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Larry Z. Daily
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Shepherd University
Author Note
The author wishes to thank Anne Murtagh and Richard Stevens for their assistance as raters
during the data analysis and Anne Murtagh, Richard Stevens, and two anonymous reviewers for their
Email: ldaily@shepherd.edu
Abstract
Hobbies have long been promoted as beneficial leisure occupations, but assessing this claim is difficult as
no commonly used definition of the word “hobby” exists. Gelber’s (1999) definition of a hobby as an
occupation that “involves voluntarily working alone at home with a few relatively simple tools to make an
object (which in the case of collectors is the collection itself) that has economic value (p. 29)” was
proposed as a useful operational definition. The definition was tested by having a sample of 150 men and
women complete a survey that asked them to rank their level of agreement with 138 statements of the
form “X is a hobby” where X was a particular leisure occupation. Results showed that the more closely an
occupation matched the definition, the more likely participants were to agree that the occupation was a
hobby, suggesting that Gelber’s definition matches well with the way the word “hobby” is generally used.
Further analysis revealed that, consistent with the definition, occupations that involve making or
collecting are the most likely to be called hobbies. Reexamination of the extant hobby literature, with this
definition in mind, suggests that little of it actually involves activities that can accurately be called
hobbies. It will be important for future research to utilize a clear, consistent operational definition of
“hobby” in order to clarify the contribution of hobbies to human life and well-being.
Occupations are – generally speaking – the things people do (Hocking, 2009; Wilcock, 2003). Leisure
occupations can be very meaningful to those engaged in them (Passmore, 2003; Unruh, 2004) and one
important class of leisure occupations is hobbies. Typically, hobbies are seen as beneficial leisure or non-
work occupations (e.g., Calkins, 1934; Lee, Lee, & Park, 2014; Manson & Caird, 1985; Menninger, 1942,
York & Wiseman, 2012). Prior to the middle of the 19th century, however, a hobby was considered a
preoccupation or obsession and the term often carried a negative connotation (Gelber, 1999). Negative
views of hobbies have persisted (e.g., Belk, 1995; Eisenstein, 1948). The exact reason for this is unclear,
but Posey (2004) was told, upon announcing that he planned to interview model railroaders for a book,
“They’ll all be geeks and nerds” (p. 117) and Pollard and Carver (2016) reported that they were initially
reticent to discuss their modeling activities with one another. Between 1876 and 1885, however, societal
concerns about filling increasing amounts of leisure time with “acceptable” activities led to a shift in the
meaning of the word “hobby.” Since then, hobbies have been promoted to both children and adults as
acceptable occupations to improve oneself (e.g., Calkins, 1934) or to fill time that might otherwise be
used for nonproductive or immoral activities (e.g., Gelber, 1991; Mackintosh, 1935). Fuller accounts of
the history of the word hobby can be found in Gelber (1991; 1999).
Hocking (2009) and Dickie (2003) are among the authors who emphasized a need to develop in
depth descriptions of occupations, descriptions that include the effect of participation in a particular
occupation on health and well-being. In the literature on hobbies, some authors have simply asserted that
hobbies have particular benefits. Calkins (1934), for instance, asserted that a hobby makes the hobbyist
interesting to other people; and Menninger (1942) stated that hobbies “probably” serve as morale builders
that play an important role in maintaining good mental health. For Mackintosh (1935), hobbies for
children were the solution to the “problem of leisure time,” especially during the summer months when
school was not in session. More recently, Juniper (2005) argued that hobbies could be useful in the
treatment of various psychological disorders (e.g., panic attacks). Rupert and Kent (2007) suggested that
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 5
one of the top strategies that clinical psychologists could use to avoid burnout was to have a hobby, and
Fair (2010) suggested that everyone should have a hobby as a way to alleviate stress. Aside from a focus
on hobbies as positive, one thing these articles share is that no empirical support is provided for the
claims made.
