The Fighting Art of Pencak Silat and Its Music

i
The Fighting Art of Pencak Silat and Its Music
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004308756_001

ii
Brill’s Southeast Asian Library
Edited by
M.C. Ricklefs (National University of Singapore)

Bruce Lockhart (National University of Singapore)
VOLUME 5
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/seal

iii
The Fighting Art of Pencak Silat

and Its Music
From Southeast Asian Village to Global Movement
Edited by
Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason
LEIDEN | BOSTON
iv
Cover illustration: The photo collage of Figures 2.2 (Performance of a Ibing Tepak Salancar Cimande) and
12.4 (floor pattern of a Tari Galombang, courtesy of Indija Mahjoeddin) was designed by Uwe U. Paetzold.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Paetzold, Uwe, editor. Mason, Paul H., editor.

Title: The fighting art of pencak silat and its music : from Southeast Asian
village to global movement / edited by Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason.
Description: Leiden : Brill, [2016] | Series: Brill’s Southeast Asian library
| Includes bibliographical references and index. | Description based on
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Identifiers: LCCN 2015045117 (print) | LCCN 2015040749 (ebook) | ISBN
9789004308749 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004308756 (e-book)
Subjects: LCSH: Pencak silat. | Performing arts--Southeast Asia. | Folk dance
music--Southeast Asia--History and criticism. | Ethnomusicology--Southeast
Asia.
Classification: LCC GV1114.75 (print) | LCC GV1114.75 .F54 2016 (ebook) | DDC
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Contents
Contents v
Contents
Foreword vii
J. Lawrence Witzleben
Preface viii
Organization of This Volume xii
List of Figures, Maps and Tables xxii
Notes on Contributors xxvii xxx
Introduction
Putting the Obscure into the Public: Pencak Silat and Music 1
Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason
Part 1
The Development of Pencak Silat
1 The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javanisation, Nationalism, and

Internationalisation 45
Jean-Marc de Grave
2 The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is Gone – A Critical

Discussion of the Changes in a Performance Culture 76
Uwe U. Paetzold
Part 2
Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music
3 Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in Southern Thailand 125

Bussakorn Binson
4 Gendang Silat: Observations from Stong (Kelantan) and from Kuala

Penyu (Sabah) 167
Gisa Jähnichen
5 Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence Culture in the

Lingga Regency of Indonesia’s Riau Islands 182
Margaret Kartomi
vi Contents
6 Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia 205

Paul H. Mason
7 Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia 235

Paul H. Mason
Part 3
Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to Silat and Their
Music
8 Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure in the Performance of

Luambek 265
Zahara Kamal and Indija Mahjoeddin
9 Dancing Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in Muslim Balinese

Villages 290
Ako Mashino
10 Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming in West Java 317

Henry Spiller
11 Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and the Assertion of

Sundanese Identity 335
Sean Williams
Part 4
‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic of Body
Movement in Performance
12 The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body 359

Indija Mahjoeddin
13 Adaptation of Silek and Randai for Performer Training in the USA:

A Case Study of the Asian Theater Program at the University of
Hawai’i at Mānoa 384
Kirstin Pauka
Glossary 397
Index of Names 406
Index of Terms and Associative Expressions 410
438
Foreword
Foreword vii
Foreword
Although I have been reading about, teaching, and performing Indonesian mu-
sic for several decades, until the ICTM Southeast Asia Study Group on the Per-
forming Arts of Southeast Asia meeting in Singapore in 2010, pencak silat was a
term I had encountered only in passing references. The paper presentations at
the Singapore meeting were thus a complete revelation, and I am gratified to
see these studies expanded into this important collection.
Although ethnomusicologists have paid considerable attention to move-
ment in the form of “dance,” we have ignored traditions such as pencak silat
that blur the boundaries between dance, martial art, and spiritual discipline,
but that play an important role in the artistic life of many parts of Indonesia.
As such, the chapters in this collection are ground-breaking, and this collec-
tion will not only be of great value to scholars of Southeast Asian performing
arts and culture, but will also provide inspiration for those who work in other
regions such as China, where the scholarly study of similarly genre-defying
performative traditions has been sadly lacking.
J. Lawrence Witzleben
April 2015
Contents
Contents v
Foreword vii
J. Lawrence vii
Preface viii
Organisation of This Volume xii
Part 1 The Development of Pencak Silat xii
Part 2 Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music xiii
Part 3 Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to “Silat” and Their Music xv
Part 4 ‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic of Body Movement in Performance xvi
A Note on Spelling, Abbreviations, Internal Cross-referencing and Acronyms xvii
Index of Terms and Expressions, Register of Names, and Glossary xviii
Ancillary Media xix
1 Ancillary Online Media (Companion Website) xix
2 Ancillary Offline Media xix
List of Figures, Maps and Tables xxii
Notes on Contributors xxvii
Introduction 1
Putting the Obscure into the Public: Pencak Silat and Music 1
Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason Paetzold and Mason 1
The Cultural Salience of Self-Defence Arts 1
Fighting Arts 2
Martial Arts 2
Self-defence Arts 3
Further Movement Arts Characterised Primarily by Motor Function 5
Regional Similarities and Differences 6
Theories on the history of (Pencak) Silat 7
What is (Pencak) Silat Today ? 10
1 Kata 10
2 Emphasis on Shock-Combat 11
3 Ritual 11
4 Techniques, Repetition, And Drill 11
5 Sparring 11
6 Entertainment 12
7 Seeking Internal Power 13
8 Ranking and Indications of Rank 16
9 Connection With Social Elites 17
10 Medium for Education 19
11 Medium for Movement Therapy 20
The National Pencak Silat Foundations Concepts 21
Individual Concepts of Particular Leading Schools, and Particular Master Performers of Pencak Silat 22
Differentiating Between Style (Aliran) and School (Perguruan) 25
Female Participants within a Mostly Male Dominated Movement Art 26
Music for a Movement Art with a Primarily Motoric Function 30
Sound, Movement and the Brain: Pencak Silat as Seen from a Neuroanthropological Perspective 32
On the ‘Grobalisation’ (Ritzer 2004) of Pencak Silat 34
Providing a Source of Identity Within Migration 35
part 1 43
The Development of Pencak Silat 43
∵ 43
Chapter 1 45
The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javanisation, Nationalism, and Internationalisation 45
Jean-Marc de Grave 45
1 Introduction: Standardisation and Social Context 45
2 Formative Dimension and Normative Influence of Religions 46
3 The Influence of Martial Arts from Abroad and Western Bodily Techniques 47
4 Nationalist Period and Creation of the Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia Organisation 51
First Steps and Javanisation of the Federation 51
Militarisation, Centralism and Federative Formalisation 54
Paroxysm, Fall and Return of the Pro-Suharto 57
5 Internationalisation of Pencak Silat 61
Persekutuan Pencak Silat Antara Bangsa or The International Alliance of Pencak Silat 61
Progressive Elaboration of the Competition 64
6 Observations: Javanisation and Impact of the Formalisation 68
Social Homogeneity of Pencak Silat and the Impact of the Nationalist Aims 68
Pencak Silat’s Formalisation, Politics, Society, Education, Security, Health 71
Chapter 2 76
The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is Gone – A Critical Discussion of the Changes in a Performance Culture 76
Uwe U. Paetzold 76
Some General Remarks of the Application of Music in Pencak Silat in West Java 77
Music in Pencak Silat Performances in West Java Before the 1980s 78
Music in Pencak Silat Form Competitions From the 1980s Until 1999 79
Case Study: The Performance Structures of the Kendang Pencak Ensemble Type as Applied During Competitions 80
The Organisation of Tone Pitches in Kendang Pencak Performance Practice. 83
Structure of the Musical Form 86
Transcription Samples of Gongan (0 to 3) and Gongan (9 to 11
(= Limbung Section)) – Cadential Introductory Formula, Pola Dasar, and Altered Repetitions of the Pola Dasar 87
Choreographic Structure of the Pencak Silat Movements accompanied 89
Interaction Structures of Performers and Musicians in Pencak Silat Seni Until 1999 91
Sequences of Musical Form Types (Tepak) and Their Interludes 92
On the Correlated Evaluation of Movement and Music in the Competition Regulations of 1996–1999 93
Aspects of Terminology 93
Aspects of Internationalisation 100
Developments in Pencak Silat Art Form Competitions Since 2000 103
Migrated Performance Cultures: European Pencak Silat Cultures 106
‘De-Vitalisation’ of a Performance Culture? 109
New Perspectives for Traditional Pencak Silat Art Form 111
Conclusions 116
Appendix 118
part 2 123
Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music 123
∵ 123
Chapter 3 125
Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in Southern Thailand 125
Bussakorn Binson 125
Introduction 125
Southern Thailand and the Malay Peninsula 126
Silat in Southern Thailand 128
Legends of Silat 129
Categories of Silat 132
Kris Dagger (weapon used in Silat) 135
Silat Kris 136
Attire of Silat Performers 138
Silat Musical Instruments 140
Musical Analysis 143
Rites and Beliefs Related to the Silat Performance 145
Paying Homage to Silat Instructors 145
Paying Homage to Silat’s Great Ancestral Masters and Land’s Guardian Spirits 147
Rites Related to the Silat Shaman 149
Beliefs Surrounding Silat Music 149
Silat’s Movement Sequences 150
Paying Homage to the Instructor Sequences 150
Fighting Movements 151
The Occasions for Silat Performances 153
Knowledge Transmission 153
Silat Troupes in Southern Thailand 157
Social Status of Silat Artists 157
Conclusion 158
Acknowledgements 161
Chapter 4 167
Gendang Silat: Observations from Stong (Kelantan) and from Kuala Penyu (Sabah) 167
Gisa Jähnichen 167
First Case: Kampung Stong 167
Short History of Kampung Stong 168
Rhythmic Features 169
Melodic Features 174
Second Case: Kuala Penyu 175
Discussion 178
Chapter 5 182
Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence Culture in the Lingga Regency of Indonesia’s Riau Islands 182
Margaret Kartomi 182
Introduction 182
The Hang Tuah Legend 185
A Silat Performance at Desa Merawang, near Daik-Lingga 186
The Silat Culture in Daik-Lingga 197
Silat Performances in Desa Merawang and Kampung Bugis Compared 200
Conclusion 200
Chapter 6 205
Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia 205
Paul H. Mason 205
Entertainment for the Festivities 205
Reinventing Performance Traditions 207
Symptoms of Broader Change 217
Hari Idul Ad’ha at Lake Maninjau 220
Performances of Silek Minang during Hari Idul Ad’ha Ceremonies 222
The Crystallisation of Tradition 224
Transmission and Transformation of Silek Minang 227
Chapter 7 235
Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia 235
Paul H. Mason 235
Music for the Fight 235
Pencak Silat Seni as Cultural Art 237
The Art of the Competition 238
The Development of Music for the Fight 244
Percussion for Pencak Silat Seni 248
Woodwind for Pencak Silat Seni 252
Training the Movements 254
Portability, Politics and Popularisation 258
part 3 263
Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to Silat and Their Music 263
∵ 263
Chapter 8 265
Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure in the Performance of Luambek 265
Zahara Kamal and Indija Mahjoeddin Kamal and Mahjoeddin 265
Introduction 265
Suntiang Niniak Mamak – Pride of the Elders 266
Pamenan anak mudo – Pastime of the young 266
Implementation of the Alek Pauleh 268
Protocols and Parameters 269
The Luambek Event 269
Dampeang as Musical Organisation of Luambek 272
Luambek in Performance 275
The Influence of Luambek in New Composition 279
Chapter 9 290
Dancing Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in Muslim Balinese Villages 290
Ako Mashino 290
A Study of Muslim Balinese Performing Arts 290
Historical Background of Muslim Balinese 292
Rudat and Silat 294
Rudat Music 294
Body Movements of Rudat and Silat 297
Other Silat-related Performances 298
Rudat in Cultural and Social Contexts 300
Rudat for Maulud in Pegayaman (2008, 2010) 300
Rudat for Maulud in Kepaon (2008, 2011) 301
Rudat as Representation of Muslim Balinese Cultural Identity 302
Cultural Identity Represented in Rudat 302
Social Relationships Established by the Performing Arts 304
Similarity and Difference 306
Similarity Interpreted 306
Udeng and Peci Controversy 307
Negotiation 308
Chapter 10 317
Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming in West Java 317
Henry Spiller 317
Ketuk Tilu and Penca Silat 318
Musical/Choreographic Forms 320
Drumming, Movement, and Gender/Masculinity 327
Modern Penca Silat 330
Conclusion 331
Chapter 11 335
Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and the Assertion of Sundanese Identity 335
Sean Williams 335
The Development of Jaipongan 337
Dancing and Drumming 343
Cultural Conflicts Between the Sundanese and the Javanese 344
Jaipongan and Sundanese Identity 346
Sundanese Jaipongan in the National Arena 348
Conclusion 350
part 4 357
‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ applying the Silat Logic
of Body Movements in Performance 357
∵ 357
Chapter 12 359
The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body 359
Indija Mahjoeddin 359
Introduction 359
Randai 360
Tari Galombang 361
Lingkaran 362
Dance and the Bungo Silek 363
Symmetry 365
Physicality 367
Spatiality 367
The Movement Path and the Space Outside the Body 368
Timing and Elasticity 371
Tapuak Galembong 372
Jalan as Stillness 372
Conclusion 375
Chapter 13 384
Adaptation of Silek and Randai for Performer Training in the USA: A Case Study of the Asian Theater Program at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa 384
Kirstin Pauka 384
Background: Randai and silek in West Sumatra 384
Silek and Randai Training in the Asian Theatre Program at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa (UHM) 388
Glossary 397
Index 406
viii Preface Preface
Preface
Social scientists conduct research into many aspects of human cultures, with
performing arts theorists, ethnomusicologists and ethnochoreologists claim-
ing academic jurisdiction over theatre, music and dance. While theatre, music
and dance have an academic home, where do more obscure forms of cultural
expression such as fighting arts fit? Fighting arts are seemingly aggressive, po-
tently destructive, ethically charged, aesthetically rough-edged, repulsive to
some and obscenely enjoyed by others. However, does this mean that intellec-
tuals should overlook fighting arts? Perhaps fighting arts have been disregard-
ed by social scientists in the past, but fighting arts are in fact valuable doorways
into the cultural worlds of others. Fighting arts have their own beauty, their
own internal philosophy, and are connected to cultural worlds in meaningful
and important ways. Their worthiness of being given academic consideration
becomes even more apparent when one considers fighting arts as the source
and inspiration for many forms of theatre, music and dance. In Southeast Asia
fighting arts have inspired theatre forms in West Sumatra, musical genres in
West Java, and traditional dances across the entire Indo-Malayan archipelago.
Furthermore, fighting arts are an important cultural reference in indigenous
forms of education, cultural codes and social structure. On stage, obscure
fighting arts are thrown into the public eye, and in print fighting arts are put
under intellectual scrutiny.
The editors of this book started off with deep considerations about the
many rich facets of the Southeast Asian fighting art of pencak silat. Categori-
cally the most widely disseminated Southeast Asian art form, pencak silat has
more practitioners worldwide than gamelan music, wayang puppetry, or any
Southeast Asian dance form. Yet, Southeast Asian music and dance has dispro-
portionately gained more scholarly attention. A Western ethnocentric bias
among academics has also meant that the strong connections between diverse
Southeast Asian performance arts and pencak silat have often been left un-
stated. Foreign pencak silat practitioners can also be accused of ethnocentrism,
because the perception of pencak silat as a martial art has, for some, precluded
an interest in associated musical genres and performance arts. The distinguish-
ing feature of this book is that it highlights the centrality of pencak silat among
Southeast Asian arts and its importance to a network of traditional and mod-
ern performing arts. With a distinct change in the way we view Southeast Asia,
this book provides a wealth of information about a complex of performing arts
related to pencak silat.
Preface ix
Acknowledgements
This book is a joint effort. It would not have been possible without all the acts
of kindness from people we have met through our shared interest in pencak
silat. It was initiated by the support and encouragement of Margaret Kartomi
during a symposium of the International Council of Traditional Music in Singa-
pore in summer 2010. The meeting in Singapore hosted several panels on silat
and was the first international, ethnomusically- and ethnochoreographically-
focused discussion dedicated to the artistic and cultural aspects of the pencak
silat culture (“kebudayaan pencak silat”). Starting from this event, the editors
were able to compile chapters from three generations of scholars researching
numerous segments of the network of performing arts related to pencak silat.
Compiling and editing this book became a real adventure and challenge for
the editors. From the first discussions and consultations in Singapore to the
“calls for contributions,” the project involved getting in contact with the con-
tributing authors, exchanging with them, and chaperoning this book until it
finally became real during the publishing process. What a wonderful task!
When the older members of our ‘virtual team’ started with their fieldwork in
the last decades of the 20th century, we were still bound to the postal service
for international communication. We would send letters to the people we
wanted to contact in Southeast Asia, and sometimes we would have to wait
weeks, even months, until a feedback letter would be received. Final arrange-
ments were then made via Fax, or Telephone, whenever possible. The ‘virtual
team’ of contributors for this volume could not have been brought together
without the indispensable assistance of the Internet.
The editors are not the first to try to facilitate a work group of people inter-
ested in pencak silat culture. The earliest work group that has come to our
knowledge was called the “Saudara Riksa Diri” (“siblings in examining the
self”), who worked together in West Java during the 1960s and early 1970s. This
group, based on a pencak silat school of the same name, had no official institu-
tional status, but was just a group of young but well experienced pencak silat
performers from the Bandung area that went all over Java to search for and
visit pencak silat specialists. They then carried back their results to discuss with
their ‘siblings.’ They didn’t have any funds, only very limited private money, and
travelled from one friend’s house to the next to do their investigations. They
were led by the late Pak Emuh Sukeja and the late Pak Nunung Hudayat, two
prolific pencak silat teachers. Their students included, amongst others, the late
Pak Mochammad Saleh, who later became the pencak silat teacher of the ASTI
(STSI) Bandung and author of several books on pencak silat, and Pak Saini
K.M., who later became the director of this academy, and the director of the
x Preface
Direktorat Kesenian Indonesia. Pak Sukeja’s wife, the late Ibu Nani R. Sukeja,
was taking the task as the organiser of this group. She became Uwe U. Paet-
zold’s major research fellow in West Java in the early 1990s until her untimely
death on 15 March 1996. When things became hectic during field research
tasks, she used to apply an Indonesian saying: “diambil dari bawah, dibawah ke
atas,” which literally means: “taken from below, lifted above”; and which can be
interpreted as: “Received with modesty, revered to become honoured.” Keep-
ing this saying in our minds, we would like to acknowledge our gratitude
towards our friends, teachers, informants, and Gewährsleute from the cultures
of pencak silat, who generously shared, and kindly taught us their arts and cul-
tures. One important, more general, quality we were able to learn from them is
that a cordial multidirectional altruism is part and parcel of the “Silat world.”
Therefore, before going into any detailed studies of pencak silat, we should re-
mind ourselves of the incredible passion, dedication and love that pencak silat
artists demonstrate for their art and their companions.
We would like to acknowledge our gratitude towards our publisher who
took the challenge to let us compile and edit this book under a primarily eth-
nomusicological focus. Koninklijke Brill NV supported our endeavour, though
recognising that we and our co-authors are reporting on music genres and
forms that are still rarely known – neither on stage nor in the media – and that
are not easily accessible outside of Southeast Asia. With that in mind we would
cordially like to remind the reader of another work published by E.J. Brill more
than 130 years ago – namely the report entitled: “Midden-Sumatra. Reizen en
Onderzoekingen der Sumatra-Expeditie, uitgerust door het Aardrijkskundig
Genootschap 1877–1879. Geschreven door de Leden der Expeditie, onder Toezicht
van Prof. P.J. Veth. Deerde Deel. Volksbeschrijving en Taal. Erste Gedeelte.” It was
Arend Ludolf van Hasselt (1882: 117–120), one of the members of this expedi-
tion group, who was the first to report within a ‘Western’ publication basic phe-
nomena and terminology (“De nationale dansen der Manangkabo-Maleiers,
de spiegelgevechten, … het māmantjaq, het bāgajoëng en het bāsilè; de laatste
soort wordt ook wel tari tangan en bādampiïng genoemd (117) … De scherm-
meesters, pandéka`s, (118) … menari piring, de bordendans, (120) …”), that
would eventually enable colleagues, i.e. the contributors of the present vol-
ume, to further conduct pencak silat related research. Further, we would like to
thank our copy editor and our anonymous reviewer, whose knowledgeable
comments and suggestions we greatly appreciated.
Uwe U. Paetzold wants to acknowledge his gratitude towards Volker Kalisch,
Andreas Ballstaedt, and Dieter Derichsweiler of the Robert Schumann Uni-
versity of Music, Düsseldorf, for their kind help, discussions and counsel on
many aspects of the project, as well as supporters within the inevitable organi-
Preface xi
sational framework to pursue the project. He wants to thank Sean Williams

and Indija Mahjoeddin for taking over some co-organisational tasks, as well as
Lydia Kieven, Bart A. Barendregt and David D. Harnish for their collegial coun-
sel. Last but not least, he wants to acknowledge his gratitude towards his wife,
Barbara, for enduring the entire process. Paul H. Mason wishes to also make
personal mention of Pak Haji Uho Holidin, Pak Indra Utama, Greg Downey,
John Lowell Lewis, Julian Millie, Murtala and Alfira O’Sullivan who all fostered
and facilitated his interest in Southeast Asia and Southeast Asian fighting arts.
At least one final task remains to become solved: To get together all globally
dispersed members of this wonderful ‘virtual team’ of contributing authors in
one topographic spot – wherever that may be. We hope to inspire our col-
leagues and students alike to appreciate the cultural role and significance of
movement repertoires such as ‘fighting arts’ and to begin to perceive them in a
new light.
The Editors
xii Organisation of This Volume Organisation Of This Volume
Organisation of This Volume
Combining approaches from ethnomusicology, ethnochoreology, performance

theory and anthropology, this book brings together research results from
twelve researchers who have studied various aspects of pencak silat in South-
east Asia and beyond. These chapters relate to both pencak silat, as well as
performance arts derived from this pluripotent art form. The chapters are
grouped into four parts:
1. The Development of Pencak Silat

2. Regional Studies of Pencak Silat and Its Music
3. Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to Silat and Their Music
4. ‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic of Body Movement in
Performance.
These four parts are preceded by an introductory chapter entitled “Putting the
Obscure into the Public: Pencak Silat and Music,” in which the horizon of the
so-called “world of silat” is minutely sketched, and definitions of its character-
istics are worked out and differentiated by the editors.
Part 1. The Development of Pencak Silat
… invites the reader to delve into, and familiarise themselves with, the devel-
opment of “pencak silat.” With a focus on the artistic variants of pencak silat,
this part focuses on the standardisation, nationalisation, and internationalisa-
tion of pencak silat as well as the changes in performance practices during the
second half of the 20th century up to today. This part also de-mystifies an im-
portant layer of local concepts on ethics, society, state, spirituality, and per-
sonal life conduct. The development of pencak silat is written based on the
experience of two authors who share equally long-standing personal involve-
ments with pencak silat performance practice.
Jean-Marc de Grave
... as the first author, in his chapter “The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javani-
sation, Nationalism and Internationalisation,” provides a detailed cultural ac-
count that prepares the reader for what pencak silat has now become.
Organisation of This Volume xiii
Uwe U. Paetzold
... as the second author, follows from de Grave by giving an insight into the
changes in the performance cultures of the arts variants of pencak silat, focus-
ing primarily on developments since the beginning of the new millennium. In
addition to a concern for the loss of music in pencak silat arts tournaments, in
his chapter “The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is gone – A Critical
Discussion of the Changes in a Performance Culture” he also directs his atten-
tion to the role that music has played in the development of pencak silat.
Part 2. Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music
Multi-faceted appearances of music in the long standing traditions of pencak

silat performance practices in Southeast Asia are explicated in a series of re-
gional case studies on traditional forms of music connected with penca(k)
and/or silat. Therefore, it will be necessary to declare the term pencak as op-
tional, as the composite term is common within the greater part of the Bahasa
speaking cultures only.
Bussakorn Binson
The use of pencak silat terminology is different in Thailand, which is the focus
of Bussakorn Binson’s chapter, “Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in
Southern Thailand.” On the one hand, she illustrates significant historical trac-
es of silat traditions of the three provinces Narathiwat, Pattani, Songkhla and
Yala in the Malay Muslim world. On the other hand, she shows a profile of
genuine Thai origins as well.
Gisa Jähnichen
… in her chapter “Gendang Silat: Observations from Stong (Kelantan) and from
Kuala Penyu (Sabah)” presents two rural examples of gendang silat in South-
east Malaysia and Sabah. Discussing and analysing various aspects of the musi-
cal structuring and ensemble coordination of these performance settings,
Jähnichen gives an insight into the great variety of silat performances among
different communities in Malaysia. She not only considers different perspec-
tives of primary functions, but also puts her focus on refinements and further
differentiations according to the actual situation and the personality of musi-
cians and performers. Both examples and the questions related to them are to
contribute to the discussion about philosophical background and actual cul-
tural reality of pencak silat in the Malay Archipelago.
xiv Organisation Of This Volume
Margaret Kartomi
… recently picked up her long standing research on silat-related cultures again
in a series of articles focusing on several Sumatran cultures. In her present
chapter, entitled “Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence Culture in
the Lingga Regency of Indonesia’s Riau Islands,” she includes the Lingga re-
gency in the Riau islands into her discussions and places it back onto the map
of the “world of silat” - the Lingga regency is one of the historical centres of si-
lat culture. Although the silat culture and practices in the locations Kartomi
observes share some similar discourse issues and stylistic characteristics, they
differ from each other in the detail. Each has its own distinctive silat identity.
Paul H. Mason
… investigates two prominent Indonesian regions famous for their traditions
of pencak silat: West Sumatra (Minangkabau) and West Java (Sunda). His first
chapter, “Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia,” discusses traditional fes-
tivities and a small variety of Minangkabau performance arts including perfor-
mance traditions of silat, known locally as silek or silek Minang. On stage, silek
is often accompanied by music. While music might be considered by some
Minangkabau locals as an optional part of silek entertainment, Mason explains
in detail the way that music and movement concomitantly unravel in time and
space on the performance stage. The discordant rhythmic relationships be-
tween the Minangkabau musicians’ sounds and the silek performers’ move-
ment mean that many audience members may not recognise the musical
accompaniment as part of the performance. For the silek performers, the ne-
cessity to ignore the musical accompaniment is an integral part of their skill.
With this characteristic feature of the genre, West Sumatran silek Minang
has a completely different performance concept compared to West Javanese
pencak silat seni, where music relates directly to the movement of the perform-
ers. In his second chapter, entitled “Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia,”
Mason takes a close look at the developments and traditions of pencak silat
seni. His chapter makes the reader aware of some nationalist pursuits and fas-
cinations within pencak silat that developed alongside programmes to nation-
alise and standardise this art in schools like Satria Muda Indonesia and the
Pemuda Pancasila Indonesia. Pencak silat seni competitions in West Java con-
trast with the silek Minang performances during religious festivals in West Su-
matra and reveal palpable cultural differences between these two provinces of
Indonesia. Being a choreomusicologist with training and laboratory experi-
ence in the sciences of the brain, Mason combines ethnographic field observa-
tions with current findings in neuroscience to offer fresh and new perspectives
on the arts he has trained in, and has observed, and documented.
Organisation of This Volume xv
Part 3. Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to “Silat”

and Their Music
… considers the Bahasa notions of “dunia silat” (“world of silat”), and “kebuday-
aan pencak silat” (“pencak silat culture”) as conceptual backbones, and ex-
plores some of the many locally grown art forms in Southeast Asian cultures
that have been inspired by pencak and/or silat.
Zahara Kamal and Indija Mahjoeddin

In their chapter “Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure in the Performance
of Luambek,” they provide an in-depth view into the movement art luambek,
and its mandatory sonic counterpart dampeang. Luambek is one of the most
fascinating traditional modalities of the (pencak) silat of the Minangkabau
people in West Sumatra, Indonesia. Being an art on the change from a Turn-
erian social ritual process of liminality to a staged and choreographed perfor-
mance art today, luambek and dampeang are two arts that have an aura of
esotericism. The two authors, both experienced performers and teachers in
several traditional Minangkabau movement arts, combine the perspective of
the ‘Insiders’ with that of the ‘Outsiders’, and minutely unravel the choreo-
graphic, sonic, textual, social and ritual characteristics of these above-men-
tioned arts that have been of a mysterious appearance, even to researchers,
until now.
Ako Mashino
… introduces the reader to a lesser known part of the rich horizon of Balinese
performing arts. Related to Muslim cultures, in her chapter entitled “Dancing
Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in Muslim Balinese Villages,” she investi-
gates the rudat, a religiously based, choreographically silat-borne performance
art that includes music. Rudat can be found in many Muslim cultures of Indo-
nesia. Mashino considers how this art, and other silat and silat-derived dance
forms are performed as part of Islamic celebrations, representing the Muslim
Balinese cultural identity.
As for West Java being one of the best known regions of pencak silat tradi-
tions, we accordingly will find numerous dance, theatre, and music arts being
related to this traditional fighting art in one or another way.
Henry Spiller
In his chapter entitled “Sundanese Pencak Silat and Dance Drumming in West
Java,” Spiller investigates both traditional penca silat and related performance
arts like ketuk tilu. Self-defence training, according to Spiller, has roots in a very
xvi Organisation Of This Volume
old and very persistent thread in Sundanese culture. This particular cultural
layer offers men modalities to acquire power by training their bodies to move
in powerful ways with the assistance of drumming.
Sean Williams
… then puts the focus on another, modern version of dancing with “dance
maidens” (ronggeng). With this, she exemplifies the fact that in the “world of
silat” the martial aspect is just one side of a coin, where social entertainment,
sometimes combined with eroticism, depicts the other. In her chapter, entitled
“Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and the Assertion of Sundanese Iden-
tity,” she scrutinises this dance and music art, whose creation in part grew from
pencak silat seni influences. Jaipongan flourished during the 1980–1990s in
West Java as well as elsewhere in Indonesia and even beyond. By doing so, she
highlights the sometimes subtle symbolic means by which the Sundanese at-
tempt to wrest artistic as well as political control from the dominant Indone-
sian culture of the Javanese.
Part 4. ‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic of Body

Movement in Performance
… on the one hand surpasses the borders of Southeast Asia, and follows some
of the paths that has resulted in pencak silat to be an international art. On the
other hand it shows how these developments remain, and are nurtured by, in-
digenously Southeast Asian concepts of embodiment.
Indija Mahjoeddin
Reflections in her chapter entitled “The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body”
are drawn from her experience observing, training and performing with randai
troupes in West Sumatra. She is a Western-trained performer exploring her
own cultural roots, then subsequently through teaching a variety of non-
Minangkabau participants in the context of rehearsals, training processes and
community workshops in Australia. Her discussion surveys some of the ways
in which a body that is innately conscious of the silek logic of movement, the
“silek body,” negotiates tari galombang differently from a body entrenched in a
Western performance.
Kirstin Pauka
… in her chapter, entitled “Adaptation of Silek and Randai for Performer Train-
ing in the USA: A Case Study of the Asian Theater Program at the University of
Organisation of This Volume xvii
Hawai’i at Mānoa,” Pauka provides a close look into her long lasting engage-
ment in the performance practice of Minangkabau silek and randai. Pauka is
one of the few non-indigenous persons worldwide teaching arts from the
“world of pencak silat” within a ‘western’ university. She discusses how the local
“field” of West Sumatran performance arts has been brought to the campus,
the challenges connected herewith, and how a performance culture in migra-
tion, which is intended to grow beyond the limits of Southeast Asia, is tempo-
rally generated.
A Note on Spelling, Abbreviations, and Acronyms
Spelling: A big challenge in dealing with any kind of volume on Southeast

Asian performing arts are the countless spellings of terms in regional languag-
es. Many of these terms derive from Indian languages and from Arabic. Spell-
ings are rarely standardised within the institutions and disciplines of a
particular country, let alone regarding the whole culture area that will be dis-
cussed within the present book. The editors unified many core terms wherever
this seemed necessary, i.e. “Qur’an,” throughout this book. Transliterations of
vowels using accent marks were omitted wherever possible except in quota-
tions, i.e. slendro is used instead of sléndro, and pelog instead of pélog. All Non-
English terms were set into Italics to make them obvious on the first glance.
However, many core terms from the arts discussed were kept in their local
names, i.e. the modern terms “pencak” and “silat,” which nowadays as a com-
posite term denote the modern performing and sports art, will be kept with
their local names in the particular chapters, if not otherwise stated. In this
particular case this is intended to keep the reader aware of the composite term
being a result of a still quite recent (1973) cultural political decision, made by
the head organisations IPSI and PERSILAT in Indonesia during the Suharto era.
This should not automatically be assumed to be the sole instance of name la-
bels being coined onto the arts discussed in this volume; nor should they be
assumed to be universally accepted. Rather, a multitudiny of local names, like
penca, mamancak, ameng, ulin, maenpo, and silat, silek, gayung can still be
found in local cultures.
Orthographical or grammatical mistakes within quoted texts: We decided to
refrain from any annotation (e.g. “sic”) of grammatical errors or unusual spell-
ings we detected within quoted texts, and to leave such wordings in the form in
which we found them.
Abbreviations: Throughout this book the following language abbreviations
will be applied where necessary (in alphabetical order): Arabic (A), Basa Bali
xviii Organisation Of This Volume
(BB), Bahasa Indonesia (BI), Basa Jawa (BJ), Bahasa Melayu (BM), Bahasa Me-
layu Brunei (BMB), Bahasa Melayu Lingga (BML), Baso Minang (BMin), Basa
Sunda (BS), Phasa Thai (PT), Sanskrit (Skrt). The particular chapters’ national
language will be stressed, followed by the particular local language.
Index of Terms and Expressions, Index of Names, and Glossary
The present volume offers a mesmerising richness of phenomena and their

terminology to the reader. Because a high degree of such richness can become
overwhelming, we have put some effort into designing a very usable Index of
Terms and Expressions, Index of Names, and Glossary to facilitate relocation of
terms, statements, and names.
a. The Index of Terms and Expressions not only provides a source for relo-
cating terminology in alphabetical order, but moreover will be preceded by a
combed-for compilation of the nine characteristics definition profile of mar-
tial arts as formulated by Jones (2002: xi-xii), augmented with two further char-
acteristics by the present editors. This conceptional framework, which is
applied both within the “Introduction” of the present volume as well as in its
“Index,” therefore offers a patterned quick access into the characteristics given
in the Jones’ definition profile.
b. The Index of Names provides the reader with a quick access facility to the
names and acronyms of prominent organisations and personal discussed
within the chapters of the present volume. This personal includes performers,
ensembles, teachers, schools, mentors and administrators of the arts discussed,
as well as prominent social and political figures that found their place within
the “world of silat.”
c. Finally, the Glossary gives the reader a quick recall facility on perfor-
mance genres and outstanding sonic and movement phenomena, from the
‘cosmos’ of performing arts discussed in the particular chapters of the present
volume.
Ancillary Media
In spite of the enormous advancements in digital social media, we are well

aware of reporting in this volume on art genres and forms that are still rarely
known and are not easily accessible outside of Southeast Asia. To improve the
media accessibility of the arts discussed in the present volume, we took two
measures:
Organisation of This Volume xix
1 Ancillary Online Media (Companion Website)

The editors are sure that the rich complex of cultures discussed in the present
book offers a ‘gold mine’ to be explored, both in regards to textual as well as
media-related information. To make an understanding of the phenomena dis-
cussed more feasible to the reader, the present volume comes along with a
website providing ancillary audio, video, and graphical media.
However, the website announced is beyond the production responsibilities
of Koninklijke Brill NV. It will be produced, maintained, and managed solely by
the editors themselves. This, we must confess, is a huge additional task. Ac-
counting our possibilities in regards to available manpower, we have decided
to produce the website with ancillary media as a “work-in-progress” after the
book has been completed. For this reason, the particular media assets available
will be indexed on the website itself only. You will find the website at:
<www.bits4culture.org/pencaksilatandmusic>
You may access it with username: tahu_garak_yo_garik
and password: tahu_angin_nan_bakisah
Further, we have set up a “Progress Information Board” which is accessible via

the companion website itself. The intention behind this is to keep you, dear
reader, informed. It is our hope that you find this both helpful and a stimulus
to your own researches and enquiries.
2 Ancillary Offline Media

From 2007 to 2010 Uwe U. Paetzold compiled and edited an eight-volume docu-
mentary video DVD in-house series commissioned by the Deutsches Tanzar-
chiv Köln (German Dance Archive Cologne). This collection is entitled “Tänze,
Bewegungskünste und Musikstile des Pencak Silat in Indonesien” [Dances,
movement arts, and music styles of the pencak silat in Indonesia]. Though this
collection relates to West Java and West Sumatra only, it encompasses most of
the arts originating from these regions discussed in the present book.
Whilst these video materials are accessible locally at the facilities of the ar-
chive in Cologne only, the metadata is retrievable from the Internet as well. For
this please see: <http://www.sk-kultur.de/tanz/>; search word (in entry field
“Freitext”): p*tzold
Of course for all data, media, and information provided here solely the
named institution is responsible. The following volumes of this collection re-
late to the chapters named and can be accessed locally in Cologne:
xx Organisation Of This Volume
• (Band/Volume 1) West-Sumatra - Tänze und Bewegungskünste der Pencak /

