Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Many values and beliefs that contemporary societies carry are a result of, among other
things, the political, social, and cultural history that shaped a particular society into what it is
today. When looking at countries that were born from an exploratory colonial system, such as
Brazil, several ideals that are now part of “popular belief” were actually based on the principles
of imperialism. Social Darwinism, a model that tried to scientifically prove the superiority of
certain ethnicities over others, is one example of an imperialist ideology that left significant scars
on the Brazilian modern society: the underlying prejudice in social Darwinism is something that
prevailed since colonial times until today, especially towards native Brazilian populations. As a
consequence, the discrimination and negligence towards the native population become frequently
evident through actions of disrespect to their culture, their land, and fundamental rights. In
contrast with this saddening reality, many scholars and researchers are now focusing their
attention on the native populations as they play a fundamental role in determining the identity of
the Portuguese language, the Brazilian culinary culture, medical knowledge, and the arts to name
a few.
As the importance of studying the native groups became clearer, different disciplines
turned their focus to distinct aspects of native Brazilian culture, history, anthropology, and
biology as a way of better understanding the people who first occupied the South American
continent. The articles “(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters between the Guarani and
Ayahuasca” by Esther Jean Langdon and Isabel Santana de Rose, and “Major histocompatibility
complex (MHC) class III genetics in two Amerindian tribes from Southern Brazil: the Kaingang
and the Guarani” by Susanne Weg-Remers et al. both address the topic of Guaranis (a native
Brazilian group) but under essentially different disciplinary lenses. The first and second articles
are, respectively, part of the disciplines of anthropology, which falls under the social sciences,
and biology, which deals with the natural sciences and is heavily based on mathematical models.
After analyzing and comparing both articles, it is possible to say that their differences in
argumentation, primary object of study, and organization as well as the word choice, are all
characteristics of the disciplines’ individual discourse community and also demonstrate their
demonstrate different approaches. The biology article “Major histocompatibility complex (MHC)
class III genetics in two Amerindian tribes from Southern Brazil: the Kaingang and the Guarani”
based its argumentation on empirical evidence and, more specifically, experimental data. The
article starts with the “Introduction” section where, in order to assign confidence to experimental
data, the authors make an effort to contextualize the focus of their study by citing several
previous studies on the same subject. By doing so, the authors state the validity of their results,
the importance of their contribution to the body of knowledge of the discipline, and the main
purpose of the study, which in this case was to investigate the genetic variability and population
genetics (gene frequency) of the major histocompatibility complex (MHC) in indigenous tribes
of Brazil.
Just like most biological articles, the argumentation heavily relies on the rigorous
application of the scientific method as a guiding principle for not only demonstrating logical
understanding the experimental data in an organized manner. Ultimately, the confidence built
around arguments is, in this case, primarily from the results of the study where the analyzed data
is shown. Under the “Results” section of the text, the authors include several tables showcasing
the raw data collected throughout the experiment’s methods which allows the reader to visualize
and make sense of the data by themselves. The raw data, however, is many times challenging to
interpret even for specialists in the same field, so it is common, and even expected, for the author
to clarify and interpret the content of tables and images. One example of that can be seen in
“Table 4” where the raw data for the PCR test results were included and followed by the author’s
explanation, stating that the “PCR analysis of the polymorphic XbaI site showed that both
variants with and without the restriction site are present at the C4A and C4B loci of the GRC
1
(Table 4).” This demonstrates a common practice in the academic biology community in
which, even though it is necessary to include the direct results from experiments mentioned in
In contrast with the first biology article, the text “(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters
between the Guarani and Ayahuasca” did not base its arguments on evidence from experimental
results or statistical analysis, rather, the argument was constructed based on evidence from
previous literature such as books and academic journals, and primary sources such as interview
transcripts. Besides that, the authors did not make use of quantitative data (data expressed by
numeric values) like the biology article did, instead, they relied on qualitative data (descriptive
and conceptual data) as means of creating valid deductive arguments. On page 48 is possible to
see an example of the use of primary, qualitative sources (in this case, an interview) to construct
an argument: the authors state that “Celita Antunes discourse below reflects a perspective held
by most participants in the rituals that affirms the authenticity of ayahuasca as a source of the
1
S. Weg-Remers et al., “Major Histocompatibility Complex (MHC) Class III Genetics in Two Amerindian Tribes
from Southern Brazil: the Kaingang and the Guarani,” Human Genetics 100, no. 5-6 (1997): pp. 548-556,
https://doi.org/10.1007/s004390050550.
ancestral knowledge about tradition and culture (...).”2 followed by an excerpt from an interview
with Celita.