Across disciplines, however, a substantial body of literature claims to demonstrate the positive
effects of participating in a hobby. For instance, hobbyists are reported to be better adjusted than their
peers (Bohnert, Richards, Kolomodin, & Lakin, 2008; Boynton, 1940; Phillips & Greene, 1939; Werner,
1993), to show fewer signs of depression or dementia in old age (Hirosaki et al., 2009; Hughes, Chang,
Bilt, & Ganguli, 2010; Regen, Katona, Walker, & Livingston, 2005), to show less cognitive decline in old
age (Dodge, Kita, Takechi, Ganguli, & Ueshima, 2008), to have higher levels of life satisfaction (Gabriel
& Bowling, 2004; Harlow & Cantor, 1996; Hirosaki et al., 2009; Martikainen, 2009; Mishra, 1992), and
to have higher quality of life (Lee et al., 2014). Others have claimed that hobbies meet specific
psychological needs for their participants (Tinsley & Eldredge, 1995), that they bolster self-esteem
(Reynolds, 1997), and that they aid in the restoration of mental resources (Jansen, 2005; 2008). Hobbies
have even been found to have physical benefits; Reynolds’ (1997) participants reported that needlecraft
helped them manage the pain of chronic illness and Saihara et al. (2010) found improved coronary
function in hobbyists.
Unambiguous interpretation of this literature is complicated, however, by the fact that there
seems to be no widely accepted, commonly used definition of the word hobby. Indeed, most authors seem
to use the word hobby as a synonym for the phrase “leisure activity.” Even during the time that hobbies
were actively being promoted as acceptable ways to occupy leisure time, no one seemed to know exactly
which occupations actually were hobbies (Gelber, 1999). The situation is complicated by the fact that an
occupation may be classified as a hobby by one set of researchers and as something else by another set of
researchers. For instance, reading was classified as a hobby by Boynton (1940), Dodge, Kita, Takechi,
Ganguli, and Ueshima (2008), Giotakos (2004), Lippa (2005), Manson and Caird (1985), Mower (1940),
and Saihara et al. (2010), but was separated from hobbies by Brajša-Žganec, Merkaš, and Šverko (2011),
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 6
Hughes, Chang, Bilt, and Ganguli (2010), Iso-Ahola, Jackson, and Dunn (1994), McHale, Crouter, and
Tucker (2001), Patrick (1945), and Shmotkin, Blumstein, and Modan (2003). Active sports have been
considered a hobby by a large number of researchers (e.g., Boynton, 1940; Dodge et al., 2008; Donnelly
& Dumas, 1997; Phillips & Greene, 1939), but not by Iso-Ahola et al. (1994), McHale et al. (2001), and
Patrick (1945). Table 1 provides a partial list of the wide variety of activities that have been called
hobbies.
If the goal of occupational science is to understand what people do and to support the use of
occupation therapeutically (Hocking, 2009; Wilcock, 2003), conflating all of these disparate occupations
into a single category called hobbies is inappropriate. Different occupations can have different effects
(Kabanoff, 1980; Tinsley, Teaff, Colbs, & Kaufman, 1985). Tinsley et al. (1985), for instance, reported
that different leisure activities satisfied different psychological needs for their participants. Similarly,
Dodge et al. (2008) found that frequency of engagement in “nonphysical hobbies” (e.g., watching TV,
reading, writing, playing board games, traveling, and doing crafts) was associated with higher scores on a
variety of cognitive tasks, but that engaging in “physical hobbies” (e.g., hiking, swimming, stretching,
walking, gardening, and playing a type of miniature golf called gate ball) was not related to cognitive
function. Lajunen et al. (2009) found that, for a sample of Finnish boys, playing a musical instrument
reduced the risk of being overweight, but that listening to music increased the risk of being overweight.
