The Mobile ‘West’: Filipino Migrants’ Changing

Perceptions towards the ‘West’ and Occidentalism

Madeleine Thompson

Geography BA

March 2013

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Declaration page

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 Abstract

This study explores the idea of the ‘West’ and Occidentalism from the views of Filipino
migrants living in the North East (NE) of England. In moving away from the static focus on
elite, historical accounts which dominates the sub-discipline of Occidentalism, this study
identifies new perceptions and stereotypes of the ‘West’, whilst showing other more common
stereotypes, such as liberation are clear in the mindset of the study group. However, this
study also offers new insight into the affects mobility, experience and encounter have on
complicating and changing stereotypes. This allows a consideration of the ‘West’ from the
viewpoint of an outsider, a non-‘Westerner’, and unveils that the ‘East’/’West’ binary is still
relevant in forming imaginations in the contemporary world. Finally, this in-depth, place
specific study reveals Occidentalism must undertake the spatial turn, as ‘geography’ and
geographic location are essential in the Filipino’s imaginings of the ‘West’.

Key words: Idea of the ‘West’, Occidentalism, Philippines, stereotypes,

mobility.

Length of Dissertation: 10, 498 Words

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 Acknowledgments

First and foremost I would like to thank Alejandro (name has been changed for anonymity
purposes), who was both gatekeeper and a participant, and who helped organise the data
collection, and recruit potential participants. I would also like to thank my university tutors
for guidance and support throughout the dissertation process, in particular Alastair Bonnett
and Simon Tate.

I would also like to thank my Mam for being supportive and introducing me to Alejandro,
and also for the proof reading.

Finally, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my Dad.

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 Contents Page
Abstract.................................................................................................................3

Acknowledgments................................................................................................4

Contents Page.......................................................................................................5

List of Tables and Figures...................................................................................7

1. Introduction.....................................................................................................8

Journeys to the ‘West’: Context of Filipino Migration........................8

The Study, Aims and Structure..............................................................10

2. The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism.......................................12

Occidentalism: Critique versus Essentialism........................................12

An Imagined ‘West’.................................................................................13

What is ‘Western-ness’?.........................................................................15

A Static View: Elitism and Historicism.................................................16

3. Researching the ‘West’...................................................................................18

A New Methodological Approach..........................................................18

The Study Group.....................................................................................18

Methodological Considerations and Analytical Framework..............20

As a ‘Western’ Researcher.....................................................................22

4. Visions of the ‘West’........................................................................................24

The Geography of the ‘West’..................................................................24

A White English Speaking ‘West’..........................................................26

The ‘West’ as a City-Scape......................................................................29

Conclusion.................................................................................................31

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5. The Cultural ‘West’.........................................................................................32

‘What’s the Motivation?’: Kindness and Religion...............................32

Family Life, Discipline and Respect.......................................................34

Liberation and Independence.................................................................36

Conclusion................................................................................................38

6. Concluding Thoughts.......................................................................................39

Answering the Aims.................................................................................39

A Limited Study.......................................................................................42

The Future of Occidentalism..................................................................42

Bibliography.........................................................................................................44

Appendices............................................................................................................51

Appendix 1: Stories of Mobility of the Study Group............................51

Appendix 2: Blank Atlas used in Focus Groups...................................54

Appendix 3: Information Sheet..............................................................55

Appendix 4: Signed Consent Form........................................................57

Appendix 5: Interview and Focus Group Questions/Topics for

Discussion................................................................................................59

Appendix 6: Example of an Interview...................................................60

Appendix 7: Risk Assessment Form......................................................66

Appendix 8: Dissertation Meeting Progress Forms.............................69

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 List of Tables and Figures

Figures:

Figure 1: Lewis and Wigen’s ‘Seven Versions of the West’ (from

The Myth of Continents: A Critique of Metageography 1997, p. 50).....14

Figure 2: The Geographic Boundaries of the ‘West’ from a Filipino

Lens............................................................................................................25

Tables:

Table 1: Basic Characteristics of Sample Group..................................19

Table 2: An Overview of the Main Stereotypes Before and After

Mobility, and Links with Occidentalism................................................40

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 1. Introduction

The idea of the ‘West’ has its roots in ancient civilisations, where it was originally associated
with the sun setting and death (Pagden, 2007). In the early 19th Century ‘West’ became a
fixed term to describe wealthy countries within the western hemisphere, synonymous with
the First World (Lewis & Wigen, 1997 and Toynbee, 1978a). Said’s Orientalism (1978)
criticised myths created during Colonial ages justifying actions of Europeans and by the early
1990s academic interest began exploring views of the ‘West’ (for example, Carrier, 1992 and
Fukuyama, 1992). This new sub-discipline, Occidentalism, relies on art, academia, literary
accounts, speeches and foreign policy spanning the last 300 years to discuss the ‘West’. This
focus has dominated the discipline to such an extent that contemporary accounts exploring
views of non-elites are non-existent. While researchers heavily critique and deconstruct
views, alternative discourses are not offered. This original study utilises social science
methodology to determine views of a group (rather than individuals) living in the
contemporary world, who through economic and migrant status are not ‘elite’. The study’s
findings demonstrate the concept of the ‘West’ is infinitely more complex than previously
imagined.

Journeys to the ‘West’: Context of Filipino Migration

The Philippines suffered a long and difficult Colonial history; enduring a Spanish invasion in
the mid 16th Century where unrest and resistance movements continued (Munoz, 2012) until
the sale of the Philippines to the USA in 1898 (Go, 2007). Japanese Colonial powers later
occupied, resulting in the 1944 Japanese/American war fought in the Philippines, before
independence was gained in 1946 (Ball 2004). The country has not matched the economic
growth of near-by Asian Tigers, probably due to its environment of political instability,
fuelled by corruption and insurrections (Holmes, 2012). Yet, astonishingly throughout this
study, several participants attributed economic failings to absence of British colonial rule:

Kiara (Interview 2): They invaded Hong Kong, Malaysia,

Singapore. I say ‘why? Why is Philippines missed?

Despite clear ‘Western’ influences within in the Philippines, legacies of its three colonisers
(Catholicism, Asian attitude and American styled education and political systems), the
country is usually deemed Asian or ‘Eastern’ (Aydin, 2007, Munoz, 2012 and Palacios,
2011). Many native residents adopt the ‘Asian attitude’, differentiating or ‘othering’

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themselves culturally from processes of ‘Westernisation’. Also, most ‘Western’ information is
gained through limited media, school and family experiences, meaning stereotypes of the
‘West’ are easily exaggerated and perpetuated.

Notwithstanding this custom of ‘othering’, the Philippines has a notable culture of

emigration. An estimated 8.23 million Filipinos currently reside in over 190 countries
(Opiniano, 2007). The majority are temporary ‘overseas Filipino workers’, who move to
West and East Asia (Opiniano, 2007), areas geographically near, involving low travel costs.
About 42%, however, are permanent settlers, tending to prefer the ‘West’. The USA is
popular because of colonial ties, easier access to citizenship, and ease of communication
(English is the second language). Other popular destinations include Canada, Australia,
Japan, UK and Germany (Dante, 2008). This culture of emigration is explained by the rise of
globalisation, allowing cheaper international travel, and improved technologies which aid
long-distance communication (Dante, 2008) and sending of remittances. Also, government
policy, resulting from high unemployment and underemployment, encourages emigration as a
development tool, and provides systems of support for migrants (Dante, 2008 and Opiniano,
2007).

Until the late 1990s, most permanent migrants sought employment in the USA, but
increasingly stricter immigration laws meant fewer opportunities were available (Dante,
2008). Fortunately, the UK, Australia and Canada were increasingly desperate for nurses and
domestic workers, as growing middle classes were unwilling to work in such sectors (Snow
& Jones, 2011). In the UK, by 1998, estimates pointed to a yearly shortage of 8,000 nurses
(Snow & Jones, 2011). Specifically, long-term care homes were experiencing recruitment
difficulties because employment terms, and career development opportunities were generally
less favourable than in other areas of healthcare provision (Luff et al, 2011 and van
Riemsdijk, 2010). The then Labour government sanctioned immigration as a solution to the
nursing shortage, prompting an exportation of nurse and domestic labour from the non-
‘West’ (Brush, 2010 and Luff et al, 2011). The Philippines government had long been
supporting globally recognised standards of nurse education (Brush, 2010), meaning Filipino
nursing degrees are compliant with UK standards after only a three month adaptation
programme. This has resulted in gendered migration, as women tend to train as nurses and
migrate alone, bringing families later. Success of Filipino migrants in the workplace, means
many ‘Western’ recruitment agencies now head ‘East’ for potential applicants, facilitating

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migration by providing accommodation and support (Masselink & Lee, 2010). Filipino’s are
currently one of the largest ethnic groups working in UK care homes (Luff et al, 2011).

Despite significant numbers of Filipino immigrants, a limited body of literature considers

their migration to the ‘West’ (existing literature concerns the USA (Brush, 2010) and Japan
(Lopez, 2012), previous Colonial powers in the Philippines). Migration research in Germany
and the UK often consider more ‘familiar’ migrants from their own ex-colonies; or following
the European Union’s 2004 laws of free movement - Eastern European migrants. Filipino’s
(among other groups) become a ‘minority-minority’. While this may lessen resentment (as
unseen groups are rarely victimised), it results in less provisions and support. Moreover, the
Philippines did not appear as a country of birth in the 2001 census (OECD, 2003), displaying
the lack of interest and investment demonstrated by the UK toward non-Commonwealth or
non-EU groups. It was included in the 2011 census, which shows over 122,000 people
currently residing in the UK (and 3000 in NE England) are Philippines born (ONS, 2012),.
However, the Embassy of the Philippines is critical of this, believing the amount is closer to
250,000 (Fernandez, 2011). This shows Filipino’s are a larger group than often imagined, and
as a secondary goal, this study gives a voice to a ‘minority-minority’ group.

The Study, Aims and Structure

To fully investigate what the ‘West’ is in the contemporary imagination, four aims which link
with current academic debate, whilst offering new insights have been developed

1. Explore the idea of the ‘West’ in a contemporary and non-elitist form, via views of
economic migrants: This will offer new perspectives to current Occidentalist debate
through alternative narratives.
2. Determine the geographic boundaries of the ‘West’ from the views of the Filipino
study group: This is useful in establishing where the ‘West’ is, from participants’
perspectives.
3. Uncover myths, views and stereotypes held of the ‘West’ and ‘Westerners: This
considers positive, negative and neutral perceptions Filipino migrants hold.
4. Explore the effects, if any, mobility, experience and encounter have on expanding or
complicating such stereotypes: This explores how such stereotypes can be redefined.

Semi-structured interviews and focus groups - conversational methods (Skop, 2006) - are
used to discuss the contemporary ‘West’ with non-elites. Such methods are useful in

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determining researcher and participant positionalities, and are more research-oriented than
historical and/or elitist accounts. Results uncovered main stereotypes of the ‘West’ from the
Filipino perspective and conclude that, when situated in the ‘East’, Occidentalist discourses
are often accepted, but mobility to the ‘West’ can disrupt or destroy previously held views.
However, certain cultural stereotypes are reinforced with experience, showing the ‘West’ as
significantly more complex and dynamic than previously considered; it changes with time,
context and personal experience.

