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extend access to The Catholic Historical Review
by
Astrik L. Gabriel
459
Paquet has divided his publication into five chapters: in the first, he offers in
formation about the synonyms of the matricula (rotulus; registrum; liber;
carta-membrana; album; cathalogus; annales', even with the penetration of
teaching Greek in universities: Leucoma Rotuli); the subject inscribed (regis
trare) was considered matriculated (intitulatus).
At the University of Paris, the registers of chancellors (we must add "en bas,"
meaning Notre Dame,"en haut," the chancellor of the Abbey of Saint Genevi?ve)
furnish rich information. The accounts of the colleges also shed light on the en
rolled members of the university. If I may add, a good example is P A. Ford, "The
Medieval Account Books of the Parisian College of Dainville," Manuscripta, 9
(1965), 155-166. Besides sources of academic and ecclesiastical nature Paquet
punctiliously enumerates civil sources such as royal or princely and urban
archives.
He also clearly outlines the process of matriculation: first, the candidate hacl
to take an oath (juramentum), to respect and obey the Statutes; second, he had
to pay his dues (solvat pro fisco). If he was poor, as in Paris, he did not have to
pay, only to take an oath that he was really without any revenues (juravitpau
pertatem). Third, he had to be inscribed (conscribere) into the matricula or
other register.
Sometimes two matriculation lists were kept, one for the rector and another
for the "receptor" (treasurer) as in Padua (1331), Pavia (1395), and Bologna
(1432). Members of the religious orders usually (not always) were dispensed
from matriculation.
The longest chapter is the third, starting with the problem of the "author"
redactor of the matriculation list. Autograph inscriptions are rare. Usually it was
the rector who enrolled the newly arrived subjects into the matricula, but
sometimes a scribe or notary performed the task. Usually one matriculation roll
was made; in Italy at Padua (1331), Pavia (1395), and Bologna (1432), usually
two: one for the rector, and the second for the "receptor" (treasurer) or notary,
sometimes for the procurator of the nations within the university. Those who
were inscribed sometimes were identified as poor (pauperes) who could not
pay their dues; after other names was added solvit or dedit to acknowledge
their payments. Upon arrival a new member, at his first contact with an official
of the university, had to tell his first name (nomen), then the family name (cog
nomen). The transcription frequently was phonetical. In 1522, when Patricius
Hamilton, diocese of Saint Andrews, bachelor (t 1528), presented himself to Bla
sius De Varda, receptor-treasurer from Hungary, the later inscribed his name as
"Hommoton" (Paris, Sorbonne, Reg. 91 [85], fol. 205r).
Paquet gives very useful advice identifying those inscribed upon matricula
tion registers. In case of homonyms, one should identify, first, the diocese where
the individual came from, i.e., provenance of origin; second, the date of his stay
at the institution; third, the faculties or colleges to which he belonged. When
the subject's name was inscribed on the registration roll, usually it was followed
by the name of the geographical locality he came from: kingdom, territory, most
frequently the diocese. The geographical place of origin many times had several
different spellings; at Vienna, Dinkelsb?hl had twenty-eight different spellings
between 1385 and 1416. Paquet warns us to be cautious of accepting the place
of birth of the matriculated as given. Conrad Celtes was inscribed at the Uni
versity of Cologne as "de Schweinfurt"; actually he was born at Wipfeld near
Schweinfurt. Members of the religious orders were frequently identified as
"professus" or "frater." Paquet also cautions historians of universities against neg
ligence of the registering dignitary sometimes entirely omitting to inscribe the
name of the registered on the matriculation list, as in Glasgow mentioning only
"dominus normannus."
Deans, procurators, and receptors were more reliable in giving the right in
formation than the rectors, because the former had better personal contacts
with the enrolled than the rector.
while in Oxford in medieval times, the majority of the student body came from
humble social backgrounds.
The university matriculae usually indicate the financial state of the regis
tered. At Paris, the bursa was a sworn amount the student spent in a week ex
cluding rent for his lodging and wages for his servant if he had one. Four bursae
were considered average; eight to twelve bursae indicated a well-to-do or rich
student. A poor student had to swear that he had no benefices or large rev
enues; he "juravit paupertatem." At Paris between 1425 and 1494, half of the
bachelors, licentiates, and promoted masters of arts paid minimal bursae of
four to five solidi (A. L. Gabriel, Res quaedam notatu dignae Nationem Angli
canam-Alemanniae Parisiensem saeculo XVspectantes [Paris, 1965], p. 46.)
More prosperous students, divites, frequented Freiburg im Breisgau, T?bingen,
Ingolstadt, Avignon, and Orl?ans; less fortunate ones,pauperes,Vienna, Cologne,
Leipzig, and Rostock until the middle of the fifteenth century.
The Faculty of Arts was the most frequented in the university. Three-quarters
of all the medieval students were enrolled into it, for example, 82% at Erfurt.
Clergy was oriented toward the Faculties of Theology and Canon Law (Facultas
Decretorum). Law faculties were greatly favored. Among the canons of Notre
Dame de Paris 77% received diplomas in civil and canon law, 16.5% in theology
and 4.5% in medicine. Of those inscribed into the Faculty of Arts in the North,
only 20% or 30% obtained a degree of bachelor of arts. At Vienna, as Professor
Paul Uiblein masterfully calculated in his study on the University of Vienna in
the time of Regiomontanus between 1451 and 1461 (in German), during a pe
riod of ten years out of around 2,000 bachelors only 350 became masters of
arts. Paquet's warning against the statements of certain historians who based
their conclusions solely on a number of subjects listed by the matricula is most
welcome. The diminishing number of doctors in theology at Freiburg im Breis
gau, eighty-nine between 1470 and 1520 and twenty-three at Ingolstadt be
tween i486 and 1505 is the result of a general crisis of recruitment apparent
also in Oxford and southern France. The costly expenses connected with grad
uation ceremonies and the structural weakness of the university also have to be
taken into consideration. Some recent historians of medieval universities enam
oured with percentage calculations should take Paquet's warning to heart: "la
prudence est de rigueur car on ne dispose pas toujours d'?l?ments de com
paraison ant?rieurs suffisamment nombreux": good judgment is a most impor
tant requirement because one does not have all the antecedent elements of
comparison in sufficient numbers always at one's disposal (p. 139).