Randai-Familie: Traditionelles Tanztheater Randai. [West Sumatra –
Dances and Movement Arts of pencak / randai family: Traditional randai
dance theatre]. Catalogue No. 2724 / Overall duration: ca. 59’00.” Relates to
chapters 06, 08, 12, and 13.
• (Band/Volume 2) West-Sumatra - Tänze und Bewegungskünste der Pencak
/ Randai-Familie: Traditioneller zeremonieller Tanz, Moderner Tanz und
Modernes Tanztheater. [West Sumatra – Dances and Movement Arts of
pencak / randai family: Traditional ceremonial dance, modern dance, and
modern dance theatre]. Catalogue No. 2725 / Overall duration: ca. 25’40.”
Relates to chapters 06, 08, 12, and 13.
• (Band/Volume 3) West-Sumatra und International - Tänze und Bewegungs
künste der Pencak / Randai-Familie: Moderner Tanz der “Gumarang Sakti
Dance Company.” [West Sumatra – Dances and Movement Arts of pencak /
randai family: Modern Dance of the “Gumarang Sakti Dance Company”].
Catalogue No. 2726 / Overall duration: ca. 85’00.” Relates to chapter 08.
• (Band/Volume 4) West-Sumatra - Tänze und Bewegungskünste der Pencak
/ Randai-Familie: Traditionelles Pencak Silat (silek) der Minangkabau.
[West Sumatra – Dances and Movement Arts of pencak / randai family:
Traditional pencak silat (silek) of the Minangkabau]. Catalogue No. 2727 /
Overall duration: ca. 53’00.” Relates to chapters 06, 08, 12, and 13.
• (Band/Volume 5) West-Java - (Neo-) Klassische Tänze (Tari Klasik). [West
Java – (Neo) Classical dances (tari klasik)]. Catalogue No. 2728 / Overall
duration: ca. 63’30.” Relates to chapter 10.
• (Band/Volume 6) West-Java - Tänze und Bewegungskünste der Ibingan
Penca / Tari Ronggeng-Familie: Tari Ketuk Tilu und Sonderformen des
traditionellen Kunst-Pencak Silat. [West Java – Dances and Movement Arts
of the ibingan penca / tari ronggeng family: Tari ketuk tilu and special forms
of traditional pencak silat seni]. Catalogue No. 2729 / Overall duration: ca.
59’30.” Relates to chapters 02, 07, 10, and 11.
Penca / Tari Ronggeng-Familie: Traditionelles Kunst-Pencak Silat und
verwandte Bewegungskünste. [West Java – Dances and Movement Arts of
the ibingan penca / tari ronggeng family: Traditional pencak silat seni and
related movement arts]. Catalogue No. 2730 / Overall duration: ca. 69’00.”
Relates to chapters: 02, 07, 10, and 11.
Penca / Tari Ronggeng-Familie: Transitionelles und modernes Kunst-Pen-
cak Silat bis 1999/2000. [West Java – Dances and Movement Arts of the
ibingan penca / tari ronggeng family: Transitional and modern pencak silat
Organisation of This Volume xxi
seni until 1999/2000]. Catalogue No. 2731 / Overall duration: ca. 61’30.”
Relates to chapters: 01, 02, 07, 10, and 11.
References
Jones, David E.. 2002. Towards a Definition of the Martial Arts. In: Combat, Ritual, And
Performance. Anthropology of the Martial Arts, xi-xv. David E. Jones (ed.). Westport
(Connecticut), London: Praeger.
xxii List of Figures, Maps and Tables
List Of Figures, Maps And Tables
List of Figures, Maps and Tables
Figures
0.1 The late Ibu Enny Rukmini Sekarningrat (1915–2011) together with pendekar
Gending Raspuzi 27
0.2 Two of the saudara Riksa Diri side by side in one of the dance studios of the
STSI Bandung 29
1.1 The National Center of pencak silat (Padepokan Nasional Pencak Silat
Indonesia) located near the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah in Jakarta 59
2.1 The Kendang Pencak Si Guyur ensemble 84
2.2 The Pusaka Cimande School of pencak silat performing the Ibing Tepak
Salancar Cimande 84
2.3 Approximately 90 year old drummer “Aki” Dasik from Desa Lemah Duhur, Tari
Kolot / Cimande 85
2.4 Transcription sample [01] of gongan (0 to 3) 88
2.5 Transcription sample [02] of gongan (9 to 11) – limbung 89
2.6 The first performance tour of West Javanese pencak silat seni performers to
Europe 107
2.7 An Austrian team, consisting of Alexander Bernardis, Alexander Stegbauer,
and Martin Skokan, on their way to score the 1st place in the regu / male
category 109
3.1 Pangka bird’s head on the kris handle 135
3.2 Silat kris 137
3.3 The attire of silat troupes from Narathiwat Province 139
3.4 Sarong (Sor-kae or Batik cloth) with a waist band (Lue-pak cloth) 139
3.5 Silat masters from Yala Province 140
3.6 Silat music troupe from Narathiwat province 141
3.7 a. Silat oboe; b. Shenai 141
3.8 Set of silat musical instruments in Narathiwat Province 142
3.9 Silat musical score 144
3.10 Selamat (Gesture of greeting) 151
3.11 a. Silat; b. Thai boxing 152
3.12 Leg Capture 1–2 162
3.13 Wrestling and Pushing 162
3.14 Jumping and knocking head 163
3.15 Front kick 1–2 163
3.16 Backward Kick 1–2 164
3.17 Silat kris 1–2 164
List of Figures, Maps and Tables xxiii
4.1 Excerpt from a silat music example described in Matusky & Tan (2004:238)
169
4.2 Tension building structure of sound colours in a triple meter unit 171
4.3 Zafwy bin Ramli playing gendang anak with mallet, Ramli bin Yusoh playing
serunai, Demaran bin Yusoh playing the gong and Hassan bin Mat playing
gendang ibu 172
4.4 Rhythmic pattern in triple meter 172
4.5 The 12-pulse pattern showing sequence of pulse, beat and meter change 173
4.6 Free metric introductory section of the serunai and entering percussion 175
4.7 Brunei standard ensemble 176
4.8 Tuning of instruments used by the Brunei group in Kuala Penyu 178
4.9 Brunei group in Kuala Penyu 177
4.10 Excerpt transcription from the Brunei group in Kuala Penyu 177
5.1 Musicians in standing position play a gendang ibu (“mother drum”), gendang
anak (“child drum”), and a tetawak (gong) at an outdoor silat performance
187
5.2 Calling on the spirits of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat before a silat performance
188
5.3 A novice performs a respectful sembah mejujung in sitting position with his
right leg over his left leg to protect his vital parts 190
5.4 A novice takes a widely spaced step forward in the langkah sinding position
190
5.5 The adult pesilat is attacked by his opponent from above 192
5.6 The mahaguru seized his opponent’s arm and warded off his lock-hold 192
5.7 Kneeling, the mahaguru seized his opponent’s right arm and tripped him up
193
5.8 The mahaguru forced his opponent’s head to the ground and forced him to
somersault away 193
5.9 With an averted gaze, the mahaguru performs a closing sembah in duduk siap
laksamana position 194
5.10 A transcribed excerpt of gong, drum and sruné music accompanying a silat
performance 195
5.11 Musicians in sitting position accompany a silat performance on a sruné
(oboe), tetawak (gong at rear), and pair of gendang (cylindrical drums held
firm under the player’s right leg) 196
5.12 Sruné, tetawak and gendang players in standing position accompany a silat
performance 196
6.1 A Minangkabau man plays the role of a forest spirit (cimuntu) 206
6.2 Members of the arts group Sari Bunuan Macan Andaleh play talempong paciek
kettle-drums in the Hari Raya procession 208
xxiv List Of Figures, Maps And Tables
6.3 Members of the arts group Sari Bunuan Macan Andaleh play tasa and
gendang tambuah drums during the Hari Raya procession 208
6.4 The movements of Silek Minang were photographed by G.J. Nieuwenhuis in
1916 215
6.5 Tari Piriang performed by an all-male dance troupe during the Hari Raya Idul
Fitri festivities in Andaleh Baruah Bukik in the late twentieth century 216
6.6 Tari Piriang performed during the Hari Raya Idul Fitri festivities in Andaleh
Baruah Bukik in 2007 216
6.7 A traditional Minangkabau house with the front door not facing the street so
that women were given a certain degree of privacy 218
6.8 One of the many hairpin turns on the road down to Lake Maninjau 221
6.9 The view as you descend the mountain to lake Maninjau 221
7.1 Pak Haji Uho Holidin performing knife techniques at his home in Bandung
236
7.2 A radio station in Majalengka, West Java 241
7.3.a Logo of the Young Indonesian Knights (Satria Muda Indonesia, SMI) with the
motto: “Self Defense for the defense of the nation” 241
7.3.b The pancer delapan floor design 241
7.4 A kendang pencak group accompany a night-time performance of pencak silat
seni 245
7.5 Pak Oseng plays the kendang at the house of Pak Haji Masri, one of the artistic
directors of Pencak Silat Panglipur 249
7.6 Frame shots from a recording of pencak silat performed by Haji Uho and
accompanied by a kendang pencak orchestra 251
7.7 Pak Darman Santikahidayat teaching music at his home 253
8.1 Parallel Structures - the social community and the luambek organization
267
8.2 Salutation to the niniak mamak, seated on the prepared laga-laga during an
alek pauleh 270
8.3 Lalu Ujuang Guntiang, one of several lalu movements that are used at the
discretion of the pelalu 270
8.4.a Lalu Simbuea 272
8.4.b Lalu Batuah 272
9.1 Rudat performance in Maulud, Pegayamab, 2010 315
9.2 Balesuji for Maulud, Kepaon, 2008 316
9.3 Rudat performance in Maulud, Kepaon, 2008 316
10.1 Ketuk part for “Sinur” 324
10.2 Kendang parts for “Paleredan” and “Tepak Tilu” (bottom line: kendang indung;
middle line: kendang anak; top line: composite of kendang indung and
kendang anak) 325
List of Figures, Maps and Tables xxv
11.1 Mira Tejaningrum in one of jaipongan’s dramatic poses, Bandung, June

1988 354
11.2 Mira Tejaningrum and Agah Nugraha, Bandung, June 1988 354
11.3 Choreographer Gugum Gumbira dancing jaipongan solo onstage,
demonstrating movements that he incorporated from pencak silat,
Bandung 1987 355
11.4 Rehearsal at the Jugala padepokan (performance compound) in Bandung,
1988 355
12.1 Tari Galombang in the contemporary randai production, Nan Si Jundai,
Experimental Theatre, ASWARA, Kuala Lumpur, 2010 380
12.2.a Facing inward and maintaining a swaying stillness 380
12.2.b Inward orientation, leaning forward and striking the galembong pants at
their centre 380
12.3 Four examples of balabeh posture with the shoulder girdle rotated and the
upper arm shielding the vital organs of the upper torso 380
12.4 Compares the floor-pattern for adjacent dancers in a circle of 8 to 12 with
3 singers, S, centre 381
12.5.a-b The space outside the body: The geometry of the performer’s body-space is
based on clear anatomical quadrants and directional right angles 381
12.6.a Simarantang Tinggi - Dendang and Galombang Notation 382
12.6.b Simarantang Tinggi Notation continued – Tapuak motif 383
13.1 Fighting scene in the performance of the randai play “Magek Manandin” at
the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2005 395
13.2 Tapuak (pants slapping) performed by the randai cast of the play “Umbuik
Mudo” – a production at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2001 395
13.3 Outdoor rehearsal for the randai play “Magek Manandin” at the University
of Hawai’i at Mānoa 396
13.4 Galombang (circular dance) performed by the cast of the randai play
“Umbuik Mudo” – a production at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2001
396
Maps
0.1 Regions of Pencak Silat cultures and the chapters they are discussed in this
volume 27
3.1 Mainland South-East Asia, Early 14th Century 127
5.1 The Lingga Regency 184
9.1 Locations of the Muslim Balinese communities mentioned in
accompanying chapter 315
xxvi List Of Figures, Maps And Tables
Tables
1.1 Comprehensive list of IPSI and Persilat sports events 58

1.2 Comprehensive list of IPSI presidents and congresses 60
1.3 Comprehensive list of world championship and Persilat congress 63
2.1 Graphic symbols of the transcription samples of Gongan (0 to 3) and Gongan
(9 to 11 (= Limbung Section)) 88
3.1 List of Silat troups in Narathiwat, Pattani, Songkhla, and Yala provinces 158
4.1 Ethnic groups and distribution in Kuala Penyu (Source: District Office of
Kuala Penyu, 2010) 176
8.1 Coherent words that occur within the second jantan 274
8.2 Complete, time-coded, sequence of Randai Luambek movement laid out
against Dampeang text 276
8.3 Sample of Dampeang vocal text set against partnered Luambek action 277
8.4 Translation of some gesture names 278
8.5 Dampeang: social and textual structure in the performance of Luambek 284
Notes
Notes on on Contributors
Contributors xxvii
Notes on Contributors
Bussakorn Binson
Dr., (Sumrongthong) is a Professor at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of
Fine and Applied Arts. She earned her Doctorate in Ethnomusicology from the
University of York, UK. Since 1999 she has been Thailand’s liaison officer for the
International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM). She is also a Director of
the Center of Excellence in Thai Music and Culture in Thailand. Her interests
include cultural preservation, rites and beliefs, traditional music healing, as
well as music therapy research and in 2012 she received SAGE’s Best Paper
award. More information please visit: http://pioneer.chula.ac.th/~sbussako
Jean-Marc de Grave
(Institut Français d’Indonésie, Yogyakarta, Indonesia) is an Assistant Professor
based at the Department of Social Anthropology at Université d’Aix-Marseille,
he was awarded a two-year delegation to undertake research (2015–2016) into
Javanese high schools in Indonesia and on Javanese religion for the Research
Institute on Contemporary South-East Asia (Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du
Sud-Est Contemporaine, or IRASEC, in Bangkok). He is notably the author of a
book on Javanese rituals, Initiation rituelle et arts martiaux – Trois écoles de
kanuragan javanais (Jeanne Cuisinier Reward in 2001). He directed a book on
non-formal aspects of education in Asia: Dimensions formelle et non formelle de
l’éducation en Asie orientale (2012), and another on fieldwork enquiry and resti-
tution in the realm of Georges Condominas’s method: La “méthode Condo”
(2015).
Gisa Jähnichen
(Ethnic Minority Arts Research Institute, Guangxi Arts University, PR China)
was born in Halle (Saale), Germany, and is currently working on musicology,
anthropology, and audiovisual archiving, has been undertaking research in
South East Asia for more than 25 years. She obtained her Magister (Bachelor &
Master) in Musicology and Regional Studies on South East Asia from Charles
University Prague (Czech Republic), Ph.D. in Musicology / Ethnomusicology
from Humboldt University Berlin (Germany); University lecturer thesis (Ha-
bilitation) in Comparative Musicology from University Vienna (Austria). Ex-
tensive field researches have led her to Southeast Asia, East Africa, Southwest
and Southeast Europe. In cooperation with the Berlin Phonogrammm-Archiv,
she built up the Media Section of the National Library in Laos. She was teach-
ing many years at Universiti Putra Malaysia, and is currently Distinguished
Professor at Guangxi Arts University in Nanning. She is chair of the ICTM Study
xxviii Notes On Contributors
Group on “Musical Instruments” and a member of a number of other interna-

tional organisations.
Zahara Kamal
(Institut Seni Indonesia, Padangpanjang, Indonesia) was born in Pariaman in
1954. Since completing her Masters of Education at Padang University, she has
been a long-serving lecturer at the Indonesian Arts Institute (ISI), Padang Pan-
jang, West Sumatra. In addition to teaching, she actively continues to research
a variety of traditional performing arts, significantly undertaking several inves-
tigations into the art of Luambek, in Kepala Hilalang, Pariaman, from musico-
logical, textual, socio-anthropological, and gender perspectives.
Her other research includes musicological analyses of Gondang Oguang
(in Muara Lembu, Riau), Gandang Tambua (in Pariaman) and Makyong (in
Perbaungan, North Sumatra); studies of Talempong Unggan and the Bailau
tradition (of Solok Salayo) – both from a women’s studies perspective; cross-
cultural case studies of three Malay music genres, and investigations of reli-
gion and music including Ratik Tulak Bala as religious songs, the impact of
Syattariyah doctrine on Indang performance (Pariaman) and the evolution
of a South Pasisie song form, Son Balam, from shamanistic ritual to performing
art featuring the two-stringed spike-fiddle (rabab pasisie).
Margaret Kartomi
(Monash University, Melbourne, Australia) AM FAHA Dr Phil is an ethnomusi-
cologist and Professor of Music at Monash University in Melbourne. She is the
author of many articles and several books, including On Concepts and Classifi-
cations of Musical Instruments (University of Chicago Press, 1990), The Gamelan
Digul and the Prison Camp Musician who Built it (University of Rochester Press,
2002), and Musical Journeys in Sumatra (University of Illinois Press, 2012).
Indija Mahjoeddin
(Monash University, Melbourne, Australia) is an Australian artist/researcher
who has consciously engaged her Sumatran cultural heritage in a creative and
scholarly investigation of the Minangkabau folk opera tradition of randai, a
hybrid form constituted from oral epic and martial arts. Her unpublished MCA
thesis “Randai as a Contemporary Dramaturgy: Obstacles and Insights from an
Intercultural Transposition” (University of Newcastle, 2011) probed the inner
logic of randai and its components through three full length main-stage pro-
ductions including the neo-randai script, The Butterfly Seer, which was pub-
lished in “Three Plays by Asian Australians,” (Batchelor, D, 2000). She is
currently an Adjunct Junior Research Associate in Ethnomusicology at Monash
Notes on Contributors xxix
University and is writing the libretto for a new puppet opera on the emotional
predicament of critically endangered rhinoceroses of Lampung.
Paul H. Mason
(Woolcock Institute, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia) Ph.D. (2012) is a
postdoctoral research fellow at the Woolcock Institute, University of Sydney.
From choreomusicology to cultural evolution, Paul has conducted a rich mix-
ture of laboratory, field and archival research and published in leading aca-
demic journals. He has conducted ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia, Brazil,
India and Vietnam, and archival research in the Netherlands. His work on
choreomusicology has been published in Research in Dance Education, Ethno-
musicology Forum and Global Ethnographic. As a performer, Paul received the
Qantas Spirit of Youth Awards People’s Choice Award in 2012. Consistently
ranked highly in the Australian Lecturer of the Year Awards, Paul has taught at
several leading Australian universities including Melbourne University, Mac-
quarie University and Sydney University. His most recent work draws upon
complex systems theory to study and analyse human multimodal expression.
Ako Mashino
(Tokyo University of the Arts, and Kunitachi College of Music, Tokyo, Japan)
received her Ph.D. in 2002 from Ochanomizu University in Tokyo, Japan. She
has conducted field research in Bali, Indonesia, for many years, and is the au-
thor of the book, Koeno Sekaiwo Tabisuru (Journey into the World of Voice;
2014, in Japanese), in which she explores various forms of vocal expression
around the world. She has published articles in both Japanese and English
journals, including the Yearbook for Traditional Music. Her current research in-
terests include Muslim Balinese performing arts and the body movements of
gamelan players. She lectures in ethnomusicology at several universities in the
Tokyo area, including the Tokyo University of the Arts and Kunitachi College of
Music. She also performs and teaches Balinese gamelan in Japan.
Uwe U. Paetzold
(Robert Schumann University of Music, Düsseldorf, Germany) Ph.D. (1998 Uni-
versity of Cologne) is lecturer at the Robert Schumann University of Music,
Düsseldorf. He has conducted field research in West and Central Java, West
Sumatra, Bali, and the Netherlands. He has published two books, Lux Oriente
– Begegnungen der Kulturen in der Musikforschung (with K.W. Niemöller and
K.-C. Chung; Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1995), and Blüte, Frucht und Kern – Bewe-
gungsformen und Musikstile im Bereich des Pencak Silat in West-Java und West-
Sumatra (Holos Verlag, 2000), as well as many articles and video documentaries.
xxx Notes On Contributors
Besides the cultures and arts related to the Indonesian Fighting Art Pencak Si-
lat, his research interests include representations of ethnic music and move-
ment arts within the new media, and projects between contemporary and
ethnic performing arts.
Kirstin Pauka
(University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA) is Professor of Asian Theater at the Uni-
versity of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA, full-time faculty in the Asian Theater Pro-
gram and Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University
of Hawai’i at Mānoa, USA. Her primary area of specialization is theatre of
Southeast Asia. She has published a book, multimedia titles, and numerous
articles on Indonesian Randai theatre and related topics. She has directed
several Southeast Asian theatre productions at the UHM Kennedy Theatre,
including the US premieres of three Randai productions.
Henry Spiller
(University of California, Davis, USA) is an ethnomusicologist whose research
focuses on Sundanese music and dance from West Java, Indonesia, and on is-
sues of gender, masculinity, and self-identification. His books include Focus:
Gamelan Music of Indonesia (Routledge, 2008), Erotic Triangles: Sundanese
Dance and Masculinity (Chicago 2010), and Javaphilia: American Love Affairs
with Javanese Music and Dance (Hawai’i 2015). He holds degrees from UC Santa
Cruz (BA, music), Holy Names College (MM, harp performance), and UC Berke-
ley (MA and PhD, ethnomusicology). He has served on the faculties of Cal Poly
San Luis Obispo, Kenyon College, and UC Davis, where he is currently professor
and chair of the Department of Music. As a performer of Sundanese and Java-
nese music, he appears frequently with several San Francisco Bay Area gamelan
groups.
Sean Williams
(Evergreen State College, Olympia, Washington, USA) has taught ethnomusi-
cology, Asian Studies, and Irish Studies at The Evergreen State College in Olym-
pia, Washington since 1991. Her books include The Sound of the Ancestral Ship:
Highland Music of West Java (Oxford 2001), and Irish Traditional Music (Rout-
ledge 2010). She has also written articles for Asian Music, Yearbook for Tradi-
tional Music, Balungan, and The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music v.4
(Southeast Asia); reviews of books and CDs; and chapters in edited volumes,
including Ethnomusicological Encounters with Music, Musicians and History
(2011), Daweung Tineung Euis Komariah (2010), and Sacred Sound: Experiencing
Music in World Religions (2006). Her research interests include Sundanese,
Irish, Japanese, and Brazilian musics, and issues in religion, language, and
liminality.
Introduction 1
Introduction
Putting the Obscure into the Public: Pencak Silat

and Music
Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason Paetzold and Mason
The Cultural Salience of Self-Defence Arts
Fighting, self-defence and physical aggression are habitually overlooked in

studies of aesthetics. Fictional and non-fictional accounts of physical combat
are frequently left undiscussed, often seem outside the scope of analytical
examination, and remain invisible to many academic disciplines. This situa-
tion seems to be the case in spite of the massive presence of violence in
everyday media. Despite the prevalence of aggressive behaviour, the aesthetics
of brutality are being ignored.
Why is it important to identify and address the one-sided, distorted, dis-
course limitations having an impact upon the purview of analytical inquiry?
Because we, the editors of this book, want to make clear one of our basic
assumptions from the very beginning – that is, when distilled into performance
arts, activities correlated with fighting, self-defence, and physical aggression
are able to offer highly meaningful anthropological insights into cultural life.
Movement arts grown from such engagements and activities are neither ethi-
cally good nor bad in themselves – accordingly, they are neither preferable, nor
rejectable subjects of study per se. But such arts can form rich, dramatic fields
of humanly organised expression – forms of expression no less worthy of study
than any other.
Humanly organised systems of self-defence and fighting are a part of every-
day life. Fashioned over successive generations into culturally patterned fields
of practise, some of these activities have grown into partnerships with music,
dance and theatre. A cultural researcher would be a fool to ignore these rich
multimodal cultural expressions. In this book, we will present insights into the
music, movement, and cultural formations of the Southeast Asian art called
pencak silat.
Culturally-fashioned fighting arts may be thought of as being akin to a ‘dis-
course society’ (Foucault 2003) – which is not to suggest these arts are intended
to be as such by those who practise them. Fighting arts can be surrounded by
an air of ‘esotericism’ that is more or less unintelligible to the untrained or

2 Paetzold And Mason
uninitiated. These kinds of arts may be seen as somehow consisting of a mirac-

ulous corpus of abilities and knowledge, placing them on a ‘high marble pillar,’
not to be touched nor questioned. Scrutinised up close, however, ‘esotericism’
may also be a camouflage for ignorance. An insightful reflection into the
appearance of magical abilities in fighting arts can be read in Donohues’
(2002:65–80) article on Wave People: The Martial Arts and the American
Imagination. Such imaginations of magic and wonder are not necessarily lim-
ited to the “American Imagination.”
A researcher needs to take into account the esoteric appearance of fighting
arts when communicating to the uninitiated. Using the terms ‘martial arts’ and
‘self-defence’ can bring to mind esoteric or exotic images that are undesirable
to a scholarly analysis of fighting arts. One term may suggest unpleasant con-
notations that challenge closely held beliefs about a healthy and peaceful
belief, while another term might imply false notions of chivalry, wisdom or
even humility. Distinguishing between fighting arts, self-defence and martial
arts is useful for a scholarly investigation.
Fighting Arts
The art of fighting employs a scientific approach to training for combat. We are
employing the term “Fighting arts” as a broad paraphyletic term to encompass
both martial arts and self-defence arts. Fighting arts, martial arts and self-
defence all include stylised forms of attack and stylised forms of defence. The
stylisation of attack and defence manoeuvres can be turned into entire vocab-
ularies of bodily movement that tap into a particular philosophy of embodied
behaviour. The underlying philosophy might be the foundation of the move-
ment vocabulary or applied ad hoc to movements and techniques deemed
useful.
Martial Arts
Following Jones (2002:xi), martial arts are “stylised behaviors that relate to war
but can be distinct from actual battlefield engagements. Elements of these
behaviors comprise a general model.” He recounts the following characteristics
to describe this model: 1) Kata, 2) Emphasis on shock-combat, 3) Ritual, 4)
Techniques, repetition, and drill, 5) Sparring, 6) Entertainment, 7) Seeking
internal power, 8) Ranking and indications of rank, 9) Connection with social
elites. Jones sums up this list of defining characteristics with the observation
Introduction 3
(2002:xii): “As with all syndrome-type descriptions, not all of the foregoing ele-
ments must be present to identify a martial art, but when a majority are found,
a martial art is being observed.” The term ‘martial art,’ however, denotes an
ethnocentric bias. When the first enthusiasts travelled to Southeast Asia to
study martial arts, they studied the movement of pencak silat to the exclusion
of the music. The Euro-American definition of martial arts attuned foreign
enthusiasts to the combative aspects of pencak silat without recognising the
importance of the music and other cultural activities associated with the art
and local practitioners and national organisations have been all too comfort-
able in adapting their indigenous arts to the foreign customer. The popularity
of the term ‘martial art’ elides that combat training is not universal. The term
‘martial art’ essentialises a rich diversity of practises related to fighting arts
that incorporate music, dance, choreographic and spiritual dimensions.
Pencak silat can be described as a martial art, a dance, or a form of self-
defence. A phrase coined by Clifford Geertz (1983), “blurred genre,” is perhaps
most apt. In an early ethnography of pencak silat, De Zoete and Spies (1938),
watching two girls performing pencak silat movements, made the observation
that “There was no idea of a fight, only a slow dance based on the already very
stylised fighting movements of Pentjak [sic]” (p. 255). It is perhaps unsurpris-
ing that some martial arts combine elements of dance. Martial arts are socially
instituted cultural behaviours that naturally oscillate towards cooperative
equilibria. Training can only proceed if there is a friendly practice environ-
ment. Jean-Michel Dumay (2004), commenting on the Japanese martial art of
aikido, made explicit that martial arts are practised by partners, not adversar-
ies. Martial arts are the study of conflict. They require a certain level of
cooperation to train conflict. This apparent cooperation leads observers to
remark that, “… movements are fluid and dance-like” (O’Connor, 1999:4).
Practitioners must share a common understanding of the significance and
potential danger of a large variety of movements. The systems of movement, in
any martial art, are composed of socially agreed upon attacks, escapes and
defences. The meaning in the movements arises from the interaction of a
group of practitioners. The socially distributed understanding of these move-
ments allows them to be performed synchronously and dance-like. When
taken out of their social milieu, martial movements cease to be cooperative.
Self-defence Arts
Self-defence is an awkward term. In the strictest definition, the only arts that
can truly be called “self-defence arts” are those that do not have punches or
kicks, but only teach techniques that can be initiated upon receiving an attack.
Aikido from Japan is perhaps one of the few martial arts to qualify as a true self-
defence, because all techniques proceed after first being attacked. A more
loose definition of “self-defence” would state that self-defence means protect-
ing one’s body against someone else’s physical attacks. Defence might
incorporate manoeuvres of attack and counterattack, but being attacked
before defending oneself is certainly the most important differentiation of
“self-defence” from the general concept of “fighting art.” Self-defence arts, like
martial arts, are built on systematised bodily movements that relate to the kin-
aesthetic function of self-defence. They may be described by the Jones’ model
discussed below to a large extent, though the Japanese concept of kata1 might
not be used, nor conceptualised, in many traditional manifestations of the
Southeast Asian art of pencak silat, that will be discussed in this book. We will
later come back to Jones’ list of characteristics, and we will discuss them one
by one in relation to pencak silat.
Fighting arts, martial arts and systems of self-defence have one important
and essential characteristic in common: They are composed of techniques that
have a combative orientation and practitioners believe in the efficacy of these
techniques in situations of conflict. The movements might not actually be effi-
cacious, but practitioners train them because they believe in the potential
efficacy of the techniques. All fighting arts are primarily defined by combative
motor function. Every movement in them aims to achieve a certain motoric
goal in the first instance, and if this motoric function is not achieved, the whole
action becomes futile. Even if these arts appear in sophisticated forms on
stage, the audience must be moved to feel the inherent sense that form relates
to function. The particular action may not be just a superficial ‘make-believe,’
but must be based on a motor function leading to certain physical conse-
quences with a high degree of reliability. Klens-Bigman (2002:4), discussing the
stage theories of Konstantin Stanislavsky (1863–1938), puts the focus on the
right spot when she asks:
Is the iaidoka’s2 technique real enough that if the scenario from the kata
were to take place, he feels he would win the contest? Can he “see the
enemy”?
1 The Japanese word kata is used to describe detailed choreographed patterns of movements
(i.e. within martial arts) practised either solo or in pairs.
2 Explanation by the editors: The Japanese term iaidoka denotes the performer of the Japanese
“way of drawing the sword” art.
Introduction 5
To achieve these characteristics, the particular performer has to achieve mas-

tery in at least three basic physical characteristics: 1) Balance of the body, 2)
precision in executing the particular technique, and 3) a speed appropriate to
the particular pace or flow of action in applying them. For the self-defence art-
ist, therefore, it is not only a matter of learning certain movements and
movement patterns of a certain self-defence art, but executing them during
exercises and during performances on stage as well – with the same appropri-
ate manner of an unmistakable strenght.
Further Movement Arts Characterised Primarily by Motor Function
Fighting arts are generally not choreographically dependent on other move-

ment arts, but are to a large degree motoric functionally self-contained. For
this reason, they will be labelled here as ‘movement arts with a primarily motor
function of defence.’ With this differentiation, they shall be set apart from
movement arts with a primarily social, ritual, or aesthetic function, like dance,
theatre, ritual, and ceremony. It hence approximates them to movement arts
with an exogenous and indigenous conceptional perception of an acrobatic
character, arts based on movement targeted to show skill, or to fitness training
(i.e. tae bo or aerobics), to sports, and to forms of work organisation through
movement (i.e. team sailing). In many of these cases we will find specific and
distinct kinds of music support, too – the disco music with aerobics, and the
Shanty songs with the sailing team.
Beyond combative orientations, fighting arts can extend into new func-
tional territories. For example, arts such as Chinese t’ai chi ch’uan are based on
the movement repertoires of martial arts but can be practised for therapeutic
benefits. Another example of a martial art extending into new realms of human
expression is the transformation of aikido into contact improvisation by
American choreographer Steve Paxton. As contexts change and communities
of practice shift in a transient way, fighting arts can find new meanings and
applications.
In this book, we discuss certain relationships of one particular self-defence
art, called pencak silat, which has an indigenous background in many Southeast
Asian communities. We will show some of its cultural interrelations with
dance, theatre, education, identity building, ritual, and musics that accom-
pany all those activities in particular. The self-defence art pencak silat nestles
into a broad network of performance activities in Southeast Asia, and beyond.
These networks of relations make Gartenbergs’ (2000) description of Southeast
Asia as being the “silat archipelago” to some extent appropriate. In the cultures
in which it is maintained, it serves as a vital force penetrating these cultures in

many traits and facets.
As for music, when it comes to performing in public, it can be said to be one
important aspect, or component, to differentiate a “self-defence related art” –
as manifested in some form of choreography, dance, or theatre – from a sheer
self-defence art in the closer motoric functioning sense of a “Form-Follows-
Function” concept. Music is an important modality to bring pencak silat into
the public arena, and to make it a movement art in everyday life. These are
some of the asumptions from which this book starts.
Regional Similarities and Differences
Until now, the most comprehensive reports when it comes to the self-defence
and sports aspects with regards to regional forms of (pencak) silat have been by
Draeger (1972, on Indonesia), Draeger & Smith (1989, on Malaysia, Indonesia
and the Philippines) and Maryono (1998, on Indonesia). Following from these
reports, the present book evidences a regional salience of West Javanese and
West Sumatran performance traditions within in the wide range of the tradi-
tional arts versions. Styles like Cimande, Cikalong, Sabandar, or Sera(k) (all
from West Java), and Silat Harimau or Silek Tuo (both West Sumatra) can now
be found in many re-contextualised variants both in and out of their regions of
origin. With some pride West Javanese pencak silat specialists today recall this
region as being the gudang pencak silat – the “storehouse of pencak silat” of
Southeast Asia and beyond. Further, regarding the pencak silat as a culture
complex, or a “world of silat,” regional traditions from Central and East Java, as
well as from West Malaysia, claim a similar importance. Taking the importance
of these regions into account, the present book widens the scope to some pre-
viously rarely discussed regions of East Malaysia and Sabah, Indonesia, and
Thailand, as well as to some migrated performance practises of pencak silat
beyond Southeast Asia.
However, regarding the current status of research, the editors are reluctant
to present statements which make too many generalisations on regional simi-
larities and differences of pencak silat performance practice. Having to rely on
brief, secondhand notes, we just can assume the status of things in regards to
further regional traditions of Indonesia (i.e the Batak territories, or the
Moluccas), or Malaysia3. The same is due to studies on regional (pencak) silat
3 However, the following important studies have to be mentioned here: First the short studies
by Kartomi (1981, 2012) on the many cultures of pencak and silat in Sumatra, and by Anderson
Sutton (2002:136, 156–157) and de Grave (2010) on those in Southern Sulawesi.
Introduction 7
traditions of the Philippines: After thorough investigation the editors can state
there is no researcher currently working on this, i.e. on related traditions of the
Sulu archipelago. To shortcut this discussion: This research field in many
regards is of an enormous scope. The distinguishing feature of the present
book is that it highlights the centrality of pencak silat among Southeast Asian
arts and its importance to a network of traditional and modern performing
arts. As far as it is already possible to summarise aspects of similarities and dif-
ferences, this book follows a “National vs. Local” dichotomy.
Theories on the history of (Pencak) Silat
The term pencak silat4 is a composite of recent origin (late 1940s), deriving
from the Sundanese/Javanese word penca(k) and the Malay and Sumatran
word silat. The compositum was officialised by IPSI (Ikatan Pencak Silat
Indonesia) in 1973 during a congress in Tugu near Bogor, as a conceptual basis
for a competition reglement to be installed for this native self-defence art,
enabling it to follow the Pekan Olahraga Nasional (PON; “National Sports
Week”) in the form of a regulated sport. Both words have their own etymology
and local analogies. Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia was founded in 1948 in
Surakarta, Central Java (Indonesia). Its main office today is located in the
Padepokan Nasional Pencak Silat Indonesia in Jakarta, together with the main
office of its international sister organisation, PERSILAT (Persekutuan Pencak
Silat Antara Bangsa), founded in 1980 and also based in Jakarta.
Before going any further into our subject, we will have to give a picture of
what is covered by the label “pencak silat” nowadays, and in the recent past.
And as for this book will neither exclusively deal with phenomena related to
Indonesian, nor Malaysian variants of this art; we will have to open our canvas
of perceptions to a wider scope here.
In regards to the origins of pencak silat in the Malay cultures (and possibly
beyond these), the comprehensive summary of Kartomi (2011a:56–57) shows
three theories, most likely to be met in one or other mode:
One holds that it developed as part of the generation and spread of the
Old Malay culture, language, and indigenous religion from the time of
Sumatra’s Buddhist-Hindu kingdom of Sriwijaya (seventh to eleventh
centuries CE). Another holds that it is even older, for its established terms
4 In this Introduction foreign words are given in basically conformised Bahasa Melayu /
Indonesia (= BM / BI) unless otherwise stated.
and rationale are closely associated with Sumatrans’ ancient indigenous

religious beliefs, which are based on the idea that not only people but
also animals, trees, mountains, the sun, moon, stars, and other phenom-
ena of the natural universe possess consciousness, have subjective
characteristics, and are interconnected in the one reality. Several pencak
silat movements are named after the movements of animals, which is not
surprising as the people believe that, like humans, tigers and chimpan-
zees have a culture, and that birds have a language of communication. All
natural phenomena, including live and deceased humans, feel pleasure
and pain, and contain spirits of nature and the anchestors. These beliefs
are still dominant among groups of people who prefer to live relatively
isolated lives wandering in the forests, such as the Suku Mamak discussed
above, or as nomads living in houseboats at sea (Suku Laut [‘Sea Tribes’]);
and vestiges of them also still remain in the consciousness of the adher-
ents of world religions in the rest of Sumatra, including the Muslim
majority and Christian minority. Adherents of this theory also hold that
some Hindu and Buddhist celestial beings (e.g. the Hindu god Siva,
known as Batara Guru) were added to the pantheon of venerated indig-
enous spirits from the time of Sriwijaya.
Over the centuries, Sumatra’s kingdoms came into contact not only
with adherents of Buddhism but also Islam (from the early to late second
millenium) and a few came into contact at different periods with
Confucianism or Christianity. Thus in many areas of Sumatra, Muslim
terms and phrases such as Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim (‘In the name of
Allah, most Gracious, most Compassionate’) and references to Muslim
saints or spirits have been added to the invocations, cosmology and peda-
gogy of pencak silat. Most of the nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples
escaped efforts made to convert them, yet some of the terms used in their
languages indicate that they too have had contact with members of the
Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim kingdoms with whom their anchestors
engaged in barter.
A third theory holds that pencak silat is indirectly related to the hand
and armed combat used in petty wars, in which magic charms and songs
expressing reverence for the spirits are all-important. As the belletristic
Malay literature and oral traditions (hikayat) indicate, the inhabitants of
Sumatra were frequently involved in fighting local wars over the past mil-
lennium and a half, albeit mostly between small numbers of combatants
on each side. They fought wars over land rights, external threats, matters
of royal prestige, aristocratic rivalry in love, and possession of pusaka
(heirlooms, including certain musical instruments) and other magically
Introduction 9
potent objects. All Malay boys were therefore expected to learn the art of
self-defence, including the preliminary spiritual and physical exercises,
the artistic movements and formations, the sparring techniques against
an opponent, and the cosmological associations that were attributed to
the art and all other aspects of living. The rulers rewarded the most profi-
cient fighters by making them generals (panglima) and admirals
(laksamana), and using the ordinary fighters in the army and navy forces
when necessary to protect the kingdom and its trading activities.
All three theories portray pencak silat as an exclusively male art. The
Malay hikayat tell of the military and amorous exploits of many male
heroes and occasionally refer to heroines, but they mostly portray their
female characters as helpless beauties and mothers who need male
heroes to protect them and their children against marauders and crimi-
nals. Thus, the traditional art of self-defence is taught by a male master
teacher (guru besar silat, or guru silat) to male novices. They absorb the
cosmological meaning and terms of the art and imitate the master’s
movements en masse.
The theory most likely to be met in ‘western’ literature on pencak silat since the
early 1970s is the first one, henceforth called the ‘Sriwijaya’ theory here, which
was especially focused on by Draeger (1972:20), and grew from there into some
kind of common lore of the martial arts of the Malay world. This theory easily
leads one to a model of historical relationships, with the cultures of Sriwijaya
and the Riau Archipelago in the ‘centre,’ and the rest of Southeast Asia as the
‘periphery.’ Well aware of, and questioning this theory, Margaret Kartomi
(chapter 5) investigates the relations between movement and music, and the
cultures in the pencak silat of the Lingga Regency (Riau Islands, Indonesia), a
region located in the territories of the former Sriwijaya kingdom.
As we haven’t much scientific evidence on many of the ‘peripheral’ regions
with regard to pencak silat, a pre-structuring of the research area into ‘centre’
and ‘periphery’ would be a poor and improvable assumption to start from.
Bussakorn Binson’s chapter 3 on “Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in
Southern Thailand,” and Gisa Jähnichen’s chapter 4 on “Gendang Silat:
Observations from Stong (Kelantan) and from Kuala Penyu (Sabah)” both
make clear that we should be very careful of making statements involving per-
ceptions interpretable hierarchically, before knowing the whole story.
The second and third theories are less commonly met in the discussions.
While the third theory, henceforth to be called the ‘standing armies’ theory,
may be encountered i.e. within some schools of Sumatran origins in Europe, the
second and most complex theory, henceforth called the ‘Pre Hindu-Buddhist
roots’ theory, is the rarest to be met. When scrutinised however, this one offers
the widest scope, and shows itself best able to explain details for which the
other two theories will hardly be able to provide a convincing fundament. If
we were not to be following this second theory, how else could details of floor
designs5, and of obviously pre Hindu-Buddhist initiation ceremonies (i.e. the
potong ayam [“Slaughtering of a cock”], as is executed for a novice in West
Sumatra (and elsewhere), or the kecer mata [“Cleansing of the eyes”], executed
for a novice in the Cimande style’s schools in West Java) plus their further cer-
emonial details (Cordes 1992:222–246, Paetzold 2000:94–98) be historically
localised?
What is (Pencak) Silat Today ?
When talking to teachers of modern schools, one is most likely to hear a recita-
tion of the conceptual designs more or less prescribed by the IPSI- and
PERSILAT-definitions since the early 1970s and early 1980s respectively. These
conceptual designs are focused on aspects of nation, deity, loyalty, and per-
sonal improvement of life conduct – or, in short, similar values as are expressed
in the Indonesian state concept of Bhinneka tunggal ika (Unity in Diversity).
Though the cultural layers expressed in them are of course of major impor-
tance for Indonesian affairs, they are not necessarily equally important for the
other ‘root’ cultures where pencak silat can be found nowadays; that is Malaysia,
Singapore, and Brunei Darussalam.
Therefore, before discussing the named IPSI/PERSILAT concepts (see chap-
ter 1 by Jean-Marc de Grave on “The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javanisation,
Nationalism and Internationalisation” on these concepts), and some individ-
ual concepts of some leading schools and master performers, let us return for
a while to the detailed profile offered by Jones (2002: xi-xii)6 and relate its char-
acteristics to pencak silat.
1 Kata
Though the description of “… prearranged, or choreographed, activity in which
the basic techniques of a certain fighting style are acted out by one or up to
hundreds of participants” (Jones 2002: xi) coincides with modern concepts of
pencak silat, the Japanese concept of the kata nonetheless is only, with some
5 see: “7. Seeking internal power” below