This study begins with a comprehensive background to Occidentalist literature in The ‘West’:
Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism. Main arguments are discussed, and weaknesses of a
narrow focus on elites and historic accounts considered. Researching the ‘West’ details
methods used, recruitment processes, ethical considerations, positionality and problems
encountered. Visions of the ‘West’ analyses visual representations in terms of geographic
area, race, language and landscape and The Cultural ‘West’ continues this analysis, focusing
on abstract stereotypes of religion, kindness, family life, respect, discipline, liberation and
independence. Finally, Concluding Thoughts discusses how this study informs the body of
research concerning the ‘West’, identifies limitations and suggests further topics for study.
The bibliography and appendices follow.

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 2. The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism

This chapter delves into the small, yet varied academic field of Occidentalism, showing its
rise as a sub-discipline, explaining main viewpoints and reasons behind study of the ‘West’.
The idea of an imagined or constructed ‘West’ is explored, tracing its historical formation,
generally accepted geographic boundaries, and main stereotypes. A consideration of the
limitations of using elite subjects and non-contemporary accounts as the basis for study and
potential benefits of exploring non-elite perspectives in researching the ‘West’ follows.

Occidentalism: Critique versus Essentialism

Occidentalism, a contested term, takes several forms. It can be a set of essentialised ideas of
the ‘West’ (Carrier, 1992, 1995a, Friedman, 2009, Reed-Danahay, 1995 and Tate, 2005)
which assert certain values, stereotypes and hierarchical dominance through continual
reification of ideas in public and academic life, regardless of viability. However, it is also a
framework (Zeybek, 2012) or sub-discipline to structure stereotypes of the ‘West’, and has
always retained two dominant strands of thought. The first respond to Said’s Orientalism
(1978) which exposed falsities in Oriental studies, and explored how and why views were
actively constructed by the ‘West’ as part of the colonial mission. Sadik Al-Azm, one of the
first to show interest in Occidentalism in 1981 deemed it ‘Orientalism in reverse’ (Tavakoli-
Targhi, 2001, p.54). For many (Lindstrom, 1995, Suleimenov, 2006 and Thornton, 1995),
Occidentalism then becomes a critical analysis, seeking to identify and unravel reasons
behind views of the ‘West’ rather than ‘East’. Some expand this critique further to challenge
the perceived naturalness of ‘Western’ hegemony through deconstructing its historical
formation (Ahıska, 2003, Appiah, 2012, Aydin, 2007, Bonnett, 2005, 2008, Carrier, 1992,
1995a, Creighton, 1995, Friedman, 2009, Howard, 1995, Ning, 1997, Spencer, 1995 and
Tate, 2005) and ever-changing geographical area (Bonnett, 2004a, Herzfeld, 1995, Kurth,
1997 and Lewis & Wigen, 1997).

For the second group, Occidentalism is a way to explore or voice views of the ‘West’,
repeating or re-presenting long-standing stereotypes and beliefs (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma &
Margalit, 2004, Hanafi, 1995, Hanson, 2002, and Kalantari, 2007), taking an essentialised
view (Carrier, 1995a). At times such work resembles the ‘Oriental’ literature Said (1978)
initially critiqued, showing Occidentalism has both modernist and post-modernist tendencies.

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Those who use the ‘West’ as a readily defined geographic area, and accept the meta-narrative
of ‘Western’ superiority, proceed to do one of two things. Some (Barber, 2003, Fukuyama,
1992, Hanson, 2001, 2002 and Toynbee, 1978b) discuss how great it is to justify continued
superiority; while others consider how awful it is (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma & Margalit, 2004,
Cousin, 2011 and Kalantari, 2007), either in resistance, or to protect ‘Western’ ideals from
attack. This defensive group has grown following September 11, 2001 where events in New
York have become symbolic of an attack on the ‘West’ (Smith, 2001). Many now seek to
explain anti-‘Western’ sentiment within the non-‘West’, or Muslim ‘East’ (Anthias, 2010) to
understand why the ‘West’ is hated. However, in re-presenting views of elites as the voice of
the non-‘West’ in accessible non-fiction (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Hanson, 2001) or media
(Hanson, 2002, 2011, 2012a, b and c); resentment, if not fear among ‘Western’ readers can be
evoked, further perpetuating the ‘East’/’West’ binary.

These categories are not absolute, Aydin (2007) for example considers the ‘West’s’ historical
formation, but does this to understand why anti-‘Westernism’ arose. While this research fits
within the first, critical group; considering the full spectrum of perceptions toward the ‘West’
is necessary to provide a framework to compare participants’ responses with wider
viewpoints.

An Imagined ‘West’

Lewis and Wigen (1997, p.51) in dissecting metageographical terms consider dominant
boundaries given to the ‘West’ throughout history and academia. Their Seven Versions of the
West (Figure 1), from just Britain; north-western Europe; medieval Christendom; NATO or
Europe and ‘white’ colonies; the ‘cultural west’ (p. 51 note 5); the economically developed
world; to the entire world (a future view); follows a chronological order, showing the spread
of ‘Western’ ideals to the international arena. Their visual and chronological representation
of the ‘West’s’ expansion shows how economics, politics, religion and culture each have
their turn at being the ‘West’s’ defining feature. Rarely are more than two factors
homogenous within the ‘West’ at any given time prompting academics, to either focus on the
‘West’ as a group of ‘liberal democracies’ (Bonnett, 2004a, p. 124) including Buruma and
Margalit (2004), Bozatzis (2009), Ning (1997), Friedman (2009) and Hanson (2002) referred
to hereon as taking a ‘political-economic’ stance. Or prioritise cultural, religious and
historical ties, seeing the ‘West’ constituted of (post)Christian societies with cultural
similarities - ‘cultural-historic’ - and this group includes Ahıska (2003), Bonnett (2004a,

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2008), Herzfeld (1995), Howard (1995), Kurth (1997) and Nadel-Klein (1995). While there is
no definitive link, those with a critical view of the ‘West’ often adopt a cultural-historic view,
placing the ‘West’ at around Stage 5 (Figure 1); while those with an essentialised, political-
economic stance, consider it closer to Stage 6.

Figure 1. Lewis and Wigen’s ‘Seven Versions of the West’

(1997, p. 50).

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 What is ‘Western-ness’?

Many criticisms exist for focusing purely on the ‘West’ as an economic-political or cultural-
historic entity, as countless examples disprove each. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s
Democracy Index (2010), find neither France nor Italy have ‘full democracies’ (p. 3), while
Costa Rica and Mauritius do. Similarly, one quarter of the world’s 20 largest GDPs are non-
‘Western’ countries (World Bank 2012). Friedman (2009) and Appiah (2012) expose
supposed ‘Western’ attributes, rationality, modern science and Christianity as having roots in
non-‘Western’ societies, such as Ancient Egypt or China. Also as huge cultural differences
within national populations have been identified; it is unlikely a homogenous culture exists
for the ‘West’. This highlights the sheer ambiguity and complexity of the idea of the ‘West’,
and while a more balanced approach considering all factors determining ‘Western-ness’, such
as Bonnett (2004a) may be preferential; participants’ responses tended to fit within the
cultural-historic perspective. Thus, this paper focuses on such aspects.

No authors cited are bold enough to state everything 'Western’ is fully evil or utopic, but it is
possible to situate stereotypes as largely pro-‘West’, anti-‘West’ or impartial/balanced. Pro-
‘Western’ views primarily associate the ‘West’ with modernity and freedom, rationality and
superiority (Fukuyama, 1992, Hanson, 2001 Spencer, 1995 and Toynbee, 1978b). Such views
filter into popular culture, and influence development strategies from international
organisations, where ‘Western’ ideals - democracy and free-market economy - have been
forced on developing countries. ‘Modernity’, supposedly brought about through
technological advancement, industrialisation and the Enlightenment, has resulted in economic
and territorial growth of Europe from the Renaissance to present day (Bonnett, 2004a). The
‘West’ is considered ahead of other world regions, ‘modernity’ the pillar of its success
(Fukuyama, 1992). Secularism, liberalism, industrialisation, capitalism, privatisation,
meritocracy (Ahıska, 2003, Fukuyama, 1992 and Hanson, 2001) and human rights (Howard,
1995) are necessary to develop like the ‘West’, other forms of development criticised and in
the case of communism, attacked. The ‘West’ then, becomes a set of ideals to be upheld for
‘modernity’ to be reached, and must be protected from threats and resistance.

Negative views point to a materialistic, superficial, individualistic ‘West’ where people lack
spirituality, are state-dependent, disrespectful, amoral and violent (Buruma & Margalit, 2004,
Cousin, 2011, Hanson, 2002, 2011 and Kalantari, 2007). Many such stereotypes can be
understood as having a negative skew on previously discussed ‘Western’ ideals; for example,

15
materialism and superficiality are likely to follow processes of capitalism, while separation of
state and church, leads to claims of an unspiritual ‘West’. The many contradictions found
within the discipline are testament alone to its overwhelming ambiguity.

A Static View: Elitism and Historicism

Certain flaws in literature have been briefly alluded to, but this section fully highlights the
gaps and reoccurring problems to consider possibilities available for this research to expand
the field. Initially, Occidentalist accounts state and re-present views of elites, mainly
intellectuals, politicians, philosophers and literary greats from the non-‘West’. Recurring
examples include Tagore (Bonnet, 2004a, b, 2005 and Hay, 1970), Marx (Bonnett, 2004a and
Buruma & Margalit, 2004) and Al-e Ahmad (Bonnett, 2004a and Tate, 2005). Secondly,
while few elites are found writing later than the 1970s, views are used to represent
contemporary sentiments of specific geographic areas (Bonnett, 2004a, 2005, 2008, 2009,
2012, Carrier 1995b, Creighton, 1995, Lindstrom 1995, Tate, 2005 and Thornton, 1995), or
the entire non-‘West’ (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma and Margalit and 2004, Hanson, 2012a).
Tagore, an Indian poet and Nobel Prize winner for Literature in 1913 (Nobelprize.org, 2013)
is often referred to as the ‘voice of India’ and the non-‘West’ (Hay 1970, see also Bonnett,
2004a, 2005). While neither Hay nor Bonnett accept his views as representative, no
alternative or non-elitist accounts are offered. It is likely this focus is entirely unintentional;
elites are used because their views are easily accessible, and potentially influence wide
audiences. However, the complete lack of research into non-elite subjects weakens the sub-
discipline, as those most impacted by the ‘West’, that is, those in the non-‘West’ are not
given a voice. This leads to a phenomena termed ‘pseudo-occidentalism’ (Lindstrom, 1995,
p. 49) where assumptions are made about what outsiders believe.

In research considering contemporary views such as Bozatzis’ (2009) interviews with Greek
educators, Zeybek’s (2012) ethnography of Turkish men in the political realm, and Ahıska’s
(2003) study on Turkish EU campaign slogans, all objects of study (educators, men in politics
or political campaigns) are elites, due to their knowledge and/or power associations.
However, use of social science methodologies such as interview and ethnography allows
more in-depth, relevant data. Creighton’s (1995) study on whiteness in Japanese advertising,
and Thomas’s (1992) ethnography on certain Pacific societies shows anthropology may be
ahead in the move to a contemporary, place-based, methodological Occidentalism, although
both take static views of the ‘West’, rarely deconstructing or challenging it. Finally, this

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research has the opportunity via migrants’ perceptions to study effects of full immersion in
the ‘West’, showing how context and experience can alter long-held opinions.

