Oxford Handbooks Online: Egypt

Egypt
Oxford Handbooks Online

Egypt
Ramadan A. Ahmed
The Oxford Handbook of the History of Psychology: Global Perspectives
Edited by David B. Baker
Print Publication Date: Jan 2012 Subject: Psychology, History and Systems in Psychology
Online Publication Date: Sep 2012 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195366556.013.0009
Abstract and Keywords
This chapter presents a broad-based view of psychology in Egypt. The chapter starts by
casting some light on Egypt: its land and population and its ancient legacy in medicine
and related behavioral thoughts; then the chapter discusses briefly the relevant
contributions of ancient Arab scholars in the medieval ages, Egyptian modern psychology
pioneers, research interests, new trends in psychology in Egypt, models in Egyptian
psychology, psychology associations, conferences and meetings, books and journals,
psychology encyclopedias and dictionaries, job opportunities and the image of
psychology, teaching psychology and the qualification of psychologists, efforts of Egyptian
universities to promote psychology, the influence (impact) of Egyptian psychology/
psychologists on the development of psychology in other Arab countries, private practice,
ethics codes, and psychology and Islam. The chapter concludes by shedding some light on
the strengths and shortcomings of psychology as practiced in Egypt.
Keywords: Egypt, pharaonic Egypt, Islam, psychology
Egypt: Land and Population

Egypt is a country occupying the northwestern corner of Africa, with a mountainous
extension across the Gulf of Suez, and the Sinai Peninsula, which is usually regarded as
part of Asia. It is strategically situated at the crossroads between Europe and the Orient
and between North Africa and Southeast Asia. Egypt is an almost square block of mostly
arid land: 995,450 square kilometers south to north (from 22° to 32°N) and 1,240
kilometers west to east (from 26° to 36°E). It is bounded on the north by the
Mediterranean Sea, on the east by the Red Sea, on the South by the Sudan, and on the
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Egypt
west by Libya. Most of its political borders are straight lines, drawn by the European
colonial powers in the 20th century; all have been disputed since the time of their
definition.
From the dawn of history, human habitation hinged on the Egyptian people’s ability to
harness the River Nile, which annually flooded its banks, depositing a fertile alluvium of
silt brought down from Lakes Victoria and Albert and from the mountains of Ethiopia. The
creation of a basin irrigation system to capture the silt and store the floodwaters, and
efficient devices to raise water from the channels and basins to the fields, was a
prerequisite for the evolution of Egyptian agriculture between six and three millennia
before the birth of Jesus Christ (Ahmed, 2004; Goldschmidt, 1994).
Modern Egypt, which has pharaonic ancestors and Arab fathers, had an estimated
population of 72 million in 2007: 49.6% of the population is female, and 25% of Egyptians
are less than 16 years old. A statistical report (Al-Ahram, January 18, 2002) indicated
that, in 2000, 32% of the Egyptian population was between 10 and 24 years old. In 2000,
life expectancy rates reached 67 years for males and 71 years for females (Ahmed, 2004).
(p. 163)The common language in Egypt is Arabic, however, English, French, German,
Italian, and Spanish, in that order, are also known and spoken in many places.
Egypt is the world’s oldest continuous nation, with a recorded past of over 6,000 years.
Often invaded, conquered, and occupied by foreign armies, Egypt has never lost its
identity. The Egyptians of today, although they have changed their language once and
their religion twice, descend mainly from the Egyptians who built the Giza Pyramids and
the Temple of Karnak, who served Alexander the Great and his heirs, who submitted to
Augustus Caesar and grew much the grain that fed the Roman Empire, who started
Christian monasticism and the veneration of the Virgin Mary, and who advanced and
sustained Muslim learning in what is now the longest-functioning university in the world,
Al-Azhar University in Cairo (established in 969) (Goldschmidt, 1994).
Historical Roots of Psychology in Egypt
Pharaonic Times
The Egyptians of Pharaonic times thought so highly of medicine that some pharaohs, with
all their majesty, bore medical titles, and their mightiest leaders prided themselves on
knowing the sacred writings on medical activities. Accordingly, Herodotus said “In Egypt,
there are physicians everywhere” (cited in Ghalioungui & Dawakhly, 1965, p. 9).
Ghalioungui and Dawakhly (1965, p. 9–10) wrote: “But although Egyptian civilization was
built on objective observation, residues of magic and sacerdotal medicine tainted their
practice. To satisfy all kinds of patients, there were the healer-priest of the goddess
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Sekhmet who, though possessing some medical knowledge, acted as mediator between
the patient and the gods; the magician, follower of Hika, god of magic, who exorcised
demons and triumphed over fiendish charms or inimical spirits; and the lay physicians, or
swnw. But even the last was not above spicing his drug and scalpel practice with some
magical condiment, as can be seen from some of the titles he bore.” Moreover, the
ancient Egyptians were the first to speculate that the brain was the center of the mind
and the director of the body (Eion el-Soud, 2000).
The field of psychology has not been alien to Egypt, nor, in the later centuries, to the Arab
world as well. In ancient times, the Egyptians had already formed many psychological-
philosophical ideas about phenomena such as hysteria, epilepsy, delusions, and dreams,
and how to treat some mental and physical abnormalities (Girges, 1967). Caudle (1994, p.
135) wrote, “One of the earliest known documents … is the Edwin Smith Surgical
Papyrus, named for the first Westerner who owned it. This Egyptian document, which
dates back to perhaps 3000 BC, describes behavioral effects of head injuries, and the
brain and its convolutions. Its author, a surgeon, may have recognized in a primitive way
that the brain controls behavior, a notion that became lost for thousands of years.”
Islamic and Arab Influences