Ghisletta, Bickel, and Lövedén (2006) examined the performance of older adults on two cognitive tasks:
the Cross Out Test (a measure of perceptual speed) and the Category Fruit Test (a measure of verbal
fluency). They also noted whether the participant engaged in any of six types of activities. Two types of
activities – media (reading, listening to the radio, and watching television) and leisure (playing games and
doing crossword puzzles) – were related to perceptual speed; participants who engaged in those activities
showed less of a decline in perceptual speed over time. None of the other activity types – manual
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 7
(gardening, craftwork), physical (walking or other exercise), social (visiting coffee shops, participating in
trips or outings, attending cultural events or fairs), and religious (praying, attending services) – were
related to perceptual speed and none of the activity types related to verbal fluency. Clearly, classifying as
hobbies all of the disparate activities described previously makes it difficult or impossible to determine
Similar concerns have been raised by researchers in occupational science and other areas (Dickie,
2003; Ellerin, 2015; Ghisletta et al., 2006; Jansen & von Sadovszky, 2004). Ellerin (2015), for example,
noted that a rigorous definition of “what people do” is required to determine the scope of and to guide the
research agenda of occupational science. Yet, before the study of hobbies can occur, it will be necessary
to first define the category hobby. In moving towards a definition of the category hobby, that would
enable the kinds of descriptions called for by Hocking (2009), it is important to recognize that hobby is
typically considered a subcategory of the category leisure (Bammel & Burrus-Bammel, 1982; Gelber,
1991, 1999; Iso-Ahola et al., 1994; Menninger, 1942; Stebbins, 1982). Generally, a category will inherit
some of its characteristics from the superordinate category to which it belongs (e.g., Barsalou, 1992). As a
subcategory of leisure, hobby should, therefore, inherit the characteristics of leisure. Though the
definition of leisure tends to differ from theorist to theorist, nearly all agree that leisure involves freely-
chosen activities that are participated in because they are intrinsically rewarding (e.g., Godbey, 2003; Iso-
Ahola, 1980; McGuire, Boyd, & Tedrick, 2009; Neulinger, 1974; Tinsley & Tinsley, 1986).
For Stebbins (1982), hobbies were a type of serious leisure and he argued that serious leisure
activities possess six characteristics. The first of these is the occasional need to persevere at the activity.
Though leisure activities are generally pleasant, such activities occasionally can get difficult and require
substantial effort from the participant (Tinsley & Tinsley, 1986). Stebbins (1982) suggested that the
pleasant memories that individuals possess of a serious leisure activity come from having stuck it out
through those difficult periods. The second characteristic of serious leisure is that individuals tend to
progress through various levels of achievement and pass various milestones in the endeavor. This
development within the activity is based on a significant personal effort, the third characteristic of serious
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 8
leisure. Such effort arises from special knowledge, training, or skill possessed or acquired by the
individual. The fourth characteristic is that the effort expended on serious leisure leads to durable benefits
(e.g., self-enrichment, recreation or renewal of self, feelings of accomplishment, lasting physical products
of the activity). Stebbins’ fifth characteristic of serious leisure is that such activities tend to develop their
own unique subcultures. Finally, individuals tend to identify quite strongly with their chosen leisure
As a subcategory of leisure, hobbies should possess the characteristics of leisure, but should also
possess a unique set of characteristics that set them apart from other leisure occupations. Stebbins (1982;
1994) attempted to distinguish hobbies from amateur activities and volunteering, all three of which he
identified as types of serious leisure. Amateurs, according to Stebbins, are part of a professional-amateur-
public system of relationships (e.g., professional and amateur orchestras). Like professionals, amateurs
serve publics, often the same publics as the professionals. Volunteers usually undertake their chosen tasks