Research such as Bonnet’s (2004a) The Idea of the West, evaluates how the geographic area
and enemy of the ‘West’ change through time; including a ‘West’ against communism during
the Cold War, and a ‘West’ against radical Islam today. However, there is a notable absence
of research showing how the ‘West’ changes for individuals. Again, interestingly, it is Hay,
the only non-Occidentalist scholar cited (in that Asian Ideas of East and West (1970) was
written before Said’s Orientalism (1978)) who combines the life history of Tagore and travels
to the ‘West’, to determine reasons behind ideas. Hay (1970) does this from a historical
perspective, integrating Tagore’s personal views and life history to understand why views
were formed. This research then, considers the influence ‘East’-to-‘West’ mobility has on
Occidentalist views by looking at ‘ordinary’ non-‘Western’, non-elites who work, live and
become part of the ‘West’ through years of experience. It is therefore more socially inclusive
than previous Occidentalist work.

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 3. Researching the ‘West’

This chapter outlines the rationale behind the methodological approach and summarises the
sampling technique. Methodological and analytical considerations and problems encountered
are reviewed; followed by an examination of ethics and impacts of positionality and
subjectivity.

A New Methodological Approach

To fully explore and research the range of views Filipino participants have of the ‘West’ and
reveal whether mobility, experience and encounter affect views; a methodological approach
able to explore perceptions and opinion is required. A qualitative study involving an
interpretive approach to deduce meaning from primary data (Babcock, 1995) is the most
appropriate method of researching the abstract nature of the ‘West’, as views are difficult to
quantify (Kitchen & Tate, 2000). This approach has been accepted within the sub-discipline
of Occidentalism, however, as previously discussed; existing research focuses on elite
accounts.

This research then, employs contemporary social science methodology, specifically semi-
structured interviews, focus groups and participatory methods. The flexibility offered with
such methods allows dynamic data collection, as the researcher can react to responses,
encouraging more in-depth discussion than structured methods, such as questionnaires allow
(Walliman, 2004). These conversational methods require a brief outline of topics, but
sequence and question phrasing can be altered depending on interview context. This does
increase the risk of omitting questions (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), which happened once during
the study, and information had to later be clarified.

The Study Group

As previously discussed, Filipino migrants were chosen due to the complex context of
migration, general adoption of the ‘Asian attitude’, and the Philippines’ Colonial history.
Having an acquaintance within the Filipino community also influenced this decision, as they
became gatekeeper. This afforded the researcher easier access to a wider range of
participants, whilst supporting the establishment of trust between researcher and researched.
The sample population was limited to NE England due to time and cost restraints, as
interviews are time consuming processes (Breuer et al, 2002), and difficulty of recruitment

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 Table 1: Basic Characteristics of Sample Group
(All information correct at time of interviews, December 2012)

Interview Year
Number Name Sex Estimated Occupation Occupation Education to
Age Before After Level UK
1 Mariana F 35-45 Nurse Nurse Nurse 2005
* Graduate
2 Kiara F 50-60 NA Carer High 2002
* School
3 Solana F 25-35 Nurse Nurse Nurse 2004
Graduate
4 Alejandro M 35-45 Owned Carer, IT 2005
* Business Nursing Graduate
Student
5 Rowena F 40-50 Nurse Nurse Nurse 2003
Graduate
6 Horace M 30-40 Delivery Carer High 2006
Driver School
7 Danao F 30-40 Nurse Nurse Nurse 2004
* (Senior) Graduate
8 Gregorio M 30-40 Car Carer College 2003
* Company
9 Catherine F 35-45 Nurse Nurse Nurse 2003
(Senior) Graduate
10 Carer and Nurse
Josephine F 30-40 NVQs Carer Graduate 2008
11 Ramon M 30-40 Sea Farer Kitchen High 2011
Assistant School
12 Michael M 15 School High 2012
+ School School
(Current)
13 Middle
Robert M 10 School School School 2012
+ (Current)
14 Camille F 30-40 NA Housewife High 2003
School

* Indicates also involved in initial focus groups (May 2012).

+ Indicates interviewed with parents present.

(See Appendix 1 for further information)

19
further afield. Limited information on Filipino migrants and few associations in NE England
means most communication is informal, so snowballing through the gatekeeper became the
recruitment technique (Kneale, 2001).

For the study, 14 participants were recruited, 5 of which took part in the initial focus groups.
The high proportion of Filipino’s working in health and domestic industries in the ‘West’
(Dante, 2008) are reflected in NE England, with 71% of the sample group employed in such
sectors. The group consists of 8 females and 6 males and roughly three quarters
approximately aged 30-50 (the researcher did not inquire about age, as this may cause
unnecessary offence). The longest residence in the UK is 11 years, the shortest 6 months,
with an average of 6.4 years (see Table 1 for further information). While this sample reflects
patterns of Filipino migrants, it is too small to be representative of the non-‘West’,
Asia/’East’ or even the Philippines. However, responses have the potential to highlight
differences and inconsistencies within current Occidentalist theory and explore effects of
mobility and experience. The sample size is adequate for an interpretive study which requires
a great deal of depth and has a limited time frame (Valentine, 2001).

Methodological Considerations and Analytical Framework

In carrying out semi-structured interviews and focus groups effectively, it is important to put
participants at ease to gain trust and encourage detailed responses (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), so
interviews took place in spaces where power relations favoured participants (McDowell,
1992). These locations included work environments, the gatekeeper’s house, or participants’
homes (for safety purposes the gatekeeper accompanied the researcher). In phrasing
questions, it is considered detrimental to focus on ‘why’ questions as people may become
defensive. It is necessary to personalise questions to encourage engagement (Kitchen & Tate,
2000), and respond to participants through visual signs (Walliman, 2004). Removing leading
questions and researcher opinion is deemed vital in producing reliable data (Kitchen & Tate,
2000 and Mikkelsen, 1995). However, several feminist researchers argue with certain topics
or circumstances it is unfavourable for the researcher to demonstrate no opinions, as
participants may feel uncomfortable, or judged (Skelton, 2001). While generally no biased
researcher commentary was used, occasionally participants felt awkward or fearful of causing
offence when discussing issues with a ‘Westerner’. In these circumstances, the researcher
adopted a more negative attitude to the ‘West’:

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 Researcher (Interview 4): So are there any bad parts of western
culture you don’t want them [your sons] to have?
Alejandro: Uhh... Unrespectful towards elders. Like I’m not
generalising!
Researcher: Don’t worry, I've seen it.
Alejandro: Yeh, laughs it’s like...

Alejandro continued to discuss negative aspects more openly, without hesitation, showing
opinion is at times useful in encouraging in-depth responses.

With focus groups attention must also be paid to group composition including numbers
involved, identity markers and whether being unknown to one another are necessary (Kneale,
2001). The general consensus states between 4 and 8 participants should be involved per
group (Bedford and Burgess, 2001), however language barriers in this study, meant fewer (2-
3) were chosen to aid understanding. Participants were homogenous in ethnicity,
approximately aged between 30 and 50, and all work in the care sector. However, the
participants were well known to one another. While this can restrict views (Kneale, 2001),
the nature of study means participants need to feel in a position of powerful, and being in a
friendship group helps.

Participatory methods used during focus groups, offered participants the opportunity to
demarcate their geographic understanding of the ‘West’ on blank atlases (Appendix 2). This
was deemed a useful approach as non-geographers may find it complicated to articulate
geographic boundaries. However, participants found more difficulty locating areas on the
Eurocentric map used so the task became an oral exercise, as the researcher named and
pointed to countries. Consequently, it was omitted from interviews.

The recording device used must provide efficient recording, while allowing participants to
feel comfortable (Kitchen & Tate, 2000). For this study a dictaphone is preferential as it
provides a full audio recording, and is fairly unobtrusive. While video recording is beneficial
in capturing facial expressions and gestures, it can make participants feel self-conscious,
reducing the feeling of anonymity, and minimising the chance of reliable answers (Kitchen &
Tate, 2000).

The approach to analysis, as with all qualitative research is an ongoing process, with themes
developed throughout (Crang, 2005 and Kitchen & Tate, 2000). Rough categories stemming

21
from literature were the basis for focus group questions, however data analysis allowed new
themes to emerge narrowing the focus for interviews (Appendix 5). After transcription, the
categories were further solidified and data coded into final sections of analysis, allowing
commonalities and differences to emerge, which aided interpretation (Kitchen & Tate, 2000).
Due to lack of resources, the researcher transcribed data, however this established a more
intimate knowledge of responses, easing the analysis process, despite its time consuming
nature.

As a ‘Western’ Researcher

In research involving direct contact with people, ethics and respect must be considered
through all stages, particularly during collection, analysis and writing-up (Butler, 2001 and
Walliman, 2004). This involves assuring privacy and confidentiality, gaining informed
consent, and being fair and impartial (Walliman, 2004). Privacy is achieved through use of
private rooms to avoid outsiders observing or listening. Anonymity is guaranteed before data
collection and adhered to by using pseudonyms for names (Walliman, 2006) and places
(Aitken, 2001). Informed consent was gained via an information sheet outlining the purpose
of study, methods involved, time frames, guarantees of anonymity, option to withdraw,
contact details (Kitchen & Tate, 2000) (Appendices 3) and signed consent (Appendices 4).
However, as English is a secondary language for participants, the researcher briefly explained
the process and offered to explain anything not understood. While most were capable of
reading the material provided, several requested information verbally:

Kiara (Interview 2): When you’re not educated like me, like I
can read, but it still takes time for me to understand [information
sheet]. I need like a dictionary to understand what I’m reading.

The nature of this research demands a consideration of potential ways identity markers such
as age, race, accent (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), gender and ethnicity (Denton & Deane, 2010)
influence responses. Through this study, the researchers’ youth, and ‘Western-ness’ may have
restricted potential negative views as participants wish to cause no offence. Blond hair,
blue/green eyes and whiteness identify the researcher immediately as ‘Western’, and while
accent can be altered to suit certain situations; skin colour and perceptions of youth are more
difficult to control (Mohammad, 2001). However, responses show while participants were
aware of the researcher’s ‘Western-ness’, they felt comfortable discussing views in a place

22
where they were more powerful. Many occasionally apologised or stated they meant ‘no
offence’ (Alejandro, Interview 4), but usually, the perceived difference between researcher
and researched encouraged more detailed answers as responses were expanded on to explain
from an ‘Eastern’ or Filipino perspective why it was noteworthy, revealing deeper meaning.
Similar benefits of ‘outsider’ research have been identified by many (Collins & Solomos,
2010, Denton & Deane, 2010 and Young, 2004).

Finally, researcher positionality and subjectivity must be considered as the ‘researcher’s

personal and political position mediates his/her research questions, interpretations, analysis
and writing’ (Choi, 2006, p. 437), and affects what is included (and omitted) and conclusions
drawn (Breuer et al, 2002). It seems necessary then to briefly discuss the ‘Western’
researcher’s positionality toward the ‘West’ to evaluate validity of the following chapters.
The researcher believes the following: the ‘West’ is an imagined, ambiguous entity;
inadequate to accurately describe a region of the world and constructed as part of the
European 19th Century colonising mission. The attached stereotypes and values are
instrumental in encouraging ‘Western’ superiority, but have no historical or factual basis.
While feeling no animosity toward the ‘West’ as a geographic area, the researcher believes as
a concept it has caused significant damage and should be further deconstructed and
challenged. Contemporary views of the ‘West’ which prioritise cultural and historic ties are
preferred to a political-economic stance, as the ‘East’/’West’ binary was constructed on
cultural ‘difference’ (Howard, 1995) and contemporary animosity originating from the
‘West’ following events of 9/11 has been directed to cultural (religious) and historical
‘others’; and the fall of Communism, has expanded capitalism and democracy as
international processes.