In the ninth century, and throughout the mid and late medieval period, psychological
concepts were generated, coined, and discussed by a broad variety of Muslim and Arab
scholars such as Al-Kindi (796–873), Al-Farabi (870–950), Ibn Al-Haitham (965–1039), Ibn
Sina or Avicenna (980–1037), Al-Gazzali (1058–1111), Al-Damiri (1341–1405), and Ibn
Khaldoun (1332–1406). These scholars developed more or less scientific ideas concerning
a wide variety of topics that we find still discussed in psychology as it is known today
(Ahmed, 1992, 2004; Ahmed & Gielen, 1998b). The works and ideas of Muslim and Arab
scholars influenced, in differing ways, the establishment, march, and development of
modern psychology in Egypt (Nagaty, 1961, 1993a, b; Soueif, 1965a; Al-Abd, 1986). One of
the concepts espoused by the Qu’ran 1,400 years ago is that human development is seen
as a part of a lifecycle and not as separate distinct stages (Soliman, 1990). The Qur’an
also describes a huge number of psychological conditions, states, motives, emotions, and
disorders.
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Modern Psychology in Egypt
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Early Beginnings
The last three decades of the 19th century witnessed three important events that
influenced the establishment of psychology in Egypt. First, the Al-Abssia Mental Health
Hospital, the first mental hospital in Africa and the Arab world, opened in Cairo in 1880.
Second, newspapers and magazines, mainly published by a group of immigrant Lebanese
and Syrian journalists, were established in Cairo and Alexandria. These newspapers and
magazines paved the road for psychology in Egypt because they occasionally published
articles in psychology for the lay public (Eion el-Soud, 2000). Third, Egypt started to
expand its schooling system by establishing schools all over the country, including
teachers’ schools, whose curriculum included some basic psychology training.
(p. 164) The first Egyptian (and Arabic) book on psychology was written in Egypt in 1895
under the title Psychology by Sheikh Mohammed Sherif Saliem. The book was published
in 1911 when the Egyptian Ministry of Education decided to use it as a reference for
students at teacher schools in Cairo. In 1906 the term psychology appeared for the first
time in the curriculum approved by the Ministry of Education in Cairo. In 1891, the
Egyptian physician Mohammed Nagaty published a book entitled Insanity. The period
from 1890 to 1920s witnessed copious writings on psychology, as Farag (1987) has
noticed. In early 1920s, Henry Claparede, while on visit to Cairo, advised the government
to established an institute for education aimed at qualification of school teachers. By
establishing the Higher Institute for Education in Cairo in 1929, psychology started to be
known as a distinguished scientific discipline (Soueif & Ahmed, 2001).
Since its establishment in 1908, Cairo University offered few psychology courses as a
part of its philosophy department’s curriculum. Until the early 1970s, psychology was
introduced at Egyptian universities as part of the philosophy and/or sociology
departments’ curricula. By 1974, separate psychology departments had been opened at
the universities of Ain Shams, Cairo, and Alexandria, in that order. Soon, all other
Egyptian universities established separate psychology departments.
Between the 1940s and 1970s, psychoanalysis theory garnered huge interest from
Egyptian psychologists, especially those who were working at Ain Shams University in
Cairo. This was due to the efforts of one Egyptian pioneer, Mustafa R. Zewar, who studied
psychoanalysis and medicine in France and who established in 1950 a psychology
department based on multiscientific approaches at Ain Shams University (Zewar, 1986).
In 1956, the National Centre for Sociological and Criminal Research (NCSR) was opened
in Cairo. Among the activities and duties of the NCSR are the conducting of research,
through its units, to investigate societal problems. Under the auspices of the NCSR,
several psychological research studies have been conducted. Examples of these studies
are the “cannabis project” (known later as the Lasting Program for Drug Abuse), and “the
woman’s changing role in the society” project. Through the two periodicals issued by the
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NCSR since 1958 (i.e., The National Review of Sociological Research and the National
Review of Criminal Research), several psychological research studies have been
published, mostly in Arabic.
Pioneers in Egyptian Psychology
Psychology as a science started in Egypt in the mid-1930s, when the first Egyptian
pioneers in psychology, Abdel-Aziz H. El-Koussy (1906–1992), Yousef Murad (1906–1966),
Mustafa Zewar (1907–1990), and Ahmed E. Rageh (1908–1980), returned home after
earning their degrees in England (Abdel-Aziz H. El-Koussy, in 1934) and France (Yousef
Murad, in 1940; Ahmed E. Rageh, in 1938; Mustafa Zewar, in 1942). These pioneers had
a great impact on the development of psychology and education in Egypt and other Arab
countries (Abou-Hatab, 1992; Farag, 1987). As results of their efforts: (a) many graduate
students were sent abroad, especially to the United Kingdom and France, and later to the
United States, while others obtained their degrees locally under the supervision of these
pioneers; (b) psychology programs were expanded and increased in number to cover a
variety of topics and approaches; (c) programs for postgraduate studies (diploma, M.A.,
Ph.D. degrees in psychology) were set up; (d) psychological laboratories were established
(the first Egyptian psychological laboratory was established in 1929); (e) psychological
clinics were opened, the first in 1928, to serve the Higher Institute of Education; (f) many
publications appeared and a great number of research studies were conducted; (g) the
Egyptian Association for Psychological Studies (EAPS) was founded in 1948; and (h)
psychology as a distinct scientific discipline and as a profession received increasing
recognition from the public and from officials, which later (in the mid-1970s) helped in
establishing separate university psychology departments (Ahmed, 1992, 2004; Ahmed &
Gielen, 1998b).
In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the second wave of Egyptian pioneers in psychology
appeared. These include mostly those Egyptian psychologists who graduated from
schools in the United States and United Kingdom. The list includes F. B. Sayed [El-Sayed],
L. K. Melieka, M. A. Ahmed, M. E. Ismail, and E. M. Kh. Morsy, and the first Egyptian
woman psychology professor, Semia A. Fahmy. The list includes also M. I. Soueif, who
earned his doctorate from Cairo University 1954. A few years later, another Egyptian
woman, Ramazia el-Gharib, became the second woman professor of psychology at Ain
Shams University in Cairo.
Some Egyptian psychologists, especially the pioneers, contributed to international

psychology. As an example, Vernon (1971, p. 17) wrote: “The symbol k for the spatial
factor was first applied by El-Koussy (1935) who gave 26 tests to 162 boys (p. 165) aged
11 to 13. He showed by tetrad analysis that eight of these obtained loadings on such
factor with about the same variance as their g-loadings. According to introspective
evidence all these tests seemed to require visual imagery for their successful solution.
Other tests employing visual material, together with Cox’s Mechanical Explanation and
Completion (i.e., mechanical comprehension) tests, and school marks in woodwork and
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drawing, gave only low correlations with this factor.” Vernon also wrote (1971, p. 66)
“The Thurstones (1938a, 1941, 1948) included numerous spatial tests in their primary
mental abilities investigations and obtained a factor which they call S, obviously the same
as El-Koussy’s k, even as early as 5 to 6 years.” In the same page, Vernon wrote: “Emmett
(1949) recently reanalyzed El-Koussy’s figures and showed that several visual tests,
together with mechanical tests and woodwork marks, have almost as high k-loadings as
the original eight tests.”
As for F. E. El-Sayed (or F. B. Sayed, as mentioned by Vernon, 1971), Vernon (1971, p.

159) wrote: “Sayed (1951) compared plane and solid geometry at 6th form level with a
variety of spatial and other tests, and claimed to find evidence of a 2-dimensional space
factor in the former, 3-dimensional in the latter.”
Research Topics in Psychology in Egypt

Although it is not possible here to refer to all psychological studies conducted in Egypt
over the last 60 years, and to cover all psychological branches and topics, psychology
research in Egypt may be classified in the following five categories (Ahmed, 1992, 1998,
2004; Ahmed & Gielen, 1998b).
Prevailing Paradigmatic Research

In the 1940s through the 1970s, psychometric, experimental, psychoanalytic, clinical, and
applied approaches dominated the scene. Some new findings about the structure of
intelligence and learning were produced (A. H. El-Koussy, 1935; F. E. El-Sayed, 1951,
1958). The information-processing approach emerged in the late 1960s, and many studies
evolved from Egyptian psychology laboratories, especially at Ain Shams University (Abou-
Hatab, 1984).
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Standardization Of Psychological Tests

Standardization of psychological tests, scales, and questionnaires imported from the West
has been an important research interest of Egyptian psychologists since the early 1940s.
In the mid-1930s, El-Kappani and El-Koussy were early active psychologists who revised
and standardized many psychological tests, obtaining norms suitable for use in Egypt (El-
Koussy, 1985); their work is being continued by many others, such as L. K. Meleika, who
adapted and standardized many psychological tests, such as the Binet Intelligence Test,
the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Adults, and several subscales from the Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) (Abou-Hatab, 1977, 1992; Farag, 1987; Ahmed,
1992, 1999). Other psychological tests, such as Raven’s Matrices Test and Goodenough-
Harris’s Draw-A-Man-Test were also adapted to the Egyptian milieu (Abou-Hatab, 1977;
Farag, El-Sayed, & Magadi, 1976). Egyptian psychologists have showed an early interest
in adapting and standardizing some projective tests, such as the Thematic Appreciation
Test (Salama, 1956) and Rorschach’s Ink Blot Test (Galal, 1960), and in exploring the
suitability of the Rorschach Ink Blot Test in measuring intelligence (Ghoniem, 1955). By
the mid-1950s, Egyptian psychologists started to develop tests, measures, and scales for
measuring intelligence and mental abilities. Examples include the study conducted by M.
A. Ahmed (1951), who developed a battery for measuring Three-Dimensional Visualization
and Mental-Spatial Manipulation. Ahmed’s (1951) study demonstrates for the first time
the existence of a distinct mental manipulation factor. It should be added here that,
although Egyptian pioneers paid great attention to translating, adapting, and developing
measures and scales for assessing intelligence and mental abilities (El-Koussy, 1935;
Ahmed, 1951), the later generations of Egyptian psychologists have been involved mostly
in translating, adapting, or designing measures for assessing personality traits and social
aspects of behavior. In addition, almost all of the ten most used psychological tests in the
United States have been translated and adapted to the Egyptian (and Arab) milieu, and
only a few attempts have been made to build and development indigenous tests.
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Replication And Cross-Cultural Studies

