seeing the code of dressing can

identify the deity in operation.

Another significant costume prominent in the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi is the putting on of the cloth

for bathing rituals. Various clothes are provided for the cultists to use for this ritual. The male

wrap the cloth on the waist while the females wrap the cloths above their breast and under their

armpit.

The concoction for bathing is scooped by the herbalist of the cult, Kofi Baah ,with calabash and

poured into other smaller calabash which the cultists use to bath. According to Kofi Baah, adults

have to take seven or more baths as determined by the shrine priest, while children have only

three baths. He also explained that some of the concoctions have properties of staining peoples

clothes and therefore a cloth is provided to replace the clients’ clothings. The cloth is believed to

provide spiritual protection and a cover for clients.

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4.5 Discussion on Findings

In this chapter, we have identifies some art in Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult. We have also studied

the role of the art and their importance in the cult. The following paragraphs deliberate on the

contributions of the art to the social, economic and religious conditions of members. It also

examines the relationship between the arts used in the cult in relation to chieftaincy. Finally, the

chapter analyzes the role of the art with respect to superstition.

4.5.1 Social Importance

The art of Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult helps in developing social ties between members of the

cult and clients. Many people of different ethnic groups, regions, religions and countries are

attracted to the cult by the arts. Many people for various reasons have left their homes and

families to stay at the sanctuary. They form new families with the cult members. It is the

sculptured art that serves as shrines that motivates people to visit the sanctuary. The interactions

of members help to form new bonds on friendship. This allows members to rely on others for

support. It is alleged that people of other religions such as Christianity and Islam do visit the

religious cult to seek for metaphysical assistance.

4.5.2 Economic Importance

The art also provides economic opportunities for members of the cult and their clients. The cult

members produce various art forms which are sold to clients who need them for certain forms of

rituals and ceremonies. The sales of artefacts help the cult to generate some income to pay off

some of their “permanent staff”. Some of the clients also insure their treasures such as

businesses, vehicles, farms and houses with the cult and in return the clients donate money and

other valuable. The arts of the cult help to provide employment for some people who serve in

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various capacities in the cult such as the receptionist and the drummers. The carriers of the

shrines are paid for their services. It is even purported that some pastors establish their “church

businesses” through the use of art objects given to such pastors by the priest of the shrine. Some

of these art objects include sculptured shrines and rings to aid these pastors in their spiritual

operations.

4.5.3 Religious Importance

The arts also help people to know and appreciate the beliefs of members of the cult. This result

from the practices of which devotees execute daily and the forms of art he owes. Some

sculptured arts in possession of some devotees are associated to the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult.

Certain ornaments such as rings worn by the devotees are examples. Though libation is

associated with most traditional prayers, the uniqueness of the devotees’ prayers incorporates the

invocation of the deities of the cult. The devotees invoke the deities of the cult to venerate and

plea for favours. In times of performing various rites and rituals like sacrifice, the art forms they

owe become the visible recipient of the oblations since the votive are placed on them. All these

arts and performances identify an individual with the cult thus making members easily identify

them within the societies in which they live.

4.5.4 The art of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi and Chieftaincy

Some of the art objects used in the cult show relationships of the cult and chieftaincy. Some

various forms of art used in the cult are similar to those by some chiefs of the Asante Kingdom.

For example in the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi the highest seat Gye Nayme which is made in a form of

the akonkromfi signifies the authority conferred on the occupants, thus the priest of the cult Nana

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Kwaku Bonsam. As noted by Kyeremateng, the akonkromfi forms of seat are used by some of

the chiefs of Asante.

Secondly, the common costumes worn by the priest of the cult is the smock (batakari) which

may be decorated with various types of charms believe to protect the wearers from any spiritual

attacks especially in the cause of possession. The smock also identifies the priest and is believed

to be one of the accepted costumes used by the priests of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi. Similarly

some chiefs wear batakari which are decorated with charms just like that of the priests of Kofi-

OO-Kofi cult. These charms found in the batakari of the chief are also for their protection just as

the priests.