23
 4. Visions of the ‘West’

The chapter begins analysis of data, concentrating on four characteristics of the ‘West’ with a
visible (or audible) basis. These characteristics concern geography, race, language and
landscape. Such themes are considered together as their visible nature means they are
obvious, and throughout the study, views regarding these topics tended to be in agreement.
Despite the apparent fixedness of these themes, participants found experience and travel to
the ‘West’ expanded previously limited visible stereotypes, and new perceptions either reify
or reject Occidentalism.

The Geography of the ‘West’

In discussing geographic boundaries of the ‘West’, most contemporary thinkers place it

between stages four and five of Lewis and Wigen’s Seven Stages of the West (1997, p. 50, see
Figure 1), an area covering North America, West Europe, Australasia, and Japan; with South
America, central and eastern Europe contested depending on cultural-historic or political-
economic approach. Individual views on boundaries of the ‘West’ were established toward
the start of interviews through oral description, or the beginning of focus groups through
visual methods. The results from focus groups are amalgamated to show various boundaries
of the ‘West’ in Figure 2. The results show a clear focus on the USA and West Europe.

Description from interviews resulted in similar findings, most defining the ‘West’ as northern
America and northwest Europe, following Danao’s or Kiara’s impressions (Figure 2). While
almost all stated the USA and UK were ‘Western’, few considered other ‘Western’ countries.
Alejandro went into most detail with a ‘West’ of America and ‘maybe call it half of Europe’
(Focus Group (FG) 1) but was careful to state increasing affluence is not necessarily an
indication of ‘Westernisation’:

Alejandro (Interview 4): For example the football clubs in

England, most are owned by Russians, maybe you could class
them Westerners as well but, that's not the typical, and like the
Saudi Arabians, Chinese, Indians. So I think wealth-wise, its
balancing.

24
 Figure 2. The ‘West’ from a Filipino Lens.

Key: Danao Alejandro Gregorio Kiara Mariana

Previous discussion revealed Alejandro firmly believes such areas are ‘Eastern’ in ‘their
geography’ (FG 1) and culture. This sentiment was repeated throughout the group, who could
be seen to follow a cultural-historic approach in imagining the ‘West’. There was
disagreement over origins of the ‘West’ and while most trace its emergence to the UK and
France (Bonnett, 2004a and Lewis & Wigen, 1997) in the 15th and 16th Centuries, several
participants believe ‘Westernisation’ emerges from the USA, as Rowena considers how
England has:

Rowena (Interview 5): Like been westernised... the way they

dress, and sometimes the way they talk is westernised, not
traditional anymore.

While few stated this as concisely as Rowena, it was clear America is perceived as more
‘Western’ than the UK, and is the first (and sometimes only) place the word ‘West’ evokes.
Whilst experience and encounter did expand ideas of the ‘West’; even after an average time
of 6.4 years in the UK, the USA’s continuing colonial and postcolonial influences in the
Philippines means America remains hegemonic.

25
This reduction in size of the ‘West’, places it between stages three and four of Lewis and
Wigen’s maps (1997) (Figure 1), an historical perspective, with the ‘West’ stuck between
Medieval Christendom of the 13th Century, and the ‘West’ during the Cold War (USA and
NATO) or Europe and its settler colonies.

However, the participants’ limited imagination of the ‘West’ is not an historical approach,
and challenges current literature, offering a new dimension to the discipline through an
alternative narrative; it is instead a cultural-geographic approach. The findings critique the
‘Western’ dominated discipline, as participants focus on geographic location, minimising the
‘West’, rather than expanding it to include all allies (Hanson, 2002 and 2012b) or all recently
developed nations (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Toynbee 1978c) as is the current trend.
Combined with the sense wealth is not a defining feature of the ‘West’, but universal; this can
be interpreted as an Occidentalist discourse used to promote the strength and size of the
‘East’. From this perspective, economic success is independent from processes of
‘Westernisation’, not the result of replicating ‘Western’ ideals.

It should be noted the smaller ‘West’ imagined in the Philippines is restricted by the limited
‘Western’ media and information focusing predominantly on the USA and UK. Several
commented how ‘now’ (Alejandro, FG 1) they see France, Germany and other hegemonic
European states are ‘Western’, but in the Philippines, just the USA and UK. However, the
majority of participants also noted while geographic location is necessary to be ‘Western’,
language and race are just as vital.

A White, English Speaking ‘West’

Both language and race are seldom discussed within Occidentalism, although for very
different reasons. The total absence of an association between language and the ‘West’ seems
likely due to the fact historically at least two languages (French and English) have been
spoken there. It is odd, that Latin Christendom has been the marker of ‘West’ (Lewis &
Wigen, 1997), despite national and regional variations, but no links to dominance of the
Roman Latin alphabet have been established. Common language has been linked to the rise
of nations and nationalism (Anderson, 1991), yet research concerning formation of the ‘West’
(which in a simplistic analogy is large scale nation-building (Appiah, 2012)), ignores the
alphabet. Clearly, use of the same alphabet does not offer the unity afforded by homogenous
language, but if words have similar origins, read in the same direction with a recognisable

26
script and sounds, region-wide communication is significantly less complicated.
Unfortunately this research does not have resources to explore impacts of a homogenous
alphabet on the ‘West’, although it is a viable future topic.

For participants, however, it was the dominance of British and American media in the
Philippines, which created a stereotype of a homogenous ‘Western’ language of English. This
led to about a half of participants expecting a purely English speaking ‘West’ before
mobility:

Josephine (Interview 10): In the Philippines, when you say

foreigners, or western, we don’t know if you are English or
American, as long as you speak English... people from Italy or
people from France, if they speaking English I will thought they
are just foreigners, Americans.

This highlights the importance of experience and encounter in processes of stereotyping, as

Josephine now prides herself on ability to recognise differences between accents, and could
easily identify an English-speaking Frenchman. However, where language is concerned,
perhaps the biggest realisation for Filipinos was differences within the English language,
regionally and internationally (use of different spellings and pronunciations). The Philippines
- a dual language nation - speaks Tagalog and English, yet its colonial history means English
taught is American English or as Michael (Interview 12) put it, the ‘American language’.
While this creates few problems for ‘Westerners’ listening to Filipinos’ it creates difficulties
for Filipinos on arrival to the UK. Most participants found it difficult to comprehend the
‘different language... [and] words that we cannot understand’ (Rowena, Interview 5),
particularly the ‘Geordie’ accent of NE England. The perceived homogeneity of English
learnt from a young age is shattered as accents and spelling variations limit communication,
especially within institutions of school and work.

The final surprise regarding language as discussed by three participants was the revelation
that non-white people could speak English fluently with British accents. The following
extract also points to the sense of disadvantage felt regarding the absence of Britain from the
Philippines’ colonial history (see The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism):

Kiara (Interview 2): I was surprised also when I saw the black
people, Indian and Pakistan, they speak very fluent English?

27
 Researcher: Yeah?
Kiara: And then I researched, and I find, cause I like history,
they were here when the umm, white people need the workers,
so they hire the people and bring them over.
Researcher: To work?
Kiara: Yeah, and they brought their family here. I was surprised,
but I said ‘why not the Filipino’s come here to work before?’ So
that all Filipino’s welcome, and they also have a nice education
and speak very good English. So sometimes I was jealous when
I see a Pakistan, Indian, black people as they speak very well
English because I discovered they hired them to come here in the
1960s, 1930s?

Kiara’s research activity is not unusual. Others ask friends, read books, and attempt to learn
about their new home. This shows the group do not passively accept stereotypes, highlighting
a genuine interest in uncovering reasons behind certain phenomena, showing reflexivity in
forming views.

Race does occasionally appear within discussions of the ‘West’, but is usually evaded by
‘white’ ‘Western’ researchers, presumably through fear of further perpetuating racial
boundaries. Alastair Bonnett however, a leading researcher concerning the idea of the ‘West’
also writes about race, specifically whiteness (2000, 2004a and 2008). Whiteness and the
‘West’ are understood as inherently linked as he traces the formation of racism and the
‘whitening’ of Europe to early 19th Century colonialism. Whiteness was a tool, alongside the
idea of the ‘West’, Orientalism and other colonial discourses, to promote European
superiority, and thus the ‘need’ for colonial domination (Bonnett, 2008). Bonnett also notes
how ‘West’ and ‘Westerner’ in some cases replaced racial terms of ‘white’ in the late 19th
Century (2004a) as racial determinism was being disproven and criticised.

For participants, time and again the visible nature of whiteness meant it was a defining
feature of the ‘West’ before mobility:

Researcher (FG 1): Did you have any ideas of what Western
people were like before you came here?
Alejandro: Well, I’m not being racist, but, white, white, like
blonde, different eye colours too, and different colour skin, but

28
 that’s physical.
Danao: Yeah, white skin!

Yet for most participants who mentioned race, encounter with the ‘West’ led to many
surprises:

Kiara (Interview 2): I was surprised also when I see black,

Indian, Pakistan. I was thinking that this is a white country; I
thought that it’s only a white country, only white people living
here!

This use of ‘black’, ‘white’, ‘Indian’ and ‘Pakistan’ as racial groups can be seen as a
challenge to the racial boundary of ‘Asian’, while simultaneously (and unwittingly)
essentialising ‘black’ and ‘white’. It seems, however, despite recognition not all ‘Westerners’
are white, for the group, race and culture are inherently linked. Mariana (Interview 1)
commented how ‘in Philadelphia it’s more like coloured people, so I think it’s like a different
way of living’. While experience and encounter allow participants to see non-white people
can be ‘Western’, the fact remains that most ‘Westerners’ are white, and the majority of
white people ‘Western’. While ‘West’ may not determine whiteness, the relationship between
the concepts remains strikingly clear.

The ‘West’ as a City-Scape

The idea of an urban ‘West’ receives significantly more attention in literature, urban, high-
density areas associated with superiority, modernity and the ‘West’; rural areas considered
backward, primitive and ‘Eastern’ (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Howard, 1995 and Nadel-
Klein, 1995). Unprompted, a third of participants spoke of the ‘West’s’ landscape, as
imaginations of a city-scape produced by media watched in the Philippines focusing on
economic and political events in the ‘West’s’ largest cities, quickly changed. Even on arrival
at London, ‘big buildings and things like that’ (Camille, Interview 14) reinforce such images,
but as participants move outside of London the sense of the UK as a city-state was shattered.
Josephine recalls:

Josephine (Interview 10): So when I first came here to the

north, I was so surprised because I thought, where I’m passing...
it’s just fields, trees. Laughs. My God, there is no buildings, no

29
 really big establishment if you compare to London... and really
in England I was so surprised!

This surprise was mirrored by many participants, and several expanded linking ‘Western’
with ‘modern’. These extracts shows how for Rowena, a rural environment complicates the
‘Western-ness’ of place:

Researcher (Interview 5): So what countries would you call

Western?
Rowena: Mostly America. In England they’re part of, you got
like, been westernised. But here in [town of residence], you’re
still more like, what do you call this? Still very old-fashioned?
Researcher: Traditional?
Rowena: Yeah, traditional!