From the early 1960s to the present, many Egyptian psychologists have conducted
replication studies with cross-cultural comparisons. They include, for example studies on
values (Hana, 1965); youth attitudes (Nagaty, 1962); personality (Abdel-Razek, 2005;
Askar, 1996b; Gaber & El-Sheikh, 1978); test anxiety, trait anxiety, and arousability (El-
Zahar & Hocevor, 1991); collectivism versus individualism (p. 166) (Darwish & Hubert,
2002); uncertainty avoidance (Darwish, 2005); societal risk perception (Ahmed, Macri, &
Mullet, 2006); drug addiction (Ghanem, 2000); children’s perception of parental behavior
(Askar, 1996a); adolescents’ gender role (Ahmed & Gibbons, 2007); modernization and
parental permissiveness (Nagaty, 1963); identity disorders (Ahmed & Megreya, 2008); the
factorial structure and measurement invariance of the Center for Epidemiological
Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D) in Egypt and the United States (Gadelrab, 2006); and
Piagetian research with children and adolescents (Ahmed, 1981, 1989). It was noted that,
although the majority of Egyptian cross-cultural or replication studies have focused on
the comparison between Egyptian and other Arab respondents, very few studies (among
them Abdel-Razek, 2005; Ahmed, Macri, & Mullet, 2006; Ahmed, 1981; Darwish, 2005;
Darwish & Hubert, 2002; El-Zahar & Hocevor, 1991; and Gadelrab, 2006) have compared
Egyptians with subjects from the West. In his conclusion on the status of Arab psychology
(Egypt included), Soueif (1998b, p. 581) wrote: “By and large cross-cultural research
seems to be one of the few truly promising areas of research among Arab psychologists.”
Special Research Problems

A number of special research problems are pertinent to changing Egyptian culture and
society. For example, in response to the rising rate of cannabis consumption since the late
1950s, many interdisciplinary studies were conducted to explore the various aspects of
this problem. The first one of these studies was the “cannabis project,” led and
supervised for more than 35 years by M. I. Soueif in collaboration with several
psychologists working mainly at Cairo University (Ahmed, 1997; British Journal of
Addiction, 1988; Soueif, 1990, 1991, 1998a Soueif & Ahmed, 2001). Later, the project was
expanded to include studies on substances other than cannabis, such as opium and heroin
addiction, addiction to nonprescription drugs, and cigarette smoking. The project
employed in its studies several sectors of Egyptian society and population, such as
intermediate and secondary students, university students, professionals, and industry
workers. The project has inspired some Egyptian and Arab psychologists to deal with the
problem of drug addition (e.g., Ghanem, 2000, in Egypt; Debies, 2001, in Saudi Arabia).
Soueif has also led a group of psychologists in conducting a series of research studies
dealing with extreme response sets (Soueif, 1958, 1965b), creativity (Soueif, 1978), and
personality (Soueif, 1990, 1991). Modernization and parental permissiveness (Nagaty,
1963), women’s issues (Ahmed, 1991), and children’s drawings have also received wide
attention from Egyptian psychologists (Abou-Hatab, 1977; Farag et al., 1976).
During the last two decades, some Egyptian psychologists have focused on developing
intervention programs that are aimed at modifying or improving different forms of
behavior, in children and adolescents in particular. Examples of these efforts include
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Habib’s (2000) study on developing creativity in childhood stages; Abdel-Moety’s (2006)

study on the impact of professional intervention in reducing the severity of violence
among secondary school students; El-Sayed’s (2006) study on the efficacy of relaxation
with visualization and biofeedback training in reducing the levels of generalized anxiety
disorder in university students; and El-Beheary’s (2007) study, which explored the impact
of a suggested emotional intelligence program on reducing children’s behavioral
problems (i.e., aggression, introversion, and lying). Comparison between pre- and post-
assessment showed a positive change in children’s behavior as a result of administering
the program. Another study (El-Beheary, 2008) has focused on school violence: its
negative impacts, prevention strategies, and therapeutic interventions. Another example
of Egyptian intervention studies is the study by Mohammed (2006) that explored the
efficiency of a suggested multimedia program based on the theory of multiple intelligence
on the achievement and development of some thinking and achievement motivation skills
among intermediate school students with learning difficulties in science.
Other Egyptian psychologists explored the impact of using emotive-rationale therapy on

eradicating superstitious ideas and beliefs among university students (Omara, 1985), the
efficiency of an individual and group counseling program in reducing the level of
aggressive behavior (Omara, 2004), or improving parental skills and reducing children’s
behavioral problems by using a counseling program (Abdel-Sayed, 2003). Others have
investigated the need for psychological counseling to confront identity crisis in
adolescence (Morsy, 2002).
A few Egyptian psychologists have focused on the effectiveness of proposed programs on

improving the capabilities of the mentally retarded. Examples include the study by El-
Beheary (2003), which explored the effectiveness of intervention programs based on the
Intermittent Limited Extensive (p. 167) Pervasive (ILEP) model of support for individuals
with developmental disabilities.
A few attempts have been made by Egyptian psychologists to improve reading process
and language education, and to overcome learning difficulties. These attempts include Al-
Farmawy’s (2004) study that explored the effectiveness of a suggested program to
improve meta-reading skills, and Bedair’s (2004) study, which examined the effectiveness
of some suggested strategies for efficient language education in kindergarten children.
Some Egyptian studies have been conducted and aimed at improving psychological
aspects through physical education and sports. Examples of these studies include that by
Heda (2006), who investigated the impact of a swimming learning program on self-
confidence in sample of 9- to 12-year-old blind girls. Results revealed a significant
increase in the level of self-confidence due to administering the suggested swimming
learning program.
Since the mid-1970s, very few Egyptian psychologists have shown an interest in
employing nonpsychometric approaches, such as psychoanalysis and phenomenological
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methods. Examples include S. J. Abdel-Hameed’s (2006) study that investigated wisdom

among the aged by using a phenomenological approach as a framework.
New Trends In Psychology Research In Egypt

Since the early 1990s, some new trends in psychology research in Egypt have become
visible. Examples of research in this new trend of research are studies that focused on
the impact of crisis and tragic events (Abdel-Rahman, 2003).
Recently, some other Egyptian psychologists have engaged nontraditional topics.

Examples include Abou-Hashem’s (2004) book Psychology of Skills, which deals with the
acquisition and measurement of linguistic, mathematical, mental-cognitive, behavioral,
and social skills.
A book by Bedair (2004) suggested strategies for learning education in kindergarten.

Other examples include Awad’s (2001) book Adolescents’ Pressures and Confrontation
Skills: Diagnosis and Treatment; Abdel-Rahman’s (2006) Domestic Violence: Reasons and
Therapy; and Mershed’s (2006) book on Aggressive Behavior Modification for Normal and
Special Needs Children: A Guide for Parents.
During the 1970s, few Egyptian studies have been conducted to deal with political issues.
Among these studies are Hefny’s 1970 study on the differences between Ashkinism and
Saverdem in Israel, and Al-Mounefi’s 1984 study on political socialization in Egypt
(Ahmed, 1998). Recently, some researchers have reactivated this trend. Examples include
El-Sayed’s (1994) study on Political Behavior: Theory and Reality; Moussa’s (2001) study
on “political psychology: political participation and its relation with some psychological
variables in a sample of university students”; and Al-Mestkawy (2007) study “self-image
and the other-image: between Arabs and Israel.”
Some Egyptian psychologists explored the suitability of some intelligence theories.