In the field of performing art, the art and some of their accompanying instruments have similar

relationship between the arts of the cult and that of chieftancy. For example, the f

drums are played to accompany chiefs in most Akan societies during gatherings. In the cult of

Kofi-OO-Kofi, a similar kind of drum is played to accompany the chief priest, sounding praises

to the priest. One may argue that the chief priest who is known to be a royal of the Afrancho

township can be accompanied with the f. However his junior brother, Nana More,

who is also a royal and a priest of the same cult, is not accompanied with the f. This

is as indication that the chief’s rule is accorded to the senior priest Nana Kwaku Bonsam of the

Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult.

Lastly, the porch (patoso) which is the seat of shrine has certain characteristics like the palace of

some Akan chiefs. The porch serves as a mock palace for the Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult. It is

decorated with like-chairs which have been arranged linearly and the center of which is the Gye

Nyame seat which has been constructed in a form of akonkromfi. This form of arrangement in

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the cult is also peculiar to the sitting arrangement in most palaces of the Asantes. The presence of

the akonkromfi form of seat is also another peculiar art associated with chieftaincy. The

akonkromfi forms of arm chairs are associated with chiefs. It therefore seems to suggest that the

various components used in the design of the porch were intentionally done to create a palace

atmosphere which commands the respect of members of the cult just as the palace of the chiefs.

4.5.5 The art of the cult of Kofi-OO-Kofi and Superstition

Another characteristic worth noting is the use of art in the cult to explain certain erroneous

conception that traditional religion just as the cult is superstitious. Superstition is believed to be

an irrational miserable attitude of mind toward the supernatural, nature, or God. The cult makes

sculptured art forms which are used as shrines to represent supernatural beings as deities of the

cult. Most of the songs sang are in praise of these supernatural beings. Members of the cult tells

story of the deities which operates the cult and how powerful they are believed to be even in

causing effects which principles of science does not support. The arts are there not used as

shrines for the deities or performed to entertain only but they are translated into magical art or

miracles to help relieve clients of their burden such as sicknesses. It is therefore not right to

perceive the cult as superstitious. According to Agyeman (n.d), it is the miracles which the

deities perform that do strengthen the confidence which the clients have in the divinities and

their creative ability. Zaheer (n.d) identified the mistaken perception and therefore wrote;

There are two domains of human experiences of the observed

phenomenon; one is based on explainable cause – effect relationship of
events and other purports to phenomena that escape the notice of the
human eye as well as defy human intelligence. While the first category
of experiences is the province of Science and is subjected to continuous
study and appraisal, the second category is unclear because there is

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 normally no way if intelligently grasping and, at times, confirming the
veracity of it. Magic and superstition belong to the latter category.

It should be noted that all religions are built on three principles thus faith (belief), morality and

worship. It is the faith that helps one to put his trust into someone or something regarded to have

supernatural powers. Faith in the cult is not based on proof or logical reasoning but on

confidence and trust for the deities.

4.6 Summary of Discussion

This chapter has dealt with the general organization and the practices of the religious cult. It has

also identified the various players and forms of art associated with the religious cult of Kofi-OO-

Kofi. The use of the art forms have been discussed in detail, and the importance of the arts in the

religious cult have been discussed. The chapter has also discussed the various contributions of

the arts.

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 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

The task to research into the arts of the Kofi-OO-Kofi’s religious cult was guided by the

following objectives;

1. To identify the various forms of art used in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult.

2. Study the role of the arts in the day-to-day activities of the cult’s practices.

3. Give account on the importance of art in the cult

The arts were identified as environmental, performing, verbal and body arts. The findings as to

the roles they play in the cults have been summarised as follows:

Environmental or visual arts, such as the shrines and the Dwarfs Kingdom, are temporary abodes

for the deities. If they are not used, some of the deities may not have their representation in the

cult and this may not be able to function in the cult. The gun and the  are used to invite the

deities during cultic sessions. Probably, it is the invitation that draws the deities to the cult during

worship and other religious activities. If the deities are absent the essence of the cult will be lost

and the solutions they believe to receive from the deities will be absent. Should such a situation

arise, it would lead to the collapse of the cult. Other forms of the environmental art, such as the

 arm chair, and the spear carried by the priest when possessed by the Kofi-OO-Kofi

deity are symbols of authority. The pots and pans are used in preparation and storage of

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protective and healing medicines. Their absence may mean that the right way of preparing and

storing medicine in the cult will not be adhered to.