Researcher (Interview 5): Would you say the Philippines is an

Asian country?
Rowena: Actually, the Philippines is like a mix now. Most of
the kids there are like we said, westernised now... the culture of
the Filipinos is like what I said, it’s not traditional anymore...
It’s very different now... Philippines is not just like an old
country. Most of the buildings are higher, and the houses now are
more, more modernised.

Rowena has accepted discourses of an urban ‘West’ whilst in the Philippines, but real-life
interaction and experience challenges this.

This linking of modernity and ‘Westernisation’, reifies Fukuyama’s (1992) statement that the
‘West’ is the ‘end of history’ whose models must be reproduced for economic power and
status. This minimises urban areas in the ‘East’, as they become understood as replications of
‘Western’ cities, reducing diverse histories and contexts to a lust for ‘modernisation’. This
contradicts previous views regarding the geographic area of the ‘West’, where the group felt
wealth and modernisation are not specific to the ‘West’, further showing complexities behind
the concept.

30
 Conclusion

These results show that within Occidentalism, both race and language still require significant
research as views before and after mobility differ so much, revealing the ‘West’ is not all
white or English speaking. However, regarding the idea of an urban ‘West’, participants’
surprise at vast rural land, and their realisation that the Philippines or ‘East’ is not much
different, simultaneously shatters the idea of a fully urban ‘West’, whilst reinforcing the
urban ‘West’, rural ‘East’ binary. Finally, perceptions of the geographic area of the ‘West’,
both before and after mobility, are much more limited than current literature identifies, as the
group adopt a cultural-geographic view, which serves to further reinforce the ‘East’/’West’
binary.

31
 5. The Cultural ‘West’

This chapter continues data analysis through discussion of themes linked to supposed
‘Western’ cultural traits; religion and kindness; family life, respect and discipline; and
liberation and independence. Despite many contradictions implied within these themes, it is
clear while mobility, encounter and experience can result in the challenging and renegotiation
of stereotypes, others become further solidified. Many, if not all participants share a sense
that ‘East’ and ‘West’ are inherently culturally different, often directly opposing one another.
This chapter shows, however, participants tend to follow an alternative framework, where
binaries used favour the ‘East’, similar to Aydin (2007). Mobility to the ‘West’ made many
reassess previous stereotypes, but the fundamental ‘East’/’West’ binary remains. It is
important to note, while few participants could give examples, the majority agree cultural
differences exist within the ‘West’, but differences between the ‘West’ and ‘rest’ are more
noteworthy.

‘What’s the Motivation?’: Religion and Kindness

(Alejandro, FG 1)

Religion, one of the most frequently discussed points throughout research, was initiated
without researcher input during focus groups as was not an original theme of analysis:

Researcher (FG 1): And the last question, did anything surprise
you when you moved here?
Alejandro: There’s no Christ!
Kiara: Yeah, like in religion.
Danao: Well when we go to Church, there’s just about how
many? 20-30 people?

Consequently, religion was included in interview questions, and it became apparent for most
participants, Catholicism is an important factor in day-to-day life. Despite church
participation among the group declining after mobility, due to time constraints and limited
Church services, all but one consider themselves strong Catholics. Camille (Interview 14)
stated, ‘I know I’m a Catholic... [but] honestly I never been [to Church] for a year!’

When discussing religion, participants were initially dismayed by its apparent absence in the
‘West’:

32
 Mariana (Interview 1): ‘Cause, you know, when we took the
English test here, for the citizenship, we found out most people
here have no religion.

Many now attend a local Church of England establishment, or stop attending church
altogether as the local Catholic priest is disliked. However, participants feel the Church of
England lacks ‘images, like of Mary or Jesus, cross, something like signs or symbols’
(Josephine, Interview 10), or that:

Rowena (Interview 5): With religion, I’ve noticed... they’re not

practicing... There’s only old people that’s going to church,
there’s only a few young people going’.

Christmas, Easter and special occasions attract significantly more church-goers, ‘but
sometimes there’s people from the pub is coming in’ (Rowena, Interview 5), and ‘they don’t
really know the real meaning of Christmas, but they celebrate Christmas’ (Alejandro,
Interview 4). They are considered pretenders, not real god-fearing believers.

This expectation of a religious society is not unfounded, as Suleimenov (2006), expresses

similar beliefs, considering Western Christianity the uniform religion of the ‘West’. In the
Philippines, strict Catholic upbringing leads to the assumption everywhere is religious, as
religious discourse dictates an all-seeing God. Life without obedience to a superior being is
difficult to imagine and mobility to the ‘West’ suddenly exposes the Filipino’s to a world
where most do not follow any god. In the Philippines ‘those who are ‘God-centred... [are]
more likely to do good’ (Danao, Interview 7), so a nation of unbelievers is initially a
shocking concept, when goodness and morality result from faith. This realisation of a
faithless ‘West’ does not, however, persuade participants to accept Occidentalist discourse
stating the ‘West’ through secularism and rationality, is ‘evil’ and undergoing a breakdown of
society (Buruma & Margalit, 2004 and Hanson, 2002). Instead, it led to renegotiations of
where morality comes from, as participants wondered what motivation exists in place of God
allowing ‘Westerners’ to be good:

Danao (Interview 7): So you’re following like God and God’s

Ten Commandments, you don’t do this, you don’t do that. If you
don’t, if you haven’t, if you don’t believe in God, then where is

33
 the good thing coming from? So we’re kinda surprised of how
kind some people are... they are like nice and helpful.

Alejandro (Interview 4): ‘Cause like we’re a Christian nation...

we go to church and pray... there’s a focus, it’s a basis of doing
good. People say ‘ahh it’s just fiction’, but it’s one way of like
moulding them [his sons] that these are the rules, the moral
things that we should do. ... I’m in awe still, people I’ve met
here don’t believe in God, but they, they’ve still got morals.

While only three participants directly expressed the shock of a moral, law abiding yet atheist
society, all interviewees used terms such as ‘nice’ (Camille, Interview 14, Catherine,
Interview 9, Michael, Interview 12, Rowena, Interview 5 and Solana, Interview 3), ‘kind’
(Robert, Interview 13) and ‘friendly’ (Catherine, Ramon, Interview 11 and Rowena) to
describe ‘Westerners’. It is possible the expectation of no morality allows neutral actions to
be considered ‘nicer’ than if in a religious society. However, the use of such terms to describe
the entire ‘West’ - as they were extrapolated beyond the UK - points to a genuine sentiment
among the group that ‘Westerners’ are as ‘kind’ and ‘nice’ as Filipino’s and ‘Easterners’.
This disrupts and contradicts current Occidentalist discourses.

Family Life, Discipline and Respect

Catholic religion dictates strict adherence to the Ten Commandments, so ‘honour you father
and mother’ is an important aspect of life for Filipino participants. Added to this, adoption of
the ‘Asian attitude’ in which ‘the family live together’ (Kiara, FG 1) results in strong familial
bonds, regardless of where family are in the world. Looking after the elderly is not
considered a chore:

Rowena (Interview 5): I been looking for my granddad when

he was still alive, so I am actually his favourite granddaughter,
so I am very lucky.

Gregorio, a carer of almost ten years recounts the bittersweet life of a ‘migrant worker’
following a recent family loss:

Gregorio (Interview 8): You know, I just paid for everything;

... I been thinking, I been looking after people, but I didn’t even

34
 look after my own family member. That’s the sad part of our
life being like a migrant worker, you know. That’s the hardest
part.

The group disagrees over whether the ‘West’ shares such tight-knit familial bonds. Catherine
(Interview 9) heard ‘British people were family oriented’ before migration, yet experience in
a care home highlights how ‘some of the families don’t visit... they have their own life’.
Kiara believes the apparent lack of family ties is linked to wealth after discovering her
husband’s friends’ one-year-old had his own bedroom. Horace believes family life is the
same wherever you are, an idea shared by Carrier (1995b). What is apparent is the
importance attached to extended family in the Philippines where grandparents, aunts/uncles
and cousins often live together. The ‘nuclear family’ of the ‘West’ described in Occidentalist
literature (Bonnett, 2004a, Hanson, 2011, Howard, 1995 and Zeybek, 2012) is thus very
noticeable to participants, but only several consider it detrimental to society. Most see wealth
as allowing rather than forcing families to live separately.

The overwhelming majority did agree significant differences exist between ‘Western’ and
‘Asian’ approaches to discipline and respect. The lack of discipline was repeatedly
mentioned, as students are ‘just quite like relaxed’ (Solana, Interview 3), while ‘young people
here is starting to smoke’ (Mariana, Interview 1). Rowena (Interview 5) feels discipline exists
in the ‘West’, but less than in Asia, and having ‘seen children, they sometimes talk back to
their parents’ was clearly shocked. The most apparent link between examples, is youth; and
while all are clear to state not every young person shares such traits (the ‘Western’
researchers’ youth likely accounts for this), the sheer volume of responses exposes the idea of
a delinquent or ‘ASBO’ (Solana, Interview 3) ‘Western’ youth as a widely accepted
stereotype. Through media and film this idea again emerged before mobility, however,
experience and encounter have reinforced rather than challenged perceptions. This clearly
reveals the strength and endurance of Occidentalist discourses surrounding a delinquent
youth (Friedman, 2009, Hanson 2011). It should be noted it is difficult, if not impossible to
comment whether ‘Western’ youth are less disciplined than their ‘Eastern’ counterparts; as
the concept of discipline is such an abstract term, and meanings differ individually. Filipinos’
perceptions of discipline then, find youth in the ‘West’ as less disciplined than in Asia. This
can be further interpreted as a synonym for ‘Western’ barbarity and civilisation in the ‘East’,
an interesting twist on Said’s (1978) Orientalism. However, this was probably not intended
by participants, and thus should not be seen to represent views.

35
Respect, another contested and constructed concept was also considered more prevalent in
the Philippines, Asia, or ‘East’. This may explain why participants were reluctant to state
‘Westerners’ shared the trait, many believing respect is only found in certain ‘Western’
places:

Ramon (Interview 11): Here [NE England] is very, uh

respectful and friendly, in London it’s oh no. If you bang [into
them]... they are always like pulls angry expression.

The acceptance of a respectful NE likely arises from daily experience, rather than occasional
short-term visits to other ‘Western’ areas which can be tarred by one bad incident; and
actually further values the benefits of experience and encounter in challenging and
deconstructing discourses. In general, however ‘Westerners’, particularly Americans, were
considered ‘very, like opinionated’ (Alejandro, FG 1), ‘able to say anything they want
regardless of whether they might offend the other person’ (Solana, Interview 3). These
opinions support the majority of Occidentalist accounts (Bonnett, 2004a, 2012 Buruma &
Margalit, 2004, Creighton, 1995, Howard 1995), as traditionally and in contemporary media,
the ‘East’ is more respectful, while the ‘West’ boorish and arrogant.

Liberation and Independence

The idea of a liberal and independent ‘West’ – always explained in opposition to a

‘conservative’ Philippines/Asia/’East’ – was perceived as central to being ‘Western’ and
often followed discussions of discipline. About two thirds of participants noted liberation as a
defining feature of the ‘West’, and again opinions were held before mobility, reinforced with
experience and encounter. Two examples portraying liberation were repeated. The first is the
‘West’s’ drinking culture:

Kiara (Interview 2): I see a woman also drinking. So I say

‘why, why don’t I try it?’ So I try, and I socialise with them, I
got on with them. I found out it was also, nice. But in my country
when we go there, I cannot do the same I do here. Cause in
Philippines still we have, um old-fashioned ways.