for reasons other than money or to meet physical needs. Among the types of activities engaged in by
volunteers are management and board work (e.g., fund-raising, committee work), service (e.g.,
information giving, tutoring, child care, youth work), and political and civic activities (e.g., social
advocacy or political functions). Hobbyists, like amateurs, are serious about their leisure activities, but
unlike amateurs, hobbyists are outside a professional-amateur-public system. A hobby is not one’s
occupation, nor is it done for money. According to Stebbins (1982), “A hobby is a specialized pursuit
beyond one’s occupation, a pursuit one finds particularly interesting and enjoys doing because of its
durable benefits (p. 260).” Stebbins (1982; 1994) identified five categories of hobbyists: collectors,
makers and tinkers (e.g., quilters, handicrafters), activity participants (e.g., bodybuilding, tourism,
surfing), players of sports or games (such as long-distance running or field hockey for which there are no
professional equivalents), and liberal arts enthusiasts. The problem with Stebbins’ (1982; 1994) definition
is that participants in very different activities – activities as disparate as collecting, barbershop singing,
and playing volleyball – are all classified as hobbyists, rendering investigation of the characteristics of
Several other definitions of hobby have been proposed (Bogardus, 1943; Gelber, 1999;
Menninger, 1942). Menninger (1942), for instance, noted that the dictionary definition of hobby – which
he quoted without attribution as “something in which one takes absorbing interest” – is insufficiently
specific to distinguish hobbies from other activities. To Menninger, the hobbyist receives more
satisfaction from a hobby than from any other occupation and the satisfaction comes from the occupation
itself rather than from any external motivation such as pay. This definition, however, is not really any
more specific than the one he was attempting to replace. Bogardus (1943) defined a hobby as an
occupation that an individual finds fascinating and to which a part of the individual’s leisure time is
devoted. A hobby is an occupation that the person is not paid to participate in, tends to be engaged in
alone (though some hobbies have social aspects), and, while the individual is highly motivated to
participate in the occupation, time may be allocated to it irregularly. While the specification that a hobby
is typically a solitary occupation begins to narrow the number of occupations classified as hobbies,
Bogardus’s definition still allows a large number of very dissimilar occupations to be categorized as
hobbies (e.g., watching television, reading, jogging, playing solitaire, and building models). Thus, the
In developing his definition of hobby, Gelber (1999) began by assuming that collecting and
handicrafts were prototypical hobbies. This assumption seems reasonable as descriptions of both as
hobbies are ubiquitous in the literature (Boynton, 1940, 1941; Dodge et al., 2008; Giotakos, 2004;
Hughes et al., 2010; Hyyppä, Mäki, Alanen, Impivaara, & Aromaa, 2008; Lippa, 2005; Mason & Caird,
1985; McHale et al., 2001; McGhee, 1941; Mower, 1940; Saihara et al., 2010). After examining those
activities, Gelber concluded that “a hobby involves voluntarily working alone at home with a few
relatively simple tools to make an object (which in the case of collectors is the collection itself) that has
economic value” (p. 29). Gelber’s definition is similar to, but more specific than, the definition of
Bogardus (1943). It shares the specification that hobbies tend to be solitary activities, but adds that
hobbies are active (as in making) and result in the production of an object (a quilt, a collection, a model),
one of the durable benefits mentioned by Stebbins (1982). The purpose of the current study was to
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 10
determine whether Gelber’s (1999) definition accurately captures people’s understanding of the word
hobby. If so, that would support its use as an operational or working definition of hobby in occupational
science and other fields. Participants completed a survey that consisted largely of a series of statements of
the form “X is a hobby” where X is some leisure occupation and were asked to indicate their level of
agreement with each statement. It was expected that the more closely an occupation matched Gelber’s
definition, the more strongly participants would agree that the occupation was a hobby.