Examples include Khader’s (2004) study in which Sternberg’s triadic model of
intelligence has been investigated in an Egyptian sample. Other Egyptian psychologists
investigated social intelligence and related variables. Examples include Othman’s and
Hasan’s (2003) study on social intelligence and its relation with learning motivation,
shyness, courage, and academic achievement among male and female university
students. Results revealed that social intelligence correlated significantly and positively
with academic achievement, courage, and learning motivation, and significantly
negatively with shyness. Male and senior students were significantly higher on most
aspects of social intelligence compared with their female and junior counterparts.
Emotional intelligence (EI) has received great attention from Egyptian psychologists
during the last two decades. The work of S.Y. Al-Aaser at the Girls College, Ain Shams
University, in Cairo paved the road for Egyptian (and Arab) psychologists to investigate EI
and its related variables, through her translations of required materials, such as books
and measures (i.e., Bar-On Emotional Intelligence Quotient Inventory, B-O EIQI), and
through her supervision of several master theses and doctoral dissertations.
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Similarly, critical thinking and other cognitive aspects received considerable attention
from Egyptian psychologists. An early study by Mahmoud (1966) investigated factors
affecting critical thinking. Othman’s (1992, 1993) two studies focused on developing an
index for critical thinking, personality, and the impact of critical thinking on reducing
prejudice level among university students. In a more recent study, Faraag (2006) sought
the relationship between university students’ critical thinking levels and factors such as
gender, academic specialization (science vs. literature humanities vs. social sciences),
and place of residence (urban vs. rural settings). Other Egyptian researchers (Ahmed &
El-Shenway, 2005, February) investigated the (p. 168) relationship between critical
thinking and extreme response sets in Kuwaiti and Egyptian secondary school and
university students.
The last three decades have witnessed a significant increase in the investigation of topics
related to childhood. S. K. Ahmed (1997) published a comprehensive explorative
bibliography on Egyptian psychology research studies on childhood issues that had been
prepared for obtaining M.A. and/or Ph.D. degrees and submitted to some major
universities in Egypt (Cairo, Ain Shams, Alexandria, Helwan, and Al-Azhar Universities)
between 1990 and 1996. According to S. K. Ahmed (1997) the number of these studies
reached 220.
Perceptions of parental behavior and related psychological, social, and demographic

variables have attracted Egyptian psychologists since the early 1960s. Several theoretical
and Western and locally devised measures have been used. In general, results of Egyptian
studies came in line with corresponding Western results (Ahmed, 2008).
Developmental and cognitive issues have received reasonable attention from Egyptian
psychologists during the last 10 years. Examples include Abdel-Hamid’s (2006, 2007)
studies on counting in Egyptian children with Down syndrome. Other Egyptian
psychologists investigated new issues in cognitive psychology, such as face matching and
recognition, and the impact of cultural context (Megreya & Burton, 2007).
A few psychologists have paid attention to psychosocial pathology. Among them is the
Egyptian psychoanalyst Ahmed Fayek, who wrote in 2001 a book entitled Psychosocial
Pathology: Toward a Theory on the Disturbing Relationship Between Individual and the
Society.
Some Egyptian studies have focused on topics such as measurement and the use of
statistics in psychology. Examples include M. H. H. Mohammed’s (2005) study, which
reviewed the applications of factor analysis in educational and psychological research
published in two Egyptian psychology journals (Egyptian Journal of Psychological Studies
and Psychological Studies) between 1999 and 2003, and revealed that about 25% of these
studies have used explorative factor analysis. This body of research includes also
Gadelrab’s (2006) cross-cultural study on the factorial structure and measurement
invariance of CES-D Depression Scale in high school adolescents in Egypt and United
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States by using Confirmatory Factor Analysis. In another study by Gadelrab (2007), the
focus was placed on the relationship between an item’s cognitive components and its
difficulty using path analysis and the Rash Model.
During the last few decades, very few collaborative attempts between psychologists and
psychiatrists in Egypt have been achieved, mostly aimed at determining and assessing
the physiological mechanisms of general ability (Tantawi, Sayed, & Farwiz, 1994).
During the 1960s, some Egyptian psychologists began to show an interest in investigating
topics related to sport psychology. M. H. Alawai was the first Arab psychologist in this
field. Due to his efforts, psychology courses have been adopted in sports colleges in Egypt
and other Arab countries. In addition to his several research studies in sport psychology,
he supervised a huge number of master and doctoral theses conducted by several
Egyptian and Arab sport psychologists, which covered a variety of topics related to sport
psychology. Also due to his efforts, the Egyptian Association of Sport Psychology was
established in the early 1990s, of which M. H. Alawai is the president. One of the major
contributions of Alawai is his book entitled Encyclopedia of Psychological Tests for the
Athletics (1998), in which he developed and translated from English more than 80
psychological tests cover almost all topics related to sport psychology.
It is notable that Arab psychologists in general rarely build theoretical models in

psychology. However, in Egypt, a number of psychologists have developed psychological
models during the last 60 years. They are A. H. El-Koussy (the three-dimensional model of
intellect), Y. Murad (the developmental model), A. Z. Saleh (the learning model), F. E. El-
Sayed (the hierarchical model of intellectual abilities), R. M. El-Gharib (the factorial
analysis of practical ability), M. I. Soueif (the model of creative thinking and the
personality model), and F. A. Abou-Hatab (the four-dimensional model for cognitive
processes) (Abou-Hatab, 1984, 1988a; Abdel-Mawgoud, 2000; Mohammed, 2008).
Psychology Associations in Egypt

At present, there are five psychology associations in Egypt, the EAPS, established in
1948, and one of founding groups of the International Union of Psychological Science
(IUPYs); the Egyptian Psychologists’ Association (EPA), established in the early 1990s; the
Egyptian Society for Psychoanalysis (ESP), which was established by a group of Egyptian
psychoanalysts in the early 1990s; and the Egyptian Association for Mental Health
(EAMH), which was founded in the late 1970s (p. 169) mainly by psychiatrists. The fifth
Egyptian psychology association is the Egyptian Association for Sport Psychology,
established in the early 1990s; its membership consists of sports psychologists and
interested athletes, who work at Egyptian and some other Arab sports colleges.
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Conferences and Meetings

The first Arab conference of psychology was held in Egypt in May 1971, organized by the
National Centre for Sociological and Criminal Research in Cairo.
Since 1985, the EAPS holds an annual conference, which is usually well attended by
Egyptian and Arab psychologists. The 25th Annual Convention of the Egyptian
Association for Psychological Studies (along with the 17th Annual Convention of Arab
Psychology) was held February 2–4, 2009 and hosted by the Faculty of Education, Ain
Shams University, Cairo.
The First Regional Conference of the Egyptian Psychologists’ Association was held in
Cairo from November 18–20, 2007. The conference was well attended by Egyptian and
Arab psychologists, in addition to a number of non-Arab psychologists.
The Egyptian Society for Psychoanalysis held it third international conference October
29–November 2, 2008. The conference’s theme was “Terrorism and Violence.” The
conference was well attended by researchers from Egypt, Arab, and non-Arab countries.
Publications
In the early 1950s, Yousuf Mourad established, with his associates, the Group of
Integrative Psychology (GIP). Under the auspice of the GIP, several organic Arabic-
language and translated (from English and French), books have been published.
Examples include (Ahmed, 1998) El-Drobey’s book Science of Characters, in 1951;
Soueif’s book Creativity in Arts, and in Poetry in Particular in 1954; and Dousseki’s book
Panel Psychology, in 1957.
L. K. Meleika’s efforts in introducing psychological diagnosis and treatment (therapy)