6 This profile will also serve to group corresponding phenomena within the Index of terms and
associative expressions at the end of this book.
Introduction 11
qualification, akin to the concepts of jurus, or jurusan, of traditional pencak

silat. Indigenous traditional concepts, like ‘Play like the cats’ (BMin: main-main
kuciang) of the Minangkabau’s local traditional silek, obviously oppose a con-
cept of strict standardisation, or pre-arrangement. But this important
characteristic of an opposition towards prearrangements is changing since the
internationalisation of pencak silat, and has nowadays found a comparable
concept within the jurus wajib (“mandarory movement forms”), that were step
by step introduced and established within modern pencak silat since the first
half of the 1990s.
2 Emphasis on Shock-Combat
Both traditional and modern forms of pencak silat “stress hand/feet-to-hand/
feet combat,” although long-distance techniques are not used in these variants,
unless one wants to include the use of a lance (BI: tongkat) here.
3 Ritual
All traditional – as well as by far the greatest part of modern pencak silat trans-
mission – knows elaborated, regionally diversified codices of displaying
behaviours of religiosity, spirituality, honour, and duty in training, on and off
stage, in social exchange, and in personal life conduct. By way of example
chapter 9 by Ako Mashino on “Dancing Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in
Muslim Balinese Villages” describes the ritual and entertainment aspects of
the Balinese variant of this Muslim movement and music art, closely related to
pencak silat.
However, these flowering codices of behaviours have not been documented
comprehensively up to now, in spite of the enormous impact of these behav-
iours, and the maxims they are rooted in, onto the “kebudayaan pencak silat”
(“pencak silat culture”) – locally and internationally as well.
4 Techniques, Repetition, and Drill

The “continual practice of basic techniques” to develop “strength, flexibility, or
automatic response needed to attain and maintain the technique effective in
combat” (Jones 2002: xii), or stylised display of combat, certainly is a base for
both traditional and modern forms of pencak silat.
5 Sparring
Another basic characteristic for both traditional and modern forms of pencak
silat is sparring. This feature can be met in competitions from local to interna-
tional level. Though this aspect does not need to be present during performances
of the pencak silat art forms (pencak silat seni), which in some regions will relay
on displaying (solo) shadow fighting.
6 Entertainment
Certainly one of the most outstanding characteristics of pencak silat is its enor-
mous richness in providing a base for numerous regional, national, and
international movement arts, and narrations related to them – from dances
and dance theatre forms of the village, to internationally presented contempo-
rary choreographies, like those of the late Gusmiati Suid (see the article by Nor
2011:14–19), and from the cerita silat comic book sold in a street peddler’s shop,
up to cinematic film events like Harimau Tjampa by D. Djayakusuma (1952), or
Merantau by Gareth Evans (2009). Without exaggeration, it can be said that up
to now hardly any other movement art from the range of fighting arts com-
pares to pencak silat in this aspect.
The effects of the rich kinesthetic aspects of pencak silat can be clearly read
from notions of some very early ‘western’ authors, namely Beryl de Zoete &
Walter Spies (1938:254–255), and Claire Holt (1972:73–88). Writing their reports
in a time and under circumstances when scientific and aesthetical observation
seems still to have been walking side by side, they cast their findings into words
more or less to be called ‘poetry’ rather than ‘science.’ On the pentjak they
observed in South Bali, de Zoete & Spies report:
But the dreamlike, lovely poses which pass before us in such a smooth
succession involve a state of extreme tension. The dancers are visibly
fatigued, and admit that they can only sustain the effort for a short time
at a stretch. The teacher of Pentjak does not seem to engage in other
forms of dancing, and perhaps rather corresponds to a fencing-master
with us. And many youths who would be ‘ashamed’ to dance, because
they doubt their capacity and would be afraid to appear alone, delight in
Pentjak and readily become proficient in it, just as with us some youths,
naturally gifted for movement, fly to gymnastics, skating, or skiing. They
perform movements as difficult as any dancing, but they know well that
dancing involves something different. In Pentjak we are very near to this
‘something’, and sometimes step over the dividing line. Watch a heron
flying and alighting on the steep borders of the watery rice-fields, a slow-
motion picture of a jumping horse, or of a young man doing the
Introduction 13
pole-jump. All these have some affinity with Pentjak, which remains
indefinable.
The same year 1938 Claire Holt visited West Sumatra7 and wrote a report of her
impressions on a silat ‘dance’ she observed in Lubuk Alung (1972:76):
Visually, the dance created a sequence of excellently composed and

expressive attitudes which would have delighted any sculptor. For a
moment, but only for a moment, the model remained still to show his
stance. The performers held us spellbound until they finally squatted low
on the ground with reverent gestures of saluation.
This richness of aesthetic beauty, energetic power, and sometimes frenzy caus-
ing entertainment value was the very base to compile this book. A chapter
cutting through all these layers presented here is the one by Henry Spiller, enti-
tled “Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming in West Java” (chapter 10).
Sean Williams focuses on the West Javanese popular music and dancing art of
Jaipongan in her chapter entitled “Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and
the Assertion of Sundanese Identity” (chapter 11). Another one, presented in
this book, focusing on a special phenomenon from a pencak silat related per-
formance culture of the Minangkabau, is that by Indija Mahjoeddin, entitled
“The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body” (chapter 12).
7 Seeking Internal Power

There are different approaches and levels to the search for internal powers
related to the practise of pencak silat. The most frequent of these approaches
can be said to be the practitioner who searches, experiences, trains, and
improves his or her internal powers for the intended benefit of becoming a
more proficient fighter or performer.
Next, there is the approach that intends to use the internal powers achieved
along the way of pencak silat practice for improving one’s life conduct and
mental balance. This approach is often related to a performer’s age: as the
7 Travelling together with Claire Holt were Swedish dance connoisseur and pioneering dance
documentary filmer Rolf de Maré, and photographer Hans Evert, who also helped de Maré as
camera assistant. Their research was commissioned by the Archives Internationales de la Danse
in Paris. Later the materials of their 1938 expedition to Central Java, Bali, Nias, Sumatra and
Celebes changed location to the Dance Museum of the Royal Opera, and in part to the
Drottningholm Theater Library, in Stockholm, Sweden. Some of the photographs today can
be found in The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts / Jerome Robbins Dance
Division.
rashness of youth becomes more settled and patient, internal power grows.
Towards the end of a person’s life, the practice has become a modality to
achieve balance and tranquility of mind, and the gain for physical advantages
recedes. On the first and second points of this aspect, see for example de
Grave’s (2001) writings on three Javanese pencak silat schools in which the
training of internal powers (BJ: kanuragan) is pronounced.
Third, there are approaches to use pencak silat as a medium for evoking
‘social spirituality’ during weddings and circumcisions, as well as – though
with a different intention aiming towards a politically influenced ‘social spiri-
tuality’ – during political gatherings and mass events. Chapter 8 by Zahara
Kamal & Indija Mahjoeddin, entitled “Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure
in the Performance of Luambek,” provides an unprecedented and detailed in–
depth view into the rich social and spiritual strata of these West Sumatran arts.
Fourth, we meet with a spiritual layer of pencak silat in a historically grown
realm entrenched into cultures as diverse as those of West Java, West Sumatra,
and Southern Thailand (and possibly cultures further afield), showing some
features that seemingly provide interrelations with long-established historical
processes. This ancient spiritual layer of Southeast Asia is commonly labelled
the “four siblings” concept (Harnish & Rasmussen in Paetzold 2011a: 190, FN
36). In an editors’ note Harnish & Rasmussen affirm that this is an indigenous
concept found throughout Indonesia, and Southeast Asia, and name Bali
where it is known as kanda empat. They regard it as “unrelated to both global
Islam and Hinduism.” Thus far it is by no means a feature exclusively related to
pencak silat cultures. Hence, what is – to our knowledge – special is the fact
that in several pencak silat performance practices we find symbolic meanings
of this cosmology cast in modalities of human movement patterns. Some of
those features related to the performance practice of pencak silat include the
following:
For West Java8: Within the Cimande style of traditional West Javanese pen-
cak silat a four compass cardinal directions movement formula called pancer
opat is practised. The floor design of this movement formula adds up to a cross
figure with the performer acting in the centre. This floor design is used here as
a modality for movement coordination and memorisation, as well as a modal-
ity for harmonisation of the performer. In Muslim West Java, it is still sometimes
related to the (pre-Islamic) cosmological dulur opat kalima pancer concept –
the local version of the “four siblings” concept named above (Paetzold
8 A video sample of the pancer opat movement formula as it is practised in the Cimande style
can be found here: Paetzold 2007b. Band / Volume 4, Titel / Title 0701, Sequenz / Sequence
01.01, Untersequenz / Sub-sequence: 05.01.
Introduction 15
2000:376–87, 2011:180–82, and FN 36, 190), though interpretations relating it to

Islamic characteristics will be found here as well. A West Javanese informant in
1995 interpreted this dulur opat kalima pancer cosmological concept as: “dulur
opat” (= four spiritual siblings), “kalima” (= the fifth): “pancer” (= basis, mark-
ing; indigenously understood as: the centred self). Interestingly enough, we
find a “full wind rose” variation of this movement formula labelled “pancer
delapan” used as the logo of the modern Satria Muda Indonesia school of pen-
cak silat (see Figure 7.3 in chapter 7 by Paul H. Mason in the present volume).
For West Sumatra9: Amongst the basic movement patterns (BI: pola dasar)
of several traditional Minangkabau silek (BI: silat) styles, i.e. the Silek Tuo, we
find four similar formulae of compass cardinal directions movement used dur-
ing the opening sequences of pencak silat performances. These are the langkah
ampek (BI: langkah empat = “four steps”), and langkah limo (BI: langkah lima =
“five steps”) movement patterns. The latter steps especially have an indigenous
conceptual connotation of being able to evoke protection by Allah, the
Almighty (Paetzold 2000:376–87).
For Southern Thailand: “Prior to each Silat performance, fight, or ritual a wai
kru ceremony is conducted that features a movement sequence that is repeated
while facing each of the four compass cardinal directions (North, South, East,
and West). This is a protective custom to ward off evil coming from all direc-
tions” (See chapter 3 by Bussakorn Binson in the present volume).
Within this spiritual layer, this movement art serves as a medium of spiri-
tual protection. In the cultures named, this spiritual protection is conceptualised
as being initiated and achieved through certain movement formulae executed
by the performer. With this feature, it appears we gain a particular in-view into
a larger traditional spiritual concept transgressing religious borders (Hinduism,
Buddhism, and Islam) of Southeast Asia, both in a regional as well as a histori-
cal perspective. The modality of this in-view has been preserved up to our
time. It has neither been carved into stone, nor has been written onto lontar
scripts, but it has been preserved within one of the most fragile, volatile and
most easily perishable matters imaginable: that is, the movement of the human
body, transmitted by those passionate and gifted enough to do so. Keeping
such arts alive certainly can be said to be a major characteristic of what “ven-
erating anchestors” means to Southeast Asians.
We will not discuss the historical perspectives connected with our observa-
tions here, though this certainly would be most interesting. Paetzold
9 A video sample of the langkah limo movement formula as it is practised in the Silek Tuo style
can be found here: Paetzold 2008a. Band / Volume 7, Titel / Title 0402, Sequenz / Sequence:
040201.
(2000:376–87) has already done this in a minute way for West Java and West
Sumatra. In short, he summarises that with the assumption that there has
been intercultural contact amongst the cultures named since ancient times, it
becomes apparent almost any historical perspective becomes possible as a
starting point of crosswise influence. Though there is reason to assume that
the four compass cardinal directions movement formula discussed here has
been established in any of the cultures named to a degree that it became a
cultural pattern indigenously thought of as being important enough to undergo
re-modulations in its applications and meanings in any of these cultures. This
culturally independent interdependency (which might be called a termino-
logical contradiction on first sight) would argue for this concept being one of
very long standing through history.
But for the sake of this book another perspective is much more important.
In all of the examples discussed, we find reasons born from spiritual ideas for
the development of ceremonial choreographies within pencak silat. These are
reasons to assume that the arts aspect of pencak silat was at least as well born
from such spiritual ideas as it was from the aesthetical stylisation of fighting
art movements.
All these approaches towards searching for internal powers by using pencak
silat put together are conceptualised to result in a character of an almost per-
fect fighter, labelled with pendekar (or pandeka in BMin). The ultimate action
philosophy of traditional Minangkabau silek related to the abilities of a pan-
deka are expressed with: “ditahu garak yo garik, ditahu angin nan bakisah” (lit:
“will know how to counter each movement with appropriate response; will
know the changing character of the wind”).
All these four approaches towards searching for internal powers by using
pencak silat named may be running in parallel with religiosity, but this is not
mandatory.
8 Ranking and Indications of Rank

If we take for given that the principle of social superiority of seniors over youth
is still mandatory in many layers of cultures in Southeast Asian societies,
within pencak silat in Indonesia, (West) Malaysia, and Singapore, superiority
indicated by expressions of rank can be roughly distinguished along the tradi-
tional – modern school profile line. In the traditional, authoritatively led
village school, the ranking was quite easily distinguished between master
teacher (guru tua / guru besar), assistant teacher (guru muda), trainer (pela-
tih), and student (siswa / anak / murid). A visual indication of rank does not
exist in the village school setting and the teacher is respectfully, though simply,
addressed with the terms i.e. guru (teacher), kang, or abang (in Java and West
Introduction 17
Sumatra respectively, both meaning “elder brother”). The most important

aspect of indication of rank here is the title of pendekar (resp. BMin: pandeka),
which is never directly referenced in the face of the master teacher, but is used
as an indirect honour title for him (or her) as long as he (or she) is absent.
Starting from the 1980s, the Bandung-based Mande Muda school in West
Java (Indonesia) began to establish formal graduations within their curriculum
– a process that went along the intentions of the national Indonesian pencak
silat foundation IPSI, and its internationally active sister organisation PERSILAT.
Later, as this school prospered for several years, and grew into the internation-
ally acting “Suwanda Academy,” providing pencak silat workshops in, among
others, Bandung (Indonesia), Los Angeles, Hawai’i (USA), and in Iserlohn
(Germany), their graduation system to some extent became a model for other
Indonesian pencak silat schools.
As for the other ‘root’ cultures of pencak silat – in Thailand, East Malaysia,
and Brunei Darussalam – the documentation regarding this aspect are not as
clear. Though in regards to the modern outlining of schools, the situation can
be assumed to be similar to that which has already been described, the situa-
tion within more traditional schools needs further research. For the situation
in Thailand and East Malaysia Bussakorn Binson’s and Gisa Jähnichen’s chap-
ters give detailed inviews.
9 Connection with Social Elites

Prestige is an important factor for any school of fighting art, not just for the
schools of pencak silat. The striving to connect with social elites is not only an
idealistic matter to improve the prestige of a master performer or a school. At
least in the recent past, prestige was a means by which to achieve connections
to a potential patron. Patronage was, most likely, one of the main features the
former Indonesian President Suharto provided to the IPSI, and for which
Suharto was rewarded by the IPSI with the honourary title of the pembina
utama, the “highest mentor” of pencak silat in Indonesia (Maryono 1998b)
until his resignation in May 1998. Suharto was, for several reasons, quite sym-
pathetic towards pencak silat. He bestowed military or police officers willing to
take over the duties of local sub-patrons of pencak silat with benefits in form of
an additional military or police rank achievable inside their particular career
ladder: i.e., those, who from their educational background, only had possibili-
ties to achieve ranks in the middle hierarchy, were given the possibility to
achieve the first rank within the upper hierarchy, i.e. could become a Brigadir
Jenderal, when becoming a Colonel would have originally marked the end of
their career ladder.
This option highlighted an exposed position of pencak silat in the dwifungsi

(“double function”) concept of Indonesia during the Suharto era, and it was
one reason to ascertain some deep structured loyalty of the local sub-patrons
towards the Suharto regime. It would be claiming too much to maintain that
this loyalty gave some kind of protection to old “Orde baru” structures after
Suharto’s fall and at the start of the “era Reformasi” but this loyalty held old
structured networks tightly enough to allow some leading members of the old
elite to ‘dive under’ for some time, and come back to public attention after-
wards with a refreshed prestige. Suharto’s son-in-law, ex-KOPASSUS10 and
ex-KOSTRAD11 General Prabowo Subianto can be named as an example here.
When the Orde baru regime of Suharto came to its end, Prabowo Subianto
exiled himself to Jordan from mid 1998 to the end of 1999. But as soon as he
reappeared in Indonesia, he forwarded his national political aims i.e. in the
range of a modernised pencak silat with even greater ambitions.
Several years later, then-Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
was appointed to take over the ceremonial function of the pembina utama of
IPSI and PERSILAT – an offer he accepted. This constellation of Prabowo
Subianto being the president of IPSI on the one hand, and Indonesian President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono functioning as the pembina utama on the other
hand, led to considerable tensions and confrontations within this highest
social and political level of the pencak silat organisation. This became publicly
evident when during the early days after the bomb attacks on the “Ritz Carlton”
and “Marriot Hotel” in Jakarta in July 2009, the Indonesian President indirectly
insulted Prabowo Subianto, suggesting that he was the major wirepuller behind
these “terroristic” attacks (Rum Aly 2009). Though this insult towards Prabowo
Subianto proved to be inadequate, these processes urged a critical observer to
portray at least the organised pencak silat as a highly political medium.
The events around the Propaganda video of Pop/Rock singer Ahmad Dhani
within Prabowo Subianto’s campaign during the 2014 elections for the
Presidency of Indonesia in 2014 can be seen as a sequel to the above named
controversies related to the “world of pencak silat” that were particularly
caused by its connections to social elites. A detailed account of this recent part
of pencak silat history, among other events, is given in Paul H. Mason’s chapter
entitled: “Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia” in the present volume.
10 KOPASSUS = Komando Pasukkan Khusus Tentara Nasional Indonesia = Indonesian Special

Forces.
11 KOSTRAD = Komando Candangan Strategis TNI Angkatan Darat = Strategic Reserve Com-
mando of the Indonesian Forces.
Introduction 19
These data only relate to the recent developments in Indonesia, and not to
other states of Southeast Asia. But, to summarise and generalise this aspect,
the prestige and patronage achievable through the connection with social
elites may turn out to be a two-way street – not only, but also for fighting arts
like pencak silat.
Though neither of these aspects directly relate to the definition of a martial
art as do the previous aspects, two additional aspects to the Jones (2002: xi-xii)
profile need to be discussed here. These aspects are the use of pencak silat as a
medium for education, and as a medium for movement therapy. Both aspects
have been added by the editors of the present volume.
10 Medium for Education

Those who practise pencak silat perceive it to be an art of self-defence at its
core. Amongst other values, self-defence arts provide a good deal of work in
youth education, perhaps foremost in situations where access is difficult for
softer movement arts. A social streetworker may still be able to draw the inter-
est of a teenager living in a social hot spot, by making available a movement art
that, though physically demanding, is challenging and useful for him or her to
maintain aspects of identity in the given social setting. But also in more com-
mon and less dramatic circumstances self-defence arts can serve as an identity
building educational medium of transition, or bridging, from traditional to
modern, and from rural to urban societies. This role is largely acknowledged
for example by Indonesian IPSI, and is correspondingly realised i.e. through
pencak silat practice within the state directed educational institutions in
Indonesia, starting from SMA (Sekolah Menengah Atas = Middle Upper School),
through all succeeding educational grades, up to courses of different designs at
universities, i.e. at the UPI (Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia = Indonesian
University for Education), and the STSI (Sekolah Tinggi Seni Indonesia =
Indonesian University of the Arts), respectively ISI (Institut Seni Indonesia =
Indonesian Institute of the Arts). However, we have to be aware we are just
depicting the current situation in Indonesia with this brief profiling – in
Malaysia and Thailand the situations aren’t that clear and need further
investigation.
Educating social competence, and coping with aggression are important
educational functions of pencak silat. All the other aspects quoted above from
Jones – from the embodiment of silat structures by training kata-like choreog-
raphies, to the connection with social elites – may become aspects to achieve
these educational goals for young people, providing identities within a particu-
lar local culture to them.
Of course media for educating young people can be abused, too. At least
during the era of the Suharto regime in Indonesia, the modern designed form
of sports-based pencak silat was extensively used as a tool for national identity
building. Wilson’s (2002) research on pencak silat culture and its relations to
state institutions in Indonesia, as well as Paetzold’s (2007a) report on the role
of some pencak silat corporations within the Jakarta riots of Semanggi and
Trisakti in 1998 are able to provide illustrations of this aspect.
Another equally important aspect is the possibility self-defence arts can
offer as a medium for intercultural education. The chapters by Indija
Mahjoeddin (chapter 12) and Kirstin Pauka (chapter 13) especially stress this
feature. Both in regards to intra- as well as inter-cultural educational perspec-
tives the importance of current audio and video media, i.e. the effect of such
media within schools and sports trainings and competitions, comes into sight.
Different facets of the possibilities and limitations connected herewith will be
discussed in the chapters by Uwe U. Paetzold (chapter 2), Paul H. Mason (chap-
ter 7), and Sean Williams (chapter 11).
11 Medium for Movement Therapy

Though certain styles and manifestations of pencak silat provide therapeutic
functions, up to the year of writing this introduction these aspects are not usu-
ally expressed, nor do they find much focus in research reports – in spite of the
fact that the famous Cimande style school from Tari Kolot, West Java (Indonesia)
is equally well known for its self-defence art, as it is for its traditional “Cimande
oil” herbal medicine (BS/BI: balur / minyak Cimande). One of the few excep-
tions to this absence of comment is the article by Kallinke & Watters
(1998:254–262) that opens a door to behaviour therapy and the potentials of
pencak silat. Furthermore, Samudra (2002: paragraph 4) provides some insight
into the concepts related to developing individual and social energy within the
pencak silat as it is taught within the PGB Bangau Putih school in Bogor, West
Java (Indonesia). In relation to this, in the present volume, there is the discus-
sion by Bussakorn Binson in chapter 3 of perspectives of Silat as they relate to
healing rituals in Southern Thailand, as well as that by Paul H. Mason who,
with a neuroanthropological and choreomusical sensibility, discusses research
findings that span perceptual, musical, movement, historical and cultural
observations in both of his chapters. Though his focus is not on therapeutic
aspects of pencak silat, his analysis reveals distinctly unique effects of cultural
training on the embodied brain among silek Minang and pencak silat seni prac-
titioners. Despite these significant contributions, when all the literature on the
therapeutic characteristics is put together, there is still a wide gap to be closed
Introduction 21
if we compare pencak silat to Chinese therapeutical movement arts like t’ai chi
ch’uan, or quigong.
The National Pencak Silat Foundations Concepts
Pencak silat provides a rich medium to deal with ethical, social, creative, and
physiological concepts through its interrelated aspects and corresponding
realisation forms. One should distinguish between traditional local concepts
of what pencak silat is, how it is practised and utilised, and modern concepts of
this movement art. Our introduction has been trying to be ‘neutral’ up to this
point, but of course this important point of discussion cannot be omitted as
this text proceeds. The differences between how local masters descriptively
depict the benefits of their arts, and how the national pencak silat foundations
of Indonesia (IPSI = Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia), Malaysia (PESAKA =
Persekutuan Silat Kebangsaan Malaysia), Singapore (PERSISI = Persekutuan
Silat Singapura), and Brunei Darussalam (PERSIB = Persekutuan Silat Kebang
saan Brunei) prescriptively depict those benefits are sometimes striking.
As for the latter foundations have devoted considerable effort in propagat-
ing their concepts since the early 1980s, and especially in Indonesia where they
found a strong spokesman in former President Suharto, it is little wonder that
what once was intended as a description, has today become a self-propelling
prescription. And though the times of Suharto are gone, the normative power
of the named national foundation’s concepts still prevail in the perception of
currently training children and youth. Further, the international foundation
PERSILAT (Persekutuan Pencak Silat Antarabangsa), has tried with some effort
and success to spread these concepts to the whole world.
We will sketch the formulaic version of the international PERSILAT founda-
tion here: Based on its philosophy and ranges of application, four aspects can
be differentiated within pencak silat, each of which has its own aims. During
the execution of pencak silat, all four of these aspects have to be present,
though, depending on the particular utilisation, usually one of them is promi-
nent. These four aspects are:
1. Mental-spiritual pencak silat: aims to strenghten self-control.

2. Pencak silat as self-defence: aims to provide effective means of self-
defence.
3. Pencak silat as art: shows the beauty of movements.
4. Pencak silat as sport: aims to provide a means of physical fitness and
competitive sport.
During the 1990s, the ethical characteristics of pencak silat were formulated
as as mandatory pledge to be recited in front of all competitors present, each
time a competition is to be held under the guidance of the international foun-
dation or one of the adjoined national federations. This “Pesilat Pledge” affirms
(PERSILAT 2004) that:
1. A Pesilat is an individual who has noble mind and character.

2. A Pesilat is a man who honours his fellow man and loves friendship and
peace.
3. A Pesilat is a man who always thinks and acts positively, is creative and
dynamic.
4. A Pesilat is a knight who upholds truth, honesty and justice, and is
always resilient in facing any ordeal and temptation.
5. A Pesilat is a knight who is always responsible for his words and deeds.
A quite embarrassing detail of this pledge is the explicit utilisation of the term
“knight” – a term which in itself contains a whole cosmos of connotations and
imaginations with regard to honour, virility, duty, responsibility, nobility, loy-
alty, decency, and the like. It is not claiming too much to say that the terms
“pesilat” and the term “knight” are used synonymously here. This gives the
whole pledge a special direction.
Depending on the political ‘fashion’ of the time, the terminology has
changed slightly during the decades, though there has been no change in the
overall structural outlines since the creation of pencak silat as a sport. In the
chapter of Jean-Marc de Grave, entitled “The Standardisation of Pencak Silat:
Javanisation, Nationalism, and Internationalisation,” and that of Uwe U.
Paetzold, entitled “The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is gone – A
Critical Discussion of the Changes in a Performance Culture” among others,
these aspects are discussed in detail and from different perspectives.
Individual Concepts of Particular Leading Schools, and Particular

Master Performers of Pencak Silat
As aforementioned, the PERSILAT concept of what pencak silat is, or what it is

expected to be, may differ considerably in its outlining from the meanings
offered by local and individual traditional concepts of pencak silat. As for con-
ceptional aspects that heavily depend on local factors that will be discussed by
the particular authors in their chapters, the following samples shall indicate
some conceptional outlinings outside of the PERSILAT stream.
Introduction 23
The West Javanese Cimande style of pencak silat, as it is maintained in the

village of Tari Kolot, located on the banks of the Cimande-river near Bogor, is
commonly regarded as one of the oldest Indonesian styles in continuous prac-
tice. The historical roots are said to go back to at least to the mid 18th century,
and the style is regarded as strongly influenced by Islamic teachings and cul-
tures since the days of its assumed creator, Ayah Kahir. It is further regarded by
senior practitioners of the pencak silat arts aspect to be the ‘cradle’ of the seni
aspect in West Javanese pencak silat, including the use of gendang penca music.
Pak Haji Ace Sutisna,12 leader of one of the Cimande style schools in
Tari Kolot, maintains a written codex of rules for the life conduct of the stu-
dents, called Talak Cimande (‘Cimande Oath’) that is indexed into fourteen
paragraphs:
1. Loyalty and honour towards God the Almighty and His Prophet,
2. Obedience towards the parents,
3. Obedience towards the government,
4. Not to pursue gambling nor stealing,
5. Not be gloating, arrogant, nor bragging,
6. Not be unfaithful,
7. Not be lying nor underhanded,
8. Not be drunken nor use narcotics,
9. Not torment other creatures created by God,
10. “Not pick without permission”; nor take without asking,
11. Not be envious nor jealous,
12. Pay debts dutifully,
13. Be well educated, modest, and friendly, and honour one another,
14. The knowledge of Silat Cimande shall not be used to brag, but shall be
used to achieve wordly and heavenly safety and unity.
Pak Haji A.S. Masriatmadja (= Pak Masri),13 – today one of the senior teachers
and counsellors (BS: pinisepuh) of the Garut and Bandung (West Java) based
Panglipur school of pencak silat, laid out the relations between the sportive,
self-defence, aesthetical, and ethical aspects of pencak silat in a dialogue as
follows:
Olah raga: on this layer pencak silat has to be understood as a sport, and
serves to strengthen the physical body. What shall this physical training
12 Personal communication, Tari Kolot, 1 November 1990 (UUP).

13 Personal communication, Baleendah near Bandung, 4 October 1990 (UUP).
be good for? The aim has to be to create a human body providing the
proper energy to learn how to defend oneself. How shall this self-defence
training be executed, as an actual situation to defend oneself only occurs
rarely, but the self-defence needs regular training? For this reason, the
self-defence is cast into an art form; that is seni. In this form, it can be
further trained alongside all self-defence neccessities, and alongside aes-
thetical aspects. For what shall this sublimation and aesthisation of
physical movements serve? It shall serve for the mental and spiritual edi-
fication of the performer. On this layer, one doesn’t solely practise pencak
silat for one’s own pleasure, but uses the art as a mode of meditation to
develop one’s energies for the benefit of the community (BI: bangsa).
This is due to social aspects, and to religious aspects as well.
Latiff (2004) gives a further alternative profile for Malaysian seni pencak silat,
that is, the art aspect of pencak silat he teaches to students of theatre classes:
(…) it is sad to say that nowadays, the Seni and sometimes the Pencak is
neglected by the young, and a lot of emphasis is being put on the Silat, for
they are only interested in ‘fighting.’ The Seni, which contains the philos-
ophy, the way of life and the beautiful fluid form of body-mind movements,
has lost its importance. The beauty and the relevance of the ‘bunga’
(flower) is not being comprehended by the Malay youths of today. They
missed to see the meaning of the Malay old saying:
In the move, lies the dance
In the dance, lies the flower
In the flower, lies the fruit
In the fruit, lies the punch
In the punch, lies the crunch
Since the sixties, the notion of “martial arts for actors” has gone from
being the alternative to being mainstream.
As can easily be seen from these diverging samples, the traditional local con-
cepts of pencak silat are largely concerned with ethical or aesthetical values.
The same is due for example, for the silek of the Minangkabau people, as Paul
H. Mason recounts in his chapter 6 on Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia.
Introduction 25
Differentiating Between Style (Aliran) and School (Perguruan)
An important differentiation in the understanding of the organisational struc-

tures in the ‘world of pencak silat’ are the distinctions between style (in Bahasa:
aliran), and school (in Bahasa: perguruan). A common saying in pencak silat
circles is “the schools are many, but the styles are few.” Each style will have at
least one school – though usually one will find more than one. Schools with a
dedicated monostylistic repertoire are sometimes labelled “style schools” (BI:
perguruan aliran). Except for “style schools,” the curriculum of most schools
will consist of the repertoires of more than one style. Since the 1970s, there
have been moves by schools to declare themselves as ‘styles,’ though their pro-
file, if seen from the systematics of a fighting system, often gives little evidence
of this kind of approach. Again, we will find different definitions of the core
characteristics of a fighting curriculum to become a style. The simpler one is
that from the national pencak silat federations IPSI (1994:5):
Whatever unique the performance of an aliran is, the values of the four
aspects of Pencak Silat, that is, ethics, technique, aesthetics and sport-
manship as a unity, must exist and can be seen. If not, it has no values as
an aliran Pencak Silat.
Each of the styles of Pencak Silat has an unmistakable and genuine form, there-
fore. Whatever differences there may be in the techniques and the movement
repertoires of the styles, each one of them has to have all four of the named
aspects mental-spiritual, self-defence, art, and sport.
In traditional contexts of pencak silat, the term aliran translates to “stream,”
or “erudite direction.” What is critical in the maintenance for the single ele-
ments of a curriculum to become a congruent unity seems to be their common
root within one, or more, particular modalities of thinking – or philosophical
principles – cast in movement. A particular aliran does not necessarily have to
be verbaly explicated, but has at least to be able to be felt and experienced by
the practitioner. These principles are usually based on physical movement, but
psychological and spiritual principles can become style defining, too.
A universal movement based principle can be the thought of as ‘all move-
ment can be utilised to become pencak silat.’ This philosophical approach is
one of the basic principles of the West Javanese Cimande style. A completely
different organising principle is utilised in the regionally neighbouring
Cikalong style, where practitioners are encouraged to ‘execute actions along
the shortest trajectories, and with highest possible effiency.’ One of the basic
styles defining elements of West Sumatran Silek Tuo is a movement called
gelek: a defender standing in a deep posture with his legs bent at the knees (a
position called kuda-kuda, BI: “standing like in a horse rider’s seat”), screws his
or her body in a 90 degree angle from the hips upwards, away from the attack,
coinciding with an optimal redirection of the attacker’s momentum.
Movements like gelek give this West Sumatran style an almost dance-like
appearence, even when performed as self-defence – an excellent pre-requisite
for becoming the foundation for various dance and dance theatre forms.
The utilisation of an opponent’s momentum is also a basic principle of the
West Javanese Timbangan style. But while tight body contact with the oppo-
nent is kept in Minangkabau’s Silek Tuo, such tight body contact is omitted in
Timbangan. The overall appearance of Timbangan, therefore, reminds one on
the Japanese aikido fighting art; a comparison noted by some West Javanese
specialists, too.
Female Participants within a Mostly Male Dominated Movement