Other art forms such as cutlass, the pestle and the mortar are used for the preparation of

protective and curative medicines while others are for destruction of detractors and such is the

gun. The porches of the cult are symbols of authority and place where issues related to the cult

are adjudicated.

The performing arts are forms of entertainment within the cult. Music and dance produced by the

orchestra provide entertainment to the cult. They are also used to invite deities during cultic

worship. Some of the songs are used to identify certain deities like  does for Atea

Mframa. Music, dance, libation, sacrifices are also used to show appreciation to the deities.

Music and dance are also used to produce magical effects. Chants which are also performed in

the cult are used to warn clients.

The use of the verbal art plays a lot of roles in the cult. The prayers are used to obtain favours

from the deities. The appellations are used to placate the deities.

Drama which is also executed through rituals is performed by the cultist to help relieve them

from psychological pressure. Some of the acts, such as kneeling in the cult signify respect and

humility for the deity. It is believed that some of the drama performed as in thread tying help to

satisfy individuals’ personal ambition. It also adds beauty to the cult.

The body arts as used in the cult create identity for the priest. The priests are identified by their

costumes and the kinds of other artefacts attached to the clothes. Preferred body arts for the

deities also allow the cultists to identify the operating deity. The chains and the rings protect the

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wearers from all forms of mishaps like accidents. Body painting as used in the cult identify the

mediums with the deity. The hairdo which is carried by the cultists also identifies the person to

the cult.

From the findings, it is impossible for the cult to operate without the arts. The elimination of

these arts has the greatest propensity of killing not only the beauty but the religious cult. The

trust in the priest which the people have might be reduced since they would have nothing to see

that might motivate them. The magic act allows the people to experience the power invested in

the priest but if it is eliminated, then the clients will not have anything to experience.

It should also be noted that the cult has incorporated the use of modern communication gadgets

like the laptop computer and modern phones which help them to communicate with their clients

all over Ghana and abroad. These art forms allow people to join the cult through the internet

without necessarily coming daily to the shrine personally. This has broadened the membership

base of the cult.

With the help and assistance that the shrine priest has been giving to people he has indirectly

affected the lives of many. It is of this that some people have willingly attached themselves to the

cult as a form of giving back to the cult what they have also acquired. Training of priests in the

cult will allow the cult to survive for a long period of time and thus the art that are associated

will continually be used to enhance the activities of the cult.

5.2 Conclusion

In accordance with the objective and research questions, this thesis has identified the various art

forms used in the Kofi-OO-Kofi cult at Akomadan Afrancho, and has shown their roles and

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importance in the cult. Regarding the roles, the thesis has demonstrated that, the arts help in the

invitation, accommodation and invocation of the deities for healing, protection and solution of

other problems. It is also by the aid of the arts that the priest is identified and attracted for

consultations. It is of course, obvious from this thesis that, the day-to-day activities of the cult

are largely dependent on the arts.

Therefore, regarding the importance of the arts, it is highly certain that, without them, success of

the cult might not have been feasible. In view of this ample evidence, the researcher has realized

that the arts are so indispensable in the cult that, any attempt to discard that shall result in total

collapse of the cult.

5.3 Recommendations

The Kofi-OO-Kofi religious cult as it is contributing immensely to the lives of its members. The

cult provides avenues for individuals to worship their maker, God through the cults’ practises.

With the performance of various rituals, the members feel comfortable and self satisfied.