should be considered. His publications include the books Neuro-Psychology Evaluation
and the Development of Psychology, Behavioral Therapy and Behavior Modification,
Psychoanalysis and Humanistic Approach in Psychotherapy, and Psychotherapy. During
the last two decades, several publications on clinical and counseling psychology have
appeared in Egypt. Examples include Soueif’s (1985) book A Source Book of Clinical
Psychology, Shoukeir’s (2000) Clinical Psychology: Diagnosis, Psychotherapy, and
Psychological Counseling, and Al-Aqad’s Psychology of Aggression/Hostility and Its
Control: A New Cognitive Therapeutic Approach (2001). Some Egyptian psychologists
have focused on translating Western psychology-related books such as the Scott,
Williams, and Beck’s book Cognitive Therapy in Clinical Practice: An Illustrative
Casebook (2002).
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Books in other fields of psychology in Egypt are numerous. Topics such cognitive styles,
creativity, and motivation have ben covered by Al-Sharkawy, who published the following
three books: Cognitive Styles in Psychology and Education, in 1995; Creativity and Its
Application, in 1999; and Motivation and Academic and Vocational Achievement and Its
Evaluation, in 2000. As for criminal psychology, several Egyptian books have dealt with
the field, among them M. Fathey’s four-volume book Criminal Psychology: Science and
Practice (1950–1965). During the last five decades, several Egyptian books have been
published on industrial, vocational, and organizational psychology and/or vocational
guidance. One good example is Taha’s (2007) book Industrial and Managerial Psychology.
Several books in social psychology have been published by Egyptian psychologists during
the last five decades. Examples include M. I. Soueif’s book: An introduction to social
psychology, 1962, and L. K. Meleika’s seven-volume pioneer book: Readings in social
psychology in the Arab countries, 1965, 1970, 1979, 1985, 1990, 1994, 2002.
M. H. Alawai published in 1998 his Encyclopedia of Psychological Tests for the Athletics,
which includes more than 80 locally developed and translated psychological tests for the
athletics.
Journals
The first Arab psychology journal was published in Egypt in 1948, entitled Journal of
Psychology, under the editorship of Y. Mourad and M. Zewar. The journal published
articles in Arabic written by Egyptians, and in English and/or French written by Western
psychologists and educators, such as H. Claparede and R. Zazazo. The journal stopped
appearing in 1953 due to financial and administrative reasons.
Compared with the other Arab countries, Egypt has a reasonable number of psychology
journals. The EAPS began publishing its journal Egyptian Journal of Psychological Studies
in 1991. In the same year, the EPA published its journal, Psychological Studies. Since
1996, the EAPS in collaboration with the Arab Association of Psychology (AAP) started to
(p. 170) publish occasionally an English language journal under the title Arab
Psychologist. Other Egyptian psychology periodicals include Arabic Studies in Psychology,
published by a group of psychologists working mainly at Cairo University, and since 2007,
published by the EPA. The department of psychology of Cairo University has started
recently to publish its Annals of Psychology. Menia University also publishes its own
psychology journal, Journal of Contemporary Psychology, until the late 1990s, and then
the Arab Journal of Contemporary Psychology, since 2005, and the Egyptian Journal for
Mental Health. Each of the faculties and colleges of Arts and Education of all 15
governmental Egyptian universities publishes its own annals/journal for arts, humanities,
and/or social sciences. The Center for Childhood Disabilities at Al-Azhar University in
Cairo, publishes, since the mid-1990, its own journal under the title Journal of Childhood
Disabilities.
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In 1993, the Centre of Psychological Counseling, Ain Shams University, in Cairo, started
to publish its own journal, the Journal of Counseling, which appear once or twice yearly.
The journal publishes articles and research studies written in Arabic by Egyptian and
Arab psychologists. A few years ago, the Institute of Educational Research and Studies,
Cairo University, Cairo, established a center for psychological counseling. Under the
center’s auspices, some research studies on counseling and related topics have been
conducted. The center also offers some psychological counseling services, which focus
mainly on academic counseling and are directed at the university’s students.
Recently, the Faculty of Arts, Ain Shams University, Cairo, established a center for
psychological services. The center began in 2005 to publish in Arabic its own journal
under the title Journal of Psychological Services.
The Egyptian Journal of Psychiatry and the Egyptian Journal of Mental Health (published
by the Egyptian Association of Psychiatry) publish occasionally some psychology articles
and research studies (mainly in English) written by Egyptian psychologists.
Since 1989, the International Islamic Association of Mental Health (established in Cairo in
the 1980s) publishes its quarterly journal entitled The Assured Soul, which features
articles and research studies in psychiatry and psychology.
Finally, the Arab Council of Childhood and Development, Arab League, has published
since 2005—and in collaboration with the Institute of Educational Research and Studies,
Cairo University—Journal of Childhood and Development, in which some psychological
studies on childhood are occasionally featured.
Encyclopedias and Dictionaries

For the past several decades, Egyptian psychologists have showed an interest in
preparing encyclopedias and dictionaries. One of the early efforts in this field was
conducted by Egyptian psychiatrist W. Al-Kholy, in his A Short Encyclopedia of Psychology
and Psychiatry, in 1976. Other examples include H. A. Zahran’s Dictionary of Psychology
(1972), A. Alhefnee’s Encyclopedia of Psychology and Psychoanalysis (1978), K. M.
Dessougui’s two-volume Thesaurus of Psychology (1988, 1990), G. A. Gaber’s and A. E.
Kaffafi’s eight-volume Dictionary of Psychology and Psychiatry (1988, 1989, 1990, 1991,
1992, 1993, 1994, 1995), and F. A. Taha’s Encyclopedia of Psychology and Psychoanalysis
(2003).
Some Egyptian psychologists have focused on preparing encyclopedias and dictionaries

that deal with certain fields of psychology, such as special education. One example of this
kind of effort is A. E. El-Shakhs and A. A. El-Damaty’s Dictionary of Special Education and
Rehabilitation (1992).
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Other Egyptian psychologists, mainly those with educational interests, have prepared
encyclopedias and dictionaries that deal with psychological and educational terms.
Among those are M. M. Zaidan’s Dictionary of Psychological and Educational Terms (1979),
M. A. Al-Khuli’s Dictionary of Education (1981), and A. Z. Badawi’s A dictionary for the
social sciences ( 1982 ).
Job Opportunities
Psychology graduates in Egypt, as in other Arab countries, join the mainstream of the
profession by either providing psychological services to meet the needs of the public, or
by teaching. Students who graduate with a higher degree in psychology from the faculties
of arts have basically two career choices: a university teaching option with a Ph.D., or
hospital work, in which they may be hired as psychologists by one of the Ministries of
Health, Education, Social Affairs, Interior, or Industry. Here, they work as psychologists
for inpatient or outpatient clinics, in one of the public hospitals or schools, or in an
institution serving the physically and mentally handicapped, the aged, juvenile
delinquents, prisoners, or industry. Students who graduate from the faculties of education
are almost certain to move directly into a teaching position at one of the (p. 171) national
universities if they have perseverance enough to get M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in education,
or at one of the public intermediate or secondary schools with anything less (lesser
salary). Psychology graduates in Egypt (as in the most Arab and Third World countries)
have difficulty in getting positions as psychologists due to the economic problems,
insufficient qualification, and a lack of recognition of psychology’s importance. Only in
the oil-producing Arab states do psychology graduates have a good opportunity to work in
the field (Ahmed & Gielen, 1998b). Twenty years ago, the Ministry of Education in Cairo
decided to provide each secondary school with one psychology graduate to work as a
school psychologist; for that purpose, the ministry has hired over the last two decades
more than 1,000 psychology graduates to work as school psychologists.
Image of Psychology
As in many other Arab and non-Arab countries, Egyptian psychology faces a lack of
recognition and awareness among the public. As Melikain (1984, p. 74) noted (Arab)
“psychology has not been recognized as a potential contributor to development planning.
Whatever consulting role psychologists have played has been primarily restricted in
ministries of education and occasionally ministries of health. However, special education
and human services are the areas in which [Arab] psychologists have made a significant
impact.” Moreover, studies have shown that the image and awareness of psychology are
weak among the public, and even among psychology students themselves (El-Sayed &
Khaleefa, 1995; Y. A. Mohammed, 2005; Soueif, 1978). For example, El-Sayed and
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Khaleefa’s (1995) study showed that although a positive image of psychology and its
applications was held by the well-educated public, compared with the lower-educated
public, both groups’ images were far from a recent and accurate image of modern
psychology. Y. A. Mohammed’s (2005) study found that, although psychology students in
general have more positive attitudes toward psychology compared with other disciplines’
students, female psychology students—compared with their male counterparts—
expressed more positive attitudes toward psychology and its importance in life.
Teaching Psychology and Qualification of