Art
Pencak silat in both its modern, as well as its traditional form is fairly accessible
to both sexes. In traditionally oriented schools a strict division of sexes can be
observed in training. Girls are only permitted to train with other girls or with
the teacher. In rural schools, a girl might be nominally adopted into the teach-
er’s family, before being allowed to follow the training. Here, the upper limit of
age until when a girl is still allowed to follow the training coincides with the
beginning of puberty. In modern oriented schools also a division of sexes is
kept during training, but not necessarily in performances. An explicit upper
age limit doesn’t exist.
Though by far the greatest part of the ‘world of silat’ can be said to be a
‘world’ dominated by men, offering them modalities to acquire power by train-
ing their bodies to move in powerful ways, as Henry Spiller argues in chapter 10
in the present volume, at least in West Java and West Sumatra (Indonesia)
there are some perguruan led by women. If women show an ability to endure
in this area of performance cultures, they may gain some special recognition
within the networks of the “dunia silat” through the years, and may finally sur-
pass men. Until her death the late Ibu Enny Rukmini Sekarningrat (1915–2011),
one of the daughters of the schools’ founder, Abah Aleh (1856–1980), nomi-
nally led the Himpunan Pencak Silat Panglipur (founded in 1909). Taking over
her father’s duties after his death, this charismatic old lady had for a lifetime
been involved in the strategic outlining of the oldest traditional school of the
Introduction 27
h
d
e f
a
b c
Map 0.1 Regions of Pencak Silat cultures discussed in this volume

a = West Sumatra (ch 6, 8, 12, 13), Riau Islands (ch 5) f = East Malaysia (ch 4)
b = Central Java (ch 1, 2), West Java (ch 2, 7, 10, 11) g = South Australia (ch 12)
c = Bali (ch 9) h = North America (ch 13 (Hawai’i))
d = South Thailand (ch 3) i = Central Europe (ch 2)
e = West Malaysia (ch 2, 4) All Regions = Introduction
Figure 0.1
The late Ibu Enny Rukmini
Sekarningrat (1915–2011)
together with pendekar
Gending Raspuzi during a
meeting of the Panglipur
school on 21 October 2001 in
Bandung. (photo courtesy
of Gending Raspuzi)
Garut-Bandung area. She insisted that her students, even those the age of her
great grand children, simply call her “Mamih,” and not by her noble title.
The late Ibu Nani R. Sukeja (1943–1996) took over the duties as a co-leader of
the Perguruan Riksa Diri from Bandung after the early death of her husband
Pak Emuh Sukeja in 197814. Besides this task, during the 1980s she volunteered
as an accomodation organiser for West Javanese athletes during national pen-
cak silat seni tournaments in Java, Kalimantan, and elsewhere – a task that
earned her a similar nickname of “Ibu silat” (“Mother of silat”). Since 1996 her
daughter Titih Hayati has followed in her mother’s footsteps as a member of
the dewan juri (“council of referees”) of West Java in local and national tourna-
ments of the IPSI.
Another female teacher is Ibu Rita Suwanda, younger sister of the late mas-
ter teacher, Pak Herman Suwanda (1955–2000) of the Bandung-based,
internationally operating Mande Muda / Suwanda Academy school. She had to
take over her duties in a crucial situation, when Pak Herman died, together
with his U.S. born wife Shannon and three international students, in a terrible
car accident near the village of Winterspelt (Germany) while visiting pencak
silat schools across the Netherlands, Belgium and Germany.
Yurnaldi (2004) reports another female performer of the silat tua Gunuang
style named Inyiak Upiak Palatiang from village Dusun Kubugadang, subdis-
trict Batipuah, Nagari IV Koto, in the district of Tanah Datar (West Sumatra),
when she attended the “Galanggang Jam Gadang” pencak silat festival in
Bukittinggi that year at the age of 104 years, and performed there together with
some of her children and grandchildren. Besides being well known locally as a
master performer (BMin: pandeka) of traditional silek, she has created numer-
ous local songs (BMin: dendang) for the traditional dendang yo saluang
ensemble, and pantun songs for the randai dance theatre. Further, she teaches
the reed flute saluang locally.
Another example – to be found at the global level of pencak silat – can be
seen in the case of German anthropologist Hiltrud Theresia Cordes. She started
learning the traditional Silek Tuo style from the Pusako Minang school in
Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, during her field researches in the late 1980s. After
returning to Germany, she opened up a sasaran (lit: place of advice) of this
Minangkabau school in Cologne (Germany) in 1988. In 1990 she wrote her
Ph.D. thesis in anthropology on the traditional pencak silat world of the
Minangkabau in West Sumatra (published 1992). When this school dissolved in
1998, it had already installed a ‘sister school’ in Amsterdam (Netherlands) in
14 See further remarks on this school and Pencak Silat research group in the Preface of the
present book.
Introduction 29
Figure 0.2 Two of the saudara Riksa Diri side by side in one of the dance studios of the STSI
Bandung: The late Pak Mochammad Saleh (1937–2000; in blue dress) standing
amongst some of his students, and the late Ibu Nani R. Sukeja (1943–1996; with
light green shirt, her grand nephew Ikhsan at her side) sitting on a chair in the
background. Bandung, 3 November 1994. (photo by Uwe U. Paetzold)
1995. After the Cologne “sasaran” had shut down, she was elected as the
President of the German Pencak Silat Union (PSUD) in 1998, a duty she still
fulfils at both national and international level.
A similar case we find in Kirstin Pauka’s long lasting engagement in the per-
formance practise of Minangkabau silek and randai especially, currently being
the only non-indigenous person worldwide teaching the practical arts from
the range of pencak silat within a ‘western’ university institution. In her chap-
ter 13 she discusses some of the results of her teachings at the University of
Hawai’i at Mānoa.
Within the male-dominated “pencak silat world” (“dunia silat”), leading
female figures may be small in number, but this group of women (and their
students) play an important role. Figures such as Ibu Enny Rukmini
Sekarningrat have taught countless students and inspired younger women to
perform pencak silat. For example, we will meet a young female pencak silat
practitioner from Bandung named Dian Nur Dini in Paul H. Mason’s chapter 7
on West Javanese pencak silat seni. Further, Sean Williams in her chapter 11 not
only discusses the role of jaipongan as a particularly pencak silat-borne perfor-
mance medium of Sundanese identity, but also the particular role women play
in expressing this identity.
Music for a Movement Art with a Primarily Motoric Function
If fighting arts are characterised by a combative motoric function, how do they

relate to other arts such as dance, theatre, ritual, and most importantly,
to music? Aren’t these latter arts trying to achieve quite opposite goals –
namely entertainment, aesthetical experience for its own sake – l’art pour l’art
– or providing modes for social conventions, for spiritual and religious
embodiment?
To answer this question is not easy. As for the actual movements, the term
‘stylisation’ can be applied when distinguishing between fighting arts on the
one hand, and dances, theatre, etc. on the other: i.e. a blow with the fist in a
fighting art is executed in as effective a way as possible. Hence, within a dance,
or dance theatre, the same movement will lead to any objective a choreogra-
pher can imagine.
But the interrelationships between fighting arts and other arts are not as
simple as this. Going back to the notion of the ‘same appropriate manner of an
unmistakable strength’ mentioned before, there will be few differences
between a fighting art on the one hand, and dances, rituals and ceremonies
related to it, on the other hand. First, when executed perfectly, the self-defence
itself may become a strong performance of energy and aesthetics, and a real
art in movement. Further, as was shown within the “individual concepts” para-
graph of this Introduction, many stylised movement arts – dance, theatre, or
acrobatics – may become a more sociable mode for training in self-defence.
Therefore, other movement arts, or ritual arts as well, may have been
inspired, or even be initiated, by fighting arts. Further examples of such rela-
tionships are those between Brazilian capoeira, samba and candomblé (de
Oliveira Pinto 1991), between South Indian kalarippayattu and kathakali dance
theatre (Zarilli 1998), or between Chinese wu shu, dragon dance, and tradi-
tional Chinese opera. Two methodically interesting structure analytical studies
have been made by Berlin (2001:18–21) on the stick dance of the Tharus from
Nepal, and its possibilities of including remnants of an extinct martial art of
this people, and, by the same author (2008:39–42), on bharata natyam pos-
tures, martial arts techniques, and the problem of interpreting symbolic
movements.
Introduction 31
We will not go into particular details on the concepts of interaction between

music and pencak silat in this introduction, as these are one of the core matters
of the findings of the contributors in their respective chapters of this book. But
some more general aspects related to music and fighting arts shall be identified
here: Jones (2002: xii) follows the arguments of McNeill (1995:10), when he
argues: “drill, dance, and battle belong together. All three create and sustain
group cohesion” and, further summarising him, he writes: “(McNeill) identifies
work, religious expression, and war as the main areas of human endeavor in
which people have found that moving together in time intensifies and rewards
their efforts. Song and dance often accompany these activities as means of
marking time.”
The structural and temporal organisation of group action therefore is the
most important aspect of the role of music in fighting arts. But there are fur-
ther important aspects, too. When it comes to the integration of music, and
musical skills into fighting arts, another completely different example, going
deep into history, may serve. Didn’t Plato (Politeia, 2nd Book) recommend to
train the watchmen of the ideal polis well in both fighting and musical skills –
the latter to keep them humble towards their kinsmen, and to prevent them
becoming wild dogs to them? Therefore, the second most important aspect of
the integration of music into fighting arts is the education of the fighting arts
performer into a socially responsible human being.
Third, music becomes a medium for social integration between performing
members. In public performances, music provides a medium through which to
achieve a state of liveliness, of controlled harmony, both between the perform-
ers, and between performers and audience.
Fourth, related to traditional performance contexts, we can observe that
music can become a medium of contemplation to performer and audience,
and a medium to transfer spiritual and socio-spiritual energies – which again
may result in further positive aspects of structural organisation and social
integration.
Music may play a bigger role in the modes of spirituality discussed
above, than should be estimated from the first sight. In some regional forms of
pencak silat, like the dampeang singing within the silat-rooted luambek move-
ment art in West Sumatra, the music acts as the central medium of transfer of
internal powers (see Paetzold 2008b, and Kamal & Mahjoeddin in the present
volume). In others, like with music of the kendang pencak ensemble in West
Java, the music serves as some kind of spiritual ‘envelope’ to transfer the ‘social
spirit’ of the whole performance to a Higher Being, in this case, to Allah The
Almighty (Paetzold 2011a: 180).
A further aspect connecting different regional traditions of music accompa-

niment in pencak silat performance practice are the names of percussion
instruments used to denote classification and taxonomy. I.e. the dichotomy of
“mother” and “child” for drums used pairwise for accompaniment can be found
as well in several Indonesian (gendang/kendang indung and anak), Malaysian
(gendang ibu and anak), and Thai (glong thon mae and luuk) contexts. In West
Java in particular, these pitch/timbre and accent contour lines producing
sound unit is augmented by a third, even smaller ‘person’: the kulanter (lit: “pet
of the family” or “appendage”).
Within all these modes of interaction, music helps to create an everyday
performance opportunity in which pencak silat, an art of self-defence at its
roots, which is otherwise kept more or less obscure, and “out of the eyes of the
mass” (BI: di luar mata orang banyak), changes its character and becomes an
art – lively, aesthetical, spiritually awakening, locality bound in each of its
many styles, to be enjoyed, appreciated and embraced by the public.
Sound, Movement and the Brain: Pencak Silat as Seen from a

Neuroanthropological Perspective
Any study of bodily skill is complemented by a neuroanthropological approach

that integrates the latest findings from the brain sciences with observations
and analyses from anthropological fieldwork. Charles Laughlin, who was one
of the first anthropologists to coin the term neuroanthropology, suggested that
art is subject to complex cultural variation and personal conditioning and is
derived “from the operations of the human brain in its dynamic interaction
with the world” (Laughlin 2004:2). Turning to Southeast Asian fighting arts,
whether it is the direct correspondences between music and movement in
West Javanese pencak silat seni or the intense concentration of silek minang
practitioners who resist the rhythmic gravitational pull of percussive accom-
paniment, observations of fighting arts accompanied by music can tell us
about the intimate relationship between cultural training and the human
brain. Both music and movement are created by the embodied mind, shaped
by culture, and determined by the socially-embedded body. Observations of
bodily skill and music allow us to study one form of nonverbal human expres-
sion in terms of another. British ethnomusicologist and social anthropologist,
John Blacking understood that “It is in the areas of nonverbal communication,
especially dancing and music, that we may observe mind at work through
movements of bodies in space and time” (Blacking 1977:18). Through studying
the music and movement of Southeast Asian fighting arts, we can observe and
Introduction 33
investigate (1) how organised interaction shapes humanly organised expres-

sive systems and (2) the effects of cultural experience on the selection and
development of sensory and perceptual capacities. Without the semantic con-
found of language, interactions between sound and movement in fighting arts
can reveal how culturally empowered repertoires of skill lead to deep changes
in the perceptual sensitivities and physical capabilities of the practitioners.
Greg Downey, who has undertaken significant research on the Afro-Brazilian
fighting art of capoeira (2002a; 2002b; 2005; 2008; 2010), encourages neuroan-
thropologists “to search speciﬁcally for candidate cultural variations in neural
dynamics underlying shared function” (2012:34). Activities, such as dance, that
exhibit complexity and late developmental emergence of elite skills are good
candidates because they rely on cultural training and those parts of the brain
that are ‘enculturable.’ Fighting arts are especially good candidates. Unlike
more abstract styles of performance such as ballet and contemporary dance,
the fighting arts of Southeast Asia involve movements with tangible meaning.
Punches and kicks have tangible combative functions that can be easily recog-
nised, recorded and analysed. Salient aural and visual data can be easily
correlated. For example, the timing of a direct correspondence between a
punch and an accompanying iconic sound can reveal information about reac-
tion times, embodied cognitive processing, and culturally inflected perceptual
processes.
A neuroanthropological sensibility is not only useful in order to study the
enculturation of the brain; it is also useful in order to model the transmission
and transformation of cultural skills over time. The brain is the organ of society
and the biological vector of culture. Through apprenticeship and systematised
pedagogy, cultural skills spread and change as they pass from individual to
individual. With regard to Southeast Asian fighting arts, some arts have spread
faster than others. At one level of analysis, factors that influence the spread of
a fighting art may include the geographical location of the groups that practise
and teach the art, the economic conditions of the practitioners in the group,
the political atmosphere that promotes or hinders the growth of the art, and
the openness or exposure of a group of practitioners to other groups. At
another level of analysis, factors may include the speed at which skills are
acquired by the embodied brain, the way that pedagogical styles capitalise
upon optimal cognitive processes, and the extent to which bodily skills are
retained in the memory systems of the brain. By understanding how different
pedagogical styles variably recruit certain brain functions, we can construct
better models of the spread and distribution of cultural skills as they
globalise.
On the ‘Grobalisation’ (Ritzer 2004) of Pencak Silat
In terms of the number of practitioners, pencak silat is most likely the most
widely spread Southeast Asian sportive and performance art world-wide – sur-
passing arts like gamelan, wayang, and traditional Southeast Asian dance
forms. While pencak silat boasts a large number of practitioners, widespread
knowledge of and exposure to pencak silat is still relatively low. Why is this so?
First, in the past the local traditions of this self-defence art were for several
reasons partly held in secrecy, either to protect the practitioners or to maintain
the ethic not to display this art to the eyes of others. This secrecy, or rather
secludedness, grew from the very base of a close teacher-student relationship
at the core of pencak silat communities. In Indonesia, this behaviour of seclud-
edness found its official end when the Indonesian Pencak Silat Federation IPSI
discovered the benefits of using pencak silat as a vehicle to promote national
identity during the 1970s. IPSI tried to resolve, or break up established struc-
tures of a teacher-student focused mysticism, and give pencak silat the
appearance of a modern competitive sport and a proclaimed indigenous
Southeast Asian heritage.
Communities that had for a long time developed within a network of tight
local institutions – secular or religious pencak silat schools – where everybody
knew most of the local companions practising this art, and some few move-
ment gestures could make clear to an insider within the blink of an eye where
some new person trying to get access to a particular local group was from,
did not reverberate too with the IPSI’s demand (and that of other national
institutions) that this art be modernised. Over time it became clear that any
commitment to fulfill such a plan had to take into account that autonomous
master performers did not like to be forced to modernise according to another
authority’s rules. The people who insisted upon modernisation were not those
who would take final responsibility for the possible negative effects. Master
performers understood that a movement technique intended and able to
injure other persons is not something to be taught lightly to immature stu-
dents. Negative behaviour of such students would not necessarily fall back on
IPSI, but solely on the teachers personally. The tensions between modernisa-
tion and the values of master performers still exist today.
The national pencak silat institutions, from the early 1970s to the early 1990s,
decided to create a new pencak silat, rather than to redesign the traditional
ones. Curricula were designed, consisting of selected abbreviated and ‘opti-
mised’ older movement techniques and action patterns of local origin,
‘de-territorialised’ and rendered ‘harmless’ to enable their use within a new
kind of standardised pencak silat competition sport (Maryono 2002:162–165).
Introduction 35
The new pedagogies were often more efficient systems of teaching that capital-
ised upon optimal learning and memory systems in the brain; that included
preservative mechanisms that restricted individual creativity and limited sto-
chastic acquisition of movement material; and that increased the number of
students that could be taught at the same time. All these factors contributed to
the eventual ‘grobalisation’ (Ritzer 2004) of pencak silat from Southeast Asia to
the rest of the world.
Providing a Source of Identity within Migration
The endeavour to create a new ‘indigenous’ sports-based pencak silat, and

trade it to the big sport events of this world, was not the only way this move-
ment art spread from its local roots of origin in Southeast Asia into global
networks. Other factors also helped achieve this goal. As aforementioned, the
traditional custom to teach this art to young men to enable them to defend
themselves in the ‘abroad’ had been one important catalyst to the mainte-
nance and spread of the art. Another catalyst was the spread into military and
police units during the times of the Dutch colonial reign in Indonesia, where
(pencak) silat was taught i.e. to the ‘Marechaussee,’ at least since 1915.
Aside from the first mentioned intention of the national organisations to
create a new ‘indigenous’ sports-based pencak silat, the other factors named
only had local or regional impacts at first. As far as the spread into military and
police units is considered, this became quite different when the Netherlands
had to ‘repatriate’ their colonial troops (labelled Koninklijk Nederlandsch-
Indisch Leger; abbreviated KNIL) to Europe after Indonesian independence
had been accomplished in 1949. Amongst former KNIL soldiers from the
Moluccas and Sulawesi especially, there were some who had learned Silat (the
term pencak was not applied in these military and police contexts), either in
their local regional cultural background, or within the Dutch colonial army
and police. These veterans soon found silat a valuable tool to bond together
through shared practice in silat and to help them keep some kind of inherited
local identity alive in their new homeland. Though this chapter of the history
of pencak silat has just begun to be explored, i.e. by Paetzold (2011b) recently,
this was the birth of those silat teachers that later should be labelled as Paatjes
(Dutch Pasar Malay: little fathers). From the early 1950s onwards, some of these
people decided to leave the still war-stricken Europe, and tried their luck in the
‘New World’ of the USA.
The migration of these specialists into the USA became some kind of back-
bone to the global ‘migration of (pencak) silat performance cultures.’ Today,
besides the Netherlands, the USA can be regarded as the most important
migrant territory of self-defence arts based upon, or influenced by, pencak silat.
This new generation of pencak silat has developed in the ‘melting pots’ of the
New World. Reterritorialised, pencak silat developed in new directions in
almost every way conceivable, i.e. in movement techniques, in cultural pat-
terns, and as a base for dance choreographies, etc.
Unfortunately, the music aspects formerly connected to pencak silat perfor-
mances rarely found a way into the new homelands and cultural contexts,
although some comparable new relationships15 between pencak silat and
krontjong / indo-rock communities developed in the Netherlands, as Paetzold
showed. In their chapters in the present book, Paetzold (chapter 2) and Mason
(chapter 7) among others discuss numerous facets of the inclusion and exclu-
sion of either live or recorded music within local and migrated pencak silat
performances practices both in West Java and on the global scene.
One clear exception to this situation is the embodiment of traditional
Minangkabau silek self-defence art, and randai dance theatre into the Asian
Theater Program at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, as taught there by
Kirstin Pauka (see chapter 13 in the present volume). Here, the ‘field’ has been
‘brought to the campus,’ and a ‘performance culture in migration’ has been
temporally generated.
The Internet, email, and other media make certain today that the carriers of
the ‘world of silat’ hold a key to an omni directional cultural exchange in their
hands, making it possible to exchange and discuss matters globally, sometimes
re-establishing ties lost a long time ago. Re-establishing ties, re-unifying bonds,
and re-interpreting identities via the Internet have become important goals to
achieve for many young practitioners, since the late 1990s.
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Introduction 43
part 1
The Development of Pencak Silat
∵
The Standardisation of Pencak Silat 45
Chapter 1
The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javanisation,

Nationalism, and Internationalisation
Jean-Marc de Grave
1 Introduction: Standardisation and Social Context
When talking of local Indonesian “martial arts,” based on their regional ritual
conceptions and practices, a process of standardisation clearly emanates from
the contemporary political domain, in its interaction with the Indonesian
nation state.1 In this political perspective, theoretically proposed as autono-
mous from religion, the ritual dimension of martial arts is secondary.
In the process of standardisation, techniques and transmission systems are
formalised, notably through the use of written media. This chapter provides a
reflection on the rationalising process in relation to traditional techniques of
martial arts through the creation of formal federations. I will illustrate the
broader background in which this process occurs and the groups and institu-
tions specifically concerned. These descriptions will drive me to evaluate the
impact of regional, national and international federations plus the embodied
knowledge they put into practice at the larger scale of Indonesian principles of
action and values.
In the analysis, I will partially disentangle the influence of martial arts from
abroad and western bodily techniques, as well as local conceptions dealing
with body practices. The role of the Taman Siswa educative movement net-
works during the nationalist period will also be mentioned. This information
will help us to understand the context of the national and international pencak
silat federations. These federations were created alongside the establishment
of competitive disciplines. The diachronic perspective shows that the national
sports politics has been tied to the prevalence of the Javanese in the Indonesian
federation, which parallels the Javanese hegemony in Indonesian State affairs.
We shall see how the necessity of widening networks out of Java and how
internationalisation of the pencak silat contributed just the same to revalue
the role of different styles and their non-Javanese practitioners. This will give
us an indication of how politicians tried to lean on traditional networks and
1 In this chapter foreign words are given in Bahasa Indonesia (= BI) unless otherwise stated.

46 De Grave
under which circumstances such networks could keep a relative autonomy fac-
ing the sports imposed on them. Finally, although this model did significantly
spread in Indonesia, in light of the presented data I interpret its setting-up
phase as a recoil of the Indonesians towards their sociocultural practices.
2 Formative Dimension and Normative Influence of Religions
There are very few statistics on the number of pencak silat practitioners in
Indonesia. However, given the number of larger pencak silat schools, their
members and an approximation of smaller groups, I estimate that Indonesia
and Malaysia alone must have at least 70 to 80 million people practising or hav-
ing practised local martial arts, of which the formative and educational
dimension is particularly popular at a local level.
The value of this system of formation is that it induces an ethic and a social
positioning, as well as the transmission of other much appreciated knowledge:
anatomical conceptualisations, energy meridians, care by massage and action
on the energy circuits, the care of fractures and cracks, herbal medicine, natu-
ral classifications (of the plant and animal worlds), cosmologies, classification
of the human characters through myths and classical theatre, etc..
To understand the social weight of pencak silat, it is necessary to specify that
it has played an important intermediary role between the more or less for-
malised imported religions and pre-existent ritual or religious conceptions. As
quoted by Denys Lombard (1990 II: 115–119), the traditions of Hindu-Buddhist
religious communities (dharma) is also currently found in the Qur’anic schools
(pesantren), sharing the following characteristics: remoteness from the world,
settlement land, a culture of free lands, royal tax exemption; a paternal link
between the followers and the kyai chief; networks between linked communi-
ties by the old custom of the itinerant journey and the mystic quest which lead
the students from one site to another to perfect their knowledge; the religious
kyai leaders who return to the “former school” (pesantren induk) on certain
occasions after having established a “sub-branch” (cabang). These traditions
are very similar to those of the basic organisational systems of martial arts
schools.
The relationship of pencak silat within Islam is not confined to pesantren.
The national-wide Tapak Suci School was created within Muhammadiyah. This
reformed Muslim and modernist social organisation was established by Kyai
Haji Ahmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta in 1912. Although Tapak Suci is an integral
part of Muhammadiyah, it is managed autonomously. As a result it allowed
pencak silat to extend beyond the reaches of Islam to places such as the Toraja
Christian area in South Celebes (present when I was there in 1991) and in
Germany where it is open to non Muslims.
If Islam maintained privileged links with pencak silat, other social groups
have similarly integrated it into their activities. In this sense the Catholic net-
works of the archipelago allowed the organisation of Pencak Silat Tunggal Hati
Seminari to reach a national scale (see de Grave 1996). This link with modern
religions and the progressive religious trends was and still is current. Thus,
expanding ideological practices linked to such religious universal values are
very important in understanding the conceptualisations that facilitated sports
integration and was said to be indifferent in its adaptation to any sociocultural
context.
3 The Influence of Martial Arts from Abroad and Western Bodily

Techniques
Alongside the role played by modern religious organisations and rational

approaches, the recent penetration of foreign martial arts also seemed to have
influenced training and organisational systems, as well as body conceptions. D.
Lombard (1977:40) speaks of Chinese masters arriving at the very beginning of
the 20th century in Indonesia: “…some of them sold remedies, the others dem-
onstrated their conjuring abilities, but most escorted the convoys; after a first
itinerant period, most of them settled down and opened their own school (per-
guruan silat)” (it is notably the case of Louw Djeng, born in 1854 in Fujian
province, ibidem).
According to a Chinese master who taught at the Padjadjaran University of
Bandung, Liem Yoe Kiong (1960), a new martial art philosophy developed in
the 1920s where the obligation to maintain teaching secrets was no longer con-
sidered a necessity. Kiong also believed that Japanese territorial occupation
was characterised by the fusion of the Sino-Indonesian techniques with
Japanese jū-jutsu and sometimes boxing (although he did not specify where or
how). With that being said, one clearly needs to put in perspective this testi-
mony of a Sino-Indonesian speaking specifically about punctual influences of
Chinese masters on local practices. The observations which Kiong made, of
more and more opened systems, might have corresponded to a general process
involving Chinese martial arts. There were apparently numerous inter-regional
exchanges in the Malay world during the first half of the 20th century, but the
secret seems all the same to stay valid during this period. The colonial authori-
ties strongly limited the practice and perhaps even forbade it. Moreover, this
48 De Grave
ban is quoted repetitively in an article by D. Lombard (1977) and by numerous

informants I have met during my various fieldwork trips.
A type of martial art found in the Indo-Malayan archipelago where foreign
influence dominates and does not wear the pencak silat label is kuntao. “A
Chinese expression meaning ‘the way of the fist,’ kuntao is used in all Chinese
combat systems practised in Indonesia and Malaysia. Traditionally kept secret,
these systems were practised by Chinese communities scattered throughout
Indonesia. Such systems include the Fukien boxing of the white heron, the t’ai
chi ch’uan, the Lohan boxing and diverse practices originating from Shantung.”
(Scott and Pappas 1985:52). The influence of Chinese martial arts on local tech-
niques cannot be estimated. The Betawi pencak silat, practised by the
inhabitants of Jakarta (Betawi people) ever since the colonial period, was
locally said to have undergone Chinese martial arts influence. Besides, the
kelid of the Cimande2 penca – exercises consisting of colliding forearms with
a partner to harden them while working reflexes and rhythm – are similar to
exercises of Chinese origin. A comparative study of techniques could open
potential areas of investigation as to possible Chinese influence.
Another more visible and recent influence on pencak silat is that of Japanese
martial arts. A survey I led in 2003 in Yogyakarta within the Jiu Jitsu Indonesia
Club revealed that jū-jutsu penetrated Indonesia from the 1930s onwards.
During the 1950s a federation structure was developed in Jakarta known as the
Jiu Jitsu dan Judo Association Djakarta (JAD). In December of the same year,
Java and Sumatra’s big cities’ training groups formed a federation autonomous
from that of the JAD: the Jiu Jitsu Club Indonesia (JCI), today affiliated with the
World Jiu Jitsu Federation whose centre is in Liverpool, England. At the same
time, an organisation of jū-jutsu developed under the authority of the
Indonesian police, the Institut Jiu Jitsu Indonesia (IJJI).
As we can see, jū-jutsu also came into the archipelago before the period of
independence, and was thus able to influence local practices either at an
organisational level or on techniques. It is possible, for example, that grips and
keys of jū-jutsu enriched pencak silat techniques. In any case exchanges took
place. The club of jū-jutsu that I visited in Yogyakarta used some additional
techniques of struck knocks borrowed from pencak silat. Nevertheless, jū-jutsu
was introduced to Indonesia earlier than karate but karate garnered more
popularity.
In previous work (2001a), I mentioned that the pencak silat school of Merpati
Putih (Central Java) began to develop in the 1960s partly in reaction to the
development of karate in Indonesia. According to the data which I collected
2 Cimande is in the region of Bogor, close to Jakarta.

within the Indonesian Federation of Karate (the FORKI), the expansion of the
martial art effectively took place during this period thanks to Indonesian stu-
dents who stayed in Japan where they learned karate. The FORKI was created
in March 1964 under the presidency of a lieutenant-colonel of the army who
rather quickly gave up his function because he would have been compromised
in what was then presented as the communist coup d’état of September 30th
1965.
According to the people in charge of FORKI Yogyakarta’s section whom I
spoke to during my time there, karate in Indonesia evolved following three
main directions: schools and currents which remained attached to their for-
mer Japanese centre and preserved its original techniques; those who became
partially independent and who developed additional local techniques; and
those who broke all ties with Japan and evolved independently. Among the lat-
ter, Indonesian techniques of tenaga dalam (local breathing, meditative and
concentration techniques) were frequently incorporated – as is the case for the
popular school of Kateda (the name of which is an abbreviation of karate-
tenaga dalam) – because the followers found that such techniques were
lacking in karate.
So, the main contribution of karate came from the modern associative
organisational system from the 1960s, allowing local forms to adapt and
develop outside of their former regions. Among other contributions of karate,
D. Scott and M. Pappas (ibidem) indicated the use of belt (sabuk) systems by
certain schools of pencak silat. Preliminary stretching and warm-ups in the
practice of the modern schools of pencak silat mark a secondary contribution,
whereas other pencak or silat groups until today use their own traditional tech-
niques to begin training.
Besides the karate, western gymnastics also represented an important con-
tribution to the warming techniques. However, they penetrated into the
archipelago before karate. In 1912, karate and western gymnastics were imple-
mented into Dutch administered schools both for themselves and for
Indonesian cadres serving the colonial government.
Gymnastic methods derived from Holland were alternately influenced by
the German, Swedish, Danish and Austrian systems (see Ulmann 1997:277–
308). During the Japanese occupation (1942–45) a Japanese method called
taiso, influenced by the Swedish system, was practised in schools every morn-
ing. After the declaration of independence on 17 August 1945, and in bitter
reminiscence of the Japanese, the Austrian system of the end of the Dutch
period has been used again. In 1963, gymnastics officially entered the Sporting
Schools of Higher Education (Sekolah Tinggi Olahraga or STO). From 1964, the
Austrian method was adapted locally in the Bandung STO (West Java) and
50 De Grave
gymnastics became a competitive discipline alongside other sports in national

and international competitions (Swan-Po 1964:14–40). From fieldwork obser-
vations in pencak silat schools during the 1990s, the techniques of stretching
and warm-ups established in the Indonesian higher education sporting schools
were used. These techniques were adapted by local martial arts schools thanks
to members who, having attended these schools, later taught sport in an aca-
demic or school context. With the incorporation of new conceptions of the
body3 a new relationship to time and space arose locally. The techniques con-
tribute – in parallel to the influence of foreign martial arts already evoked, as
well as that of schooling and the use of the written medium – to the develop-
ment of new processes of learning movement.
The technique, then highly developed, as it permitted the training of a more
significant number of persons, is a sequence of movements reconstructed in a
complete series.4 This kind of transmission initially facilitated the work of the
student. However, according to what I observed and further discussed with
Indonesian masters and instructors from the beginning of the 90s till recently,
the faculties of sensory-motor empathy and reflexes function are reduced in
the sense that through the new ways of teaching students cannot feel and seize
complex sets of movements, and reproduce them. It would appear that in
receiving a pre-assimilated product, a certain amount of psychomotor facul-
ties remain dormant; for example your attention is much less sharpened.
Consequently, the student learns to conceive the movement as a jerky succes-
sion and not as a linear succession. He perceives more a set of fragments than
a totality, and thus he eventually reaches a certain totality through a difficult
effort of reconstruction. I frequently observed, at the levels of athletes or very
advanced practitioners, a sensation of incompleteness towards their training,
despite having reached a state of expertise in the practice.
3 According to old informants I met in the 1990’s like Pak Sukowinadi, the founder of Perpi
Harimurti, or Ki Joyo, the founder of Popsi Bayu Manunggal, both of them deceased during
the last decade, the start of any training traditionally consisted in simple movements involving
the whole body. No part of the body was warmed up or stretched up separately from the
others.
4 On various stages of this modus operandi development in gymnastics in Swiss, German,
Swedish and French systems, cf. Ulmann ibidem: 259–320.
4 Nationalist Period and Creation of the Ikatan Pencak Silat

Indonesia Organisation
First Steps and Javanisation of the Federation

In a very significant way, even before the transfer of sovereignty of the Dutch
colonial government to the Republic of Indonesia in December 1949, the
National Federation of Pencak Silat (pentjak, as we shall see, was the previous
form for pencak) was founded in 1948, amidst the much-disrupted context of
the fight for independence. Nevertheless, a first tentative step to unify different
styles had already taken place during the Japanese occupation.
In 1943–44 representatives of all the provinces were gathered in Jakarta

where they trained in a pencak silat consisting of twelve jurus,5 created by
the Renggo Tai.6 But when they returned home and wanted to spread the
practice of these twelve pencak silat jurus, they collided with the refusal
of local schools.
According to the author of the abovementioned extract, T. Tamat (1986:17), on

18 May 1948, this event inspired Indonesians to create, rather quickly, a national
organisation called the “Federation of pentjak for all Indonesia,” (Ikatan Pentjak
Seluruh Indonesia or IPSI), managed by Wongsonegoro, the future Minister of
Culture and Education (Maryono 1998:89).
The first years consisted mostly of conceptual and organisational activities.
Agreement on the name of the martial art was the most urgent issue. The cad-
res of IPSI, many of them Javanese and Sundanese, thought that the local term
pencak used in their respective regional languages was obvious. Besides, the
works or books before 1950 used the pencak term and not pencak silat. In
response to the protests of the representatives of Sumatra, the people in charge
came to an agreement to combine the terms pencak and silat, as they are both
terminological traditions most used in the archipelago. Thus, in 1949 IPSI
(Ikatan Pentjak Seluruh Indonesia) became IPSSI (Ikatan Pentjak Silat Seluruh
Indonesia). Besides, in the works and the newspapers of the beginning of
the 1950s published in Java, if pencak silat was used, the term pentjak still
dominated.
The first IPSSI congress took place on the 21st–23rd December 1950 in
Yogyakarta. The name of the organisation was simplified to become IPSI
(Ikatan Pentjak Silat Indonesia) (IPSI 1953:35). No longer was there any need to
5 A jurus is a series of movements specific to a given school or style.

6 An organisation of local troops trained to fight during the Japanese period
52 De Grave
insist on unifying Indonesia, seluruh (from Seluruh Indonesia, “all Indonesia”)

was dropped from the organisation’s name, testifying to the political stability
at that time.
Among the 24 people present, 12 were from Central Java, four were from East
Java, four were from West Java, one was from Sumatra and there were three
whose origins were not specified (ibidem: 34). Yet, the domination of Central
Java is understandable given that Yogyakarta is geographically situated at the
heart of this region, that this city was the temporary capital of the republican
government from 1945 until 1949 and that it represents the centre of the
Javanese authority and hegemony in the archipelago.
Ten personalities were unable to attend, among whom president Sukarno,
vice-president Hatta, Minister of Defence Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX of
Yogyakarta and the Minister of Education and Culture, each sent a telegram of
support to the members of IPSI Congress (ibidem: 58).
The statutes and the internal rules of the association were then established,
it being desired to be a communication media between the various schools
and aimed at creating a national form of pencak silat. It was decided, among
other issues, to propose pencak silat as a compulsory subject in the primary
and secondary schools and to ask the new government if the martial art be
integrated into the cultural register or into the sport register. Rules for compe-
tition were displayed. Wongsonegoro, a strong Javanese personality, was
re-elected as president (he had been de facto president since 1948) and Paku
Alam VIII became vice-president (ibidem: 28–45).
Paku Alam VIII was the sovereign of the second royal palace of Yogyakarta,
the Pakualaman. A member of his family, Ki Hadjar Dewantara, a progressive
noble convinced nationalist, active in journalism and then in education, was at
the origin of the Indonesian educational movement Taman Siswa. Ki Hadjar
Dewantara had advocated, since the 1920s, an education adapted to Indonesians
with mental subjects (such as languages, history, geography and mathematics),
emotional subjects (such as dance and music) as well as physical subjects
(including sport) which were all taught in a well-balanced way.
In the last category, the pencak silat occupied a central place. It became a
compulsory subject for the boys in the schools of Taman Siswa (from 1934
onwards). The person in charge was Mohamed Djoemali, a technical person
appointed by IPSI from its creation (ibidem: 18). Mohamed Djoemali has pub-
lished several works on pencak silat, among which a method in three volumes
(cf. Djoemali 1959/60/61) presents techniques marked by the Javanese pencak
with high “legs postures” (kuda-kuda). From this first congress of 1950, pencak
silat is considered as national sport (IPSI ibidem: 111–113).
In the same year, IPSI was connected to the sector of education of the
Ministry of Education and Culture. However, in 1953, it shifted towards the cul-
ture sector, a move that seemed to reveal a sliding of educational conceptions
at the state level. At the same time, demonstrations of pencak silat were organ-
ised during the “National Sports Week” (Pekan Olahraga Nasional or PON) in
Medan.
The period that followed was marked by political troubles, amongst which
were the regional armed movements demanding an Islamic State and the ten-
sions provoked by the increasing power of the Indonesian communist party.
During this period another federation has been established in August 1957 in
Bandung, West Java, called the Indonesian Association of Pencak Silat
(Persatuan Pencak Silat Indonesia) or PPSI. The birth of this federation was
ostensibly connected with a dispute between the upholders of a traditionalist
conception of the martial arts (globally the West Java masters), and the explicit
and thus transformative conception of IPSI in terms of sport. Even if certain
members of PPSI wanted to make a link with IPSI (cf. Darmana 1977:97), the
PPSI always refused to collaborate with IPSI, which was dominated by the
Javanese. This refusal would appear to echo the political, religious and even
armed opposition existing between the Javanese and the Sundanese (opposi-
tion which recalls the Hindu-Buddhist period of Java).
In the 1960s, the PPSI spread very quickly: notably in West Java, but also in
the Lampung area (Sumatra), in the eastern part of East Java where Sundanese
styles were very well implanted (Maryono 2002) and also Bali (according to Pak
Adil, chief manager of PPSI7).
To come back to the specific activities of the national federation, the third
IPSI congress took place in 1959 in Jakarta.8 Increasingly influenced by west-
ern models of the body and conceptions regarding sport, in January 1961 IPSI
shifted this time from culture to the physical education register. The 1962
(Southeast) Asian Games (SEA Games)9, which took place in Jakarta, started
with a pencak silat demonstration. These two particular points marked a stage
in the effort of formalisation of IPSI and were not without auguring the con-
tinuation of the political centralisation development of the Indonesian State.
7 Interview I held with him during a survey in 2003 in Bandung.