Kiara is not alone in drinking whilst in the ‘West’, and none feel it is a negative factor.
Interestingly, the growing drinking culture in the Philippines did worry some participants,

36
especially if the person drinking is a teenage girl. Alejandro (who drinks) expressed fears of
‘Western’ media promoting alcohol consumption in the Philippines:

Alejandro (FG 1): In high school when you see girls drinking
it’s like... they’re branded as bad girls... They see, you know like
girls on TV drinking... You can see it on Facebook like [his
nieces] ‘ahh I was having a drink!’ They were kids when we
were there... and they’re girls so it’s like ooh!

Such examples show how participants see processes of ‘Westernisation’ have a detrimental
impact on the Philippines, while accepting and adopting behaviours as normal in the ‘West’.
The double standards are explained by the belief of innate cultural differences between ‘East’
and ‘West’. The ‘West’ is meant to be more liberal, so drinking is acceptable and can be
enjoyed, but the conservative ‘East’ must uphold traditional values, remaining untainted by
‘Western’ liberalism.

The second is the perceived independence of youth:

Camille (Interview 14): It’s more likely independent in here,

‘cause in the Philippines... the parents still holding on even if
like 18 years old, 19.’

Josephine (Interview 10): The children here, they have more

freedom, they are more independent... I’m still already married
and have two children I’m still living with my parents... Here I
was quite surprised, 16 ‘I want to move out’. Oh and the parents
are ok with that! This is your culture, you know, you are used to
it.

Solana (Interview 3): Like the teenagers in here, once you

reach a certain age you are allowed to drink, and you are allowed
to drive, or you can do anything, but with limitations, but in
Philippines you cannot do that.

Independence is considered an ambiguous feature, resulting in the loss of familial ties, but
offering more opportunities. Interestingly, at least two female participants left the Philippines
alone when under the age of 25 – typically classified as youth (Hopkins, 2010). They moved

37
thousands of miles to another country, despite having no contacts at their destination, and
earned money to support themselves and family in the Philippines. Alejandro (FG 1) may
believe Filipino’s are too ‘shy’ or ‘embarrassed’ so ‘it’s gonna be hard for a Filipino to be a
backpacker’, and the group seem unaware of personal achievements. It appears the
longstanding trend of emigration from the Philippines has, for participants, normalised
permanent migration, while forms of tourism become understood as ‘Western’, or privileged
phenomena (Abbott, 2006).

Conclusion

Mobility, experience and encounter influence views concerning ‘Western’ culture (as they
influence views of visible concepts). However, the influence is less remarkable, and more
complex. While surprises regarding religion challenge previously held views; results are
more specific to UK experiences, as large variations of religious participation exist within the
‘West’. The USA has been identified as experiencing religious participation on par with India
and Turkey, while Belarus has a larger percentage of atheists than the UK (Inglehart &
Baker, 2000). However, the importance of religion for framing lives of participants means it
cannot be ignored from research, but limitations should be clear. Mobility upsets discourses
surrounding ideas of a Christian ‘West’, and links between morality and religion; while
reinforcing the sense respect and discipline are ‘Eastern’ attributes, rarely found in the
‘West’. The group find no real consensus regarding family life; and so independence and
liberation - stereotypically un-‘Eastern’ attributes - become defining cultural features of the
‘West’. This demonstrates the continuing influence of the ‘East’/’West’ binary in the
contemporary world, as it has the power to shape perceptions, and following mobility
remains instrumental in re-shaping cultural views.

38
 6. Concluding Thoughts

This study outlines the importance in researching non-elites living in the contemporary
world, as new discourses and focuses of study are uncovered. The ways mobility, experience
and encounter change views is a vast and complicated process. The perception of a nice
‘West’ despite no religion is perhaps the most dramatic occasion where mobility leads to
renegotiations of stereotypes; while the idea of a liberal independent ‘West’ is a clear
example of Occidentalist discourses being reified. The cultural-historic or cultural-geographic
stance adopted by the participants, means the ‘West’ is rarely, if ever, considered a model for
development, or superior to other world regions. This spatial focus again offers a new
dimension for Occidentalism, as while geographic size has been traced, previous accounts
have not identified links with the ‘West’ the west.

Participants tended to offer fairly balanced accounts of the ‘West’, drawing upon personal
experience for examples, rather than ideas of others. Throughout the study, all repeatedly
stated not all ‘Westerners’ share traits, and would instead discuss general observations. This
again shows the group has an awareness of the diversity and complexity of the ‘West’, and
while certain stereotypes may be more ‘Western’, mobility and encounter eradicated the
sense of homogeneity.

Answering the Aims

In exploring the idea of the ‘West’ in a contemporary and non-elitist form, via views of
economic migrants this study shows media and family experiences determine stereotypes in
the non-‘West’. Whilst schools teach children of the ‘West’, it is in relation to colonial and
postcolonial influences of the USA, not work of Tagore or Al-e-Ahmed. Clearly views of
elites filter into media and schooling, and are by no means irrelevant. But this study shows an
Occidentalism focusing on only elite and historical accounts cannot fully account for
contemporary perceptions of the ‘West’, a wider, more socially inclusive approach should be
adopted.

When determining the geographic boundaries of the ‘West’ from the views of the Filipino
study group, the influence of the USA was astounding. Both before and after mobility
participants found the ‘West’ is centred on America, although the UK is also an important
‘Western’ power. Mobility and experience expanded geographical views to include North
America and northwest Europe, however, this ‘West’ is still smaller than academic thought

39
suggests. The focus on geography and supposed shared cultural traits displays a cultural-
geographic stance; and minimising the ‘West’ allows the ‘East’ to grow, and can be
understood as a tool used to strengthen the ‘East’.

Table 2: An Overview of the Main Stereotypes Before and After

Mobility, and Links with Occidentalism.

Stereotypes General Views General Views and How Views Link with
of the ‘West’ and Stereotypes Stereotypes Shared by Occidentalism
Shared by the the Group After
Group Before Mobility
Mobility
Geographic  Just the USA  North America and  Literature points to the
Area and UK northwest Europe. ‘West being much
 Focus on USA.  USA still dominant. larger, stage 5 or 6 of
 Cultural-geographic Lewis and Wigen’s
stance. maps (1997), not stage
4.
 UK is normally seen as
centre of ‘West’, not
USA.
 Cultural-historic or
political-economic
stances adopted.
Language  Only English  Other northwest  Language ignored,
and English with American European languages brings a new aspect to
spellings and included. the discipline.
pronunciations  English still dominant
considered but no longer
‘Western’. considered
homogenous.
 Non-white races can
speak English fluently
due to British
colonialism.
Race and  Only white  Non-white people  Limited research
Whiteness people are exist in the ‘West’ and explores the underlying
‘Western’. are ‘Western’. associations with
 The ‘West’ is still a whiteness and the
majority white area. ‘West’ (Bonnett, 2000
and 2008).
 Non-white people in the
‘West’ have not yet
been studied.
An Urban  The ‘West’ is  While main cities are  ‘West’ is an urbanised
‘West’ full of high-rise like this, other areas area and urbanisation a
buildings and are more rural. process of

40
 large urban  Urbanisation as result ‘Westernisation’ (Nadel-
areas. of ‘Westernisation’ Klein, 1995).
and is occurring in the
‘East’.
Religion  (Protestant)  Very few people  Occidentalist thought
Christian region practice religion, those generally sees the
 People attend which do tend to be ‘West’ as a secular and
church and are older. atheist society (Buruma
religious.  Special occasions & Margalit, 2004).
attract more.
Kindness/  Would be kind  Despite not being  Secularism leads to
Morality (as are religious) religious, in general breakdown of society
‘Westerners’ are still and amorality (Buruma
kind and moral. & Margalit, 2004 and
 Kindness becomes a Hanson, 2002).
universal concept  The idea of kindness not
being linked to religion,
and being a universal
human concept has not
been considered in
Occidentalism.
Family Life  Would be the  Families live more  Nuclear family
same as in the separate lives than (Howard, 1995 and
Philippines/Asia. participants are used Zeybek, 2012)
to.
 Some identified this
may be due to wealth.
Discipline  Less disciplined  Specific focus on  Less disciplined and
and Respect and respectful youth as being less respectful (Bonnett,
than the ‘Asian disciplined and 2004a)
attitude’. respectful.
 Felt people in local
area were more so
than those in big
cities.
Liberation  ‘West’ as  Again a focus on  Liberation and
and liberated as the youth, but liberation independence as
Independence ‘East’ is and independence ‘Western’ features
conservative. were seen by the (Ahıska, 2003)
 More majority to be the
independence. main features of the
‘West’.

Uncovering myths, views and stereotypes held of the ‘West’ and ‘Westerners’ also
highlighted the importance of culture (over politics and economics) as the basis of views. The
group discussed a wide range of cultural and visual stereotypes concerning the ‘West’.

41
Neutral issues such as race or language were frequently commented on, and positive aspects
considered, with the ‘West’ portrayed as more moral than contemporary media and academia
suggests. However worries about a lack of family ties, discipline and respect are common
themes in both Occidentalism and views of participants. Independence and liberation are
considered defining features of the ‘West’; although it is unclear whether they are negative or
neutral aspects.

Finally, exploring the effects, if any, mobility, experience and encounter have on expanding
or complicating such stereotypes, proved useful in determining how participants’ views were
initially formed, and tracing changes in mindset. Table 2 outlines the main stereotypes
discussed by participants, and ways in which they changed with mobility, experience and
encounter. Table 2 also relates stereotypes to dominant themes within the sub-discipline of
Occidentalism. It is clear certain dominant Occidentalist discourses are accepted by the group
both before and after mobility. However, the group offer alternative discourses through
discussions of an urban ‘West’, seeing it as no more urbanised than anywhere else. Kindness
and morality also offer a new dimension as they are seen to be in abundance in the ‘West’,
despite the lack of religion. The group also uncovered topics rarely, if ever found within
academia - language and race. The dominance of such stereotypes when participants were in
the non-‘West’ was strikingly clear, showing the need for Occidentalism to take race and
language more seriously.

A Limited Study

The study’s small sample size means results cannot be considered representative of views of
the Philippines, Asia, ‘East’, or non-‘West’. The responses can, however challenge current
Occidentalist discourse, and offer new perspectives. The sample was limited to those
originating from one non-‘Western’ area (the Philippines), currently living one place in the
‘West’ (UK). While several have travelled and lived elsewhere, all have spent more time in
NE England than anywhere other than the Philippines. Consequently, views and stereotypes
formed after mobility are likely to be biased toward experience of life in NE England.

The Future of Occidentalism

The social sciences as a whole have recently witnessed the ‘spatial turn’ (Soja, 2009), moving
away from historical analysis, and returning to studies which prioritise the importance of
place and geography (and mobility). It seems Occidentalism requires the same turn if it is to

42
uncover contemporary views and stereotypes of the ‘West’. Consequently, three possibilities
for areas of future study have arisen from this research. Initially, a focus on what ‘normal’
people in the non-‘West’ actually think of the ‘West’ is instrumental in considering the full
spectrum and reason behind views. More in-depth place-based studies are needed to consider
the impacts of colonial history, postcolonial present and media in places throughout the world
to fully expose the ‘West’s’ ambiguity. Without doing this, Occidentalism can only
challenge, not eradicate contemporary ‘Western’ superiority.