Psychology Students
In Egypt, 15 government-run universities contain 60 psychology departments that belong
either to faculties of arts (academic psychology) or to faculties of education (where the
departments for educational psychology and/or departments for mental hygiene or health
are located). In addition, women’s colleges in both Ain Shams and Al-Azahr Universities
have departments for psychology, in which women only are allowed to enroll. Moreover,
the 6th of October University (one of the private universities in Egypt) established in the
mid-1990s its own psychology department. Finally, the American University in Cairo
(AUC, established in 1920) has a branch of psychology.
In general, students need 4 years to obtain a B.A. in general psychology. There is no

specialization at the undergraduate level nor at the graduate level. Recently, Cairo
University set a plan to offer an M.A. program in clinical psychology (Farag, 2008). Apart
from the American University in Cairo, psychology courses are typically offered in Arabic.
As a result, most of the teaching materials (and also journals and books) are in Arabic.
The impact of using the Arabic language as a medium of instruction psychology is both
positive and negative. On one hand, instruction in Arabic keeps psychology integrated
with Arab culture; on the other hand, because Arabic is the medium of instruction, many
Egyptian psychologists are not proficient in English and are less likely to publish in
international journals. Consequently, there is a danger that Egyptian psychology will
remain parochial in some respects.
Teaching psychology at Egyptian universities follows the British system. All Egyptian
universities have long been offering psychology programs at the B.A, M.A., and Ph.D.
levels (along with several academic and professional diplomas). No accreditation system
comparable to the American Psychological Association (APA)’s accreditation system for a
doctorate program currently exists in Egypt. There is a need to establish standards to
evaluate the comprehensiveness and quality of psychology undergraduate and graduate
programs in Egypt (and in the other Arab countries as well). It is difficult to evaluate the
comprehensiveness and quality of the curriculum because no country-wide rating system
exists.
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Due to the expansion of psychology departments during the last four decades and
students’ exposure to the field, graduate enrollments in master’s and doctoral programs
have grown steadily. By 1998, an estimated 20,000 psychology graduates at the B.A. level
and 2,500 M.A. and Ph.D.s were already active in Egypt. The ratio of active psychologists
is at present about three psychologists per 100,000 population, (p. 172) which, although
still markedly inadequate, is the highest of any Arab country (Ahmed, 2004; Ahmed &
Gielen, 1998b).
In general, psychology in Egypt (and in other Arab countries as well) is still taught in the
colleges of arts or education. These generally accept students with lower scores on the
secondary school certificate than is typical for colleges of engineering, medicine, and
pharmacology. As in other Arab and Third World countries, psychology in Egypt has not
been able to attract many highly qualified students, especially males. Top-quality
secondary school graduates tend to select more lucrative and prestigious fields of study
(Ahmed, 1992, 2004).
In Egypt, as in the other Arab countries, the majority of psychology students are females
(females comprise 70%–80% of psychology students). Consequently, and for several
reasons, the number of female psychology graduates who tend to pursue their higher
studies (i.e., M.A. and/or Ph.D.) has dramatically increased, compared with their male
counterparts, especially during the last two decades. Similarly, the ratio of female
psychology staff members at Egyptian universities is estimated at 50%–60% of the total
number of psychology staff members in Egypt.
Efforts of Egyptian Universities to Promote

Psychology in Egypt
Recently, some Egyptian universities started to offer programs to qualify psychology
graduates, as well as other graduates such as physicians, educationists, and social
workers, in specialized fields such as speech disorders. Examples include the program on
speech disorders offered by Girls College, Ain Shams University, Cairo. The Faculty of
Education, Ain Shams University in Cairo, the oldest faculty of education in the Arab
world and Africa, established a Center of Psychological Counseling in the early 1990s.
The center has played an important role in encouraging and supporting psychological
counseling in Egypt and other Arab countries as well. Several programs and diplomas are
offered by the center, and a journal for counseling has been published since 1993, as the
first and only specialized journal for counseling. In addition, the center holds yearly, and
since 1995, an international conference on psychological counseling. The conference
represents a good opportunity for Egyptian and Arab psychologists to present their
research.
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Moreover, the Faculty of Education, Ain Shams University, established and has for many
years offered several professional 1-year diplomas in education, mental health, and
educational psychology, along with M.A. and Ph.D. programs. Among these professional
diplomas is one for the qualification of school psychologists, and another that aims at
qualifying psychology graduates in psychological testing.
The Department of Psychology, Faculty of Arts, Cairo University, established in the early
1990s a psychological center that played an important role in conducting and publishing
a good number of psychological research studies conducted mainly by the psychology
staff of Cairo University. The center also holds several training programs to qualify
psychology graduates in different topics, especially measurement.
The Influence (Impact) of Egyptian Psychology/

Psychologists on the Development of
Psychology in Other Arab Countries
Psychology appeared in Egypt much earlier than in any other Arab countries. The
pioneering role of psychology in Egypt has affected the march and development of
psychology in other Arab countries. Gilgen and Gilgen (1987, p. 14) wrote “Egyptian
psychology has had a strong influence within the Arab World.” The influence (impact) of
Egyptian psychology can be traced as follows:
• Establishing psychology departments. Several psychology departments have been

established through the assistance of Egyptian psychologists. Examples include the
Department of Psychology, Faculty of Arts and Education, Kuwait University, Kuwait,
1966; the Department of Psychology, King Saud University, Department of Psychology,
King Abdel-Aziz University, Ryiad Saudi Arabia, in the 1970s; the Department of
Psychology, Mohamed IV University, Fes, Morocco, in the 1980s; and the Department
of Psychology, Sultan Qaboos University, Sultanate of Oman, in the late 1980s.
• Qualification of Arab psychologists. Recent surveys (Ahmed, 1992; 2004; Ahmed &
Gielen, 1998b; 2008) showed that a great number of Arab psychologists (from Syria,
Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Yemen, Kuwait, Palestine, Bahrain, Algeria,
Morocco, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Sultanate of Oman, in that order) have
studied in Egyptian universities, especially at Ain Shams University and Cairo
Universities, in that order.
• Egyptian psychologists working in other countries. A great number of Egyptian
psychologists (p. 173) were (and are) working, permanently or temporarily, at
universities located in several other Arab countries, and especially the Gulf oil-
producing Arab states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates,
and the Sultanate of Oman), Jordan, and Libya. In 1987, Farag, who called this
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phenomenon the “brain drain” estimated that 200 Egyptian psychologists are active in
other Arab countries.
• Professional membership. A good number of Arab psychologists hold membership in
the EAPS, and/or the EPA.
• Conference attendance. Many Arab psychologists participate actively at the annual
conferences held by the EAPS and the Ain Shams’ Counseling Centre. As an example,
at the first regional meeting of the EPA (November 2007), more than 20 Arab
psychologists were present.
• Periodicals and publishing. Due to relatively advanced publishing opportunities in
Egypt, compared with other Arab countries, several psychology research studies
written by Arab psychologists were published in Egyptian psychology periodicals.
Private Practice of Psychology in Egypt

The private practice of psychology in Egypt started in the mid-1940s, when a very few
psychologists began to offer diagnosis and treatment. The practice was greatly influenced
by orthodox psychoanalysis orientations. In 1955, a great debate arose concerning
passing a law to regulate the private nonmedical practice of psychology. Thanks to the
efforts of some Egyptian psychology individuals such as A. H. El-Koussy, Chancellor M.
Fathey, A. E. Rageh, and Y. Mourad, the legislation was passed. According to the 1955
law, to get a license to practice nonmedical therapy, Ph.D. degree holders must pass an
exam held by a committee that consists of senior officials from the Ministries of Health
and Justice, and the heads of psychiatry departments at Cairo and Ain Shams
Universities. Between 1955 and 1990, the number of licensed psychologists who
practiced privately was very small. The last two decades have witnessed an increase in
the number of Egyptian psychologists licensed to practice therapy privately. It could be
added here that behavioral therapy and emotional cognitive therapy are most common
techniques used by Egyptian psychologists. Very few number of Egyptian psychologists
use psychoanalysis.
Ethics Codes
Egyptian psychologists realized early the importance of the existence of ethics codes. The
1955 law that organized the nonmedical private practice of psychologists includes some
ethical rules and standards.
The last three decades have witnessed attempts to establish a code of ethics for
psychologists in Egypt (see Berkat, 1986; Hamaza, 1986; Mahmoud, 1993). In 1995, the
Egyptian Psychologists’ Association called for a forum at which a proposal for an ethics
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code based on the APA’s regulations and ethics code was opened for general discussion.
Later, the ethics code proposal was approved in a joint meeting of the EAPS and the EPA
(Taha, 2003).
Psychology and Islam in Egypt