Method
Participants
A total of 150 participants completed either a pencil-and-paper or an online version of the rating
instrument. The 53 individuals who completed the pencil-and-paper version were undergraduate students
at Shepherd University and were enrolled in an introductory psychology course. Participation earned them
credit that partially fulfilled a course requirement. Those who completed the online version of the
instrument were not students of the University nor were they local residents. Online participants were
recruited through social networking sites such as Facebook, a posting on the web site Psychological
(one in Maryland and one in Pennsylvania) and gatherings of model railroad enthusiasts in Maryland. A
total of 134 people began the online version of the instrument, but 36 were excluded for failure to respond
to at least 90% of the activities. An additional person who reported being 15 years of age (and who was,
thus, legally unable to consent to participate) was also excluded, leaving 97 who completed the online
Of the 150 participants in the final sample, 63 were men, 84 were women, 1 was a female-to-male
transsexual, and 2 did not report their gender. The mean age for the men was 36.83 years (SD = 19.94,
range 18 to 81, MDN = 28.00). For the women, the mean age was 32.04 years (SD = 17.28, range 18 to
78, MDN = 23.50). The transsexual participant was 25 years old. Table 2 provides more detail about the
age distribution of the total sample. English was the native language of 142 participants (2 did not
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 11
respond to this item). In terms of employment status, 47 participants were employed full-time, 41 were
employed part-time, and 61 were not employed. Finally, 136 of the participants reported having a hobby
(by their definition). The study was reviewed and approved by the Shepherd University Institutional
Review Board and all participants were treated in accordance with the Ethical Principles of Psychologists
Measure
The measurement instrument consisted of a 146-item survey. The majority of the survey consisted of a
series of 138 statements of the form “X is a hobby” where X was a leisure occupation. The activities used
were drawn from the Avocational Activities Inventory, a taxonomy of leisure activities proposed by
Overs, Taylor, and Adkins (1977). To ensure adequate coverage of the leisure domain (and, thus, content
validity), at least one example was chosen from each of the Overs et al. categories. The specific activities
used are listed in the Appendix. The items were forced-choice (participants had to agree or disagree with
each statement; there was no neutral choice) with 6 response alternatives (strongly disagree, disagree,
somewhat disagree, somewhat agree, agree, strongly agree). The remaining items asked the participants to
indicate their sex, age, whether English was their native language, their employment status and
occupation (if employed), and whether they had a hobby or hobbies. If participants indicated that they had
hobbies, they were asked to list them in order of importance and to say what made their first choice
occupation a hobby.
Data collection
Participants who completed the pencil-and-paper version of the survey were tested individually or in
groups of 2 to 7 individuals. The nature of the task and the length of the survey were explained and then
participants who chose to continue read and signed ‘informed consent’ forms. They were then allowed as
much time as they needed to complete the survey; no session took longer than 20 minutes. Upon
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 12
completion of the survey the purpose of the research was discussed in detail and questions that
participants had were answered. Participants who completed the survey online were directed to a
SurveyMonkey URL. They first read the same information presented to the face-to-face participants,
including the information contained on the consent form. They were advised that completing the survey
constituted their consent to participate. Following completion of the survey they were presented with
debriefing information and were provided with the author’s email address should they have had questions
Data analysis
usually engaged in at home, 4) requires only a few simple tools, and 5) results in the production of an
object with economic value. To determine the extent to which each of the 138 activities on the survey
possessed these characteristics, 2 members of the Psychology faculty at Shepherd University who were
not otherwise associated with this project rated each occupation on each of the characteristics. These
ratings were given on a scale that varied from 0 (definitely does not have the characteristic) to 1
(definitely does have the characteristic). For each characteristic for each occupation, the 2 ratings were
averaged. The average ratings for each occupation, along with the percentage of the sample calling the
activity a hobby, can be seen in the Appendix. Using SPSS, the ratings were then regressed on the
participants’ average level of agreement that each occupation was a hobby using the procedures outlined
Results
The results of the regression analysis are presented in Table 3. Four of the five characteristics – the
activity is voluntary (sr2 = .13), is usually engaged in alone (sr2 = .05), involves relatively few tools (sr2 =
.03), and produces an object (sr2 = .09) – contributed significantly to prediction of how strongly
participants agreed that the activity was a hobby. The four characteristics together accounted for an
additional .28 in shared variability. In total, the four characteristics accounted for 58% of the variance in
The remaining characteristic – that the activity is usually engaged in at home – did not contribute
significantly to the regression. The zero order correlation of this characteristic with participants’ ratings
was .17, which is significantly different from 0, t (136) = 1.99, p = .0485, SE = .99. This suggests that the
relationship between “home” and the rating of an activity as a hobby is a result of its relationship with at
least one of the other variables. To determine which variables shared variance with the “home”
characteristic a series of hierarchical regressions was conducted. For each pair of variables, two analyses
were run. In the first, “home” was entered on the first step, followed by the addition of the other variable.