Secondly, a consideration of how media influences views of the ‘West’ is needed. This would
help in understanding how views and stereotypes are perpetuated and created through day-to-
day life. Finally, the strong focus on the non-‘West’ as Asia or the ‘East’ throughout this
research minimises non-‘Westerners’ found elsewhere, specifically sub-Saharan Africa. The
overwhelming majority of literature focuses also on the ‘East’ as the ‘West’s’ ‘other, further
reinforcing the ‘East’/’West’ boundary. The ‘Eastern’ focus was not planned, and clearly the
Filipino study group adopting the ‘Asian attitude’ has impacted the research. However, sub-
Saharan Africa is repeatedly excluded from Occidentalism, despite its colonial and
postcolonial links to the ‘West’. Future work must consider those most disadvantaged by
‘Western’ superiority, not coincidentally those currently left without a voice in
Occidentalism, and the ‘West’.

43
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Valentine, G. (2001) At the Drawing Board: Developing a Research Design. In Limb, M.

and Dwyer, C. (Eds) Qualitative Methodologies for Geographers: Issues and Debates.
USA, Arnold Publishers.

van Riemsdijk, M. (2010): Variegated Privileges of Whiteness: Lived Experiences of

Polish Nurses in Norway. Social and Cultural Geography, 11 (2) p. 117-137.

Walliman, N. (2004) Your Undergraduate Dissertation: The Essential Guide for Success.
London, Sage Publications Ltd.

Young, A. A. (2004) Experiences in Ethnographic Interviewing about Race: The Inside

and the Outside of It. In Bulmer, M. and Solomos, J. (Eds) Researching Race and
Racism. London, Routledge.

Zeybek, S. O. (2012) ‘Fraudulent’ Citizens of a Small Town: Occidentalism in Turkey.

Antipode, 44 (4) p. 1551-1568.

50
 Appendix 1: Stories of Mobility of the Study Group

Mariana (interview 1) came to the ‘West’ in search of better opportunities for herself and
her family. She came alone through a British agency in the Philippines with several other
Filipino women, none of whom she knew in 2005. She has family in London who were here
before her, and her husband, Horace, and two children came to live with her in NE England a
year later. She is a qualified nurse, and now has a third child.

Kiara (interview 2) left the Philippines in her early 20s, and travelled to the USA and
Canada (she stayed less than six months in each place). She later went to Hong Kong for
marriage, before moving to the UK in 2002, where she met her current husband, a ‘Geordie’.
Her two grown-up children remain in the Philippines, but she visits every two years and
continues to send money back. Kiara and her husband plan to retire to the Philippines. She is
currently a health care assistant, and has no interest in gaining her nursing qualification, as
she feels her communication skills are two low to complete assessments.

Solana (interview 3) dreamt of a life in America with her aunties and cousins whilst young,
and so nursing for her was the obvious choice. Being younger than most of the group, she
missed out on opportunities to move to America, and so instead worked in Kuala Lumpur for
over six years whilst considering if she wanted to move to the UK. After several (successful)
interviews, she finally decided on NE England as her dad approved of the area, finding it less
multicultural, and therefore easier for Solana to find her place than other UK regions. She is
single with no children, although sends remittances to her family in the Philippines (parents
and siblings). She is a qualified nurse.

Alejandro (interview 4) was a business owner whilst in the Philippines, but an unsteady
economic climate led to its downfall. He followed his wife Danao with his child in 2005 to
move to the UK in search for work and money. Alejandro currently works as a healthcare
assistant in the care home his wife works at, but is soon to be starting his degree in nursing at
the local university (his IT degree from the Philippines is worthless in the UK). Him and
Danao also send money to family back in the Philippines, although have no desire to move
back, as their kids (they now have two children) see the UK as home.

Rowena (interview 5) also wished to move to the USA, but again found fewer opportunities
than family members before her had. Instead she moved to the UK in 2003, where she met
her husband, an Englishman, and had 2 children. Rowena is a qualified nurse.

51
Horace (interview 6) was a delivery driver in the Philippines before moving to the UK with
his then 2 children, following Mariana. They have since had another child. Horace now
works as a carer in the same place as his wife, and has no higher education.

Danao (interview 7) again wished to travel to the USA as a teenager, and again found
difficulty by the time she was a qualified nurse. She moved to the UK for a better standard of
living for herself and family in the Philippines. She is a senior nurse in a care home. Danao
feels moving to the ‘West’ allowed her and Alejandro to have a second child, as she believes
in the Philippines, that they could not have afforded to look after two children.

Gregorio (interview 8) moved to the UK in late 2003 with his only son, six months after his
wife, Catherine. He used to work in a car manufacturing company whilst in the Philippines.
The company produced cars specifically for the ‘West’ and Gregorio’s main love of the
‘West’ became based on its health and safety regulations which demand catalytic converters,
reducing pollution and bad health. He is currently a healthcare assistant.

Catherine (interview 9), Gregorio’s wife moved to the UK in 2003 after applying
unsuccessfully for a visa in Canada. She moved for money and to give her son a better life,
and is now a senior nurse. When she first moved, she was part of a trial group of three
Filipino nurses sent to work in care homes within the UK. Leading a good example through
hard work of a high quality, the agency then began to invite many more Filipino’s.

Josephine (interview 10) came to the UK not as a qualified nurse, but on a student visa, and
so will qualify as a nurse with a UK degree. She is currently a carer as she finishes her
degree. Her husband follower her three years later, and her two sons (Michael and Robert)
the year following. Being a student makes it much more difficult to gain access to citizenship,
and it was also more difficult for Josephine to save ‘show money’ to prove she could support
her family without any government support in the UK.

Ramon (interview 11) was a sea farer whilst in the Philippines, which afforded him
international travel. Unfortunately, he rarely left the ports, although did get a certain sense
than some places were different. He is now a kitchen assistant, and is the only member of the
group to witness a reduction in wages in moving to the ‘West’. He moved to follow his wife,
Josephine.

Michael (interview 12) is soon to be starting GCSEs, and despite having only been in the
UK less than 6 months at time of interview, was one of the most fluent in English. He had

52
mixed feelings in moving to the ‘West’ as it meant leaving behind friends, although was
excited.

Robert (interview 13) who is currently in middle school finds the ‘West’ to be a large
“adventure”. He believes America would be more exciting than the UK, but in general is
happy with his new home.

Camille (interview 14) has been in the UK since 2003, yet the first time she met another
Filipino in the UK was over five years later. She married an Englishman and had a child. She
was still working at the time so her sister came over for a few weeks to look after her baby,
and found other Filipino’s whist shopping. Camille now attends parties and gatherings with
the Filipino group, but does lead a more separate life, more focused on her husband and his
family. She now has another child, and is currently expecting.

53
Appendix 2: Blank Atlas used in Focus Groups (Free Printable
Maps, 2008)

54
 Appendix 3: Information Sheets

Information Sheet for Interviews

The ‘West’ as a Concept in the 21st Century

You are being invited to take part in a research study. Before you decide whether or not to take part, it is
important for you to understand why the research is being done and what it will involve. Please take time to
read the following information carefully.

The purpose of the study

This research aims to see if the ‘West’ can still be understood as world region characterised by certain
stereotypes, or if these perceptions are now out-dated in the modern world. It also aims to see whether or not
dividing the world into West and non-West affects day-to-day life for Filipino’s in the North East of England.

Do I have to take part?

It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you want to, could you please keep this information
sheet and sign a consent form. If you take part you are still free to withdraw or not answer at any time and
without giving a reason.

What will happen if I take part?

Today there is a short interview (15-25 minutes), where questions will be asked in a conversation style. The
interview will be recorded using a Dictaphone, so only audio will be recorded.

If you are interested in going in to more depth on the subject, let me know today, or contact me using the
details below, as I will be carrying out interviews through August and September.

Is it confidential?
All information collected will be kept strictly confidential, and handled only by me throughout all stages of the
project. I am using a secure computer and will lock away all recordings and hard copies of data. When writing
and discussing the research I will use false names to ensure anonymity, and will not use any personal details
that may reveal identity.

The results
The results will be used as the basis of my Geography (L701) Bachelors degree at Newcastle University. I will
forward the finished copy to Alejandro, but if you would like to see it, leave your email address on the consent
form. The research will be completed by April 2013.

Who to contact
I am conducting this research as a student of Newcastle University, School of Geography Politics and Sociology.

To contact me- Madeleine Thompson 0779 568 1147 m.c.thompson@newcastle.ac.uk

My supervisor- Prof. Alistair Bonnett 0191 222 6439 alastair.bonnett@ncl.ac.uk

If you have any questions, feel free to ask.

Thank you.

55
Information Sheet for Focus Groups

The ‘West’ as a Concept in the 21st Century

You are being invited to take part in a research study. Before you decide whether or
not to take part, it is important for you to understand why the research is being done and what it will involve.
Please take time to read the following information carefully.

The purpose of the study

This research aims to see if the ‘West’ can still be understood as world region characterised by certain
stereotypes, or if these perceptions are now out-dated in the modern world. It also aims to see whether or not
dividing the world into West and non-West affects day-to-day life for Filipino’s in the North East of England.

Do I have to take part?

It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you want to, could you please keep this information
sheet and sign a consent form. If you take part you are still free to withdraw or not answer at any time and
without giving a reason.

What will happen if I take part?

Today there is a short focus group (15-25 minutes) with 2-4 people, where general questions will be asked, and
a blank atlas handed out for you to outline your idea of what the ‘West’ is. The focus group will be recorded
using a Dictaphone, so only audio will be recorded.

If you are interested in going in to more depth on the subject, let me know today, or contact me using the
details below, as I will be carrying out interviews through August and September.

Is it confidential?
All information collected will be kept strictly confidential, and handled only by me throughout all stages of the
project. I am using a secure computer and will lock away all recordings and hard copies of data. When writing
and discussing the research I will use false names to ensure anonymity, and will not use any personal details
that may reveal identity.

The results
The results will be used as the basis of my Geography (L701) Bachelors degree at Newcastle University. I will
forward the finished copy to Alejandro, but if you would like to see it, leave your email address on the consent
form. The research will be completed by April 2013.

Who to contact
I am conducting this research as a student of Newcastle University, School of Geography Politics and Sociology.

To contact me- Madeleine Thompson 0779 568 1147 m.c.thompson@newcastle.ac.uk

My supervisor- Prof. Alistair Bonnett 0191 222 6439 alastair.bonnett@ncl.ac.uk

If you have any questions, feel free to ask.

Thank you.

56
 Appendix 4: Consent Forms
Consent Form for Interviews

The ‘West’ as a concept in the 21st Century

Please tick a box

Yes No

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the
above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to

withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

I agree to take part in the above study.

I agree to the interview being audio recorded

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

Name of Participant Date Signature

Madeleine Thompson

Name of Researcher Date Signature

Email address (if you would like me to send the finished project)

57
 Consent Form for Focus Groups

The ‘West’ as a concept in the 21st Century

Please tick a box

Yes No

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the
above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to

withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

I agree to take part in the above study.