8 I have no information on the second IPSI congress held in Bandung in 1953.
9 According to IPSI (1989), the 1962 event in Jakarta were “Southeast Asian Games”. However,
according to the website of the Olympic Council of Asia (OCASIA. 2015. Southeast Asian
Games), or the Fédération Equestre Internationale (FEI. 2015. South East Asian Games), there
were no “Southeast Asian Games” in Jakarta in 1962. Saleh (1991:30) names this event under
“Asian Games”. The author assumes the above named event has to be labelled with “Asian
Games” therefore.
54 De Grave
In this first federative period, the progressive nationalists – including nota-

bly the nobility and the schooled elite of the colonial and nationalist periods
– carried on a national project of modernisation in which pencak silat occu-
pied a well asserted role. So, a first, initiatory step in the unification of the
practice was taken. We will now see how large-scale sociopolitical disturbances
– indirectly bound to the Cold war tensions – will significantly modify former
orientations in the 1960s.
Militarisation, Centralism and Federative Formalisation

At the beginning of the 1960s Indonesia was marked by extreme confrontation
occurring between the army and the communist party while at the same time
the authority of President Sukarno weakened. It was in such a context that, in
September 1965, the communists murdered some generals of the regular army.
General Suharto then seized this opportunity to make an anti-communist
purge on the national scope, allowing him to ensure his authority in a way that
saw him in control for a period of thirty-three years.
This confrontation during the beginning of the 1960s, between the army and
the communist party and the anti-communist purge post-September 1965
orchestrated by General Suharto (cf. Ricklefs 1988:274), provoked a forced stop
of sociocultural and sport activities during the second half of the 1960s, and, in
this particular case, IPSI’s activities. Nevertheless, masters and advanced prac-
titioners of martial arts were sought after on both sides, either by factions
bound to the security of religious and communist groups or by the army.
Slowly at first, IPSI took back its activities headed by Bapak Tjokropranolo,
who was military secretary of the president and former hero of the war of inde-
pendence. In 1971, an extraordinary congress was organised in Jakarta (see
Table 1.3). Yet, the congress was only followed by three regional centres: Jakarta,
East Java and Yogyakarta (the three regions dominating IPSI since its begin-
ning), “because of the transport malfunction which reigned at that time,”
according to an IPSI (1989) brochure. Competition rules were discussed and
experimental projects in various regions were planned. The first referee train-
ing also took place in Jakarta the same year.
These decisions reflected the rising and considerable effort to impose a
national model (with an international vocation) of sportive pencak silat. So, in
the 1970s, with IPSI being the only official competition organiser, and given
that it was compulsory for schools to participate in sporting events, a pressure
– representing the principle of any sports federation – is maintained to ensure
that various schools would continue to join.
The leaders of the suhartoist regime did not hesitate to impose a national
model on the whole Indonesian territory, especially since the majority of the
servicemen – among them, Suharto10 – had practised pencak silat when they
were young, and even continued to practise. Thus they understood very well
the potential of the martial art. From their point of view the martial art had the
potential for rebellion – not only in consideration of the martial techniques,
but also the ethical or ideological dimension which it conveys – if used in the
hands of factions opposed to the regime.
In 1973, pencak silat made its entrance among the official events of the
eighth National Sports Week (PON) taking place in Jakarta (see Table 1.1); until
then it was only present in exhibitions. In December of the same year the fifth
IPSI congress takes place in Jakarta. Alongside Bapak Tjokropranolo’s re-elec-
tion as president, IPSI officially recognises ten “historic” schools that had
helped the organisation and supported its development. IPSI also proposed to
PPSI, the rival federation of West Java, to join as an historic organisation having
strongly contributed to the development of the pencak silat in Indonesia. But
conservative masters of PPSI declined the offer, PPSI preferring to organise
their own activities in an autonomous way. As it did not receive subsidies from
the central government, its development remains more limited than that of
IPSI (Maryono 2002).
Looking closely at the origin of these ten schools or “historic” organisations
(Persaudaraan Setia Hati, Persaudaraan Setia Hati Teratai, Perpi Harimurti,
Phasadja Mataram, PPSI, Perisai Diri, Tapak Suci, Perisai Putih, KPS Nusantara,
Putra Betawi), it appears clearly that all of them are Javanese with the excep-
tion of PPSI – mentioned all the same in the documentation of IPSI, although
as a school and not as a federation – and Putra Betawi, which is Jakartanese.
According to the leading manager of PPSI, Pak Adil, whom I met in Bandung
in 2003, IPSI developed in West Java from 1973 onwards, coinciding with the
start of the period of Suharto’s full yield coercive power. PPSI then concen-
trated its activities on the artistic pencak silat – pencak silat seni, practised with
instrumental music accompaniment: percussions, gong and terompet as well
as on the teaching of pencak in primary and secondary schools. According to
Pak Adil, in 1994 Suharto forbade all federative associations of pencak silat
other than IPSI. This verbal rule was of particular concern to PPSI, many of
whose members were opponents of the regime. PPSI nevertheless pursued its
activities and counted more than a hundred registered pencak silat schools in
2003.
10 Personal communication of Bapak Sukowinadi deceased (collected in 1999), founder of

the school Perpi Harimurti and retired officer, who gave pencak courses to Suharto in
Yogyakarta when he was young officer.
56 De Grave
In 1974, again in West Java, the Persatuan Pendekar Persilatan Seni Budaya
Banten Indonesia (PPPSBBI or “Indonesian pendekar association of the Banten
silat culture”) was founded in Serang by Tubagus Chasan Sochib to promote
the traditional schools of pencak originating from the region of Banten and
according to the persons in charge of the organisation today, the PPPSBBI
recognise approximately 90 schools out of 500,000 members, whose networks
extend to Bogor, east of Jakarta. Till his recent death, Tubagus Chasan Sochib
was actually the chief of the jewara – local tough men practising pencak – and
as such he was the main authority in the region of Banten, put in place by
Suharto in the seventies, and telling local politicians what they should do.
Tubagus Chasan Sochib also found a way to take advantage of the empty politi-
cal space to increase his regional networks after the fall of Suharto and this was
the way one of his daughters, Ratu Atut Chosiah, became governor of Banten
in November 2006.
PPPSBBI association reflected the cultural and political sense of identity
marked and claimed by Banten: it did not appear as a competitor of IPSI
because its activities did not concern sporting events. Those activities focussed
rather on urban and political security meetings.11
Be that as it may, whether federations or rival associations, IPSI benefited
from the political calm that the New Order of President Suharto established
under forced military control, seizing the extremely centralized policy set up
by the State chief to its advantage. It was in this context that the first national
championship of pencak silat for adults, Kejurnas (Kejuaraan nasional Dewasa
I), took place in May 1975 in Semarang, Central Java (see Table 1.1).
Natasasmita Sukanda (1976:392, my translation) offers a detailed report of
this event, in the following extract: “Altogether, Sundanese and Javanese tech-
niques (East and Central including Yogyakarta), Sumatranese (Aceh, Batak,
Minankabau and Riau), portrayed themselves as rather authentic (remark,
however, that technically speaking a number of grips, knocks or other possi-
bilities offered by pencak silat were not used, sometimes even forbidden for
reasons which are completely unclear!), with a token of orthodoxy for Aceh;
the results are the faithful reflection of it.”
This report was made by a Sundanese connoisseur. As such, it reflects opin-
ions openly uttered by numerous representatives of the Sundanese and
Sumatranese circles of penca and silat since the beginning of the IPSI founda-
tion. According to these opinions the formalisation, standardisation and
11 To know who benefitted most from this protection and security, on the PPPSBBI see
G. Facal 2010b, and more especially 2012, where he presents a very detailed description of
concerned networks and their orientation.
competition lauded by IPSI resulting in techniques that had nothing to do with

their original forms and, consequently, eventually led to the disappearance of
the latter.
In spite of these contests, IPSI pursued its purposes by centralising as much
as possible its main activities in Jakarta. So, in 1976, the second national cham-
pionship unfolded in Jakarta (see Table 1.1). In parallel, an IPSI delegation was
sent to the Netherlands to lead a conference on pencak silat and to study the
development of the martial art in this country where a very important
Indonesian community lives.
In 1977, Bapak Tjokropranolo became governor of Jakarta and appointed
Bapak Eddy Djajang Djayaatmadja to replace him as chair of IPSI. A short time
later, Bapak Eddy Djajang Djayaatmadja was named governor of Central
Celebes, leaving Bapak Eddie M. Nalapraya, former deputy governor of Jakarta,
to replace him (see Table 1.2). His dedication to the development of the martial
art at national and international levels was marked by his 26 years of service.
The same year, 20 regions participated in the National Sports Week (PON IX)
pencak silat competition (Jakarta). In June 1978, the first junior national cham-
pionship (Kejurnas Remaja I) also took place in Jakarta (see Table 1.1) and in
September 1979 a pencak silat exhibition was made during the tenth Southeast
Asian Games (Jakarta). The event was broadly mediatised and played a key
role in the fast and continuous international development of the martial art
(see below).
In 1981, the sixth IPSI congress was held in Jakarta where Eddie M. Nalapraya
was re-elected president (see Table 1.2). In September, a meeting of referees
and jury training was organised to prepare the PON X in Jakarta and in March
1984, the fourth national championship of pencak silat took place in Surabaya,
East Java (see Table 1.1). At the same time IPSI’s activities took advantage of
police security and economic stability established by the political centralism
in which it participated and upon which they set a partial model to spread
almost everywhere throughout the archipelago. In this process, the structured
big schools supplied a significant number of active members to the
federation.
Paroxysm, Fall and Return of the Pro-Suharto

In 1986, Eddie M. Nalapraya was once more re-elected president during the
seventh IPSI congress, and again at the eighth congress, which took place in
February 1990 at Senayan, Jakarta (see Table 1.2). In that year a credit of 1,07
billion rupiah was granted to IPSI which notably began to publish the maga-
zine pencak silat. An additional 7 billion rupiah credit is tuned to the
organisation for the construction of the National Centre of Pencak Silat
58 De Grave
Table 1.1 Comprehensive list of IPSI and Persilat sports events
Year Event and place Participation
1953 Exhibition at the “National Sports Week” Nil

(PON)
1962 Exhibition at the (Southeast) Asian Games, Nil
Jakarta
1973 Participation at the 8th National Sports 15 regions, 128 athletes (106 men,
Week, Jakarta 22 women)
1975 1st national championship,Kejurnas 18 regions, 141 athletes (106 men,
Kejurnas, Semarang (Cental Java) 35 women)
1976 2nd national championship, Jakarta 22 regions, 203 athletes (140 men,
63 women)
1977 9th National Sports Week, Jakarta 20 regions represented
1978 1st junior national championship, Jakarta 13 regions represented
1979 Exhibition at the 10th SEA Games, Jakarta Nil
1984 4th national championship, Surabaya 27 regions for 329 athletes
1987 Participation in the 14th SEA Games, Jakarta Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore,
Thailand, Brunei
1989 15th SEA Games, Kuala Lumpur Nil
(Padepokan Nasional Pencak Silat Indonesia; see Figure 1.1). The six hectares of
land located near the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah of Jakarta were offered by
Suharto’s wife, Siti Artinah Suharto, or commonly known as Ibu Tien. The per-
son in charge of construction was Prabowo Subianto, the son-in-law of Suharto
and upper officer of the elite commando squad Kopassus of the Land Forces
(that he managed from 1995 until 1998). He was also protector of a pencak silat
school.
The total cost of the Padepokan Pencak Silat Indonesia centre reached 31
billion rupiah (at that time, an American dollar was worth approximately 1150
rupiah). The remaining 24 billion were donated by business companies belong-
ing to or allied with the Suharto family (IPSI 1997).
The Padepokan was inaugurated on the 20th April 1997. For the persons
involved, the project may appear a sign of the peak of the New Order: high
average economic growth rate; a very important influx of foreign capital invest-
ments; self-sufficiency regarding rice … Yet, rather than being a peak, it turned
out to more of a swansong in the fortunes of the suhartoist regime. In 1997 the
Southeast Asia economic crisis began, striking Indonesia very sharply. And in
May 1998 Suharto resigned. Suharto was forced to resign as a result of popular
Figure 1.1 The National Centre of pencak silat (Padepokan Nasional Pencak Silat
Indonesia) located near the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah in Jakarta. It was
inaugurated on the 20th April 1997.
dissatisfaction. He was questioned by some of his former allies and discredited

by a media information policy and a financing of NGOs led by the United States
of America, leaving B.J. Habibie, then vice-president, to succeed him as tempo-
rary president.
Over the years succeeding the fall of Suharto divergent and even contra
dictory trends have developed in Indonesia. These trends included the
establishment of a democratic regime, regional demands for independence,
the development of uncontrolled economic liberalism, an acceleration in the
destruction of the ecosystem, and the development of radical Islam. It was
within this very agitated sociopolitical background that, by a curious combina-
tion of circumstances, Prabowo Subianto became head of IPSI in 2003 (see
Table 1.2). To better understand his entry, which amazed the world of Indo
nesian pencak silat, it is necessary to return to May 1998.
Following the confrontations, sometimes murderous, between the people/
students of Jakarta and the army/pro-suhartoist agitators, Prabowo was judged
at a court martial. Various media and personalities had previously questioned
him for having tried to organise a coup d’état thanks to the chaotic situation
reigning in the capital, and also to have organised a mass rape of Sino-
Indonesian young girls by leaning on the pencak silat school of which he was
the protector (cf. de Grave 2001a: 212–213). At the end of the military trial, he
60 De Grave
Table 1.2 Comprehensive list of IPSI presidents and congresses
Years President Congress
1948–1971 Wongsonegoro Nil

1950 1st congress in Yogyakarta (Organisation rules,
Competition rules draft, Plan for development in
school context)
1953 2nd congress in Bandung
1959 3rd congress in Jakarta
1971–1977 Tjokropranolo Nil
1971 4th congress in Jakarta (Improvement of the competi-
tion rules, Referees’ formative workshops)
1973 5th congress in Jakarta (Collaboration reinforcement
with school members)
1977 Eddy D. Djayaatmadja Nil
1977–2003 Eddie M. Nalapraya Nil
1981 6th congress in Jakarta
1986 7th congress in Jakarta
1990 8th congress in Jakarta (Decision to build the National
Centre of Pencak Silat)
2003-… Prabowo Subianto Nil
was accused of having exceeded orders by arresting and mistreating student

activists opposing Suharto’s regime and was dismissed from his post. Prabowo
further exiled himself voluntarily for two years: in Jordan, Germany and
Thailand. Upon his return, Prabowo had the unfortunate ambition to appear at
the presidential elections. Taking advantage of a disagreement between senior
officials of IPSI, he then succeeded in thwarting Eddie M. Nalapraya’s projects
of succession to be elected president of IPSI, although he was later re-elected
in August 2007 (see Table 1.2). According to the people in charge of IPSI (with
whom I spoke with during my time at Yogyakarta and Jakarta in 2005 and
2006), and also according to the people in charge of the French federation, this
new president was apparently rather passive on a social and human relation-
ship level. Nobody had ever seen him except during big meetings of formal
character as well as in sports policy dynamics.
Be that as it may, the process of making pencak silat into a sport – what we
might call the sportisation process – was launched well. Even if, since Prabowo’s
presidency, the Indonesian sports activity seemed less dynamic, development
at the international level took on a more and more marked scale. This
development is, of course, the purpose of IPSI’s persons in charge who see in
pencak silat, an interesting Indonesian and Malay cultural world element to
export abroad, contributing to cultural and sports tourism. The counterparty
of its success is that it became increasingly harder to control the entirety of its
development, passing in particular through the organisation of competition
disciplines.
5 Internationalisation of Pencak Silat
Persekutuan Pencak Silat Antara Bangsa or The International

Alliance of Pencak Silat
The influence of Eddie M. Nalapraya on the federative development of pencak
silat was rapidly felt at the international level. It led in March 1980 to a meeting
of the delegates of Singapore (see Table 1.2), Malaysia and Indonesia. The
meeting was held in Jakarta, and saw the founding of the international federa-
tion of pencak silat: Persekutuan pencak silat antara bangsa, or Persilat. Eddie
M. Nalapraya himself was elected as the president, testifying to the Indonesian
influence; delegations counted moreover nine Indonesians for two Malaysians
and two Singaporeans. To mark the pact which they had just sealed, the follow-
ing month the three State federations organised numerous activities in
Singapore in relation to pencak silat.12
In August 1982 Eddie M. Nalapraya’s active policy led to the organisation of
the first international championship of pencak silat (see Table 1.3). On this
occasion the delegations of seven countries met in Jakarta: those of Indonesia,
Singapore, Malaysia, Netherlands, West Germany, the USA and Australia. The
event was renewed in November 1984 in Jakarta (see Table 1.3) where ten coun-
tries were then represented: seven aforesaid less Australia, with the addition of
Austria, France, Spain and Yugoslavia.
Persilat met in 1985 in Kuala Lumpur (see Table 1.3) and on this occasion,
the rules of the international competition were improved and Indonesian pro-
posals for the formalisation of technique were approved.
12 The case of the federations of Malaysia and Singapore appeared differently from that of
IPSI. For example, Pesaka (Persekutuan Silat Kebangsaan) was established in 1983 in
Malaysia by the four main schools of the country. It did not exist within State structure, as
in Indonesia, leading directly to the sports development of the martial art. Concerning
Singapore, it is mainly the Malayo-Indonesian community which manages the activities
of pencak silat as well as the federation, the Persisi (Persekutuan Silat Singapore), estab-
lished in 1976; the State grants subsidies only according to the results in international
competitions.
62 De Grave
The third international championship took place in August 1986 in Vienna,

Austria (see Table 1.3). In addition to the previous participating countries new
countries took part, these being Switzerland, United Kingdom, Suriname,13
and Turkey. Indonesia retained its championship of the world title.
In September 1987, for the first time, pencak silat became an official disci-
pline of the South-East Asian Games (the fourteenth) with five countries
participating: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Brunei. Thailand
and Brunei became members of Persilat.14
In 1988, the fourth international championship was organised in Singapore.
At the same time, the second general meeting of Persilat was held (see Table
1.3). Eddie M. Nalapraya was re-elected president of the federation, a position
which he occupied till 2010,15 shedding light, yet again, on the dominant and
persistent influence of Indonesians within Persilat: they control the interna-
tional authorities, promulgate rules and changes of rules, and impose their
president.
In 1989, pencak silat appeared among the official disciplines of the fifteenth
SEA Games in Kuala Lumpur. Since that time, world championships have taken
place every two or three years in the following countries: 1990, The Hague, the
Netherlands; 1992, Jakarta, Indonesia; 1994, Hat Yai, Thailand; 1997, Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia; 2000, Jakarta, Indonesia; 2002, Penang, Malaysia; 2004,
Singapore; 2007, Pahang, Malaysia; 2010, Jakarta, Indonesia (see Table 1.3).
Besides the world championship and the South-East Asian Games, other
international meetings of pencak silat have been the biennale sports week of
the ASEAN students (Association of South-East Asian Nations), the annual
Asia-Pacific championships, the annual European championships, as well as
various European opens. With regard to Europe, the weight of its federation in
Persilat is notably due to the fact that the international federation counts
almost as many European countries as Asian countries today and more than
Southeast Asia itself.16
13 In Suriname, former Dutch Guyana, a Javanese minority has been present since the colo-
nial period.
14 An important Malay community lives in the South of Thailand. From here, the martial art
subsequently spread over the country. On the Silat cultures of Southern Thailand see the
chapter by Binson in the present book.
15 He was replaced by Prabowo Subianto for the mandatory period 2010–2014 (see the fol-
lowing link consulted on 30/9/12: <http://www.scribd.com/doc/48892882/PERSILAT-
Minutes-of-Founders-Meeting-January-21–2011>).
16 The member countries of Persilat by continent include: 15 far eastern countries among
which 11 are Southeast Asian ones (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, India, Indonesia,
Japan, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor
Table 1.3 Comprehensive list of world championship and Persilat congress
Year Championship Winner Congress
1980 Nil Nil Persilat founded in Jakarta

1982 Jakarta Indonesia Nil
1985 Nil Nil Congress in Kuala Lumpur
1986 Vienna (Austria) Indonesia Nil
1987 Nil Nil Meeting (in Jakarta ?)
1988 Singapore Indonesia Congress in Singapore
1990 The Hague (Netherlands) Indonesia Nil
1994 Hat Yai (Thaïland) Indonesia Nil
1997 Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia) Indonesia Nil
2002 Penang (Malaysia) Vietnam Nil
2004 Singapore Vietnam Nil
2007 Pahang (Malaysia) Vietnam (?) Nil
2010 Jakarta ? Nil
The increasing place of the European federation within Persilat seemed to

influence the policy of Persilat supporting the development of the martial art
in Europe while, at the same time, establishing rules favouring the preserva-
tion of the martial art’s Malay characteristics. The most pivotal development at
the international sports level of pencak silat was an exhibition discipline at the
Asiatic Games held in South Korea in 2002, and later on when it almost became
an official discipline of these same games in 2006 in Qatar. This international
recognition has been possible thanks to the establishment of competition
rules.
Leste, Vietnam), the 14 countries included in the European Federation (Austria, Azerbai-
jan, Belgium, Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Kazakhstan, Netherland, Russia,
Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, Uzbekistan), three countries of the Middle East (Iran, Pales-
tine, Yemen), two African countries (Morocco, South Africa), one Oceanian country (Aus-
tralia), one South American region (Surinam) and two North American countries
(Canada, United States of America). Source: IPSI official website <http://www.persilat.
org/members.htm>, consulted on the 28 November 2013.
64 De Grave
Progressive Elaboration of the Competition

With regard to the sociocultural density of pencak silat, its religious and politi-
cal dimensions, the sports register implied a strong transformation of the
practices visible in the development of the disciplines and the regulations of
competition. This development was not made without experimentations and
questionings. At first, the dominating trend appears to be a stiff will to impose
strict rules on fight competitions.
So, on the occasion of the 1971 congress, the main lines of the first draft of
regulations were made as follows: the weight categories; determining the
square area of the fighting space (8 metres by 8 metres); developing the count-
ing of points (in decreasing order) i) in the hope of immobilising the opponent,
ii) making him/her fall, iii) hurling him/her with a kick, iv) a punch, v) to make
a block; the avoidance of striking the face and the neck; vi) agreeing on five
three-minute rounds spaced out with a one minute break between them
(Darmana 1977:103–106).
In the competition rules worked out at the fifth IPSI congress in 1973, the
main changes were that it was completely forbidden to make a blow to the
head. The rounds were reduced to two minutes in duration and the number of
rounds reduced to three. The use of a plastron was made compulsory.17 The
reason for these alterations is that although both the limitations of the knocks
prohibited to the head and the use of the plastron played and continued to
play an unfavourable role in the media development of the martial art, the
opinion of Eddie M. Nalapraya was that although conscious of its conse-
quences, he refused to endanger the health of the pesilat, simply to mediatise
their sport.18
In 1976, an IPSI congress was specially organised to perfect the regulations
of the competitions. Among other results, the fight area was made circular
being seven metres in diameter (IPSI 1989).
Afterwards, additional developments were agreed in accordance with
acquired experience, notably with the aim of trying to protect as much as pos-
sible the “proper” characteristics of pencak silat. For example, the aesthetic
steps movement – which represent a central aspect of the martial art’s specific-
ity – became compulsory. The 1985 rules established a rather exhaustive, albeit
17 O’ong Maryono (1998:138–139) declared that the obligation to use a plastron and a protec-
tion shell appears in the rules worked out by the fourth general assembly of IPSI, which
would thus have fallen in 1971 (no source is quoted). But he also specified that the gener-
alised application of this regulation took several years.
18 Interview I made with him in 1998 in Yogyakarta.
complicated, classification of the steps form (Persilat 1985: appendix 4). This
problem was later restored with the constitution of the ten official footsteps.
Another issue that was difficult to regulate was the one of the fighters’ ver-
bal shouts during the fight confrontation. At first nothing had been planned on
this subject. Then it seemed that certain participants shouted in a way that was
similar to karate or kung-fu. Considering that pencak silat does not use shouts,
regulations were put in place finally permitting only blowing through the
mouth without the uttering of sounds.19 Today sport fight regulations have
reached a rather stable form. This stability reflected on one hand the success of
the Indonesian persons in charge in their efforts of standardisation; efforts
which allow them to benefit from the international sports community and the
approval of the foreign federations. On the other hand, and in a sometimes
contradictory way, these efforts aimed at protecting as far as possible specific
characteristics. Without such characteristics, the practice could not stand out
as being attractive to amateurs. It would be difficult to establish more formal
sports criteria of recognition with regard to martial arts such as kung fu, karate
or tae kwon do. A state of balance seems to be reached through which one form
of pencak silat martial art develops in a continuous way on an international
level.
But it is necessary to note that this result, as with all activities that IPSI
undertakes, strongly benefited from the support of schools, as well as from the
Malayo-Indonesian regional styles, whose contribution was fundamental for
the administrative structure – as IPSI members are basically members of local
schools – and for technical research – as these members are elaborating tech-
niques to be proposed as federative ones. So from the 1960s to the 1970s, certain
groups played an important intermediary role between IPSI and recalcitrant
masters. For example, the KPS Nusantara20 group which knew how to diplo-
matically draw its inspiration from various regional styles working out a
regulation of the sport and competitive pencak silat that inspired IPSI. In 1973
this resulted in pencak silat’s entrance among the official disciplines of the
National Sports Week (PON) and KPS Nusantara School among the ten “histori-
cal” organisations of pencak silat in Indonesia.21
19 Interview I made in 1999 in Yogyakarta with Mas Poerwono, senior official of the school
Merpati Putih and person in charge at IPSI.
20 KPS is always written in this abbreviated form. It signifies “Keluarga Pencak Silat,” Nusan-
tara refers to “the Archipelago.”
21 On KPS Nusantara, cf. Maryono: www.kpsnusantara.com/history/indonesia.htm (last
consultation in October 2012).
66 De Grave
Moreover, big schools, besides the fact that they develop in the form of asso-
ciations, as mentioned above, have internal activities and functioning which,
for the greater part, look like those of IPSI. Every big school organises, for
example, an interregional internal competition by using regulations often just
a little bit different from that of IPSI and additional sub-disciplines of
competition.
Other state sports organisations also made their contribution to the process
of formalisation. So, in 1992, an official section of pencak silat was established
within the Sports Teachers’ Training College of Yogyakarta (Institut Keguruan
dan Ilmu Pendidikan Olahraga Yogyakarta). This institution, in cooperation
with IPSI, established formalised a series of stylistic movement (jurus) and
finalised a national pencak silat trainer diploma. This diploma was accessible
to the students who became physical education teachers with a pencak silat
speciality, or to trainers of schools who pass via the IPSI network. It is neces-
sary to have this qualification to become an IPSI or IKIP trainer, to teach in
some school contexts, whether locally or abroad.22
These steady efforts of formalisation for the sports were met with continu-
ous criticisms on behalf of those who did not accept such a “denaturation of
their art.” Besides the process of standardisation and sportisation, it seemed
that the competition fight resulted, rather quickly, in changes which were not
specific to pencak silat. The very strong attention involved in marking points as
the measure of success led to a technical simplification centred on this crite-
rion. The indirect consequence that provoked a number of negative comments
was that although if someone were a beginner in pencak silat but very advanced
in another, similar competitive sport they could, at the end of a relatively brief
training session, participate in and sometimes even come to receive medals.
Besides all the effort put in to enhance the specificity of pencak silat, it then
appeared that the “aesthetic” (seni) aspect – in particular the aesthetic ele-
ment in the steps of the competitor during contests – must also be incorporated
into the competition. The request stemmed internally from the Malay world,
in particular from the regions, where the martial art takes on an important
ritual dimension (West Java, Sumatra, Malaysia), but is also brought from the
outside. By way of explanation a significant number of western followers are
above all interested in the aesthetic dimension of pencak silat, being one of the
main presiding criteria in their preference for it over other martial arts.
The competition was initially centred on the execution of free movements;
at a given time, one or some pesilat executed sequences of movements of their
22 Personal survey made with IKIP Yogyakarta in 1995.

choice. However, at the beginning of the 1990s, a process of standardisation

was introduced.
A combination of linked movements, a jurus, supposed to contain charac-
teristic elements of the main regional styles of the Malay world, was gradually
worked out within IPSI, resulting in 1996 in a jurus with bare hands, called
wiraloka (“the warrior of the world”) that must be executed in competition by
three or five pesilat. Later wiraloka was required to be taught in all schools
depending on Persilat. It was compulsory to learn wiraloka in the big Indonesian
schools – as, too, in Japan – before it came to be practised in particular schools
in Europe where, although its practise was not compulsory, it was largely
adopted, especially by those wanting to practise the artistic seni competition.
This jurus, based on a sample of regional diversity, allowed Persilat to
increase the centralisation of the practice. The Malay jurus was a response to a
request for “authenticity” of the martial art from the outside. However, the
Malay jurus was also a way of asserting Malay culture and presence (Indonesia,
Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei) in an activity that has become increasingly
international.
Another jurus was one with bare hands and weapons called wiragana (“the
huge warrior”). The wiragana is worked out and executed by one pesilat. A final
jurus, a simulated fight freely choreography by two performers called the jurus
wirasanggha (“the warrior of the community”) partially with bare hands and
partially with weapons, was also established for the seni competition pro-
gramme. These three seni sub-disciplines were adopted in international
competition from 1996 onwards, with musical arrangement for wiragana and
wirasanggha (IPSI 1996).
I was, however, able to observe the dissatisfaction of certain Malaysian part-
ners when I conducted fieldwork in Malaysia during 2003. Given that
Malaysians dominated the international scene for the free seni category, the
use of imposed jurus initially appeared to them as a Javano-centred Indonesian
policy meant to push aside its Malaysian competitors. Nevertheless, the
Indonesians were convinced that international development had to pass this
process of formalisation. These three sub-disciplines of the seni have conse-
quently been preserved until today, although now there is no more musical
arrangement.23
On the other hand, Malaysians and Sumatranese lobbied at the beginning
of 2000 to say that the Sanskrit terminology made reference to Java’s cultural
contexts (Javanese, Sundanese and Madurese) and to Bali’s, and that this was
23 See the chapter by Paetzold in the present book on the development and finally the dis-
continuation of music practice within the pencak silat seni competitions.
68 De Grave
to be replaced by a more Malay terminology. As a result, wiragana became

tunggal (“one”), wirasanggha became ganda (“for two”) and wiraloka became
regu (“in team”). The fight category called wiralaga in 1996 (“the warrior in
the fight”) was renamed tanding (“balanced [fight]”) to distinguish it from the
seni.24
So, the imbalance of power that existed between Java and other regions of
the Malay world would in the end be reduced, at least partially, thanks to the
development of the seni competition. The elaboration of this competition
resulted in a wider consensus conferring more strength and coherence to
Indonesian presence within the international federation.
6 Observations: Javanisation and Impact of the Formalisation
Social Homogeneity of Pencak Silat and the Impact of the

Nationalist Aims
Regarding martial arts, the Indonesian government could have potentially put
forth different aspects of pencak silat other than sports – those of education,
culture or religion, for instance. These remain nevertheless socially very
present.
The relationship to education remains marked because of the sheer scale of
the introduction of the martial art to schools and universities. Yet the frame-
work of this new system implies a very normative adaptation of the martial
arts, often similar to the sports version, in which the influence of federations is
largely felt.
The link to culture also remains omnipresent, principally outside govern-
mental networks, in local ritual and sociocultural activities, and through the
cultural organisations of the regional forms of pencak silat such as those of
West Java already mentioned in the text.25 This link is also present in modern
urban contexts where numerous institutions and companies appeal to masters
or to pencak silat schools to give courses to their employees.
The link to religion also remains strong because it forms a privileged frame
to the existence of martial arts; as we saw at the beginning of the article, the
formal and universalistic character of certain religious currents influenced the
standardising process of martial arts.
24 The information dating from 1996 is from the booklet IPSI (1996).
25 On different regional studies of local martial arts, see this volume; also see Bastide (2010),
de Grave (2010), Facal (2010b, 2012), Farrer (2009, 2010), Wilson (2010).
The desire for sports formalisation evolved with Indonesia becoming a

nation state, passing through national unification and the recognition of its
sovereignty by other nations. This process implied assimilating outside ele-
ments related to body techniques (warming, stretching, the sequenced set
of movements) and adapting vernacular elements (cosmological, ritual and
philosophical conceptions, transmission systems, body conceptions and tech-
niques). Such a development did not happen without inferring a marked
distance from traditional social links or even a strong will to break these links.
From the beginning of this process, the determination of the local elements
raised a problem. On this subject, the formation of the Indonesian federation
revealed a marked javanocentrism due to several convergent facts including
the longstanding Javanese political hegemony in the archipelago and the
demographic weight of the Javanese people. Dominating on the island of Java,
the Javanese during the nationalist period (1910s - 1950s) benefited from the
teachings they experienced in the Dutch schools (many of them being concen-
trated in Java) and the way that they were exposed to the values and conceptions
spread in these schools, including those regarding sports – values that were
often elitist and reserved for the natives who were working for the Dutch peo-
ple. Another influence came from the sociocultural importance and the fame
of Yogyakarta which, for various reasons, is the cultural and spiritual capital of
the Javanese. In addition Yogyakarta is also the university capital of Indonesia
where students come from all regions of the archipelago. The Javanese, par-
ticularly from Central Java, occupy many positions as superior and middle
cadres in the capital city of Jakarta. Therefore, observations in Indonesia were
about Javanese cultural, political and economic hegemony and can also be
found at the level of pencak silat and its formalisation process.
Nevertheless, beyond the javanisation of pencak silat, it is important to
mention the speed at which the first nationalists, who were not exclusively
Javanese,26 understood the regional martial arts of the archipelago. The group
of Indonesian islands formed a homogeneous sociocultural background
against which nationalists leaders could cultivate a rising national feeling.
From this certainty came the idea to create a federation, more so than the will
to impose a unified form of the martial art. Undeniably though, even if the will
of standardisation increased during the suhartoist period (1965–1998), it con-
cerned above all fight competitions, whereas the first national jurus being the
wiraloka jurus, started to gain a certain consensual recognition from 1996
26 An example would be the case of the first vice-president, Mohammad Hatta, who was a
native of the Minangkabau region, from where he brought the notion of democracy by
deliberation and mutual consensus.
70 De Grave
onwards, that is 52 years after the first aborted attempt of this kind under the
Japanese occupation (on this point, see de Grave 2009), and 48 years after the
creation of the national federation.
This length of time indeed indicated that if a certain pressure were exer-
cised, more or less constantly according to the concerned period, a rough or
definite imposition of immediate rules did not occur. The significant accelera-
tion of jurus codification must be limited to the influence of foreign federations.
As we saw in the text, the internal expansion of jurus, passed by the assertion
of the Malay characteristics of the art, was reiterated in the development of
various international jurus.
In every case, since the beginning of the federation, events have exceeded
the simple initial projects of IPSI founders. Such a phenomenon extended to
Indonesian society from at least the time of its independence. For example,
Sukarno, the first president of Indonesia, dreamt about Indonesia being open
to modernity but in a way in which mutual aid would remain, with a marked
cultural, political and economical autonomy. These references and values had
a tendency to decay in the course of the terms of various presidents. Another
example was in the founders of the Indonesian education system (in a way
that was similar to their politically non-aligned Indian neighbours in their own
country). They dreamt about an educational system adapted to the Indonesians:
one that was non-elitist, respecting the balance of the human faculties and the
personality of each, and centred on the relational quality. Yet unexpected con-
tingencies strongly later modified these perspectives at the national level (on
this point, cf. de Grave 2001b, 2004, 2005).
Pencak silat did more than reflect the current situation of generalised trends
in the Indonesian society; it preceded these and very often announced them.
The following examples illustrate this point. First, the creation of the pencak
silat federation announced the effective unification of the country and the
international recognition of the Indonesian nation state. Secondly, the marked
absenteeism and the lack of concentration of the students in the March-April
1998 training sessions announced the demonstrations that they were going to
organise bringing down the Suharto regime the following May (cf. de Grave
2001a: 234). Thirdly, the increase of regional autonomy at the administrative
level in Indonesia following the fall of Suharto had already been set up in cer-
tain large schools of pencak silat because the regional branches demanded a
greater margin of operation (cf. de Grave ibidem: 302–303).
This particular point must be linked with the social anchoring of pencak
silat. As evoked a little earlier, the first nationalists were certainly clearly con-
scious of the social strength represented by the masters of the martial arts
schools (and also their students). Listened to and respected, they also knew
how to listen and to anticipate. This explains why politicians tried to lean on
them and were careful not to hasten them too much. Thus, this traditional net-
work maintained a notable autonomy and held consequent weight in
large-scale social orientations.27 Thanks to their teaching, for instance, on cos-
mologies, therapeutic knowledge and ethics, masters play an important social
role in which sports has little significance, even absolutely none in certain
cases. The process of sportisation implied a mitigation of this role: masters
may become simple trainers, specialists of body motion and fight tactics, or
consultants in endangered regional cultural body practice, yet it is impossible
to reduce them to such roles in the current configuration.
Pencak Silat’s Formalisation, Politics, Society, Education, Security,