In the second, the other variable was entered on the first step, followed by addition of “home” on the
second step. In all cases in which “home” was entered first, addition of the second variable resulted in a
significant increase in R2. In the analyses in which “home” was entered second, only in one – the
combination with “is voluntary” – did the addition of “home” result in a significant increase in R2. This
suggests that the “home” variable is redundant with the “alone,” “tools,” and “object” variables.
Discussion
The purpose of the current study was to determine how well Gelber’s (1999) definition of the word
“hobby” captured people’s usage of that word. The results suggest that the definition is accurate; the more
closely a leisure occupation matched the definition, the more likely participants were to agree that the
occupation was a hobby. Singly, each of the characteristics was related to participants’ ratings of the
occupations; an occupation was likely to be called a hobby if it is voluntary, tends to be engaged in alone,
at home, using relatively few tools to produce an object with economic value. Taken as a set, however,
the “at home” characteristic failed to account for any unique variance. This finding is not surprising if it is
assumed that an individual working alone with tools to make an object during leisure time would most
likely be doing so at home. This assumption seems reasonable. For example, the Trains.com Model Train
model railroading publications – listed 71 articles on setting up, equipping, or making better use of a
home workshop between the years 1933 and 2012, slightly less than one article per year. In addition, in
his description of the expansion of handicrafts to include men, Gelber (1999) stated, “…there was a
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 14
strong sense that the craftsman style bungalows so popular after the turn of the century should make room
Thus, the definition seems to capture the core of what people understand a hobby to be,
suggesting that it may provide a basis for developing a description of hobbies as occupations as called for
by Hocking (2009). As Gelber (1999) noted, however, the definition describes the prototypical hobby.
With natural kind categories such as hobby, exemplars of the category can match the prototype to a
greater or lesser degree (e.g., Rosch & Mervis, 1975). This could be interpreted as suggesting that other
definitions simply are more accepting of non-prototypical hobbies. For instance, Stebbins (1994)
suggested that there are five broad types of hobbies: makers and tinkers, collectors, activity participants,
players of sports and games, and liberal arts enthusiasts. Calkins (1934) described a similar typology of
hobbies: making things (makers and tinkers), acquiring things (collectors), doing things (activity
participation and sports and games), and learning things (liberal arts enthusiasts). As noted previously,
however, including all of these activities as hobbies may not be appropriate. Even Calkins was somewhat
ambivalent about his classification, at one point stating that sports and games are “not exactly hobbies”
(p. 20).
Though the prototype view of categories accounts for the graded structure of natural kind
categories, as Komatsu (1992) noted, it fails to capture people’s knowledge of category boundaries.
Although bats are in many ways quite similar to the prototype bird, people do not classify bats as birds.
Gelber (1999) explicitly stated that his purpose was not to rule out some activities as hobbies, an
acknowledgement of the fuzzy boundaries of natural kind categories. To enable the investigation of
hobbies, however, the purpose of the current paper was to determine which activities may be classified as
hobbies and which may not. Thus, additional effort is needed to determine, as nearly as possible, the
Examination of the Appendix shows that 29 occupations were endorsed as hobbies by 90% or
more of the sample. Of those occupations, 11 can be classified as examples of making (e.g., building
models, knitting, quilting) and another 10 as examples of collecting (e.g., butterflies, coins, stamps).