The last five decades have witnessed a growing trend in Egyptian (and to a very lesser
degree, Arab) psychology to relate psychology to Islam. Some psychologists focused on
the contributions of the early Arab and Muslim scholars to psychology (Al-Abd, 1986; Al-
Haj, 1993; Al-Mateily, 1993; Al-Othman, 1963; Al-Sharkawy, 1979; Al-Taib, 1993; Eissoy,
1975; Nagaty, 1961; Othman, 1989; Rabie, 1993; Soueif, 1965a), while others have tried
to reintroduce psychology, counseling, and psychotherapy in an Islamic framework (Abou-
Hatab, 1988b, 1993b; Al-Sharkawy, 1993; Al-Shenway, 1993; Eissoy, 1988; Ezz el-Din,
1993; Mohammed, 1993; Morsy, 1993; Nagaty, 1982, 1989, 1993b; Soliman, 1990; Taha,
1993). Although few Egyptian psychologists have written about the psychology of
invitation (guiding) to Islam, to provide clerks and other religious authorities with a
better understanding of non-Muslims (Al-Hady, 1995; Moussa, 1999), very few Egyptian
psychologists have dealt with some typical Islamic phenomena, such Sufism (Al-Nagar,
1984). Moreover, other Egyptian psychologists have focused on preparing an ethics code
for Muslim psychologists (Mahmoud, 1993). Such efforts can also be found in other
Islamic countries, such as Pakistan, as noted by Ansari 1992 (cited in Ahmed & Gielen,
2008), but it is too early to judge the value of these efforts.
Conclusion
Strengths and Shortcomings
To summarize this review (and also according to Ahmed, 1992, 1998, 2004; Ahmed &
Gielen, 1998a, b, 2008; Eissoy, 1989; Gielen, 2007; Safwat, 1996; Soueif & Ahmed, 2001),
psychology in Egypt (p. 174) (and also in other Arab countries) can be characterized in
the following ways:
• A great number of Egyptian psychology research studies are method-rather than

problem-oriented.
• About 30% of all Egyptian psychological research studies have focused on
personality and social psychology, whereas research topics such as cognition and
clinical issues have received less attention from Egyptian psychologists. Furthermore,
topics relevant to experimental, physiological, neurocognitive psychology,
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Egypt
psychopharmacology, and animal behavior have only rarely been a subject of

investigation by Egyptian psychologists.
• A great majority of Egyptian research studies have been conducted by using school
and university students. Very few Egyptian research studies have sought to include
other populations as subjects. This practice, which can also be found in other areas of
the world, greatly limits the external validity of most psychological research conducted
in Egypt. It is doubtful, for instance, whether most findings based on samples of urban
students can be readily generalized to mature citizens residing in the rural areas in
Egypt, many of whom are illiterate or semiliterate.
• About 90% of Egyptian psychology research studies are conducted by a single
researcher. Studies that have been conducted by a research team are rare. Even rarer
are those studies that include collaboration between researchers belonging to different
specializations, such as psychology, medicine, law, and the like. This situation tends to
limits not only the intellectual horizon of the researchers but also the scope of the
envisaged research projects, as well as their sustained nature over time.
• There is far too little continuity in conducting research. A typical Egyptian
researcher starts working on a certain topic, but then moves on to study another topics
while leaving most questions related to the first topic still unanswered. In most cases,
the researchers do not follow-up their findings, which then become isolated. In
addition, Egyptian psychologists often come under pressure to leave research for other
jobs, such as teaching or administration. There is a certain irony in this situation: while
Egypt is frequently characterized as “collectivist,” most Egyptian psychology
researchers and those in some other social sciences appear to exhibit a rather
individualistic, self-contained outlook that makes collaboration with others inside and
outside their disciplines uncommon. Consequently, Egyptian psychologists tend to lack
proper contact both among themselves and with their non-Egyptian and/or non-Arab
counterparts. For instance, Egyptian psychologists are insufficiently aware of other
Arab psychologists’ work (such as Greater Maghreb’s psychologists) and vice versa.
• Egyptian (and Arab) psychologists in general do not tend to build theoretical models
in psychology. For instance, during the last 70 years, only a very few psychology
models have been elaborated in Egypt. Unfortunately, these models did not receive
enough attention, in part because they had not been elaborated in a proper way. This
suggest that Egyptian psychologists find it difficult to develop middle-range theories
that can be used to suggest and integrate new research strategies and findings.
• Egyptian (and Arab) psychology is not well represented in international and/or
regional meetings. Inspection of the attendance of Egyptian psychologists is very
limited compared with psychologists from some other Third World countries (Iran for
example). Some reasons for this situation are that most Egyptian psychological studies
are published in Arabic and, as a result, the Egyptian production in psychology is not
known to non-Arabic readers (Khaleefa, 2006); Egyptian psychologists have difficulties
communicating in English; and economic hardship prevents Egyptian psychologists
from participation in such meetings.
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• Unlike psychologists from India, Taiwan, China, Hong Kong, Japan, Mexico, and the
Philippines, Egyptian psychologists have so far failed to establish an indigenous Egypt/
Arab psychology properly reflecting the Arab and Muslim culture, and which
contributes substantially toward solving major societal problems.
• Economic hardships have negative impacts on the development and progress of
psychology in Egypt, because there is not enough funding to send a good number of
highly qualified psychology graduates to countries such as the United States or United
Kingdom to pursue their studies there. There is not enough funding to finance
research, and there is not enough funding to support psychologists in attending
international and/or regional meetings and conferences.
The preceding, rather skeptical diagnosis of Egyptian psychology shows striking

(p. 175)
similarities with the reported situation of psychology in many other Third World nations
(Abou-Hatab, 1988a, 1993a, 1996, 1997; Ahmed, 1992, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2004; Ahmed &
Gielen, 1998b, 2008; Khaleefa, 2006; Soueif & Ahmed, 2001; see also various country
chapters in Stevens & Wedding, 2004), as follows:
• Export–import relationship with Western psychology: Egyptian psychologists