Speaking of the teaching faculty, the choice of one's master usually fell to his
countrymen. The expression used in Paris,"determinavit under such and such
a master," eminently proves the prevailing custom.
Intellectual contact was very intensive between Cologne and Louvain, Louvain
and Paris, Basel and Paris. Students were also attracted by famous masters such
as Henry of Langenstein, who during the Great Schism left Paris for the newly
founded University of Vienna, where he died February 11,1397. Marsilius of In
ghen's reputation (fl396) was responsible for the increase of students at the
University of Heidelberg, of which he was first rector in 1386. (Plate I.)
Paquet calls attention to the popularity of certain first names in the matricu
lation records. Johannes, Nicolaus, Petrus, Gu?lelmus, Jacobus, Martinus,
Michael, Robertus, Thomas, but not Josephus at all. Among Hungarian students,
Emericus and Ladislaus frequently occur, though a Scotch subject also had
Ladislaus as his first name: Ladislaus Murray of the Diocese of Glasgow (Auct. X,
col. 518, line 25, note 7). Patricius was favored among Scots and Irish students.
The matriculation records were among the most important documents of the
medieval universities. They were kept in an area (chest). When danger forced
the officials to leave their home base, usually they put the records in a sackcloth
(saccus). Since the beginning of the fifteenth century, the matriculae were il
lustrated. Before the matriculation or intitulatio, a solemn oath was required
from the subject: he had to put his hand on the matricula and swear that he
would observe the statutes of the university. The page used for the oath-taking
ceremony had an iUumination representing the crucifixion of Christ flanked by
the Blessed Virgin and St. John the Evangelist. The folio sometimes represented
the King of France handing over privileges to the university as in the official
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Plate I. Subjects of the University of Heidelberg immatriculated during the term of the
first rector, Marsilius of Inghen (elected November 17,1386). G. Toepke (ed.), Die Ma
trikel der Universit?t Heidelberg von ?386 bis ? 662, LTeil (Heidelberg, 1884), pp. 9-10.
Plate II. Illustration used during the oath-taking ceremonies of the University of
Leipzig. It represents the scene of the Last Judgment, Christ in mandorla with lilies and
sword?beneath (according to G. Erler, the editor of the Leipzig Matricula),"Maria" and
"Johannes." I wonder if not Maria Magdalena and St. John the Baptist. In the upper cor
ners, two angels sounding trumpets. Reproduced in G. Erler, Die Matrikel der Universit?t
Leipzig. Die Immatriculation von 1409-1559 (Leipzig, 1895), Plate no. I.
Book of the French Nation at Paris. (BN: n.a. lat. 2060, fol. 9r: reproduced in A. L.
Gabriel, Garlandia [Notre Dame,Indiana, and Frankfurt am Main, 1969],p. 84,
plate XVIII). Sometimes it displayed Christ at the Last Judgment. It reminded
the scholar that on that day, if he broke the rules or acted against the spirit of
the statues of his institution, he would be sentenced as a person guilty of
perjury. (Plate II.)
An interesting feature of the matriculae are personal notes, expressing the
individual mentality of the students. In the Liber procuratorum of the English
German Nation on the margin of the minutes of the Scottish procurator Willel
mus de Grinlaw written on June 1,1342, a drawing shows a drinking person,
glass in his left hand, a rod in his right with the inscription: "Gilkynus, potator."
(Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. Denifle-Chatelain, vol. I,
col. 59, note 1: reproduced by G. C. Boyce, The English-German Nation in the
University of Paris during the Middle Ages [Bruges, Belgium, 1927], pp.
147-148. Attention: wrong folio references, the correct is folio 44\)
At the University of Vienna in the Acts of the Faculty of Arts, we may find Ux
orem duxit. . . . (Paul Uiblein, Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Vindobo
nensis ?385-?4?6, [Graz, 1968], p. 152, fol. 79v; also R. Kink, Geschichte der
Kaiserlichen Universit?t zu Wien [Vienna, 1854], p. 133, note 149). In the Basel
matricula to the year of 1489 similar information and remarks are to be found:
"dimisit Studium suum cum ridiculo,""he left the university deserving ridicule"
(H. G. Wackernagel, ed., Die Matrikel der Universit?t Basel I. ?460-?529
[Basel, 1951], p. 119, no. 18). The University of Greifswald, with good fund-rais
ing sense, dispensed Joachim de Papeke of paying matriculation fees in 1497,
because he "might be useful to the university," cum possit Universitati
prodesse. The matriculation registers inspired a sense of togetherness into the
intitulati, awareness of a community to which they belonged like a loving son
to his mother; thus the university became a second "Dear Mother," Alma Mater.
stance, is unrealistic for the University of Cologne: the Dominican Convent was
incorporated into the university but individual Dominicans were mentioned
only when they started actual teaching:"nisi cum fuerint ordinati ad legendum."
Paquet once borrowed a motto from Siger of Brabant (t ca. 1281-1284) for
his excellent study on "Features of the Medieval University " published in French
on the occasion of the 550th anniversary of the University of Louvain-Leuven:
"To live without learning is death and the burial of common man." Professor Pa
quet has provided most useful and learned information in presenting the his
tory of matriculae for the better understanding of the soul of the medieval
university.