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 15
Three additional occupations – racing model airplanes, racing model boats, and racing model cars – all
involve models, which are usually built by the owner (Butsch, 1984; Gelber, 1999; King, 1996). The
remaining occupations in this top grouping (drawing, scrapbooking, photography, and making floral
arrangements) all involve some degree of making, but add an element of artistic expression. All of the
collecting occupations on the list fall into this grouping, as do all but three of the making occupations.
Those three occupations – making clothes, whittling, and reupholstering furniture – were endorsed as
hobbies by approximately 85%, 83%, and 73% of the sample, respectively. A review of the 42
occupations endorsed as hobbies by fewer than 50% of the participants – thus those activities that can be
considered outside the category hobby – reveals that most are forms of activity participation (going to
concerts, traveling overseas, gathering wild berries), playing games (Monopoly, tic-tac-toe, charades),
(geology, chemistry), volunteering, and non-serious leisure activities (listening to the radio, watching
television). Together, these analyses suggest that hobbies are – in Calkins’ (1934) terms – occupations
The issue can be further clarified by noting that, according to Stebbins (1982), serious leisure is
often described in terms appropriate to the world of work. London, Crandall, and Fitzgibbons (1977), for
instance, found that their two hobby occupations – knitting and crocheting – fell into a group that they
labelled “productive-intellectual” and Ritchie (1975) labeled a group that contained gardening and
handicrafts as “achievement-oriented hobbies.” Gelber (1999), too, noted that hobbies are work-like; in
his view the work-like nature of hobbies was what made them attractive to a society looking for ways to
productively fill expanding leisure time. Maines (2009) also observed that many occupations currently
considered hobbies were once work activities necessary for survival or comfort. Clear examples of this
include needlework, gardening, and home mechanics, but model building also once served practical
purposes in education, experimentation, architecture, and patent demonstration (Jackson, 1972; King,
1996; Lozier, 1967; Maines, 2009). Others (e.g., Rigby & Rigby, 1944) have suggested that collecting is
motivated by the same psychological mechanisms once used for the finding and gathering of food. Thus,
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 16
true hobbies all have a work-like character. What differentiates hobbies from work is that hobbies are
Given this definition of hobby, what then can be said about hobbies as occupations? Several of
the elements that Hocking (2009) said were needed to describe an occupation are embedded in the
definition: what kinds of people participate in hobbies, where hobbies take place, what objects are
required to participate in a hobby, and the function or outcomes of a hobby. Hobbyists are the kind of
people who choose to spend at least part of their leisure time alone, a hobby takes place in the home,
requires some tools, and results in the production of an object. This answer is, however, somewhat
Consider, for instance, the question of what kinds of people participate in hobbies. An
individual’s private identity is at least partially revealed by that person’s choice of leisure occupations
(Carlson, Park, Kuo, & Clark, 2014), possibly because people are free to choose occupations that they
find intrinsically rewarding. The work-like and productive nature of hobbies suggests that hobbyists value
productivity. According to Unruh (2004), however, leisure occupations balance a person’s productivity
occupations, a proposal similar to those of Calkins (1934) and Kabanoff and O’Brien (1980). If this is
true, the hobbyist’s choice of a work-like leisure occupation is a puzzling one. In contrast, Holland (1973)
proposed that an individual’s leisure and vocational choices are affected by that person’s personality,
which Holland defined in terms of interests. This would suggest that a person’s leisure occupations might
be similar to the person’s vocation or productivity occupation; similar ideas were proposed by Rousseau
(1978) and Kornhauser (1965). Further exploration of these issues is required to clarify the nature of the
work-leisure interface.