Health
To return to the initial projects of the pencak silat’s federation, the paradox
which is expressed from the beginning in Indonesia’s internal debates, lies in
the fact that developing the martial art consisted, on the one hand, to assert a
sociocultural existence and to protect the national heritage, and on the other,
to transform it through an adaptation to compulsory criteria imposed from the
outside. As we saw, a large questioning was established, wherein Indonesians
no longer recognised their own cultural referents in the elaborated new forms.
The efforts supplied in the competitive regulations constitution relay well
this constant pull between submitting itself to a universalistic oriented system
of values (in any event with international character) and the deep desire to
safeguard the fundamental characteristics of the martial art. In fact, the spor-
tisation of pencak silat represents a process parallel to other social processes,
allowing certain groups (particularly certain Javanese and other nationalists
educated in the Western way) and certain domains of social activity (political
and sports) to stand out to the detriment of others (ritual and religious
domains), but at the same time participates to a relative overall social
cohesion.
This process is not without calling back, even if compared relatively, with
what the Germano-Britanic sociologist Norbert Elias (1986) describes concern-
ing sports development in England. It leans on the increase of a regulation
where the development of rules had the same foundation as the 17th century
parliamentary system. In both cases, it was a question for the various parties,
in the view of Elias, of reaching a level of conventional agreement ensuring the
non-recourse to physical violence. A question I wish to pose at this stage of the
27 For convincing evidence, see in particular the case of the Pendekar Banten Association,
Facal (2010b).
72 De Grave
analysis is precisely linked to such a process that pushes away physical vio-
lence outside of endogenous social relationships: in which way does it imply a
withdrawal towards the social implication of the participants?
Indeed, among the numerous sidetracks which intervened in this process, it
is advisable to note the central recoil of what we call “culture,” to indicate
something that would be in large part outside social subjects. This recoil is
actually what happened in the threat posed to regional variants of the martial
art at the level of its relationship with local ceremonial activities and in spe-
cific local social relationships.28 The threat was established concretely by the
introduction of new systems of practice and transmission. Such an introduc-
tion destabilised the system in place more so than a direct ban on practices
and values would do for not corresponding to the ambient ideology of a “devel-
oped nation” (negara maju).
So, if pencak silat evolved from dominating the sociocultural and religious
regional senses of identity to become a full sport, can one speak of an active
culture on this subject anymore in Indonesia?29 Do processes of formalisation
lead necessarily to the end of local cultures? How can we consider a local ele-
ment extremely standardised as cultural, or what conception of the culture
does it imply? What roles can the preservation of oral tradition activities play
– such as that of martial arts – in this process? And ultimately, what type of
social relationships organises the life of women and men in such a context?
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———. 1961. Peladjaran pentjak-silat guna membela diri (prija dan wanita) – Djilid III,
Yogyakarta, Panitya Kursus Pencak-Silat.
Elias, Norbert & Dunning, Eric. 1986. Quest for Excitement: Sport and Leisure in the
Civilizing Process, Oxford, Basil Blackwell.
Facal, Gabriel. 2010a. “L’interaction réflexivité-intelligence motrice dans les arts mar-
tiaux. Le cas de l’initiation rituelle penca à Banten (Indonésie),” Staps, 89: 11–18.
———. 2010b. “Political uses of the Martial Arts,” in T.A. Green and J.R. Svinth dir.,
Oxford, ABC-CLIO: 624.
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———. 2010c. “Banten (West Java),” in T.A. Green and J.R. Svinth dir., Martial Arts of the
399–400.
———. 2012. L’initiation rituelle penca, les réseaux musulmans et les structures poli-
tiques. Le cas de l’école Cimande Pusaka Medal dans la province de Banten
(Indonésie), thèse de doctorat d’anthropologie sociale, Aix-Marseille Université.
Farrer, Douglas S. 2009. Shadows of the Prophet: Martial Arts and Sufi Mysticism,
Netherlands: Springer.
———. 2010. “Malaysia,” in T.A. Green and J.R. Svinth dir., Martial Arts of the World: An
Encyclopedia of History and Innovation, Santa Barbara-Oxford, ABC-CLIO: 395–396.
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———. 1989. Sejarah perkembangan Pencak Silat di Indonesia – Penataran nasional
pelatih Pencak Silat, Jakarta, PB IPSI.
———. 1996. Peraturan penyelenggaraan pertandingan Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia,
Jakarta, IPSI.
———. 1997. Padepokan Pencak Silat Indonesia, Jakarta, IPSI.
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<http://www.fei.org/fei/games/cont-regional/sea>. Last visited: 2 July 2015.
Liem Yoe Kiong. 1960. Ilmu silat, sedjarah, teori dan praktek, Malang Penyebar.
Lombard, Denys. 1977. “Les maîtres de silat d’origine chinoise,” Archipel, 14: 33–41.
———. 1990. Le carrefour javanais. Essai d’histoire globale, vol. II, Paris, EHESS.
(Republished in translation as: Pencak Silat in the Indonesian Archipelago.
Yogyakarta: Yayasan Galang, 2002).
———. 2002. “Seeking Unity within the Pencak Silat World,” Rapid Journal, Vol. 7, 2,
Book 23: 40–47.
Persilat. 1985. Pedoman perwasitan pertandingan olahraga Pencak Silat. Jakarta: Persilat.
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visited: 2 July 2015.
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Aspek, Pembentukan Sikap Dan Gerak), p. 30. IKIP, Bandung.
Scott, David & Pappas, Mick. 1985. The fighting arts – Martial arts of the world, D. Scott
(ed.).
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Tesis S2, Fakultas Ilmu Pendidikan Djasmani, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta.
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397–399.
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76 Paetzold
Chapter 2
The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is

Gone – A Critical Discussion of the Changes in a
Performance Culture1
Uwe U. Paetzold
Under the auspices of the national head organisations of Indonesia, Malaysia,

Singapore and Brunei Darussalam2 the Southeast Asia-rooted movement art
pencak silat in part became the subject of competitive sport tournaments –
pencak silat olahraga3 – and of a competitive form for the presentation of
choreographed movement skills – pencak silat seni – at local, national, and
international levels until the year 1999.
Pencak silat as a sport category was developed especially by the Indonesian
IPSI from the early days of Indonesian Independence, and it had been moulded
into the actual appearance form from about the early 1970s. Hence pencak silat
seni relied on older traditional forms of this movement art, labelled penca(k
silat) kembangan in Java, and silat bunga in Sumatran and Malay rooted cul-
tures. This choreographed artistic genre as well became an official competition
category from the early 1980s.4
1 This text is based on a conference paper entitled “The Music in Pencak Silat Tournaments is
Gone: De-vitalization of a Performance Culture?” held at the 38th World Conference of the
International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM), Sheffield 3–10 August 2005. An abstract
of this earlier version of this text can be found in Stock, Jonathan P.J. & ICTM (eds. 2005:67–68).
All information relating to post-2005 events have been added, and all information relating to
pre-2005 events, as well as the whole concept of this text, have been reworked.
2 These are for Indonesia: IPSI = Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia (Indonesian Pencak Silat Union),
for Malaysia: PESAKA = The National Silat Federation of Malaysia (Persekutuan Silat
Kabangsaan), for Singapore: PERSISI = Silat Federation of Singapore (Persekutuan Silat
Singapura), and for Brunei Darussalam: PERSIB = The National Silat Federation of Brunei
Darussalam (Persekutuan Silat Kabangsaan Brunei Darussalam). These national Pencak Silat
Federations of Southeast Asia – and nowadays many more from outside of Southeast Asia –
cooperate within the International Pencak Silat Federation PERSILAT (= Persekutuan Pencak
Silat Antarabangsa), founded on 11 March 1980 in Jakarta, Indonesia.
3 In this chapter foreign words are given in basically conformised Bahasa Melayu / Indonesia
(= BM / BI) unless otherwise stated.
4 The first Indonesian national contest took place in 1982. Source: 1994 IPSI, An Introduction.

The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is Gone 77
From the year 2000 onwards, these categorisations – both in content as well
as in terminology – changed, so that today there is no longer a competitive
modern art form of pencak silat, but only a prepatterned, newly designed form,
which is reckoned under the category of “sport.” Today, the public largely per-
ceives only these two forms of pencak silat. Hence, what formerly was known
as the art form of pencak silat, today is placed and performed – outside of com-
petitions – within separate “Festival Pencak Silat Seni” festivals in Indonesia.
In this chapter, I will describe the rich connections between pencak silat and
music prior to the year 2000, then discuss some of the changes that have taken
place in modern pencak silat, including the incorporation – and more recent
– excorporation of music, drawing attention to some recent developments
within pencak silat performance contexts since the year 2000. As a part of this,
I will discuss the developments of national and international contexts for com-
petition, and the ways in which some of the international performance
practices have contributed to these developments. Finally, I will explore con-
siderations of where this art seems to be going today.
Some General Remarks of the Application of Music in Pencak Silat

in West Java
The traditional performance practice of the publicly displayed art form of pen-
cak silat has been closely linked to certain kinds of music. This musical
accompaniment is of a heterogenous local origin, though in Indonesia up to
1999 the West Javanese kendang pencak ensemble type was most prominent.5
In Malaysia, the Malay gendang silat ensemble type can be said to be of a simi-
lar prominence. Southern Thailand has its own similar ensemble with two
types of double-reed aerophones (the long oboe pee hor, which is the most
popular in the Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces; and the sunai or sunwa
oboe, which is popular in the Songkhla, Pattani and Satun provinces), a sus-
pended gong, and the two drums glong thon mae (“mother drum”), and glong
thon luuk (“child drum”) for the southern parts of Thailand.6 As Binson notes,
the two drums are also known by their Javanese names gendang ibu and gen-
dang anak here. Traditionally, a further important criterion of differentiation
in regards to music support in pencak silat is the aspect of being performed as
5 Further types of music accompaniment from West Java and West Sumatra are discussed in
detail in Pätzold (2000).
6 See Binson’s chapter for the pioneering exploration of this region’s cultures in the present
book.
78 Paetzold
a part of specifically designated Islamic celebrations in the closer sense, where

largely different genres of music support will be encountered.7 Because com-
petitions are generally secular, this chapter will omit any discussion of religious
contexts.
As will be discussed below, within the “Festival Pencak Silat Seni” which are
now found in Indonesia, the preference of music ensemble types that accom-
pany this movement art has started to change to some extent since 2001, as the
importance of local identity within the otonomi daerah (lit: “autonomy of
regions”) development also gained some impact on the ‘pencak silat world.’
The traditional ensemble types for accompanying pencak silat include
detailed symbolic and functional meanings, based on particular local or ethnic
traditions. For West Java, I have described some of these symbolic and func-
tional meanings in previous texts (Pätzold 2000 & 2011a). Music in traditional
pencak silat performance contexts serves as a medium for the gathering and
transfer of spiritual and socio-spiritual energies, and as a medium of structural
organisation.
Music in Pencak Silat Performances in West Java Before the 1980s
The public performance practice of pencak silat with music accompaniment

can be traced back at least to the beginning of the 20th century. This becomes
evident from an essay written by Djajadinata in 1938, wherein the author recalls
the words of his pencak silat teacher Ibrahim “Gan” Obing, one of the most
revered masters of the West Javanese Cikalong style of pencak silat. On pages
44–45 of this small (and nowadays difficult to obtain) booklet, we read the fol-
lowing (translation by Paetzold):
Allah be praised [that] in the Cianjur district the performance of pentja

still is appreciated by the youth of Sunda. Though not [always] done per-
fectly, there are many who know one or the other (movements) (BS:
saeluk-elukeun).
As a proof [to this, one can notice that] in many public squares in the
vicinity of Cianjur one will often hear the Kendang Pentja, together with
cheers of approval (BS: eak-eakanana) of the youth. It happens even more
in places where festivities occur, where the Kendang Pentja almost will
not come to a rest at all. appendix note 1
7 On this aspect, see Pätzold (2011a).

Today, one can still find numerous performances of pencak silat schools that
make use of kendang pencak music, and performances of the adu domba ram
fights in the Parahyangan area, that use the same kind of music and pencak
silat performers, to “whip up” the arena. Moreover, one can still find pencak
silat performers, accompanied by kendang pencak music, during rural wed-
dings, and circumcision parties.
Music in Pencak Silat Form Competitions From the 1980s Until 1999
Though the public performance practise of pencak silat with musical accom-
paniment can be traced back at least to the beginning of the 20th century, it
did not become a subject of competitions until the early 1980s. The integration
of musical support as an element of choreographed competitions (pencak silat
seni) first became a matter of discussion during the “New Order” era from the
1980s in Indonesia. From then on, and until the year 1999, most layers of the
choreographed competitions of pencak silat used musical support. A focus of
the discussion within the ranks of the Indonesian IPSI then was the aspect of
nationalism based on the balanced involvement of ethnic cultures, or ele-
ments therein. From the mid 1970s and coinciding with the integration of
music within the competitions there was a phase of innovation of the major
music accompaniment of the pencak silat in West Java, that is the kendang
pencak ensemble type. This is especially true for the Bandung area.
Though having been a part of pencak silat performances in West Java for a
very long time, music and its contribution to performance practice has some-
times been an element not too consciously perceived by local audiences. I
remember that when I first met with some of those who would be my major
informants during a meeting in Bandung in October 1990, the eldest of them
responded to my request about “supporting my research plan on the music in
pencak silat performance” with a somewhat uneasy expression on his face,
turning to the only woman teacher in the vicinity, the late Ibu Nani R. Sukeja:
“Sister, could you please help him along?”
His reaction confused me considerably, and the situation remained in my
memory. I didn’t get an answer solving my confusion before I returned to West
Java in 1994. Then, during a rest one afternoon, this woman, who had mean-
while become my major teacher for West Javanese Pencak Silat cultures,
discussed with me this somewhat peculiar situation from 1990. She told me
that:
80 Paetzold
Music in pencak silat performances was something as common to us as

water for cleansing our hands – you will perceive its absence just the
moment you want to wash your hands. When you mentioned your plan
to us to do ‘research on the music in Pencak Silat performance,’ this was
an idea then new to us seniors altogether. Wanting to learn our Pencak
Silat – well, quite a lot of foreigners visit us to learn our fighting art. But
wanting to learn the music connected with it? That was something spe-
cial. This was the reason the others behaved somewhat uncertainly
towards you; they didn’t immediately understand what your aim was.
Though everyone assumed the presence of musical accompaniment, it was not

actively studied, even during the heyday of the combination of music and pen-
cak silat as an art form in the 1990s. Even though I was surprised when, sitting
amidst a group of accomplished senior performers, I found out that they were
unaccustomed to discussing music, I was to discover that ordinary audiences
would be even less inclined to consider it.
Case Study: The Performance Structures of the Kendang Pencak

Ensemble Type as Applied During Competitions
The most prominent genre for music accompaniment of pencak silat in West
Java is called gendang penca in the Bogor area, or kendang pencak in the
Bandung region and the greater rest of this province. Usually, this ensemble
type consists of two players of the drum kendang (plus two smaller drums
kulanter each), a player of the goong penca, and one player of the multiple reed
instrument tarompet.
Sometimes one learns more from the mistakes one makes than from answers
obtained through interviews. For my own research, this lesson became true
when I did a re-recording of the Kendang Pencak Si Guyur Grup in December
1994 in the grounds of the Kabupaten Bandung administration near Soreang in
the south of Bandung city. We had earlier done a first recording session in
October 1990 in the Kantor Camat in Banjaran in the south of Bandung city.
Now, as I had come back, I asked them if we could do one again. The two main
players, who by this time were Pak Endang “Si Guyur” Suryaddin on the
tarompet, and Pak Oseng on the kendang anak drum, looked at each other,
exchanged some words, and then Pak Oseng addressed me with a broad smile:
Ok, we can do that. But we are not going once again to play each tepak
one after another, with stops in between them each, as we did then. Nor
will we jump instantly into any mincid, but we will play the tepak as we
are accustomed to doing.
I was embarrassed, first because of their astonishingly precise memory of a

recording session that happened four years previously. Second, I remembered
during the earlier recording session that I had asked them to stop after the
elaboration of each rhythmic formula – called tepak in Sundanese – was fin-
ished, before going to the next tepak. My intention then had been to get
recordings of definitely limited form types, to better be able to discern them
later at home for transcription. One might say that it was quite a technical
approach to solving a problem. However, in this case, it was rather misleading
– first because of the non-involvement of a pencak silat performer, and second
because of the interrupted development of the tepak-’suite.’ The importance of
the first point becomes clear if we take into account that kendang pencak musi-
cians are compelled to annunciate a pencak silat performer’s movement with
percussive accents. The idiosyncrasies of musical annunciation can be particu-
lar to each pencak silat performer. Through differences in musical annunciation,
an experienced listener can identify who may be performing, even without
seeing him, as Mason8 states. His interpretations of the comments of Pak
Darman Santikahidayat, a blind kendang pencak musician and one of his infor-
mants, make this fact unmistakingly clear:
After only a few seconds of listening to the recording, he commented,

“Oh, that’s Haji Uho.” […] Simply by listening to the improvised kendang
anak accompaniment that mimicked and gave acoustic life to the pencak
silat movements, Pak Darman was able to pick up the bodily accents of a
performer.
Therefore, what Pak Oseng and the musicians could then (1990) do during my
requested ‘studio’-like music-only-performance, was to apply accent stereo-
types that they were used to doing in a performance – a kind of preset-based
creation of pitch/timbre and accent contour lines. It was a practice that would
become one of the performance modes during international pencak silat com-
petitions beween 1996–1999, and would find its climax in the use of, i.e.,
kendang pencak playback music then. I will discuss this point further below.
As it comes to the second point, I was already aware that in common perfor-
mance practice such stops would never occur, but the tepak would instead
evolve one from another, helped by some short characteristic cadential rhyth-
mic formulae on behalf of the kendang anak player. As I had learned from what
I had transcribed, the sub-patterns, or interludes – such as the mincid and the
8 See chapter 7 in the present volume.

82 Paetzold
limbung9 – embedded into, or grown out of the main rhythmic formulae, can-
not be displayed per se without rooting them in a particular tepak. Because
they do not have a rhythmic skeletal structure on their own, they are totally
dependent on the basic structure – an accent-rhythm contour line with a cer-
tain number of main strokes per unit, called pola dasar, or patokan in West
Java – of the particular tepak they are elaborated from, and embedded into.
Therefore, for the musicians my request must have sounded rather nonsensi-
cal. As I learned from the recordings, they had chosen one of the long-form
tepak – like the tepak dua or tepak paleredan – and had developed the particu-
lar sub-patterns from there.10 They could have chosen a shorter and somewhat
faster form type, such as the tepak tilu, as well. Because of the fact that what
they performed then can be regarded as a stereotype, and since I wish to
present a sample of a typical kendang pencak performance, I will use my tran-
scription of one of their recorded performances.
The interaction structure of this kind of ensemble shows a part of the group
of players providing the basic framework (pola dasar) of the particular rhyth-
mic form (tepak). This part of the sonic texture is prepatterend; it will be
performed by the players of the kendang indung (“mother” kendang), and of
the goong penca.
The rest of the group – the player of the kendang anak (plus two smaller
drums kulanter) – and the player of the tarompet, will provide additional musi-
cal parts, often overlaying, intersecting, and interlocking, within the basic
framework. Those sonic textures of the kendang anak (“child” kendang), which
are arranged to interlock with those performed on the kendang indung, are
9 Both mincid and limbung are sonically almost identical subsections: The main strokes of
the rhythmic formulae are partitioned, i.e., from quavers into semiquavers, whilst the
number of main time units is maintained. See Figure 2.5: Transcription sample [02] of
gongan (9 to 11) for the musical execution of a limbung. Hence, they largely differ choreo-
graphically: Whilst in a limbung school- and style-specific fighting movements are exe-
cuted, in a mincid no pencak silat fighting techniques are displayed. Instead, the performer
moves intermezzo-like in prepatterned floor designs across the imagined ‘fighting ground’
as if searching for, or challenging, an opponent.
10 It is quite difficult, if not impossible, to discern a particular tepak from jumping into its
progressed development, without having heard its thematic formula part introduced in
the pola dasar first. One can discern them according to the number of main strokes per
unit, but not much more than this with certainty. Lee Wilson (2009) constructs an inter-
esting comparison between certain performance practises in jazz, and certain perfor-
mance practises in pencak silat. I am convinced the ‘jump’ into a tepak offers problems
quite similar to listening to an advanced soloing jazz player: it is challenging to discern
the main melody of the piece if you begin listening during the solo.
prepatterned as well. We can speak of a kind of two-part rhythm texture here.

Hence, those parts performed by the kendang anak overlaying, or intersecting
accentual and impact contour lines are not prepatterned, but rather result
from the kendang anak players’ sonic comments on the ongoing performance
of the pencak silat players.
The Organisation of Tone Pitches in Kendang Pencak Performance

Practice.
The pitch/timbre and accent contour lines of the two kendang plus kulanter
drum sets correspond to those displayed on the tarompet in a most remarkable
way. As a result of the realisation of tonal pitches on the drums and the
tarompet, two complementary pitch/timbre and accent contour lines are audi-
ble to the listener, and sum up to resemble a sonic texture akin to that of a
dual-scale realisation, as described by Kunst (1973:102; “(vocal) intermediate
tones”), Harrell (1980:210; “upareggaswara”), and Soepandi (1988:209; “upa
rengga nada”).11
In this approximation of a dual-scale realisation, the pitch contour line of
the tarompet displays the flexible part, whilst that of the kendang drummers to
a greater extent resemble the static counterpart of an uparengga nada-like
sound texture. The pitch/timbre and accent contour lines on the kendang sets
differ slightly amongst particular local performance practices. I could observe
the most distinctive and expressive pitch/timbre and accent contour lines with
the kendang pencak ensembles of the “Si Guyur” group, and the group of the
Pamagersari Panglipur school, both located in and around the urban Bandung
area. In both ensembles, the exceptional drummer Pak Oseng played the kend-
ang anak instrument (see Figure 2.1).
Hence, I could observe the best audible deviation from this pitch/timbre
and accent contour line perception with the Gendang Penca ensemble of the
venerable Cimande style school (see Figure 2.2).12 Here, the approximately
90-year-old drummer “Aki” (= “grandfather”) Dasik (see Figure 2.3) played
pitch/timbre and accent contour lines that only vaguely reminded me of the
sonic plasticity of that of the Bandung-based kendang player Pak Oseng.
11 Another term used in Javanese gamelan for this phenomenon is miring. My thanks go to
David Harnish for pointing me to this coincidence of terminology during a conversation
in Manila in 2012.
12 As for these observations were made in Cimande/Tari Kolot (near Bogor), the location
from where the Cimande style originates, I use their local terminology, i.e. gendang penca
instead of kendang pencak, here.
84 Paetzold
Figure 2.1 The Kendang Pencak Si Guyur ensemble. The performers are (l.t.r.): Endang “Si
Guyur” Suryaddin (tarompet), Ojo Suharto (tarompet), Dede Sutardi (kendang
indung), Oseng (kendang anak), Iwan Setiawan (goong). The pesilat Dedi S. is
performing an Ibing Keringan from the Kari-Madi style. Soreang, 4 December 1994.
(photo by the author)
Figure 2.2 The Pusaka Cimande School (dir.: Ace Sutisna) of pencak silat performing the Ibing
Tepak Salancar Cimande. The performers are (l.t.r.): Cecep (goong), Yaya (gendang
indung), Mami Tatami (tarompet), “Aki” Dasik (gendang anak). The performing
pesilat is Sudarma. Tari Kolot / Cimande, 30 October 1994. (photo by the author)
Figure 2.3
Approximately 90 year old drummer “Aki”
(= “grandfather”) Dasik from Desa Lemah
Duhur, Tari Kolot / Cimande, 14 May 1995.
(photo courtesy of Ralf Haeger)
Though their differences in performing certainly found one reason in the

significant life age difference (Pak Oseng was almost sixty years younger), there
was an observably different stylistic approach to achieve a sonic character in
their performing as well: while Pak Oseng’s playing was at times as vigorous as
thunder, ‘Aki’ Dasiks’ playing was as gentle as the dripping of rain.
Mason,13 pursuing a quite different research approach from mine, worked
together with Pak Oseng in 2008 as well. His observation was that the:
mimetic skill at bringing a musical component to punches, kicks, grap-

ples and holds while sustaining an entertaining rhythm would be beyond
the skill of most percussionists
I can fully second that, as well as his notion that “to Pak Oseng it has become
second nature.”
Though the practical training of kendang drummers in this pitch/timbre
and accent contour line playing is a long grown aspect, and has led to method-
13 See chapter 7 in the present volume.

86 Paetzold
ological didactical systems,14 these pitch/timbre and accent contour lines

phenomenon have become a subject of ethnomusicological study only
recently. They are discussed in a more general manner by Spiller (2010).15
Structure of the Musical Form

The tepak Paleredan, which is often used to accompany beginners of pencak
silat in West Java is transcribed in the following example. Its pola dasar has 16
quarter strokes in total, grouped into pitch/timbre and accent contour line
motives of 4x4 quarter strokes.16 The title of the melody is lagu Wangsit
Siliwangi (“The Admonition from [King] Siliwangi”). The musicians during the
recording session were Endang Suryaddin (tarompet; top staff notation), Oseng
(kendang anak; middle staff notation), Dede Sutardi (kendang indung; middle
staff notation), and Iwan Setiawan (goong penca); lower staff notation). In the
recording transcribed, the tepak consisted of 15 gong periods in total. As is the
case with gamelan music, the gong is thought to finish a musical sequence
here, too: “diakhiri goong” – lit: “it is finished by the goong.” For the sake of
counting form repetitions, I use the term gongan17 here.
1. The tepak Paleredan starts with a loosely metred cadential formula of

the melody (lagu) Wangsit Siliwangi, displayed as a solo by the reed
instrument tarompet, as the introductory section in gongan (0–1).
14 such as the so-called “Pasunanda-System” (an acronym of the three inventors’ names
Pandi-Suaman-Nandang) that has been taught since the 1980’s at the Institute of Fine
Arts STSI in Bandung (see Pätzold (2000:220–222)).
15 Jähnichen discusses a similar phenomenon in the performance practice of the Gendang
Silat of Stong (Kelantan), Malaysia. She speaks of “a certain shape of timbre in each met-
ric unit” (see her chapter in the present book). In his observation on performing arts of
West Java, Spiller speaks of “pitch contour” (i.e. 2010: xiv), of “a dazzling array of timbre
and pitch variations” (2010:50), and of “pitch/timbre contour” (2010:53). However, the
‘accent’ aspect as a dynamic quality has to be added to the profile of this phenomenon.
16 These pitch/timbre and accent contour line motives were the musical phenomenon that
attracted me the most when I first studied the kendang pencak ensemble type in 1982. I
was a semi-professional jazz fusion guitar player then, and was heavily impressed by the
interlocking trialogues of percussionist Mtume, drummer Al Foster and bass player
Michael Henderson of the mid-1970s Miles Davis Band, who made good use of such pitch/
timbre and accent contour line motives in a completely different musical context (i.e. in
“Theme from Jack Johnson” from the Agartha album).
17 The term gongan is used within the performance vocabulary of the gamelan music to
denote an interpunctuated, colotomic structure finalised by a gong stroke.
2. The pola dasar in its characteristic pitch/timbre and accent contour line
can be heard in the form repetitions 2 to 8, and 12 (partially). It is
represented in transcription sample [01].
3. gongan (9 to 11): Here a limbung subsection is inserted. It lasts until the
quarter strokes 1 to 8 of gongan (12). It is represented in transcription
sample [02].
4. gongan (12 middle to 13): Here a bombang subsection is inserted, where
a condensed pitch/timbre and accent contour line is executed, creating
the impression of a sustained barrage of accents (no transcription
sample).
5. gongan (14): Here a mincid subsection is inserted (no transcription
sample).
6. gongan (15): The tepak Paleredan is finished here by gradually pacing its
tempo down (no transcription sample). When succeeded by a tepak tilu,
the tempo would instead be gradually paced up until achieving the
tempo of the new tepak. Another cadential formula would then be
inserted by the two kendang players into this gongan to enable a smooth
lead-in to the pola dasar of the characteristic pitch/timbre and accent
contour line of the tepak tilu.
Transcription Samples of Gongan (0 to 3) and Gongan (9 to 11

(= Limbung Section)) – Cadential Introductory Formula, Pola
Dasar, and Altered Repetitions of the Pola Dasar
Legenda to the transcription: The corresponding recording was made on

18.10.1990 in the Cantor Camat in Banjaran, Bandung Regency. Reference pitch
is notated here as: d’, and sounds: c# (+). All pitch levels displayed on the
tarompet are gathered in a working scale (from high to low): a’’ / g’’ / f’’ / eb’’ (+)
/ d’’ / (c’’) / Bb’ (+) / a’. The tempo is: Quarter = appr. 53–63 MM; from section
limbung onwards: = appr. 68–72 MM. The arrangement of parts is: tarompet
(upper staff), kendang anak and indung (middle staff), and goong (lower staff).
The graphic symbols used are given in Table 2.1.
88 Paetzold
Table 2.1 Graphic symbols of the transcription samples of Gongan (0 to 3) and Gongan (9 to 11
(= Limbung section))
Diagonal cross = kendang anak

Black lozenge = kendang indung
Standard notation = exact pitches (tarompet, goong)
Signs (+/-) = deviations of pitch levels from the tempered scale
Arrow Tips (v/>) = Accent: v = forte, > = fortissimo
Bending bow = Glissando on the drum kendang, produced through drum skins
bent by the players’ heels. The pitches notated are not interpreted
according to their absolute levels; just the upper and lower ending
notes of the glissando should be regarded as defined. However,
the focus should be stressed on the “Gestalt” of the pitch
movement.
Hold bow with = Glissando on the tarompet. Upper and lower pitch levels are
abbreviature “Gliss.” defined.
Figure 2.4 Transcription sample [01] of gongan (0 to 3). (Transcription by the

author)
Figure 2.5 Transcription sample [02] of gongan (9 to 11) – limbung. (Transcription by the
author)
Figure 2.5 Transcription sample [02] of gongan (9 to 11) – limbung. (Transcription by the
author)
Choreographic Structure of the Pencak Silat Movements

accompanied
The actual recording used for this transcription is one of those ‘one-tepak-only’
presentations I requested from the Kendang Pencak “Si Guyur” ensemble in
1990. That means no movements were executed, though a typical organisation
sceme for the pencak silat performer in a tepak Paleredan would be as follows:
1. The introductory first gongan (0–1), and the complete second gongan
(2) of the tepak wouldn’t see any action of the performer yet. Instead,
the performer would concentrate during these tepak cycles.
2. This meditation would last during the quarter stroke (16; coinciding
with the goong penca) of the second gongan, and the quarter strokes
(1–2) of the third gongan (3).
90 Paetzold
3. At the quarter stroke (3) of the third gongan the performer would start
into action. In the tepak Paleredan, a vivid series of jurus, stretching over
1 to a maximum of 2 quarter strokes each, would be executed. The
metric pulse of this tepak is quite slow (here: 53–63 MM to 86–72 MM in
the limbung and bombang(an) subsections). The maximum number of
jurus that are theoretically possible in this tepak would be 15, though it
is usual to employ only about the half of that number in a tepak Palere-
dan. The total number of jurus per pola dasar sequence is not fixed,
therefore, but relies on the abilities of the pesilat in the first instance,
and on the particular pencak silat school’s didactical choreography in
the second instance.
4. Shortly before the goong stroke is repeatedly approaching, the per-
former again slides into a status quo embroidering ‘still position’ during
stroke (16) of the actual, and strokes (1–2) of the following cycle of the
tepak.
5. At stroke (10) of the ninth gongan (9), a limbung subsection is inserted.
This subsection, which uses almost the same kind of rhythm pattern as
the mincid, has a totally different concept of action: Here, further joined
sequences of self defence patterns are displayed by the pesilat.18
6. At stroke (10) of the twelfth gongan (12; not depicted) the limbung
subsection is followed up by a short bombang(an) subsection. Within
this subsection, a series of highly dynamic quaver strokes on the
kendang anak is executed; it accompanies pronounced ‘attack and hit’
accents in the pencak silat movements displayed by the performer.
7. In the fourteenth gongan (14; not depicted), a mincid section is inserted
at quarter stroke (1). Depending on the type of mincid – which may use
forward-backward movements (mincid di tempat), movements circling
on the outer frame of the arena (mincid keliling), or a mincid circling on
the inner axes of the arena (mincid pancer opat) – the performer will
not show jurus movements here, but will evoke the image of himself
searching the arena for a possible competitor.
18 With regards to the possible subsections of the long 16 quarter strokes tepak (these are the
tepak dua, and the tepak Paleredan), it has to be mentioned that there are more than just
the “two sections” that these “slower tepak have, … which are alternated,” as Spiller (2010:9;
and similarly 2010:66) puts it. There are at least the following four subsections applied
within the long pola dasar forms of the tepak mentioned: barakbak, bombang(an),
limbung(an), and mincid. An exception to the tepak mentioned is the tepak salancar as it
is performed in Cimande: Though it is charcterised by a 16 quarter strokes pola dasar as
well, no more of the subsections mentioned are integrated. I direct the reader to Pätzold
(2000:241–244) for more detailed descriptions.
8. This mincid would be kept until about the middle of gongan (15; not
depicted), where a cadential formula would lead over to the next tepak.
Interaction Structures of Performers and Musicians in Pencak Silat

Seni Until 1999
The creation of a specific tension – generated through the impacts and accents
of the kendang’s pitch/timbre and accent contour lines – within the tepak is
changed, or temporally ‘released,’ within the mincid and limbung sections. This
‘release’ of tension, technically achieved through the diminuation of time
units of the particular tepak, and simultaneous pitch bending effect, is what
creates the impression of a somewhat bizarrely shaped tepak accent and pitch
contour line suddenly being given a more fluent character; the tepak “takes on
a rolling quality, with a regular rhythm and medium tempo” as Atmadibrata
(1980:212) described it.
As said, the subsections such as mincid and limbung depend on the particu-
lar tepak they are realised in, though they each have their own specific musical
features. Their general time-dividing feature is a diminuation of the counts per
stroke, whilst keeping the main counts per unit of the pola dasar. In other
words, while a tepak Paleredan has an accent-rhythm contour line of 16 main
strokes in quarter values, a mincid inserted into this tepak will have 2 × 16
strokes in quaver values. This technique in West Java is called rangkep.
Coinciding with this treatment of the timeline is an alteration of the pitches of
the two kendang players on their anak and indung instruments, which results
in a flowing pitch bending effect. This bending of pitches is achieved by the
musicians through a raising and lowering of pressure to the lower tuned skins
on both kendang indung and anak by the players’ heels. One can say that this
kind of drum treatment is one of the most typical features of kendang drum-
ming in West Java in general, not to be heard in other parts of Java or Bali.19 It
reminds the listener more of the sound of the Indian tabla drum rather than
drumming styles that are Indonesian.
In the performance practice of West Javanese pencak silat, in the kendang
pencak ensemble the musicians of the kendang indung and goong provide a
framework to the movements, whereas the action of the fighter-dancer (BI:
pesilat) determines the impact structure. This impact structure is then musi-
cally commented upon by the pitch/timbre and accent contour lines performed
by the kendang anak player, and, in a more allusive and programmatic sense,
by that of the tarompet player.
19 This characteristic is similarly recognised by Spiller (2010:44) when he compares drum-

ming in dances in West and Central Java.
92 Paetzold
Sequences of Musical Form Types (Tepak) and Their Interludes

Within the modern form of kendang pencak performance practice, we find a
standard stock of rhythmic forms (tepak, abbreviated: tp.) and melodies (lagu).
The most frequently used rhythmic forms are:
a. The long 16 beat forms tepak dua and tepak paleredan,

b. the medium 8 beat form tepak tilu, and tepak padungung anca/kendor,
or “slow padungdung,”
c. and the 2 beat form tepak padungdung gancang, or “fast padungdung.”
The rhythmic forms tp. dua, tp. paleredan, and tp. tilu will usually be subdi-
vided by intersections, of which the mincid and limbung patterns are the most
prominent. Whilst the rhythmic forms named here can be found in the perfor-
mance practice of most modern pencak silat schools in West Java, we find other
rhythmic forms whose dissemination is limited to a narrow local, or school-
dependend range only.20
The different rhythmic forms – including their intersections – will be
grouped into a kind of suite when performed. The most usual organisational
principles for the grouping are that of an intensification of action and tension
from the movement perspective, and of a diminuation and accelleration of
basic beats (pola dasar) from the musical perspective. The following sequences
of rhythmic form types can be observed in a modern kendang pencak perfor-
mance practice:
a. Sequences using two different tepak (optionally: plus an opening form

bubuka / tatalu):
tepak salancar – padungdung gancang,
padungdung anca / kendor – padungdung gancang,21
tepak dua – padungdung anca/kendor,
tepak dua – padungdung gancang,
tepak Paleredan – padungdung anca/kendor,
tepak Paleredan – padungdung gancang,
20 An example of this is the tepak Salancar Cimande, that can be found within the perfor-
mance practice of the schools of traditional Cimande style. See Pätzold (2000:238–239) for
further details.
21 During this sequence of tepak, it is the melody of the lagu Kidung that will preferably be
played by the tarompet-player; this tepak – lagu combination is said to be one of the ‘clas-
sics’ of the kendang pencak repertoire.
b. Sequences using three different tepak (optionally: plus a opening form

bubuka / tatalu):
tepak dua (or: Paleredan) – tepak tilu (or: tepak Golempang22, or: tepak
opat23) – padungdung gancang (or: padungdung anca / kendor).
On the Correlated Evaluation of Movement and Music in the

Competition Regulations of 1996–1999
Many of the performance features of the kendang pencak music cited above
found ambitious, though non-explicit, integration in the correlated evaluation
of movement and music in the pencak silat competition regulations of 1996–
1999, as it was applied in IPSI and PERSILAT competitions of that period. This
arrangement of evaluation criteria for the correlated performance of pencak
silat seni movement and kendang pencak music can be said to have been on the
way to become the ‘real’ feature which made this performance package unique
– not only for Indonesia, but worldwide. With this uniqueness, pencak silat was
potentially able to provide the kind of identity criteria the ‘Nation-Builders’ in
the ranks of IPSI and PERSILAT had long sought: a movement art, based on self
defence, accompanied by music, and rated alongside a set of sporting rules as
a holistic whole within competitions – a Gesamtkunstwerk, unifying art and
sport aspects. It could be perceived as an analogy of the ancient Greek andreia
concept, that is: virtue and bravery, characterised by the unity of musical, gym-
nastical, and martial activities (Bimberg 1979:314), as expressed by Plato, reborn
in Southeast Asia.
Aspects of Terminology
Before discussing the way in which the correlated evaluation of movement and
music in the Pencak Silat competition regulations of 1996–1999 was employed
within competitions it is important to first mention the changes in the con-
cepts, and changes in the official terminology for the competition categories
that derived from these changes after 1999. From the early 1980s until 1996, the
use of two main categories, pencak silat sport (BI: Pencak Silat Olah Raga), and
22 The use of this tepak rhythmic form has become rare nowadays.
23 This form type can be met within the performance practice of the traditional Cikalong
style.
94 Paetzold
pencak silat as choreographed artistic form (BI: Pencak Silat Seni Budaya) was
mandatory, whereby the latter one was divided into three subcategories: “sin-
gle,” “couple,” and “group.” The “couple” subcategory was unaccompanied by
music.
In the pre-1996 pencak silat seni competition regulations, the integration of
music into pencak silat wasn’t stressed, though both kinds of arts were per-
formed together throughout. A brief hint given to the aspect of the integration
of both arts appears in a short paragraph in IPSI (1994)24:
Pencak silat seni (Artistic pencak silat).