Healing, protection and assurance of good health is provided through the use of the arts for

members. The use of the arts guarantees the total success of all the experiences encountered in

the cult. The visual, performing, verbal and body arts together achieve a complete cultic

experience. The arts therefore contribute to the social, economic and religious development of

many people. Due respect should therefore be accorded to the arts.

The publication of this research will therefore serve as a guide and a resource material to various

bodies. When copies of the research are made available, it will provide opportunities for other

researchers to use and develop on it. The understanding of the use of art in the cult will help

demystify the cult and allow people to patronize the cult for any assistance. It will also help give

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clearer interpretation to people who need it. The knowledge acquired will help the Ghana Tourist

Board, art historians and anthropologists to understand the operation of the cults with respect to

the arts. Therefore the following recommendations have been made to develop, maintain and to

promote the African traditional religion.

 The Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture of which traditional religion is a subsidiary

in collaboration with Ghana Museums and Monuments Board, National

Commission on Culture and the Ghana Library Board should catalogue the role of

the arts and their importance to traditional religious cults available which will serve

as resource material. Non-tangible arts such as the performing and the verbal ones

should be collected using audio and audio-visual devices during the cultic sessions

and saved in libraries. The functions and the roles of the arts should be explained by

cult officials or any person perceived to have developed or introduced the art in the

cult. This will help maintain the originality of the arts and safeguard against later

corruption. Adequate information on the arts and their importance in religious cults

will help demystify the arts.

 It is recommended that the Tourist Board access the information provided to help

them disseminate accurate information of the arts to tourists. This will help

eradicate all doubts and misconceptions which tourists may have about traditional

religious art. Again the art historians and anthropologists can have better

assessment of the art and give credible information which will contribute positively

to the cult in particular and the nation at large.

 The department of culture in the Ministry of Education should also incorporate into

its curriculum the role of the art in the traditional religion so as to build confidence

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 in the cult from infancy. It is important because every African society has its own

culture which includes the beliefs, the practices, and the accepted norms and taboos

of which the idea in religion plays major roles, which are expressed in the arts.

People will understand the arts and develop confidence in them. Secondly, the

understanding of the use of the arts will cause people to have positive image about

traditional religious cults and other similar cults to the outside world. This can help

in providing alternative solutions to problems which people believe has spiritual

underpinnings.

 Again, the artefacts used in the shrine, which for any reason have ceased to

function, can be donated to the museums for safe keeping. This will contribute to

the nation’s stock of art. Basic documentation of the artefact including the names of

the objects, the ages of the artefacts, the functions, the artists who made them and

the priests who donated them to the museum. This information will be very

important to the anthropologists, art historians and other scholars who will be

conducting researches. It will give room for researchers to make comparative

analysis between the past and the present arts of the cult and other related cults.

Objects which cannot be removed such as the dwarfs’ temple and the dais can be

renovated from time to time since it can be a very good source of information into

the cult.

 Various songs sang in the cult should be documented and transcribed into sign

notations. This will help maintain the originality of the song as the sign notation can

be interpreted by any musically inclined person this will help preserve the richness

or the indigenous songs for a long time.

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 It is recommended that other researchers carry out further research into cults of

Kofi-OO-Kofi and other related cults in the country to indentify other forms of art

and their roles which are necessary for discussion.

 Seminars and workshops should be organized by the Ministry of Chieftaincy and

Culture in collaboration with stake holders to bring into light the role of the art in

traditional religions in the country to expose their significance in our cultural

heritage.

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 APPENDIX A

Interview guide
1. Why did you choose to site the shrine at this place?
2. How do you know that these objects best represent the deity’s shrine?
3. Who makes the shrine?
4. What materials were used in making them?
5. What function is the art to play?
6. What is the function of the performing art?

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 APPENDIX B

Observation guide
1. What type of art form is being used?
2. What category does it belong to?
3. When is the art used?
4. Who uses or performs the art?
5. How is the art used?
6. Why is the art used?
7. What is the importance of the art been used?
8. What is the role of the art?

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