I agree to the focus group being audio recorded

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

Name of Participant Date Signature

Madeleine Thompson

Name of Researcher Date Signature

Email address (if you would like me to send the finished project)

58
 Appendix 5: Interview and Focus Group Questions/Topics for
Discussion
Focus Group Questions/ Themes

What do you think the ‘West’ is, what countries/regions does it include?

 Give out maps.

What were your perceptions of the West when in the Philippines?

 Have they changed/ true or false?

Do you feel it is easy to talk about stereotypes and perceptions of the ‘West’? Or are ideas
more country/region specific?

How have perceptions of the UK changed since actually moving here?

Do you ever feel excluded from life/marginalised in the North East?

 Examples, reasons why.

Back to maps. What would you call the rest of the world?

Interview Questions/Themes

Where is the ‘West’? What would you call the rest?

Why do you think those areas are Western?

Briefly describe your history of leaving the Philippines (when, where to, why).

What did being Western mean before you came? (Views, stereotypes, worries, hopes)

What does it mean now, has it changed? Did idea of countries change?

(if not covered) What are the main stereotypes you have of the West- positive and negative?

(If been to several countries) what differences have you noticed between them?

 (if haven’t) do you think other Western countries would be the same as the UK?

Where do you feel the Philippines is? Does this disadvantage you, being from a different
background?

What are your general feelings towards the West- negative or positive?

Religion, family life, language or ways of life mentioned? If not, ask.

59
 Appendix 6: Example of an Interview
Interview Number 2 Transcript

Researcher: Well I’m just gonna sort of go into a bit more detail on some of the questions,
and again if you don’t wanna answer you don’t have to

Kiara: Uhu, yeh

Researcher: So first of all, last time we spoke you were saying western countries were like
Europe, America and the UK

Kiara: Uhu

Researcher: So can you just sort of say why you think it’s those, why you think they’re
western?

Kiara: Why I think they’re western? Because they white! The colour white. And um, the cul,
culture is different.

Researcher: So did you think that before you came to the west, or did you have those
feelings in the Philippines as well?

Kiara: Umm, yeh. No, no. Because I been in America and Canada I see, I find that this is
different also from America and... I think, yeh. Because I think... I found there is
different accent as well! Because when I was in America, I can, I was communicate
very ok than I can over here

Researcher: So the accent’s easier in America?

Kiara: Yeh, yeh

Researcher: So is there any other differences kinda between America and Canada and here?

Kiara: yeh, there is. I found the difference is like, I found that America is also like ummm...
similar in Asia. Family oriented

Researcher: Family?

Kiara: Yeh. It’s different than here.

Researcher: So do you think America is more family centred and we’re not in the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: is there anything else, or do you think that makes any differences?

Kiara: Hmmm, well yeh, the most important is the languages

Researcher: Language is the biggest for you?

60
Kiara: Yeh

Researcher: I was just going to say as well, can you quickly describe how you left the
Philippines, why did you move away?

Kiara: Ohhh, how I came. I married to my husband, and that’s why I came here. He’s from
Prudhoe, an Englishman

Researcher: so that’s why you came here?

Kiara: Yes

Researcher: So why did you first leave- did you go to America first when you left the
Philippines?

Kiara: Uhh, I been in America first when I was 20

Researcher: Why did you go there?

Kiara: Umm, I work.

Researcher: Work...

Kiara: Not America! Hong Kong then America....

Researcher: But just for work though?

Kiara: Yeh and I met my second husband in Hong Kong, which, he’s from Scotland. Hmmm

Researcher: And then have you been anywhere else did you come anywhere else, or just
straight to the UK?

Kiara: I been here 10 years, and apart from that I never go anywhere. Laughs. I’m stuck in
here!

Researcher: So what did you think about Hong Kong, like would you say that was west as
well, or would you say that’s more Asian?

Kiara: half-half, because mostly people living in Hong Kong is from Britain, from America,
you know?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: It’s half-half. But they still very family orientated. Like you know, they eat rice.
White people don’t eat rice. That’s my comparison you see.

Researcher: Yeh... As well, you were sort of saying last time, the ‘Asian attitude’ that you
sort of feel you’ve got that. What would you sort of describe as?

Kiara: Yeh. Ohhh I describe it... when the baby here have to separate with the mother when
they little. But us, they stay with us until they grow up, you know?

61
Researcher: laughs

Kiara: Until they grow up, it’s up to them when to go out in our house. But very closely.
You’re sleeping next to them when you’re 15

Researcher: So like you stay with your family-

Kiara: Till you’re older. Stay together. Very different. I found here it’s like first time I come
here, it’s like I visited my husband’s friend, and they have their own bedroom. I said
‘what, this 1 year old boy has his own bedroom!’ Maybe, the the life, you see, um the
wealthy in here. They have their own room. Cause in here you have the council to
give you a house. Not like in the Philippines no one will help you. You live like in a
box, like in this little house.

Researcher: So do you think it’s better you’ve got the council to help you or...?

Kiara: Yeh! Oh yeh, yeh. It’s better that we had a government and organisations to run in the
Philippines like this. I think it’s a big help. If we had that of living, you know. I can
say this country is really, really good. Really supportive, and the people and that

Researcher: Emm, so was there anything when you moved here that really surprised you?
That you just didn’t think people would do, or...?

Kiara: Uhh, surprise me? Food. Um, I hearing swearing a lot. Ehh, and the language as well
yeh. Because you see, I don’t have, have any qualifications. And when I talk English I
feel like I cannot speak... fluently, you see, but I understand, but...

Researcher: It’s hard to say what you want?

Kiara: hard to say what I want, yeh. And round here you have limits. You cannot go out like
24 hours because the bus timetable has limits, and you know, it’s too expensive, the
taxi or the bus, you know?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: Not like that in Asia, no, it’s very convenient everywhere you go.

Researcher: Emm, I was gonna say as well, last time we talked about religion a little bit. Is
there anything else you were thinking about religion that’s a lot different here?

Kiara: Well I was surprised by many religion here as well. I was thinking like only catholic,
I don’t know, but Buddhist, Muslim, I was surprised also when I see black, Indian,
Pakistan. I was thinking that this is a white country I thought that ‘it’s only a white
country, only white people are living here’. I was surprised when I saw the black
people, Indian and Pakistan, they speak very fluent English?

Researcher: Yeh?

62
Kiara: And then I researched, and find, cause I like history, they were here when the umm
white people need the workers, so they hire the people and bring them over

Researcher: To work?

Kiara: Yeh and they brought their family here. I was surprised, but I said ‘why not the
Filipino’s come here to work before?’ so that all Filipino’s welcome, and they also
have a nice education, and speak very good English, so sometimes I was jealous when
I see Pakistan, Indian, black people, as they speak very well English because I
discovered they hired them to come here, in 1960s, 1930s?

Researcher: after the war?

Kiara: Yeh, they need the people to come and work. So why not hire the Filipino?

Researcher: So do you think, wish they had-

Kiara: Uhu, uhu, I was thinking they, they’ve invaded Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore. I
say ‘why, why?’ Philippines is missed!!!

Researcher: laughs, been left out?

Kiara: Yeh, oh yeh

Researcher: Cause it’s the Americans who sort of had more influence over you isn’t it?

Kiara: Yeh, they have yeh.

Researcher: And do many people like go to America and similar things? Or did you not get
the same opportunities?

Kiara: No, it’s different. People go to America to apply for job as well, but not as many as
was here

Researcher: More come to the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, that’s my thinking before I researched and go to the history of why loads of
black and Indian here, but no Filipino. Cause I was thinking... Ohhh

Researcher: Yeh, well when I started doing some research and looking at the censuses, I
found there’s not even a Filipino option?

Kiara: Not Filipino, no. I know, I was asking my husband. I said why, there are lots of
Filipino; they like to come here to work as well. But we need like... people to help us
and to educate us and you know to help other people as well. That’s why I surprised
when I see an Indian, so how they speak very fluent English? And then I found out,
they born here, their parents born here, their great-great parents was here. And still
I’m like why no Filipino?

63
Researcher: So do you think like when you’re in the UK you’re disadvantaged because
you’re not from an Indian or Pakistani group? Do you think you get less help, kind of
from the government and things like that?

Kiara: Yeh. Less. Now. I’m a British citizen now. But it took time.

Researcher: So like when you first came here?

Kiara: Uhu, yeh, different, yeh

Researcher: So is there anywhere you could like go for help, or?

Kiara: Hmm, don’t really know laughs. I like, if I want to ask help, I want to be educated. I
want to emm go to school to study again. But I’m like 50s now, you see. Cause I like
to always, cause like however you go, if you’ve got qualifications, no matter what, if
you can read, if you can write, you can understand people. But when you not
educated, like me. Like I can read... but it still takes time for me to understand...
(Points to information sheet). I need like a dictionary to understand what I’m reading

Researcher: To help translate?

Kiara: Yeh, translate, yeh.

Researcher: And it takes a bit longer. I was gonna say as well, last time we were talking, we
mentioned people drinking a lot more over here. Do you drink?

Kiara: Now? Yeh. But I didn’t drink before.

Researcher: Did you not drink in the Philippines?

Kiara: No, but I drink a lot now I’m here. Because, the, the, what you call this.... Influence!!
Yeh. It might be my husband’s influence, him or the family, and beside I see around
you know, there’s always people drinking here, but you know, there is a limit?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: Till half past 11, but I see a woman also drinking. So I say why, why don’t I try it. So
I say why not? So I try. And I socialise with them, I got on with them. I found out it
was also... nice. But in... Way back, in my country when we go there, I cannot do the
same I do here. Cause still in Philippines, still we have, um old fashioned ways. And
the ways we brought up, like you don’t do this, you don’t do that, see? Still different.
And even my children, my daughter, she don’t drink.

Researcher: Does she still live in the Philippines?

Kiara: Uhu. And my son, I have four sons. Ehh they don’t drink. They only drink like one
bottle at least only once a week. It’s umm...

Researcher: Different here? Laughs

64
Kiara: yeh- here, it’s like you finish work on Saturday night you go out. But in Philippines,
no. The only thing is party. Like we, our people, like to celebrate and party in the
house. Like birthday or Christmas, but don’t go to bar like Newcastle city.

Researcher: So you don’t like go to town or anything?

Kiara: No...

Researcher: So did you drink in America or was it just the UK?

Kiara: No, no. Just the UK

Researcher: Do you think America has the same like drinking culture as the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, but cause I don’t stay very long in America... it’s the longest I stay here, so yeh.
I been there for 3 months. I been in Canada for 2 months, but 15 years in Hong Kong

Researcher: So Hong Kong for the longest?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: So did you come by yourself? You were saying you still have family in the
Philippines?

Kiara: Oh yeh, there’s only me over here.

Researcher: So do you ever go back to see them, or?

Kiara: Yeh, every 3 years, because the ticket is too expensive...

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: That’s the one thing for me... it’s too far away from my family...

Researcher: So have you ever thought about brining your family over here?

Kiara: I been trying and I failed because immigration asked me to show accommodation and
money in the bank. So uhh...

Researcher: So you need to do certain things before...

Kiara: Yeh, you need to show you can support your family to be here. Not the government
helping your family...

Researcher: Even when you’ve been here for 10 years?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: Right, emm well that’s great. Thank you.

Kiara: Yeh.

65
Appendix 7: Risk Assessment Form

66
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Appendices 8: Dissertation Meeting Progress Forms

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