The performance of this pencak silat is intended to show the beauty and
harmony of Pencak Silat movement and therefore it emphasises the artis-
tic aspect more strongly. The effort of developing pencak silat seni is
carried out among others through pencak silat seni match. According to
the rules of that match, the artistic movement and technique which have
values in the pencak silat seni match are those which comply with the fol-
lowing criteria:
a) Wiraga, including: the technical riches, variety and order, and the uni-
formity of joint movement.
b) Wirama, including: the accuracy of movement and rhythm, the
variation of the rhythm, the harmony of movement and musical accom-
paniment, and the uniformity of joint movement and rhythm.
c) Wirasa, including: the spiritual penetration of movement, the firm-
ness of expression, courtesy, the harmony of costume and its complements
(accessories).
Though still vague in its formulations, this introductory text to pencak silat
which was circulated by IPSI in the early 1990s – but which was not relevant as
a part of the competition regulations – gives some idea of what competition
was intended to achieve in pencak silat seni. The competition regulations text
itself, hence, didn’t yet deal with such matters in detail.
…
In the competition regulations in the period from 1996–1999, a concept of
four main categories (BI: wiralaga, wiragana, wirasanggha, wiraloka) was
24 In: The Kinds and the Norm of Pencak Silat; in: An Introduction to Pencak Silat. Ikatan
Pencak Silat Indonesia / Central Board of the Indonesian Pencak Silat Federation (ed.),
compilation of texts not explicitly dated as a whole, texts date from 1990 to 1994, p. 4.
applied.25 The category wiralaga almost coincided with the former pencak silat
sport category, and wiragana, wirasanggha, and wiraloka widely coincided
with the former range of pencak silat seni budaya. Again, in the third category
(BI: wirasanggha = couple), as well as in the “jurus wajib” (“compulsory move-
ments”) variant of the wiraloka category, which was performed by three
performers, no music was applied. Still, for the categories wiragana (single),
and the five performers “jurus bebas” (“free movements”) class of wiraloka
(group), the interaction between music and movement was conceptionalised,
and the competition regulations demanded several features towards the inte-
gration and corresponding evaluation of music that will be discussed below. In
these parts of the regulations, the formal, external aspects of music accompa-
niment are analysed, i.e., the competition categories to be accompanied by
music, the kinds of music accompaniment, formal aspects of time coordina-
tion between performer and music accompaniment, responsibilities of
providing and directing music accompaniment. Within the first part of the
competition regulations of PERSILAT, titled “Regulations of International
Pencak Silat Competitions,”26 the first relevant paragraph relates to the prepa-
rations of facilities before executing a competition (PERSILAT 1996:5): Appendix
note 2
2 b. Music
Music will be performed live by musicians (nayaga), or by playback
recordings using amplification equipment, as well in the form of instru-
mental music, vocal music, or in the form of narration, except in the
category wirasanggha [and wiraloka jurus wajib].
In this paragraph, the music accompaniment was officially extended from live
music to include prerecorded playback music. Though kendang pencak music
tapes had already been produced (e.g.) in Indonesia for training purposes for
some time, their use within higher-level championships was a novelty by this
time; it would soon lead to changes in performers’ improvisational abilities
towards adapting to preset choreographies. The second relevant paragraph
relates to the specifications of the different categories and their classes. In rela-
tion to the “free jurus (jurus bebas)” class of the wiraloka category, the
regulations read (PERSILAT 1996:12): Appendix note 3
25 See: IPSI/PERSILAT (1996), and see the detailed discussion on terminology by de Grave in
the present volume.
26 “Peraturan Pertandingan Pencak Silat Antarabangsa”
96 Paetzold
b. Wiraloka jurus bebas

This Regu (Group) consists of 5 male and/or female performers, perform-
ing self chosen jurus techniques, both empty hands (tangan kosong), as
well as weaponed (bersenjata) techniques. Performed with music
accompaniment.
2) Participants are free to choose the rhythm (irama) of the accompany-
ing music, as long as this music stems from the treasured repository
(khasanah) of traditional Nusantara music that can be used to accom-
pany pencak silat. It is mandatory to give a (performance) synopsis to the
competition secretary at the time of the registration of the participant.
The third relevant paragraph relates to the actual execution of the competi-
tion, it reads (PERSILAT 1996:21): Appendix note 4
Paragraph 10 / How to execute the competition / 2. For the wiragana,

wirasanggha dan wiraloka categories:
[…] 2) The pesilat that will do a presentation have to enter the arena
(gelanggang) from the chair of the competition’s right side, without
music accompaniment, take their place in the middle of the arena, then
give a salute to both the chair of the competitions, and the Jury
subsequently.
3) Before the presentation starts, the chair of the competitions gives a
signal to the Jury, the timekeeper, and the musicians / operator of the
playback equipment to prepare themselves to fulfill their duties.
Within the second part of the competition regulations of PERSILAT, titled

“Penjelasan tentang Peraturan Pertandingan Pencak Silat Antarabangsa,” the
first and second relevant paragraphs relate to the wiragana, and wiraloka jurus
bebas categories (PERSILAT 1996:32,33); they both read: Appendix note 5
2) Wiragana […] d. (resp.) wiraloka jurus bebas […] f. With music accom-
paniment common to accompany steps (langkah), movements (gerak),
and presentations of pencak silat within different locations in the regions
of Nusantara.
The third relevant paragraph here relates to the genres and instruments of
music support (PERSILAT 1996:34): Appendix note 6
6) Music for pencak silat:

a. What is meant here with ‘Music for pencak silat’ is the kind of music
usually performed for to accompany steps (langkah), movements (gerak),
and performances (penampilan) of pencak silat in different locations of
Nusantara.
b. Music instruments to be used herefore are traditional music instru-
ments (not electronic music instruments), for example different genres
of gamelan, terompet, suling, rebab, kecapi, rebana, and likewise.
c. The number of music instruments to be used is not limited.
This paragraph is interesting, for it explicates the possibilities of involving any

kind of traditional music accompaniment from all places of “Nusantara.” A
further point of interest is the exclusion of electronical music instruments –
this is important to know, because this aspect has also changed nowadays. For
example, during the opening ceremony of the “European Pencak Silat
Championship” (EPSC) in Hamburg in 2003, the German team featured a cho-
reographed modern pencak silat art form presentation with a playback
accompaniment of bouncing Techno music27.
In the next paragraphs, the formal time aspects of movement and music
accompaniment, the responsibilities for playback music provision, and the
responsibilities for a proper execution of movement and music accompani-
ment are explicated (PERSILAT 1996:41–42): Appendix note 7
Wiragana, wirasanggha and wiraloka: 1) Fighting regulations:

[…] b. Music accompaniment:
b.1. Music accompaniment by using playback equipment:
Music accompaniment from cassette or disc, prepared by the participant,
has to be given to the Executive Committee together with a synopsis to be
examined to see if the music to be used will be legitimate according to
the prescriptions for musical accompaniment, and if the technical condi-
tion of the recording is good enough to be used.
The participant is requested to carry a copy of the casette/disc with
him/her.
During the participants’ performance, the music will be stopped if a
technical mistake of the Executive Committee occurs (i.e., an electricity
failure, the cassette/disc playback equipment is broken, or the like), in
27 A greater number of performers of the German team came from a Berlin-based school,
where this kind of popular music still was the craze of the day at the time.
98 Paetzold
these cases the participant will be given the opportunity to repeat his/her
performance.
b.2. Finishing musical accompaniment:
The musical accompaniment will end together with the participant exe-
cuting his/her last movement of the performance.
c. Technical mistakes
If during the performance an accident caused by the participant hap-
pens, disabling him/her to present the performance, the competition will
be stopped, and the participant mentioned will not be rated.
As already stated, all these criteria relate to external music and movement per-
formance features, and not to internal ones. No explication is given as to what
the criteria of a higher or lower rating of a performance could be – i.e., criteria
of choreographic and musical performance dramaturgy, the aesthetic flow of
suspense and tension, and the like, both in the single components (movement,
music), as well as in the interaction of both within a performance. In a rather
unspecific way these questions are thought to be solved by using stereotypes in
the paragraphs (i.e., the kinds of musical genres commonly or traditionally
used to accompany pencak silat in the different locations of an imagined Pan-
Malay territory called Nusantara28). As revolutionary as they may have been to
dare to take the step to include music in the competitions, and evaluate the
whole of it, it becomes obvious that the initiators of these regulations would
have been well advised to ask and apply practical and theoretical support from
dance and music specialists, choreographers, and choreologists, to discuss, for-
mulate, and explicate these internal aspects of music, movement, and
correlation, and to tighten and apply them in written form to be useable in a
competition setting.
Unfortunately, this difficult task wasn’t undertaken, though the initiators at
least in part must have been aware of these shortcomings of the competition
regulations, for they invited some local specialists to a gathering, organised by
28 The term Nusantara (from BI/BM: nusa antara, literally: “[homeland] archipelago in
between”) is usually applied to the islands of the Indonesian archipelago. Deviating from
this meaning here, it is applied to all Bahasa-speaking countries of Southeast Asia (Indo-
nesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam), which de facto from time to time contrib-
uted to local music accompaniments in (non-competitive) opening ceremonies of Pencak
Silat World Championships. Seen from this point of view, the term implies a Pan-Malay
perspective in musical regards on these foundation countries of PERSILAT here.
IPSI in early 1995 in Jakarta, where some discussions of these aspects seem-
ingly took place.29
What happened when applying these vague criteria in competitions is eas-
ily imaginable. Because there were no applicable internal criteria for the rating
at hand for juries and referees, doors were open to any kind of subjective inter-
pretation. In other words, the meaning of ‘tradition’ quickly became
synonymous with the region where these rules started being introduced – that
is Java. The musical accompaniment most commonly found within the closer
power region of IPSI – that was Jakarta, Bogor, and Bandung by that time – was
the first to be considered for the music genre most common in accompanying
pencak silat in competitions: kendang pencak.
Such subjectivities soon created inter-Indonesian controversies on the part
of participating schools. But whereas it appeared not to be an unsolvable prob-
lem to integrate this particular kind of musical support into the pencak silat
seni cultures of Central and East Java, and Madura – and similar musical fea-
tures could be found in the gendang silat genre of the pencak silat cultures in
West Malaysia – it proved inappropriate and unsuitable in the remaining cul-
tures in Southeast Asia and worldwide. It is small wonder, therefore, that these
evaluation regulations became heavily criticised on behalf of performers from
these latter cultures, who found the competitions once again being dominated
by what were essentially Javanese criteria. And it left non-”Nusantarans” in
quite a desperate situation: how could they adjust themselves to a set of com-
petition conditions that were not even fully understood by the participants
and, for that matter, not even completely clear to many Indonesian, Malaysian,
and Singaporean teachers?
But instead of further elaborating the competion regulations towards the
highly innovative and unique direction instigated, the national organisations
in ‘Nusantara,’ as well as the international organisation PERSILAT, decided to
cut down these ambitious and promising developments, and search for an easy
way out to solve the problems that arose. Seen from an Indonesian perspective
of national identity building, Indonesia was thought by some of the leading
personnel of the IPSI and PERSILAT to have bigger problems to solve in 1999,
than to discuss such delicate affairs concerning the arts. Finally, they decided
to apply an easy option that supposedly would keep pencak silat as a modality
of national identity building.
…
29 Though I was in Bandung by the time of this gathering, I wasn’t given any information
about it. I first learned of this event during May-June 1995, when it had already passed.
100 Paetzold
Since 2000, the new regulations have used four new main categories, tanding
(= fight), tunggal (= soloistic), ganda (= couple), and regu (group). While the
first category still coincides with the former “Sports” (olah raga, resp. wiralaga)
category, this is quite different for the other three categories. All four of these
categories today are regarded as sport, and no longer as art forms for the latter
three categories. The movement patterns executed have become fixed, and
completely reliant on the standardised movement patterns. Within all four
of these categories, not only has the music become lost, but aspects such as
clothing, use of weaponry, etc., that could be related to ethnic, or regional,
appearance, have became standardised, too.30
It is clear that the 1996–1999 design of the evaluation regulations – vague
and perhaps a bit clumsy and subjective – was far from being perfect. But it
offered a means to simultaneously handle both movement and music within
competition presentations.31 Interestingly, there was no explicit demand for
the use of the kendang pencak music within these regulations. In spite of its
rather egalitarian design, however, the music part of these evaluation regula-
tions merely stressed the rhythmic (irama) interrelation structures. This
interpretation at least favoured the West Javanese kendang pencak type of
musical ensemble, with its rich characteristics of rhythmic features.
Aspects of Internationalisation
Within the early years of the new millenium, the focus of discussion within the
IPSI and PERSILAT shifted from the merely Indonesian-borne ‘unity in diver-
sity’ concept to aspects of internationalisation.32 With this shift, the balanced
involvement of ethnic cultures began to be omitted, and aspects of technical
standardisation were emphasised in order to favour inclusion in international
competitions such as the Olympic Games, or the Asian Games.
To better understand this approach to internationalise pencak silat, we need
to look at the role and history of sport and sporting events in and for Indonesia
since the days of the Independence. During the ceremony for the inauguration
30 See: PERSILAT (2004). By the time of the last review of this chapter (April 2015) this system
of rules and the categories discussed are still valid.
31 With this movement and music correlating evaluation design pencak silat then started
being enabled to provide ‘choreomusicological’ (Mason 2011) features, even in the realm
of competition.
32 On the Indonesian ‘unity in diversity’ concept see the chapter of de Grave in the present
book.
of the video collection “Tänze, Bewegungskünste und Musikstile des Pencak

Silat in Indonesien”33 in the facilities of the Deutsches Tanzarchiv in Cologne
on 23 October 2010, Hiltrud Cordes gave an introductory speech in which she
shed some light on these developments. The following quotations are transla-
tions from her German script (Cordes 2010, translated by Paetzold):
After Indonesian Independence, the emancipation from the former colo-

nial government was in the centre of politics. This was due to sports also,
though in the early days of the development a specifically ‘Indonesian’
kind of sport was less prioritised instead of the investments and trials in
sports to show abilities equal to those of Europeans. When in February
1963 the Indonesian National Sports Commitee was excluded from the
IOC (International Olympic Commitee), because during the 4th Asian
Games 1962 in Jakarta athletes from Taiwan were not permitted, an initia-
tive of Soekarno led to the foundation of the “Anti-Olympic Games,”
named GANEFO (Games of the New Emerging Forces), executed in
Jakarta the same year. According to the informations of the organisers,
there were about 3,000 participants involved into these games, among
others representatives from the People’s Republic of China, and the USSR.
However, these countries sent only their ‘2nd garniture’ of athletes to
Jakarta, because the IOC had announced to ban all participants of the
GANEFO from the Olympic Games. As for the GANEFO explicitly pursuing
the aim of fostering the national self-conciousness of the contributing
countries, these games conceptionally were merely an imitation of the
Olympic Games. No Asian sports were involved, and no records could be
set up. The GANEFO games were once more carried out in Pnom Penh in
May 1966, but after Soekarno cut ties with the PR China, and the USSR, the
games came to an end.
Until now, Indonesian results in western Olympic sports competitions can be

said to be comparatively weak, with the exception of badminton. Cordes con-
cludes in her text:
For being able to compensate the weaknesses in the western sport disci-
plines, the Indonesian government decided to install a transformed
version of the pencak silat art of self defence, to be utilised for competi-
33 This collection was compiled and edited from 2007 to 2010 by the author, and was pro-
duced by him and the Deutsches Tanzarchiv Köln. Aspects of the discussion by Cordes
can be found in the chapter by de Grave in the present book as well.
102 Paetzold
tion purposes. The instrument of choice to achieve this goal was the
Indonesian National Pencak Silat Foundation (IPSI), which was founded
in 1948. There are telling evidences, that from the very beginnings of this
endeavour to design a new sport from pencak silat, the opinions amongst
the leading activists were controversial. It seems as if even within the IPSI
itself there have been oppositions against regulations, that were intended
to enable athletes from any adjoined pencak silat school to compete with
each other, without being in fear to harm each other, and denote a win-
ner of a match finally. Up to date, there are numerous pencak silat styles,
that do not apply this set of rules within their schools. The design of the
competition regulations took twelve years finally. But because in between
the 3rd and 4th general assembly of the IPSI (1961 and 1973) the Soekarno-
Government was brought down, and the “New Order” under president
Suharto was established, the final decisions on the competition regula-
tions did not take place before 1973. The government had admonished
the IPSI to finally provide competition regulations for the then approach-
ing PON (Pekan Olahraga Nasional = “National Week of Sports”).34 If
pencak silat ever intended to become a part of national and international
sport competitions, then the suitable day had come to change from ideas
facts.
It was regarded as important for Indonesia to achieve a sense of national unity

in sports, just as the country had achieved, i.e., in language already. There had
to be provided some kind of national sport, able to transmit a sense of national
identity for Indonesians. Within this process of nationalisation, borrowing
influences from other countries to achieve this goal was regarded as permissi-
ble. As long as such selections would be based on self-concious decisions, and
would be carried by the whole nation, foreign infiltration into Indonesian cul-
ture wasn’t to be feared. Cordes continues discussing the discrepancies in this
nation-building process:
As for within this government internal argumentation we find a strong

underpinning of the justification of foreign influences, it can be assumed
that the strongest resentments against a sportification of pencak silat
came from this side. In fact we find a discrepancy between the layed
claim to design a national Indonesian sport, and the simultaneous
34 There already had been earlier attempts to integrate a modern, sportive, and competitive
form of penca(k silat) into the second and third KONI competitions of 1951 in Jakarta, and
1953 in Medan, as Brown (2008:446–447) states.
necessity to include foreign rules for the execution of movements and

competition principles – a similar case we already could acknowledge
within the concept of the GANEFO games. However, in the further run of
development of sportive pencak silat, the consciousness on the design of
this sport being based on ‘western’ models vanished.
Besides the development of the sport within Indonesia, it was of equal impor-
tance to promote the sportive pencak silat abroad as well; simply said, without
international competitors, there would be no international competitions, and
thus no international prestige. For achieving this international promotion, on
11 March 1980 the International Pencak Silat Federation PERSILAT (Persekutuan
Pencak Silat Antarbangsa) was founded in Jakarta, Indonesia, its founding
members being Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei Darussalam. In
1982, the first International Pencak Silat Championship took place in Jakarta,
with seven contributing countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, USA,
Australia, the Netherlands, and the German Federal Republic. Today, a total
number of 38 adjoined countries35 can be named as members of PERSILAT.
Developments in Pencak Silat Art Form Competitions Since 2000
The adjustment towards the standards applied since 2000 requires further dis-
cussion here. From a neutral point of view there is no necessity for an art as
complex and with so much potential as pencak silat to have to join the corpus
of international competitions in the way outlined. An assignment towards
more artistic sports, like figure skating, or gymnastics seems to fit much better
with the character of its traditional performance elements. The reasons why
horizons like these never have been conceptualised publicly have to be sought
in the expected benefits of the international prestige of claiming pencak silat
to be a sportive ‘fighting,’ or ‘martial’ art.
Already during the decision-making processes that led to the enactment of
the then-new competition regulations by the end of 1999, severe critics from
among the leading pencak silat school teachers demonstrated that the inten-
tion of internationalisation of the former pencak silat seni category by dropping
many of its characteristics developed during tradition didn’t find a general
acceptance. As the statements of Cordes (2010) make clear, this can be seen as
a repetition of those critiques that arose during the design of the sportive pen-
cak silat in the times of President Soekarno.
35 According to the information given by de Grave in the present volume.

104 Paetzold
As the years 1997–1999 were so loaded with major socio-political events in

Indonesia,36 and I wasn’t able to personally follow these processes on the spot
again until 2001, I am indebted to several colleagues from the pencak silat net-
works who provided me with news on related processes and events in this
period. Ian D. Wilson, who was carrying out field research in West Java during
these times, sent me a letter37 on 20 July 1998. As these details were not included
in his Ph.D. dissertation which was finished somewhat later in 2002, I will cite
some of his telling statements depicting the situation in Jakarta then. He wrote:
I had the opportunity to attend a ‘rapat kerja teknis Pengda IPSI’ [= tech-
nical work meeting of the province directorates (pengurus daerah) of
IPSI] at the Padepokan Nasional [38] in Jakarta. What happened might be
of particular interest to you so I’ll give you a brief rundown.
The meeting was held by IPSI pusat [= IPSI main office] as a means of
presenting their proposed changes to rules governing seni and olahraga
competition. According to PERSILAT, foreign silat schools often complain
that they are confused by the vast array of musical styles, uniforms, weap-
ons etc. that exist, being unable to discern which is ‘authentic’ silat.
Consequently PERSILAT proposed to standardise and simplify competi-
tion seni, allowing only golok [39] and toya [40] to be used, and relegating
music to prerecorded ‘background music.’ Scoring was considered too
‘subjective’ so they also proposed a complicated scoring system that
prioritised the display of certain basic movements, and discouraged
creativity.
Well this was met with loud protests from the pengurus daerah [=
province directorates], who generally felt that this was overtly catering to
the demands of the international silat community, and would result in
a homogenisation of silat in general. The representatives from Jawa
36 – events that sometimes overshadowed; i.e., the possibility to focus on singular not-so-
prominent cultural phenomena.
37 I came to know Ian D. Wilson through a letter he wrote to me on 20 May 1998. We
exchanged letters during 1998 to 1999, and reconnected via e-mail in October 2000.
38 Explanation by the present author: The Padepokan Pencak Silat is a huge sporting facility
dedicated to the training, communication, and promotion of modern pencak silat. It is
located in Jakarta, Indonesia, and was inaugurated on 20 April 1997. The Suharto clan has
been massively involved in its planning and edification. See Maryono (2002:321–325) and
the chapter by de Grave (Figure 1.1 especially) in the present volume for further details.
39 Explanation by the present author: The golok is a type of single-edged weapon, similar to
a sabre, or machete.
40 Explanation by the present author: The toya is a type of wooden spear.
Barat [41] accused IPSI pusat of having vested political interests and of
being overly hierarchical. They felt that in the ‘era reformasi’ [42] should
bring about a more egalitarian style administration and they resented
being told what to do by the head office.
The end result was that the proposals were rejected outright, much to
the embarrasment of the IPSI pusat officials. There was an atmosphere of
‘revolt’ and a critical attitude that was quite surprising.
Probably one of the first renowned masters to take a critical, public stand on
this development was the late Pak Herman Suwanda (1955–2000), then master
teacher in charge of the PPS Mande Muda / Suwanda Academy from Lembang
near Bandung. In some personal statements on the school’s website,43 he then
wrote the following, in English:
[…] In West Java we perform the form we call Ibing, which is the West
Javanese, or Sunda terminology for the word also known as Kembangan.
In order to truly know Penca from West Java a person must learn to feel
the rythm and motion in and of the form first hand with the live
musicians.
This is not a string of free form movements but rather there are many
rules to follow & you don’t have choice if you are performing Pencak Silat
from West Java. If you don’t follow the rule you will lose, and it would be
likened to doing salsa dancing with Jazz music.
If The Pencak Silat comes from Sunda (West Java), one must know
these words: Paleredan, Tepak Dua, Tepak tilu, Bombang, Padundung,
Golempang, tepak hiji [44]. Those are classical of the Ibing from West Java
and relate to the specific parts of the form alone.
Once again this web is talking about Pencak Silat from West Java. I’m
hoping that the traditional/classical Pencak Silat will not disappear
because people want to be modern and want to be look like everybody
else outside their own culture.
I’m sad that in competition, starting this year, there will be no more
traditional Ibing, no more Music (Gendang Pencak) in the Pencak Silat
41 Explanation by the present author: Jawa Barat = West Java.

42 Explanation by the present author: “Era of Reformation.”
43 This part of the website was labelled “The Suwanda Family”; it was published in 1999, and
was taken offline soon after his tragic death.
44 Explanation by the present author: The term tepak hiji (BS: “tepak one”) is an alternative
name of the tepak salancar Cimande mentioned earlier.
106 Paetzold
Nasional, instead new Pencak Silat has just arrived. New Jurus and
New Ibing (Kembangan) born from a belief in uniting the art. No more
individual characteristics from particular areas, as was once readily
apparent.
My iteration of the development would be incomplete without mentioning

that it was IPSI themselves who tried to calm these offences down by introduc-
ing an alternative platform for the mainly criticised development of the seni
competitions: The “Festival Pencak Silat Seni,” which started in 2001. I will come
to this point in detail further below.
Migrated Performance Cultures: European Pencak Silat Cultures
Besides a recent article that I wrote,45 the scope and impact of ‘migrated per-
formance cultures’46 of pencak silat outside of Southeast Asia have rarely been
written about. To gather a comparative, possibly globally outlined, research
work on these phenomena promises to become a very interesting task that is
still to be picked up. Regarding its enormous topographical dissemination, and
the diversity of cultural settings to be expected, a team of researchers cooper-
ating in such a task seems to be more appropriate than starting any soloistic
endeavours. Because my research experiences on pencak silat outside of
Indonesian regions relates to some European countries only, I will mainly
depict some developments from Europe, which have shown themselves to be
important for the endeavour of this chapter.
For understandable reasons rooted in the long colonial period, pencak silat
in Europe remains most prominent in the Netherlands. As for the performance
practice of the pencak silat itself,47 there are few music performances found
within training settings, or public performances, in Europe. Schools that make
use of ‘traditional’ Indonesian musical styles – usually from playback media –
can be said to have been established since the arrival of a ‘second wave’ of
teachers from Indonesia to the Netherlands in the late 1970s. In part, they came
45 Pätzold (2011b: 102–107; on the Netherlands)

46 Or “Performance Cultures in Motion,” in order to adapt and modify an expression from
Claussen, Hemetek, Saether & European Music Council (eds.; 2009).
47 A somewhat different picture will be obtained when examining the whole “pencak silat-
icking” (in allusion to Small’s (1998) “musicking”) settings, just as I have obtained in my
recent study already mentioned, related to the ‘Pencak Silat cultures’ of the Netherlands.
Figure 2.6 In summer 1989, the Indonesian PERSILAT organised the first performance tour of
West Javanese pencak silat seni performers to Europe. The movement artists were
accompanied by a fully equipped kendang pencak ensemble, led by Endang “Si
Guyur” Suryaddin (tarompet). The performers to be seen are (l.t.r.) front row: n.n.
(sitting), Ayunda Nunnun Sugiharti Koesoemah, Gandina Kusumah (both
performing); back row: Endang “Si Guyur” Suryaddin (only his face is visible), Oseng
(almost completely hidden behind the left pesilat Ibu Ayunda), n.n. (hidden; goong),
Pak Mochammad Saleh (sitting in front of the goong). The photo was taken during
their performance in Cologne, Germany. (photo courtesy of Ayunda Nunnun
Sugiharti Koesoemah)
over to Europe as students to study in the Netherlands, Belgium, France,

Austria, Germany, or in the UK.
From about 1985 onwards, these ‘second wavers’ received some support
from the international acting PERSILAT, which declared a “Pencak Silat goes to
the World” (“Pencak Silat Mendunia”) programme around that time. This
resulted, for the time being, in a euphoric situation, when West Javanese-
rooted schools performed in the Netherlands and Germany (i.e., the Panglipur
school from Garut and Bandung in 1989; see Figure 2.6).
The first pencak silat world championship executed outside of Southeast
Asia was held in Vienna, Austria, in 1986, with Southeast Asian performers
from West and Central Java, West Sumatra, and Malaysian regions, performing
in a European country for the first time ever. As intercontinental flight became
more affordable, visits of European students to their particular ‘schools of ori-
gin’ started to flourish, provided such schools still existed and could be
108 Paetzold
contacted somewhere in Southeast Asia. However, return visits of Southeast

Asian students to their European ‘scion schools’ (cabang) still were (and are)
rare. If they did happen, it was usually the teachers from these schools of origin
who first came over to Europe to do visits and training seminars here.48
On 22 September 2001 the European Pencak Silat Federation (EPSF) was
founded in Den Haag (the Netherlands). Its main task was to coordinate
regional sections with the worldwide activities of PERSILAT. Related to this
intention, the European Pencak Silat Championship took place in 2003 in
Hamburg, Germany (see Figure 2.7). This event was reserved for athletes from
Europe-based schools only. The staff of jury and referees consisted of both
Europe-located specialists, as well as of some guest specialists invited from
Southeast Asia. The whole event was inaugurated by the PERSILAT president,
at that time Eddie M. Nalapraya from Jakarta, Indonesia. With this event, the
pencak silat associations of the European nations started their own large-scale,
international events – besides the biennially held European Championships,
national “Open Championships” are also held annually – to inspire European
youth and promote modern pencak silat. While the championship regulations
follow the regulations designed by Southeast Asian PERSILAT, the whole
organisational tasks are handled by European sources.
In the late 1990s the situation and atmosphere during the World Cham
pionships – both in sports (olahraga) and in the (prepatterned) art form (seni)
– had changed considerably towards an unexpected experience, perhaps unin-
tended by the early PERSILAT designers of the competitive forms of pencak
silat: Anybody actively taking part in competitions may become defeated
there. And this is exactly what happened! In all of the the sports competitions
categories, the recently emerged Vietnamese National team49 began to score
more medals than any other nation – including Indonesia. In 2002, for the first
time ever, the Vietnamese, and not the Indonesian national team, received the
title juara umum (most successful team) in a world championship.
48 The teacher of the “Pusako Minang” (lit: “heirloom of Minangkabau”) school of origin of
the Silek Tuo style from West Sumatra I trained with since 1989, “Abang” Ramli Sutan
Mudo, first came to Europe to visit the two ‘migrated’ schools of Silek Tuo Pusako Minang
in 1996 on invitation of the two teachers from Cologne (Germany) and Amsterdam (Neth-
erlands). Training sessions, i.e., included preparations of a tari Galombang, for this train-
ing session saluang playback music was used.
49 It was bad enough that the Indonesian champions often had to surrender to the Vietnam-
ese champions. But to make things even worse, the Vietnamese National team by this
time was coached by two Indonesian masters: Suhartono Hartono from Central Java, who
trained the sports team, and Asep Gurwawan from West Java, who trained the arts form
team. It was therefore a matter of intra-Southeast Asian migration of two specialists.
Figure 2.7 European Pencak Silat Championship, 28.–30.11.2003, Hamburg (Germany).

An Austrian team, consisting of Alexander Bernardis, Alexander Stegbauer,
and Martin Skokan, on their way to score the 1st place in the regu / male
category. As can be clearly seen one focus in the regu category is on the
synchronicity of movements. (photo by the author)
‘De-Vitalisation’ of a Performance Culture?
The loss of music performance during national and international pencak silat
competitions not only marginalises the music element as a whole in the pen-
cak silat performance context. As Kartomi (2011:59–62) has recently shown,
this also diminishes the degree of collaboration in, and transmission of, tradi-
tional performances on the levels described by her, with “b/second level”
(pair(s) of pesilat fighter-dancers), “c/third level” (pair(s) of pesilat and any
accompanying musicians), “d/fourth” (the master guru besar and his pesilat
followers collaborate with the elders and hosts), to “e/fifth level” (the guru and
the team of pesilat and musicians collaborate to entertain their audience) as
the levels she distinguishes between.50
50 Though Kartomi explicated the levels “a” to ” d” in her sketches on p. 60, she missed
including a sketch of level “e” accidentally, as she informed me in an e-mail correspon-
110 Paetzold
The development of the early 2000s clearly was intended to erase ethnic ele-
ments, i.e., musical performance, within national and international pencak
silat competitions. As for IPSI and PERSILAT (still) acting as major promoters
of pencak silat currently, such a cultural political intention could be expected
to result in a diminishing of public consciousness, i.e., related to musical per-
formance practice. Of course one could also say that with the new competition
regulations today we experience some kind of withdrawal, or re-shaping, of
the design of the competitions to the state of things prior to the early 1980s.
One could as well argue that both variants of competed pencak silat – sports
and the actual choreographed artistic, non-music form categories – today pro-
mote additional new modes of pencak silat, that explicitely fulfill socio-political
tasks and demands on a nationally focused, and internationality-intending
level of identity-building. Or, one could argue – and this is how the IPSI and
PERSILAT do it – that all the regulations towards the achievements in musical
accompaniment had reached a level of complexity and performance delicacy
in 1999 that made it almost uneasy for it to be globally exported, as the two
organisations named had intended. There would be hardly any live kendang
pencak musician found abroad to maintain these uniquely diffentiated
“Nusantaran” performance standards at that point.
But besides resulting in considerably diminishing opportunities for musical
performance, these changes shift our perception of pencak silat to a point
focused on competition and sport. This perhaps has to be marked as the more
severe result, because this neglects the strong relations of pencak silat to social,
ethical, ceremonial and dance-related settings within ethnic and local cultures
in Indonesia. Both aspects – the loss of opportunity for music performance,
and the shift in focus named – certainly mean a considerable breakdown of
the social interrelations of the modern pencak silat performance context.
In fact, it is a breakdown that wouldn’t have been necessary at all: Malaysia
chose a direction that was quite opposite, by actually strengthening the music
aspect in silat competitions at the same time, even as they underlined the gen-
dang silat’s function in performances through installing special competitions
just for the music ensembles as well.
As shown, since the early 1980s and the “New Order” politics of the Suharto
regime, the whole pencak silat competitions – which were a promising medium
for national identity building – became socio-politically instrumentalised. At
the beginning of the new millenium, musical accompaniment within the pen-
cak silat competitions disintegrated for almost the same reason. Both processes
dence in late 2011. However, her explications to this level are given on p. 62, third para-
graph (starting with: “Finally …”).
followed explicitly designed decisions, especially by the Indonesian IPSI and

PERSILAT. In both organisations some of the top-level decision makers still
remain from the “New Order” era; they even seem to have become reinforced.51
However, the impact of the IPSI and PERSILAT organisations should not be
overestimated in regard to traditional performance practices at a local level. As
I will now demonstrate, it is currently not yet clear if, and to which degree, this
all means a breakdown of vitality within the traditional pencak silat perfor-
mance contexts: there are some promising developments featuring music as
well.
New Perspectives for Traditional Pencak Silat Art Form
The ongoing changes depicted are caused mainly by prescribed processes of

standardisation, and, often enough, an accompanying degeneration of ‘tradi-
tional’ cultural embeddings by playing them down. In reaction to the critics
depicted above, and in succession to the processes observed by Wilson as early
as 1998, so-called “Festival Pencak Silat Seni” performances have been staged by
the IPSI since 2001 at both local and national levels52 – an event concept stand-
ing in a close relationship to the early 1990s province-limited Apel Besar IPSI
festivals53. The Panasonic Jambore Pencak Silat 2005 took place from July 28–30
that year in Cibubur, East Jakarta. It was special because it wasn’t sponsored by
a national organisation like IPSI, but rather by a global enterprise from Japan.
Within this all-Indonesian festival of traditional pencak silat art (seni) and self-
defence (beladiri), teams from 19 Indonesian provinces participated.
Though these performances clearly stand outside of the context of sportive
competitions and their corresponding public recognition and appeal towards
the younger generation – fostered by the impact of the concept of the “auton-
omy of regions” (otonomi daerah) – similar irregularly-executed events have
developed their own dynamics during recent years. In 2006, the Jakarta-based
“Indonesian Forum of the Preservers of Traditional Pencak Silat”54 was estab-
lished. This forum has been put into existence by a group of concerned teachers
51 In July 2003 Prabowo Subianto, son-in-law of ex-President Suharto, was elected as presi-
dent of IPSI for the first time. See Pätzold (2007:100–115) and Mason (chapter 7 in the
present volume) for further information on this person.
52 Personal information; see also: Heryadi (2004:94).
53 The first of these festivals in West Java, entitled “1. Apel Besar IPSI JaBar,” took place on
October 8th 1990 on Gasibu square in Bandung.
54 Forum Pelestari Pencak Silat Tradisional Indonesia, abbreviated FP2STI.
112 Paetzold
and specialists. A similar profile of intentions and focusing is part of the West
Java-based “Tangtungan projek.” The “Indonesian Pencak Silat Union,”55 an
organisation established in 1957 and mainly operating in West Java (with some
branches in South Sumatra and East Java), has been able to gain ground and
profile again, and has reappeared in the public. This organisation had become
fusioned with (or better to say: subordinated to) IPSI between 1962–1973,
though they had been complimented as being one of the founding ten “top/
founding organisations” (top /induk organisasi) of pencak silat to date (Maryono
1998:99). This was certainly not the way PPSI identified themselves: instead,
they regarded themselves as a “union” (persatuan), not as a “school” (pergu-
ruan). The best evidence for this differentiation was and is the fact one will not
meet a school that teaches a ‘PPSI curriculum,’ as is common with other major
schools – simply because no such curriculum exists! Hence, what exists and
can be met is a concept and a special underlining of features within PPSI
focused schools: i.e. a stronger focus on the self-defence (beladiri) and towards
the arts (seni) aspects including music accompaniment especially.
Another proof of the PPSI being no ordinary perguruan during the 1990s
could be seen in a more delicate circumstance: if you wanted to start a research
from the rows of IPSI with the intention to meet a ‘PPSI school,’ you would
quickly be redirected towards an IPSI-organised school suitable to the profile
of your request. In other words, you only could meet the PPSI if you directly
approached them either in their Bandung city office, or within one of the then
rather rare occasions where the PPSI was in some dominant position. One of
these occasions would be the shows of Sundanese performing arts within the
“Padepokan Seni” (Yayasan Pembangunan Jawa Barat) in Jalan Peta, Bandung.
But though the PPSI was (and is) existant, and the more experienced perform-
ers knew this, one has to admit that, until the retreat of Suharto in 1998, in
terms of the design of the phenomena discussed in this chapter the PPSI had
no significant role on the national Indonesian, nor international levels, but
solely at the level of the West Java province. However, it is certainly a good idea
to further observe where their regular local festivals of pencak silat seni in West
Java (i.e. the so-called “Pasanggiri Pencak Silat”) may lead to in the future.
As nowadays IPSI and PERSILAT are focused on the sport variants, the art
variant is focused in particular by the organisations named above. But there
remain two further main aspects of pencak silat – namely the spiritual, and the
self-defence aspects – that fall out of the focuses dedicated to both sport and
arts. Stemming from the IPSI organised PERSILADI competitions56 of the 1990s,
55 Persatuan Pencak Silat {Seluruh} Indonesia, abbreviated PPSI.