continue to import Western psychology in typically unsystematic ways. Much of
Egyptian psychology, both academic and professional, reflects the assumptions,
theories, methods, instruments, and research findings found in Western psychology.
• Cognitive dependency: Most research findings, assumptions, models, theories,
methodologies, and tools (e.g., tests and questionnaires) taught at Egyptian
universities were imported from the West, including those that may already be judged
to be of questionable validity in their countries of origin.
• Severing the relationship with national heritage: Egyptian psychologists are
relatively unaware of the cultural nature of their discipline and have neglected to
integrate their national milieu with modern developments in psychology.
• Conceptual fads and irrelevancy: Most of the imported knowledge was never tested
in terms of its compatibility and relevance to the national culture and societal needs. A
recent investigation of some of these concepts suggests that they often reflect
conceptual fads (M. H. H. Mohammed, 2005; cf. Ahmed & Gielen, 2008; Farag, 2008;
Gielen, 2007; Khaleefa, 2006).
• Inhibition of creative psychological thinking: The epistemological dependence of
Egyptian psychology on the West inhibits creativity in Egyptian psychologists and
stifles the emergence of an indigenous psychology. It may also weaken the professional
identity of Egyptian psychologists.
• Loss of identity: Egyptian psychology and psychologists are not only suffering a lack
or loss of identity; they are also suffering a loss of professional identity. In this context,
Ahmed and Gielen (1998b, p. 40) have pointed to a “loss of a professional identity and
in many cases, an alienation from one’s national culture. Such feelings of alienation
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have reinforced the conviction of too many Arab [Egyptians are included] that they are
lacking a definite professional identity.”
• Misuse of psychology: In its beginning, psychology was practiced in Egypt in a way
that often served societal needs. Later, and as happened in many developing countries,
several forms of misuse of psychology started to appear in Egyptian psychology.
Examples of these forms of misuse are adopting (adapting), developing, and devising
tools without appropriate psychometric validation; and using and interpreting the
psychological tools by many unqualified individuals, including unqualified
psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers. One example is found in many of
Egyptian psychology departments, in which M.A. students are asked to develop their
own scales and measures to be used only (in most cases) to collect the data required
for their own studies. Another example was pointed out by Farag (2008), who states
that, although no real and efficient clinical qualification was offered by Egyptian
psychology departments, many holders of Ph.D. degrees in different fields of
psychology such social psychology, personality, etc., tend to practice clinical
psychology as nonmedical therapists. Farag (2008) added that even individuals who
have M.A. and/or Ph.D. degrees in clinical or counseling psychology from any of
Egyptian universities (and those are mostly based on investigations irrelevant to
clinical or counseling psychology) are suffering a lack of actual, real, and efficient
training.
A review of the Egyptian literature in psychology produced during the last six decades
shows that this production is not known to non-Arabic readers for several reasons, among
them that most Egyptian (and also Arab) psychology literature is written in Arabic, and
very few Arab studies have been published internationally (Khaleefa, 2006). Ahmed and
Gielen (2008) arrived at some conclusions and suggestions concerning the status of Arab
psychology, and such conclusions are applicable to Egyptian psychology as well:
• Liberate Egyptian psychology from the excessive influence of Western (and

especially American) psychology
• Establish a realistic perception of the scientific, cultural, and political dangers
involved in the dependency relationship between the “exporters” and “importers” of
psychology.
(p. 176)
• Create an efficient integration of the national heritage and Egyptian society’s

contemporary needs.
• Develop research strategies, assumptions, models, theories, methods, and
instruments (including tests and questionnaires) that are relevant to the national
culture and society.
• Emphasize the importance of successful psychological intervention. Mere
understanding is not enough.
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• As Gielen (2007) suggested, Arab psychologists (among them Egyptians) should

“think globally and act locally.” Egyptian psychologists, especially the younger ones,
should be encouraged to achieve a two-fold goal: to base their research studies on
solving problems within their own society, and at the same time, to conceptualize and
publish their findings (which have been arrived at by using internationally accepted
methodologies) in accordance with international standards. Thus, psychology in Egypt
needs to become intellectually independent while also measuring up to international
standards concerning theorizing, research, practice, and pedagogy. Only thus can
psychology become an effective force for appropriate social change while also
contributing to world psychology (Stevens & Wedding, 2004).
• At present, the main challenge for Egyptian psychologists is to provide high-quality
degree programs in traditional areas of psychology while creating new programs,
particularly interdisciplinary ones, that will attract the finest students and faculty
members. To do so, it is necessary to evaluate current and potential resources and
build on these assets to develop areas of strength that will enhance the visibility of
psychology in Egyptian higher education and better serve society (Ahmed & Gielen,
2008).
• In addition, Ahmed and Gielen (1998b) have suggested the foundation of an institute
of Arab psychology in Cairo, to develop more effective networks of communication and
cooperation between different disciplines across national and cultural borders. The
ultimate goal of such an institute would be to establish a creative culture supporting
fresh theorizing, cumulative research, and informed criticism.
In brief, much work needs to be done by Egyptian psychologists, as well as by those of

many other nations in the so-called developing world, before psychology can assume its
rightful place as a science and practice that is intellectually mature, socially useful and
responsible, and internationally oriented while preserving its local identity and relevance.
Future Directions
This critical review of the progress of psychology in Egypt indicates that some other
questions should be answered: What are the variables responsible for the process of
development in the society? Which factors could lead to enhancing the learning process,
especially for younger students? What are the factors affecting social cohesiveness? What
is the relationship between aggressive/hostility/extreme behavior and both social
structure and religion? What is/are the factor(s) responsible for phenomena such as the
high rate of divorce, high rate of crime, and especially crimes among family’s members
and relatives? What variables are related to creativity and creativity development?
Page 26 of 40

Egypt
Further Reading
Further Reading
Abo-Ghazala, S. A. G. (2008). The effectiveness of a counseling program based on reality

therapy in improving marital adjustment. Psychological Studies (Egypt), 18(2), 333–370
(in Arabic).
Al-Nassag, W. R. (2007). The optical density of the RNA and Nucleoprotein as a function
of meta-emotional deficiency among mentally retarded children. Egyptian Journal of
Psychological Studies (Egypt), 17(55), 419–460 (in Arabic).
Behgat, R. M. (2005). Enrichment and critical thinking: An experimental study on gifted

primary school children (2nd ed.). Cairo: Alem al-Koteb (in Arabic).
El-Hussieny, H. H. (2006). A model for cognitive and non-cognitive components of self-

regulated learning, and its relationship with academic performance in the light of Self-
System, and Expectancy-Value Model of Motivation. Egyptian Journal of Psychological
Studies (Egypt), 16(50), 385–436 (in Arabic).
Kafaffi, A. M. (1997). Developmental psychology: Psychology of childhood and

adolescence. Cairo: Al-Riselat Establishment (in Arabic).
Saleh, N. A. A. (2005). Lateral asymmetry in affective psychosis patients. Egyptian Journal

of Psychological Studies (Egypt), 15(47), 397–432 (in Arabic).
Shoukeir, Z. M. (2001). Social pathology and current problems. Cairo: The Anglo-Egyptian
Bookshop (in Arabic).
Soueif, M. I. (2001). Practice clinical psychology in the Egyptian cultural context: Some
personal experiences. International Journal of Group Tensions. 30(3), 241–266.
Tohamy, H. A. (2005). Sex differences in inter-hemispheric transfer. Egyptian Journal of

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Abstract and Keywords

Keywords: Egypt, pharaonic Egypt, Islam, psychology

Egypt: Land and Population

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Historical Roots of Psychology in Egypt

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Islamic and Arab Influences

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Modern Psychology in Egypt

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Pioneers in Egyptian Psychology

Some Egyptian psychologists, especially the pioneers, contributed to international

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As for F. E. El-Sayed (or F. B. Sayed, as mentioned by Vernon, 1971), Vernon (1971, p.

Research Topics in Psychology in Egypt

Prevailing Paradigmatic Research

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Standardization Of Psychological Tests

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Replication And Cross-Cultural Studies

Special Research Problems

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Habib’s (2000) study on developing creativity in childhood stages; Abdel-Moety’s (2006)

Other Egyptian psychologists explored the impact of using emotive-rationale therapy on

A few Egyptian psychologists have focused on the effectiveness of proposed programs on

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methods. Examples include S. J. Abdel-Hameed’s (2006) study that investigated wisdom

New Trends In Psychology Research In Egypt

Recently, some other Egyptian psychologists have engaged nontraditional topics.

A book by Bedair (2004) suggested strategies for learning education in kindergarten.

Some Egyptian psychologists explored the suitability of some intelligence theories.

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Perceptions of parental behavior and related psychological, social, and demographic

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It is notable that Arab psychologists in general rarely build theoretical models in

Psychology Associations in Egypt

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Conferences and Meetings

L. K. Meleika’s efforts in introducing psychological diagnosis and treatment (therapy)

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Encyclopedias and Dictionaries

Some Egyptian psychologists have focused on preparing encyclopedias and dictionaries

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Teaching Psychology and Qualification of

In general, students need 4 years to obtain a B.A. in general psychology. There is no

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Efforts of Egyptian Universities to Promote

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The Influence (Impact) of Egyptian Psychology/

• Establishing psychology departments. Several psychology departments have been

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Private Practice of Psychology in Egypt

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Psychology and Islam in Egypt

Strengths and Shortcomings

• A great number of Egyptian psychology research studies are method-rather than

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psychopharmacology, and animal behavior have only rarely been a subject of