It is important to remember that another less obvious difference, but still significant,
between both articles has to do with the contribution of each paper to the collective body of
knowledge of their respective disciplines, which is still directly related to their mechanisms of
argumentation as previously discussed. While the biology article makes use of its arguments and
evidence to support a new discovery on the frequency and distribution of genes in Amerindian
populations, the anthropological article uses its arguments to support a new point of view on
contemporary shamanisms.
Another characteristic that can be used to better understand the differences between the
disciplines of biology and anthropology is the main object of study of each article. When talking
about the main object of the study, I am referring to what aspects of the overlapping topic (in this
case the Guarani people) are comprehended and looked at by the articles. Anthropology as a
discipline studies various features of human societies including their culture, organization,
history, and development. Accordingly, the text “(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters between
the Guarani and Ayahuasca” looks at the Guarani people, but more specifically at their cultural
practices and behaviors. On the other hand, the biology essay focuses its analysis on the genetics
and molecular biology of different populations of native Brazilian tribes, looking at the
biological phenomena rather than behavioral phenomena. Although it sounds obvious that
biology studies biological processes and anthropology studies society’s dynamics, the different
object of study present in each article is a key aspect that influences many other features of both
organization and content of the texts. An analogy can be made with the differences between a
2
Esther Jean Langdon, and Isabel Santana De Rose. "(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters between the
Guarani and Ayahuasca." Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 15, no. 4 (2012):
pp. 48. doi:10.1525/nr.2012.15.4.36.
poem about food versus a recipe: although both are written pieces about food, the process of
writing a poem involves creative thinking, textual organization into a stanza, and subjective ideas
while writing a recipe requires no creative process since it is an objective and precise description
of how to make food. In the case of the poem, the object of study is not the organized linear
order of preparing food that results in a specific dish, so the process and methods involved in
When reading both articles, one of the biggest differences between them is with regards
to the organization of the text and how the information is presented to the reader. The more
objective scientific nature of biology is reflected in the manner the text is organized as it is very
well structured in such a way that it almost reflects the distinct steps of the scientific method.
The article begins with a very descriptive and objective tile, followed by the abstract which
provides a complete overview of all the other parts of the text. The introduction is also a very
concise section of the essay in which the authors state the motivation of the study, the
background knowledge relevant to the understanding of the subsequent sections, and how new
findings can be used for further research. Meanwhile, the anthropology article also starts with a
title but in this case, it is much less descriptive and contains a subjective use of the word
“encounters” which is used in “(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters between the Guarani and
Ayahuasca” not in the literal meaning of the word but rather in the meaning of “relationship”.
Apart from the title, the anthropological study has no demarcated introduction section and uses
the introductory paragraphs of the text to historically contextualize different topics. Lastly, the
information regarding the results and conclusions of each article is presented in very distinct
ways: the natural science paper counts with several tables, images, and diagrams in order to
transmit the results in a direct and organized way; the social science paper describes the results
and conclusions of the study as paragraphs containing the authors’ analysis of how the Guaranis
Based on the analysis of the texts, it is possible to conclude that the organization,
argumentation, and primary object of study present in each article reflect the differences between
the disciplines of biology and anthropology as well as between the discourse communities of
each discipline. The article by Esther Jean Langdon and Isabel Santana de Rose provided a new
way of understanding the relationship between the Guaranis and shamanism as a product of
dialogue while the article by Weg-Remers offered a new discovery in the area of human
genetics. With regard to argumentation strategies, Langdon and de Rose successfully supported
their idea through the analysis of primary and secondary sources and constructing a series of
deductive arguments organized into paragraphs and based on previous studies and textual
evidence. The biology essay, on the other hand, organized their findings into a well-structured
article that demonstrated their results through the realization of empirical experiments which in
turn provided a data set used to draw significant conclusions. We can thus see how both
scholarly communities expect formal writing, well-supported arguments, and clear organization
but require mathematical modeling and more objective evidence from biologists, and more
3
Esther Jean Langdon, and Isabel Santana De Rose. "(Neo)Shamanic Dialogues: Encounters between the
Guarani and Ayahuasca." Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 15, no. 4 (2012):
pp. 48. doi:10.1525/nr.2012.15.4.36.
WORKS CITED