Hocking’s (2009) list also included the function or outcomes of the occupation. As Stebbins
(1982) suggested, one of the durable benefits of serious leisure is the lasting physical products of the
activity. Thus, one obvious answer is that one of the benefits of a hobby is the object – the model, the
quilt, the collection – produced as part of the occupation. Whether production and subsequent possession
of an object is a primary or secondary motivation for participating in the hobby or whether it has no real
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 17
influence is unclear. Another possibility is that hobbies have mental health benefits (e.g., Calkins, 1934;
Lee et al., 2014; Manson & Caird, 1985; Menninger, 1942, York & Wiseman, 2012). Stebbins (1982)
suggested that participants in serious leisure occupations progress through various levels of achievement
and Passmore (2003) reported that leisure enhances competency. Passmore also found that an enhanced
sense of competency and self-efficacy was related to better mental health and York and Wiseman (2012)
found that gardening increased the gardener’s sense of well-being, suggesting that hobbies may, indeed,
Study Limitations
The goal of the current study was to provide a working definition of the word hobby and the data support
the use of Gelber’s (1999) definition for that purpose. Since World War II, however, commercial interests
and technological advances have altered the exact activities engaged in by some hobbyists (e.g., Butsch,
1984; Gelber, 1999; King, 1996). In model railroading, for instance, a model freight car kit in the 1950s
and 1960s was often simply a “box of sticks” that required a very different set of skills to assemble than
modern injection-molded plastic kits with finely detailed, easily assembled parts (White, 2017). It is
possible, therefore, that the definition of hobby might be different for older than for younger individuals.
The current sample, however, included individuals as young as 18 and as old as 81 and 58% of the sample
was under the age of 30. While the means of making may have changed, people still see making things as
hobbies.
The sample in the current study, while somewhat diverse in terms of age, lacked diversity in other
areas. Though drawn from across the United States, the participants were all US citizens and were,
presumably, mostly White (participants were not asked to indicate their race or ethnicity). Floyd, Shinew,
McGuire, and Noe (1994) found that different leisure preferences were expressed by Whites and Blacks
who considered themselves working class, especially women. Among those who considered themselves
middle class, however, there were no differences in leisure preferences. Thus, Floyd et al.’s data suggest
that though social class might affect who participates in hobbies, it does not necessarily affect which
leisure occupations are seen as hobbies. It is also possible that understanding of the term hobby and
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 18
participation in hobbies might differ outside the United States. Though further investigation of this issue
is needed, it should be noted that Lee et al. (2014) used crafts as an example of the hobbies participated in
by their elderly Korean participants and that the International Plastic Modelers Society has 63 national
Conclusion
With a clear definition of hobby – that a hobby is a voluntary activity engaged in alone, at home, using
tools to produce an object – questions about hobbies as occupations can be answered. In the past, hobbies
have been seen as beneficial (e.g, Calkins, 1934; Fair, 2010; Manson & Caird, 1985; Menninger, 1942)
and as detrimental (e.g., Belk, 1995; Eisenstein, 1948). Given the importance of leisure occupations in
well-being (Passmore, 2003; York & Wiseman, 2012), quality of life (Lee et al., 2014), and the
construction of identity (Unruh, 2004), it is time to determine conclusively which claims are true.
DEFINITION OF “HOBBY” 19
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sr2
Variables Rating Voluntary Alone Home Tools Object B β (unique)
Voluntary .26** 2.38** .39 .13
Alone .54** -.17* .70** .29 .05
Home .17* -.07 .35** -.12 -.05 .002
Tools -.40** .33** -.45** -.13 -.45* -.22 .03
Object .64** -.04 .60** .30** -.47** .81 .40 .09
Intercept = 1.43
Means 3.93 .95 .47 .36 .67 .29
Standard .88 .14 .36 .39 .42 .43
deviations
R2= .58
* p < .05 Adjusted R2= .57
** p < .001 R= .76**
Sest= .58
* p < .05
** p < .001