56 An acronym of Pertandingan Pencak Silat beladiri.
since the early 2000s the self-defence aspect has found some focus through
public media, as in the “Self defence free fighting” (“beladiri bebas”) pro-
gramme. These events, promoting pencak silat beladiri amongst other
self-defence arts, are broadcast by the TV station TPI Fighting (Heryadi 2004:36,
plus personal informantion conducted in Bandung in 2006).
Not too new a development, i.e., within the circles of the schools of the tra-
ditional Cimande style certain medicines, called balur Cimande, or minyak
Cimande, have long been in use – and certain therapeutical and spiritual
aspects have also found prominence within dedicated Pencak Silat schools.
Among them are Al Hikmah, Merpati Putih, Setia Hati, and Sabuk Putih, focused
on health therapy (Heryadi 2004:81, plus personal informantion conducted in
Tari Kolot/Cimande especially). A quite recent spin-off from such therapeuti-
cal ways to utilise pencak silat can be seen in the movement therapeutical
approaches reported by Kallinke & Watters (1998:254–261).
Having observed, practised, researched, and become involved into several
pencak silat cultures myself from 1988 to the present, I have been lucky to get
to know some accomplished performers and teachers during these years. In
early 2011, I contacted several of them whom I had long known via e-mail, to
ask about their personal opinions in a short questionnaire regarding the pro-
cesses discussed in this chapter. All of my informants were Indonesians. To
preserve and respect their collegially expressed opinions, I will keep their
names anonymous here.
My first question was whether they felt the loss of music within competi-
tions has changed the way of performance, and if this change could be felt by
them as some kind of ‘devitalisation,’ or as a ‘reduction of the sources for
energy’ within the performance of pencak silat as an art form. Their answers to
this question all clearly indicated a similar pattern. First, my perception that
music had been put out of the pencak silat art form competitions by IPSI /
PERSILAT, both at national and international levels, was incorrect insofar as
there were no longer any ‘art form competitions’ in pencak silat. As for the for-
mer ‘art form,’ it now had become a prepatterned, Japanese kata-like
competition practice57; it fell out of the categorisation of an ‘art form’ (BI: seni),
and instead is now conceived of as a ‘sport.’ With this, it falls into the same
category as the full contact sport variant of pencak silat, which today is labelled
tanding, and formerly was labelled olahraga. One remarkable opinion stated
that:
57 The Japanese word kata is used to describe detailed choreographed patterns of move-
ments (i.e., within martial arts) practised either solo or in pairs.
114 Paetzold
It is not the music (i.e., of the kendang pencak) that has been taken out of
the competition regulations, but the competition regulations have been
taken out of the performance practice of Pencak Silat with music
accompaniment.
Hence, the performance practice of pencak silat with musical accompaniment

today has found it’s ‘official’ domicile within the newly created Festival Pencak
Silat Seni. However, all of them felt that there was a difference in performing
movements with, or without, music accompaniment. One of them opined that
the atmosphere in the sport competitions today was indeed somewhat differ-
ent and more energetic, compared to those in the current Festival Pencak Silat
Seni. While in the sports competitions usually a ‘restlessness,’ or an ‘ongoing
burst’ (BI: gebyar) was to be felt, this was different with the latter modality,
where the audience usually consisted of performance specialists and connoi-
seurs of traditional pencak silat. The schools (BI: perguruan) taking part in this
latter modality were usually limited to those with a focus on art form (seni)
training. It is a statement, from which one can conclude that a socio-spiritual
cross fertilisation between the sports branch and the art form branch of pen-
cak silat – so unique to the 1996–1999 competitions practice – doesn’t even
take place any more. Another informant answered that indeed the music had
made competition events more lively in a socio-spiritual meaning, for it had
helped to raise the soul (BI: jiwa), spirit, and pride of the athletes (BI: bangga)
in performing.
My second question targeted the aspects of possible consequences of this
change to music genres and their contexts formerly involved into the pencak
silat seni competitions. The answers to this question were quite unspecific:
though not in the competitions, the performance practice of pencak silat with
music still has its place within the Festival Pencak Silat Seni events, and the
musical accompaniment now played a greater and more differentiated role
than ever, because almost any kind of traditional music genre could be engaged
for accompaniment. Because none of my correspondents was a musician him-
or herself, they possibly weren’t too aware of changes in the musical contexts,
and in the lives of the musicians.
My third question was directed to possible consequences of this change to
other performing arts in West Java, formerly largely inspired by pencak silat
seni, such as ketuk tilu, jaipongan, or cador.58 Did pencak silat still serve as an
58 This acronym is build from the terms penca and bodor. It denotes a straight-forward kind
of buffonery, whose movements are based on pencak silat.
inspirational source to other performance genres since the music accompani-

ment within the competitions was abolished in 1999?
Some of the answers to this question pointed to the administrative refocus-
ing of the dance genres quoted under the categorisation of “Folk Dances” (BI:
tari rakyat) by the National Directorate (BI: Dinas Kesenian) of Indonesia. One
responded that it would be essential for a particular dance genre to use certain
floor designs (BI: patokan) that had to be adjustable to the necessities of the
pencak silat involved. Similarly, all other sources of movement arts involved
had to be kept feasible in such a collaborative art. If these conditions were
provided, a collaboration between a particular form of pencak silat, and a par-
ticular dance could be fruitful. If they were not, the dance would be a “new
creation” (BI: kreasi baru), and a “pastime pleasure dance” (BI: tari hiburan)
solely, as is the case today with jaipongan, with few if any (remaining) connec-
tions to pencak silat (nowadays). It has been shown by several authors59 that
pencak silat and its cultures have to be regarded as important roots for many
regional dances, theatre forms, and narrations in many regions of Indonesia
and beyond. From the opinions expressed above, it can be concluded that in
West Java today, a consciousness about the interrelationships between pencak
silat and dance forms such as ketuk tilu and jaipongan is changing towards that
of a separation of these phenomena. If this perception reflects a broader gen-
eral opinion, terms indicating some kind of cultural cohesion – like kebudayaan
pencak silat (lit: “pencak silat culture”), or dunia silat (lit: “world of silat”) –,
including the dance genres quoted, should be taken under critical revision for
this region.
My fourth question was this: if at all, under which circumstances and con-
texts pencak silat performances will still be accompanied by music today? One
colleague stated that for such contexts, a display of traditional music forms in
earlier times would have been employed during festive occasions of the
“Jakarta” government, whilst now they will be displayed during festive occa-
sions of the local government; the local people of a place will care for their own
local traditions. Another one pronounced the fact that today every pencak silat
performer intending to follow within the new Festival Pencak Silat Seni has to
use some kind of music accompaniment. Several respondents pronounced
that nowadays the music used to accompany one’s presentation within the
new Festival Pencak Silat Seni can be chosen from either the personal school, or
59 Besides those colleagues contributing within the present volume, at least the following
have to be named: Cordes (1992), Durban-Arjo (2010), Holt (1972), Manuel & Baier (1986),
Maryono (1998:171–222), Nor (1986, 2011).
116 Paetzold
from local cultural backgrounds, and is not prescribed to use any major type of
music ensemble anymore.
As I knew that not all performance contexts fall under the observance of
IPSI, my fifth question pointed to other, possibly unofficial performance con-
texts of pencak silat as an art form, where one of the traditional music genres
(like kendang pencak, genjringan, terbangan), or any other music genres might
be utilised. This question was answered only in a rather generalising manner
by one informant, pointing to the fact that there still were alternative music
genres like rebana and genjringan in the Islamic pesantren contexts of West
Java.
My final question was directed towards the kind of pencak silat school type
(traditional, modern, pesantren, madrasah, state school, conservatory, or high
school), or performance group type, where music was still employed as an
accompaniment of pencak silat as an art form. Only one respondent dealt with
this point. He stated that within the pencak silat seminars he was regularly giv-
ing at a state school, the music of the kendang pencak was ever-present, just as
it was within many traditional local pencak silat schools in West Java.
Conclusions
The integration of musical accompaniment into national and international

Pencak Silat Seni Championships, as practised by the IPSI and PERSILAT
between 1996–1999, can be said to have been a quite ambitiously designed,
potentionally far-ranging prepatterning of the performance culture of modern
pencak silat in Indonesia and the ‘global beyond.’ As I have showed in this
chapter, this pattern of enclosing both the music and movement art character-
istics into a set of competition regulations can be said to have been outstanding;
one that had no parallel worldwide at that time.
Taking this achievement as a given, this performance arrangement of music
plus movement art, plus sport, certainly could have become a medium to
transport a ‘meant to be national’ Indonesian feature, based on ‘imagined’
(Anderson 1991) “Pan-Malay” / “Nusantara” characteristics. This performance
arrangement made its appearance during the late phase of the Suharto
Regime’s “New Order” period with a quite strongly supported personal impact
by Suharto and some of his circle.
This unique arrangement proved difficult to maintain, and finally was
dropped, by members from the circle of IPSI and PERSILAT, when times became
harder for the Suharto Regime in 1998. The tacit preference of using West
Javanese kendang pencak music to support participants during competitions
found acceptance only with difficulty in Indonesian Non-West Javanese pen-

cak silat schools. With the rising otonomi daerah period after Suharto’s Fall,
the local competition contributors demanded a less nationalised version of
this competitive performance culture, and a more localised and individualised
performance culture(s) instead. This growing demand for local diversification
within the music support of pencak silat seni certainly would have become
more complex to handle in competitions compared to anything that had been
handled before; besides the necessary improvements of internal performance
aspects, it might have been necessary for the competition regulations to dif-
ferentiate according to the musical genres used to support athletes. On top
of these rather intra-Indonesian developments, the 1996–1999 IPSI / PERSILAT
championship regulations proved to be extremely difficult for many Non-
Southeast Asian competitors to fulfill, since they had little, if any, experience
in combining movement and music in a competition performance.
For some of the pro-national ‘Power People’ within the IPSI / PERSILAT, all
this rang an alarm bell in their intention to maintain the promotion of national
integrity – an intention that did not anticipate supporting the emergence of a
fancy and unique but non-unitarian performance culture. The easiest way to
prevent this diversification within the pencak silat seni competitions – which
could have become an engine of further national identity developments as
well – would be to drop any music and regional elements from the competi-
tions. This happened at the turn of the year 1999–2000.
As I hope I have been able to clarify in my arguments throughout this chap-
ter, the developments in the artistic practice of pencak silat through the last
decade have given an effective case study of the aspect of globalisation pro-
cesses not turning into an intended (and expected) homogenisation of this
expressive performance art, but rather serving to induce and initiate processes
of local heterogenisation instead. As Wimmer (2002:78)60 might summarise
this argument, relating it to Geertz (1998):
… Globalization does not represent an unquestioned hegemonial pro-

cess, but meets resistance and herewith may lead to cultural fragmentation
instead of integration or assimilation, to a decentralization instead of a
centralization of control.
60 Original quote: ” ... dass Globalisierung keinen unangefochtenen, hegemonialen Prozess

darstellt, sondern auf Widerstand trifft und somit zu einer politischen und kulturellen
Fragmentierung statt zu Integration und Assimilation führen kann, zu Dezentralisierung
statt zentraler Kontrolle.” Translation by the author.
118 Paetzold
Therefore, this is not the last word on development. The Indonesian pencak
silat schools, performers, and audiences today seem to prefer another modality
to keep the musical aspects within pencak silat performances alive. Though the
music in fact was dropped from the IPSI / PERSILAT competitions, the Festival
Pencak Silat Seni (still irregularly executed) has turned out to become favoured
by many pencak silat connoisseurs, instead of the new official art form compe-
titions, displaying tightly prepatterned, kata-like pencak silat, within the
regular competitions. The activists choose to do both: they apply the new com-
petition regulations to achieve championship medals and titles, and they
maintain the ‘new old’ form of pencak silat seni performance practice in the
new ‘suit’ of the Festival Pencak Silat Seni as well, with the possibility of includ-
ing local forms of musical accompaniment. With tongue in cheek, one may say
that this behaviour of ‘doing the new thing but not letting go the older’ is in
fact quite an Indonesian behaviour.
Appendix
Instruction manuals, i.e. from IPSI / PERSILAT, are not intended to be maintained for
extended periods, so they may soon be difficult to consult. Therefore, following this at
the end of this chapter I have extracted those paragraphs from such manuals as I con-
sider necessary for an understanding of the development sketched, in their original
Basa Sunda, or Bahasa Indonesia text.
…
Appendix note 1: “Moedji soekoer Alhamdoelillah, kanggo di wewengkon kaboepaten
Tjiandjoer mah kabinangkitan pentja teh masih tetep dipikaresep koe oemoemna nonoman
Soenda, sanaos henteu doegi ka tjoetjoedna, nanging tjek paripaos saeloek-eloekeun mah,
parantos seueur anoe tiasa. Boektina di sawatawis tempat di wewengkon Tjiandjoer sok sering
kakoeping kendang pentja, disarengan koe eak-eakanana baroedak ngora, komo eta mah dina
aja ria2 pepestaan, meh salamina kendang-pentja tata tinggalkeun.
Appendix note 2: “2 b. Musik

Musik hidup yang ditabuh oleh pemusik (nayaga) atau rekaman musik mengunakan alat
pengeras suara, baik dalam bentuk instrumental maupun disertai vokal atau narasi kecuali
untuk kategori Wirasanggha [dan Wiraloka Jurus Wajib].”
All connotations in brackets [] were added manually by Hiltrud Cordes, who joined a seminar
held by PERSILAT in 1996, these rules were discussed and transmitted in oral and written form to
a worldwide congregation of coaches and referees.
Appendix note 3: “b. Wiraloka Jurus Bebas

Regu yang terdiri dari putra dan/atau putri dengan jumlah 5 (lima) orang memperagakan teknik
jurus pilihannya baik tangan kosong dan/atau besenjata, selama 5 (lima) menit. Diperragakan
dengan iringan musik. 2) Peserta bebas menentukan irama dari musik pengiring sepanjang
musik tersebut berasal dari khasanah musik tradisional Nusantara yang biasa digunakan untuk
mengiringi Pencak Silat, dengan terlebih dahulu menyampaikan synopsis Sekretaris Pertan
dingan pada saat pendaftaran peserta. Ketentuan ini tidak berlaku untuk kategori Wiraloka
kelas Jurus Wajib yang tidak mengunakan musik pengiring.”
Appendix note 4: “Pasal 10 / Tata cara Pertandingan / 2. Untuk kategori Wiragana, Wirasanggha
dan Wiraloka:
[…] 2) Pesilat yang akan melakukan peragaan, memasuki gelanggang dari sebelah kiri Ketua
pertandingan, tanpa iringan musik, mengambil tempat di tengah gelanggang, kemudian mem-
beri hormat secara berurutan kepada Ketua Pertandingan dan Juri.”
3) Sebelum peragaan dimulai Ketua Pertandingan memberi isyarat agar para Juri, Pengamat
Waktu dan pemain musik/operator peralatan suara musik pengiring mempersiapkan diri untuk
memulai tugasnya.”
Appendix note 5: “2) Wiragana […] d. Dengan iringan musik yang biasa digunakan untuk men-
giringi langkah, gerak dan penampilan Pencak Silat di berbagai tempat di kawasan Nusantara.
4. Wiraloka / Jurus Bebas
[…] f. Ditampilkan dengan iringan musik yang biasa digunakan untuk mengiringi langkah,
gerak dan penampilan Pencak Silat di berbagai tempat di kawasan Nusantara.”
Appendix note 6: “6) Musik Pencak Silat:

a. Yang dimaksud dengan musik Pencak Silat adalah musik yang biasa ditabuh untuk mengir-
ingi langkah, gerak dan penampilan Pencak Silat di berbagai tempat di Nusantara.
b. Alat musik yang digunakan adalah alat musik tradisional (bukan alat musik elektronik), mis-
alnya berbagai jenis gamelan, terompet, suling, rebab, kecapi, gendang, rebana dan lainnya.
c. Jumlah alat musik yang digunakan tidak dibatasi.”
Appendix note 7: “Wiragana, Wirasanggha dan Wiraloka: 1) Aturan Bertanding:

[…] b. Iringan musik:
b.1. Iringan musik dengan menggunakan alat rekam:
Kaset/disket iringan musik yang disediakan oleh peserta diserahkan kepada Komiti Pelaksana
bersamaan dengan synopsis untuk di uji coba guna menentukan keabsahan musik pengiring
dan kondisi teknis rekaman.
Peserta dianjurkan untuk membawa kaset/disket cadangan.
Bila pada waktu peserta sedang melakukan peragaan, iringan musik terhenti karena kesalahan
teknis Komiti Pelaksana (misalnya: terputusnya aliran listrik, alat rekam/kaset/disket rusak dan
lainnya), maka peserta diberi kesempatan untuk mengulang peragaannya.
b.2. Berakhirnya iringan musik:
Iringan musik berhenti bersamaan dengan peserta melakukan gerakan terakhir dari penam-
pilannya.
120 Paetzold
c. Kesalahan teknik
Bila dalam penampilannya, terjadi kecelakaan yang disebabkan karena peserta dan mengaki-
batkan cendera sehingga tidak dapat melanjutkan penampilannya, maka pertandingan
dihentikan dan peserta bersangkutan tidak mendapat nilai.”
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part 2
Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music
∵
124 Paetzold
Chapter 3
Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in Southern

Thailand
Bussakorn Binson
Introduction
In Thai nomenclature, silat has various written forms, e.g. zila, sila, shila, zilat,
sila, shilat, and zzila. It can also be called dika, buedika, buezila, buerasila,
padik, and bueradika. In this chapter, “silat” will be used in accordance with the
Encyclopaedia of Cultures in Southern Thailand (Ruengnarong 1999:8029) to
depict an art form that is a blend of martial arts, folk performing arts, sport,
and an element of the ritual occult all belonging to the Muslim social group of
the Malay Peninsula.
The most prominent martial art among Thai-Muslim communities in
Southern Thailand is known as pencak silat. According to the Pattani Malay
dialect - Thai Dictionary, “silat” is derived from “bersila” or “ssila” which means
a form of traditional Malaysian martial art. Some linguists postulate that “silat”
is derived from the Sanskrit word “shila” which means a fight to support
honesty.
Silat spread northward from the Malay Peninsula into Southeast Asia sev-
eral hundred years ago. Its origin, however, is still ambiguous among Thais due
to the absence of written evidence. A few legends have been maintained over
the generations by lineages of silat masters in Southern Thailand. Whilst the
history of silat is neither clear nor concise, most scholars acknowledge the art
form is the result of the blending of a mixture of religious influences from
Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism and cultural influences from Indonesia, India,
and China.
In this chapter the author will describe the characteristics of silat in
Southern Thailand by describing its knowledge transfer and the related rites
and beliefs in both practice and performance. Silat’s multifaceted role in tradi-
tional ceremonies, healing rites, Governmental occasions and sporting events
within the Thai-Muslim community will also be explored.

126 Binson
Southern Thailand and the Malay Peninsula
Southern Thailand is a long peninsula flanked by two oceans, the Pacific with
its Gulf of Thailand in the South China Sea on the east and to the south of
Burma, the Indian Ocean with its Andaman Sea on the west.
The southern-most area of the country is connected to the Federation of
Malaysia. This region is also known as the “Malay Peninsula” which comprises
a cape that extends further out of mainland Asia, beginning at the narrowest
part of the peninsula known as Kra Isthmus in Thailand’s Ranong and
Choomporn provinces before continuing down to Malaysia and Singapore
(Noonsook 1997:46–47).
Since the 9th century AD the Kingdom of Langkasuka, the centre of which
was located at what is now the Pattani province, controlled a very important
port on the sea route between the ‘western’ world and the ‘eastern’ world
(Vallibhodom 1994:301).
With the arrival of merchants to the region, relationships grew between the
native Malays and foreigners, including those from China, India, and the
Middle East. Foreign merchants exposed the natives to their beliefs, visions,
technologies, arts, languages, and religions, and one of earliest influences was
the Brahman-Hindu religion from India.
At the end of the 9th century AD, the Kingdom of Sri Vijaya spread its influ-
ence over the former Langkasuka areas resulting in Malays converting to
Buddhism. In the 14th century AD, that influence began to shift to the Muslim
kingdom of Majapahit and the Malays adopted Javanese arts such as the way-
ang shadow play, Javanese literature, and the making of kris daggers (see Figure
3.1).
Pasai, or what was also formerly known as Samudera Darussalam, was a
Muslim state on the north coast of Sumatra, between the 13th and the 15th
centuries. In Aceh province on the island of Sumatra, there is evidence of
Islamic migration into that area of the Malay Peninsula.
In the 14th or 15th century another Islamic Kingdom, that of Malacca, rose
to power and Islam in Southeast Asia began to thrive. Malacca soon extended
the Islamic influences along with its political and economic co-operation into
the Kingdom of Pattani by the end of the 15th century AD when Pattani was a
Colony of Malacca. At that time the king of Pattani changed the state’s religion
from Buddhism to Islam and proclaimed Pattani an official Islamic State as it
was later described as “Serambi Mekah” (a balcony of Mecca) and one of the
best centers [sic] in Islamic propagation in the Malay Peninsula” (Haji Abdul
Halim 1994:192).
Mongol-Chinese Empire Mon Kingdom of Martaban / Pegu
Chinese provinces in Burma Extension c. 1317
Original territories of the “Shan Brothers” c. 1300 Mon Kingdom of Lavo
Territories in Burma under control of Shan rulers Thai state of Lan Na / Chiengmai
Thai state of Phayao
Thai Kingdom of Sukhothai at the death of Rama Khamheng, c. 1317
Claimed by Sukhothai as vassal
Map 3.1 Map of Mainland South-East Asia, Early 14th Century. From: Pluvier, Jan M.. 1995.
Mainland South-East Asia, Early 14th Century. Historical Atlas of South-East Asia,
map 12. Leiden, New York, Köln: E.J. Brill.
128 Binson
During the age of Western colonization and the time of Thailand’s King
Rama V (1853–1910), Thailand had to surrender the States of Kedah, Perlis,
Kelantan and Terengganu to Great Britain under the Anglo-Siamese treaty of
1909. This event physically separated a unified ancient cultural Kingdom lead-
ing to its disintegration. The examination of evidence from various time
periods reveals that the historical base of the Malay Peninsula and especially
the Pattani Kingdom is comprised of several diverse cultures, namely Hindu,
Hindu-Javanese, Javanese-Malay, and other Islamic derived cultures. This mix-
ture created a new culture unique to the Malays on the Peninsula that now
includes the southern-most Thai provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat.
This cultural blend led to societal changes in governance and religions, culmi-
nating in the cultural identity and tradition of Muslims in the region today.
Most of the population of Thailand’s three southern provinces of Pattani,
Yala, and Narathiwat comprise Muslim Malays speaking the Malay-Pattani lan-
guage written using the Jawi alphabet adapted from Arabic. The cultural
traditions of the Malays in these provinces relate closely to the Islamic code of
conduct, such as the reading of the Qur’an, the notion of submission to Allah,
and following the practice of circumcision. Their traditions also include the
ceremonies found during the month-long fast known as Ramadan that ends in
Hari Raya Day. When all of these religious features are taken together they
form the basic concepts of Malay culture.
Silat in Southern Thailand
The silat exhibited influences from the cultures of India, Indonesia, Malaysia
and ancient Persia, which is now called Iran. Many different forms of silat can
be found in the Muslim communities in Thailand’s southern-most provinces
of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat as well as the Saba-yoy and Thebha districts
from the Songkhla province at its northern reaches, and with southern forms
down through Malaysia and Indonesia (Pongpaiboon, 2000:136).
Despite movements of offence and attack, practitioners of silat must agree
to only use the art in self-defence and strive to maintain their self-discipline.
In Southeast Asia competitive silat is called pencak silat, which is Indonesian
terminology meaning a form of martial art using one’s bare hands and feet
while flowing in artfully elegant dance movements. Pencak silat was accepted
as a contest event in the 14th ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations)
Games held at Jakarta, Indonesia in 1987 after the first general meeting of The
Federation of International Pencak Silat in 1986 established rules and regula-
tions for contests. Then in 1994 Thailand hosted the Pencak Silat World
Championship in Hat Yai district, Songkhla Province.1
Legends of Silat
Legends and chronicles concerning the silat art form collected from various
sources are as follows: Mubin Sheppard (1972:140) a historian of Malaysian cul-
ture and heritage, claims that the martial art known as silat was invented 400
years ago. As the legend states, three young men from the island of Sumatra,
named Burhanuddin, Shamsuddin, and Aminuddin, went from Minangkabang
on the west coast of Sumatra to Aceh on the north eastern side of the Island to
study the new religion. Their teacher’s house was located in the forest near a
pool fed by a waterfall. A Bongor tree in full bloom was nearby. One day when
Aminuddin was fetching water and filling his water jar, he noticed a blossom
moving in the water. He saw a re-occurring battle between the spray from the
falling water assisted by the fluctuating breeze pushing the blossom outward,
while the whirlpool created by the falls drew it inwards towards its vortex.
Aminuddin was so captivated by the spiralling nature of the blossom’s dynam-
ics that he put down his full bamboo water carrier and watched for a long time.
When eventually the blossom circled close to him, he plucked it from the
water and as he did so, he thought he heard a voice from the Bongor tree
reminding him to learn from and teach others about the blossom’s display. “On
that morning silat was born.” The young man Aminuddin returned with the
blossom and adapted its floating spiral actions into defensive dance move-
ments with his friends. Together they invented a set of arm and leg movements
for protection.
When the three men returned home, each became a teacher of Islam and a
trainer of their newly invented martial art. There was much public interest and
many came to be trained in this new martial art known as silat, which lead to
its widespread regional popularity.
Thailand’s Department of Physical Education (1997:298) reports that silat
was derived from another martial art invented during a time of war in Mecca,
Saudi Arabia named dika. Dika was created by a major in the army of Nabi
Mahamad named Saidina-ulen and his younger brother Saidina-alan who
practised together until they were adept and then taught it to the soldiers.
Initially, dika was a bare-hands form of fighting and later during wartime it
1 See website: <http://www.pencaksilatthailand.com/History/Association.html>, accessed on

2 July 2011.
130 Binson
incorporated the kris dagger and dual short swords, whilst retaining its original
stances. With the passage of time, dika dispersed widely among the common-
ers including the Arab merchants who took it, along with Islam, to Java. The
original dika was then adapted and improved to be the dika or silat of the
Muslims currently residing on the Malaysian Peninsula.
One myth involves the tale from Thailand’s Songkla Province of a silat mas-
ter who arrived from Java and spent his whole life teaching the silat in the
Pattani Province Southern Thailand.2 Chlertphet (1999:40–41) states that King
Raman of Java sent two soldiers to fetch a treasure and bring it back safely to
his palace. During the journey, the two soldiers were attacked by a group of
bandits. The soldiers fought off the bandits utilizing their martial art skills
while protecting the treasure. Back at the palace, the two soldiers were lion-
ized and appointed as Masters of the silat martial art and became trainers for
all of King Raman’s soldiers, which led to its perpetuation into the modern age.
Sitthiphan (1982:420) claimed that silat is a martial art of the Minangkabau
people from the island of Sumatra, and it was later disseminated to the Malay
Peninsula and Southern Thailand. During the reign of Sultan Muzaffar Syah
(1445 - 1459) an army of one thousand Pattani soldiers who were adept in close-
range combat featuring the kris dagger were sent to assist the Thai Kingdom of
Ayutthaya in its war with Burma. During the reign of Sultan Ismail Shah of
Pattani (1500–1530), Dika was taught along with the Islamic code of conduct at
a School of martial art place named Bunnangpuje (Nateplub 2006:55).
Malepeng Bola, silat master from the Pattani Province stated that:
There were three brothers lost in the forest. One brother named Yuso was
resting high up in the tree as a refuge to be safe from tigers. One night he
saw a band of tigers where the elder was teaching the younger ones how
to capture their prey. He revealed how a successful predator moves and
how one avoids being captured. Then when Yuso returned to his village
he recounted the tiger’s movements to his brothers. Together, they
blended the tiger’s movements forming a new martial art known as silat
(cited in Leaduwe 2537:175).
Nisoh Nilaw, born in 1952, silat master in the Pattani Province, related his belief
in the stories that the silat originated in Indonesia and then spread to Malaysia
and Thailand. He stated that:
2 Hajyesuko Makarem, interviewed and cited by Chlertphet (1999:45).

I learned silat with my teacher, Mr. Tuan Luebeh, who resided in the
Kapongtusong village, Lammai Tambon, Mueng Yala District, of the Yala
Province. He in turn, learned the silat from Mr. Haji Awae who was from
the town of Besut in the Malaysian state of Terengganu. While Mr. Tuan
Luebeh’s father was taught the silat when he was in the Malaysian state of
Melacca. Silat artists believed that the origin of silat might have come
from Java then to Malaysia and Thailand later (Nilaw, interview, 2 June
2011).
Niseng Salaeh,3 born in 1961, presently living in Pattani Province, stated that:
My grandmother, Jayyoh told me that her grandfather, Mr. Jaykoh, immi-

grated from Pasir Mas, Kelantan, Malaysia and their first ancestors in the
family who performed silat well, were named Perli Mordaoh and Perli
Mohjaepae. Once they were accused of disobeying the governor and pun-
ished by being forced to eat dirty rice husks. After that they relocated to
the Songkhla Province and gave silat performances in many places over
the years. Perli Mordaoh has since passed away and Perli Mohjaepae has
disappeared (interview, 23 June 2011).
Tuanmah Muelae, born in 1948, silat master in the Yala Province, conveyed the
following myth on the origins of silat:
There was Teemoh, a daughter of a raja (king or prince) on the islands of

Java had an overly jealous husband named Uma who hardly ever let her
out of the house. One day, Teemoh went to a pool to take a bath where
there was a shama bird perched on a pole. When Lady Teemoh waved her
hand to chase the bird away, the bird jumped at her abdomen and Teemoh
slapped at it. The bird then flew to her brow where Teemoh raised her
hand to capture it. The bird circled around her and Teemoh turned
around and around after it. The pair fled and chased like this for some
time until Uma, who was getting suspicious and angry that Teemoh had
been gone for so long, took a rod to the pool looking for his wife. When
Uma found Teemoh, he angrily swung at her many times with the rod,
but missed her every time. Teemoh in quickly using her bird catching
stances, could duck and dodge away until finally Uma was tired and
3 Mr. Niseng Salaeh was born on the 15th November, 1961. At the time of writing he was living
at Yaring District, Pattani Province.
132 Binson
stopped trying to hit his wife. Consequently, her bird catching stances
became the prototypes for the silat (interview, 23 June 2011).
Kordey Salamae, born in 1929, silat master residing in the Yueroh village of Yala
Province stated he was told that silat originated in Java and spread to the Malay
Peninsula and the southern part of Thailand. He said:
I was told by many silat masters that they went to study silat in Malaysia
before returning to teach it in their hometowns in Thailand (interview, 12
June 2011).
Local scholars accept that silat was first intended as a means for defending
yourself in the battlefields of war and was later developed into a martial art for
merchants to protect themselves and their goods from bandits. Over time silat
was known among the locals that it became a local sport and a performance in
Thai-Muslim rituals where this marital art with its distinctive artistic move-
ments was developed to represent Malay culture. Today’s silat is promoted as a
sport with universal rules and regulations.
Thai silat performers continue to travel to the Malaysian States of Kelantan
and Terengganu to study there. Consequently, silat performances in Southern
Thailand today are still related to silat performances in these Malaysian States.
Some of the Malaysian silat instructors have immigrated to Southern Thailand’s
provinces of Songkhla, Pattani, and Narathiwat.
The above-mentioned legends and chronicles concerning the history of
silat in both Thailand and the Malay Peninsula propose two possible origins.
The first is that silat originated in Arabia and its merchants brought it to the
Malay Peninsula. The second is that silat originated from the Indonesian island
of Sumatra with its folk legends related to the movement of flowers, animals
and battles from the past. Regardless as to where silat originated, it has been
influenced, modified, and blended with other martial arts such as the kalar-
ipayattu from Southern India along with the kuntao and kung-fu martial arts
from China among other combat and dance practices. Through multiple inter-
actions, silat has transformed into the flowing, artistic fighting movements
present today (Thailand’s Department of Physical Education 1997:298).
Categories of Silat
Silat martial arts and performances have been categorized by a variety of

people and the silat masters from Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat in Southern
Thailand categorise silat in a variety of ways. According to my observations

during my fieldwork, silat masters in each village have explained the types of
silat differently. The descriptions from the interviews can be seen below:
Nisoh Nilaw4 states that silat can be divided into four types according to the
tempo of the movements: Silat Tari Yuema consisting of medium-paced move-
ments, Silat Tari Lagoh Galae with its fast sequences, Silat Tari Eena with its
slow, flowing and beautiful movement sets, and Sila Tari Sapaelae with its very
quick manoeuvres of a warrior in a battle (interview, 5 July 2011).
Kordey Salamae5 declared that silat performances can be divided into two
types by the artist’s gender. One silat is performed by men and can sometimes
include the kris daggers tucked into the left front of their waistbands. The other
silat is ibughayong, which is performed by women (Ibu refers to females, the
word meaning ‘mother’ in Bahasa Melayu and Bahasa Indonesia) and the
fighting movements are comprised of quick dodges and changes of balance
similar to the character of Chinese kung fu (interview, 2 June 2011).
Bueraheng Laegnaenae6 suggested that silat can be divided into three types
which are differentiated in their movement sets and whether they use kris dag-
gers, swords or are bare-handed. There are the gayong mat (bare hands),
gayong paelae (kris daggers), and the gayong leeyae (swords). According to Mr.
Laegnaenae, the experts of the gayong paelae silat and the gayong leeyae silat
have unfortunately all passed away without any successor, leaving only the
gayong mat silat (interview, 23 June 2011).
Multiple silat artists have provided two general groupings of silat. One
described a silat that uses the movements of the hands, arms, and legs with the
objective of entertaining the audience, whilst the second is one that features
weapons and especially the kris dagger in modes of both attack and defence.
Reongnon (1984:115) categorizes silat into three types: Silat yatoh relates to silat
performed as a contest using the rules of attack and defense, which means that
when one contestant attacks, his opponent has to be able to successfully
defend against that attack or he will lose. Secondly, silat tari pertains to a silat
featuring graceful bare-hand stances and movement sequences choreographed
to the music’s tempo, which is usually performed for Kings or other high-rank-
ing officers. The third is the silat kayor which is usually performed at night with
the kris dagger for entertainment purposes (interview, 23 June 2011).
4 Mr. Nisoh Nilaw is a Silat master and a farmer who was born in 1952 and is living in the Nongjig
District of the Pattani Province.
5 Mr. Kordey Salamae is a farmer born in 1929 residing in the Yueroh village of the Yala Province.
6 Mr. Bueraheng Laegnaenae Silat artist, born in 1928 lives at 17 Moo 5, Tambon Loo-boh-baya,
Yi-ngaw district, Narathiwat province.
134 Binson
Pramoon Uthaipan (1989:355–356) also states that the silat is categorized

into three types: Silat taghina refers to silat with elegant dance-like sequences
performed with the accompaniment of slow tempo music; silat yawor is a silat
dance with a kris dagger performed within a bird procession; and silat for
fighting.7
Interviews with silat artists revealed that they view the silat as having either
two or more forms. From the author’s perspective there are three forms when
considering the performance objectives. The silat Dance aims to highlight the
dramatic features of the silat’s movements, poses and its transitions. This
dance category includes both solo and pair performances whereas the second
classification is the silat duel or its competitive fighting form. In this type, the
opponents can be either one group against another or simply between indi-
viduals. The competition itself may be real or an entertaining demonstration
for the audience. The third form is the ritual silat that is held upon three occa-
sions. One is during a shamanic sickness healing rite and the other is during
the ritual of paying homage to one’s teacher and all the silat masters through-
out history known as a wai kru ceremony. The third is where the shaman either
performs himself or functions as the master of ceremonies with a hired silat
troupe to reward and honour one’s ancestors after a wish request has been
fulfilled. Traditionally in these wish requests of getting a job, having a baby, or
having a child pass a school’s entrance exam etc., the family directs their plea
to their ancestors with the promise that if they fulfil the wish, they will honour
and reward them with a silat performance.
The author’s fieldwork discovered that prior to each silat performance, fight,
or ritual a wai kru ceremony is conducted that features a movement sequence
that is repeated while facing each of the four compass cardinal directions
(North, South, East, and West). This is a protective custom to ward off evil com-
ing from all directions.8 Furthermore, silat artists believe that by showing
respect to their teacher during the wai kru it will ensure their success during
the performance. Wai means respect while kru is the word for teacher, ances-
tral silat masters, and one’s spiritual teacher or guru. It is a traditional
pre-performance rite that contributes to their confidence and safety that silat
artists maintain no matter what type of silat they perform. Contemporary Thai
silat artists still retain their traditional spiritual beliefs and practices in this
unique ancient art form.
7 The last name of Silat was not mentioned by the author.

8 Editors’ note: See “Introduction,” paragraph 7 “Seeking internal power” for a detailed discus-
sion of this movement formula that can be met in diverse local traditions of pencak silat in
Southeast Asia.
Kris Dagger (weapon used in Silat)
Kris is the Javanese word for an asymmetrical dagger. In the dialect of the Yala
Province, it is called “karue-reh.” A kris has a double-edged blade averaging
12–16 inches. Some have a distinctive wavy blade comprised of three bends,
which is called “kod kris” in Thai. The grip and sheath is usually exquisitely
carved. Some grips may be decorated with silver, gold, or copper, according to
the owner’s preference.
In terms of the Raman kris, a local scholar Tipali Atabu from the Talohalo
Sub-District of the Yala Province explained that about 250 years ago the
Governor of the Raman District (also in the Yala Province) wished to have the
kris as the weapon and product of his district. He invited the Indonesian crafts-
man known as “Bundaisara” to come and forge the kris daggers for him in
Raman. This collaboration led to the development of the Raman style of kris
with the grips being carved in the form of a Pangka bird’s head (Figure 3.1).
The Pangka, which also goes by the name of Katen by the Thai Muslim silat
performers, was reportedly chosen according to an oral legend due to its quick
reflexes – a very desirable trait for silat performers. It is in the Kingfisher family.
It is also believed to be one of the birds featured in the Buddhist Himmapan
Forest legend. The kris dagger used in the silat from Southern Thailand has the
usual crook-necked handle of a kris, but carved in the shape of the Pangka bird
with its palm end being the beak and the wider base end depicting its head.
These daggers became known as “Bundaisara” after their imported craftsmen.
Figure 3.1 Pangka birds head on the kris handle (photo taken by
A. Kinear).
136 Binson
The art of kris dagger making has been passed down through the genera-
tions until the present day where descendants of the original workgroup
fabricate a kris only upon a client’s request. The process is a blend of metal-
lurgy and spirituality as the craftsmen follow ancient guidelines of mental
concentration, breath control and auspicious timing of initiating and complet-
ing the dagger. A fault at any point means that the craftsman has to scrap his
work and begin anew.
Tipali Atabu has also formed a guild of selected kris makers to preserve this
tradition. With their high quality standards both in craftsmanship and per-
sonal behaviour they are role models for the youth in the community. These
daggers are well-respected not only locally, but to those in Malaysia and adja-
cent countries. Making these daggers is one of the distinguished professions in
Yala Province.
The kris dagger is a weapon and a universal symbol of protection that resides
as an altar centrepiece in the homes of the Thai-Muslim community. Although
the kris dagger itself has remained the same over time, it has become one of
the emblems of the silat kris performance.
Silat Kris
A “silat kris” performance can be viewed today throughout Thailand’s three

southern-most provinces. The contemporary performance reflects influences
from Indonesia through Malaysia.
In the past the elaborate kris daggers were considered the crown jewels of
the Malaysian and Indonesian Kings. A former French Ambassador by the
name of Simon de la Loubère9 wrote in “Du Royaume de Siam,” after traveling
to Thailand, that the kris was included as one of the Thai weapons during the
reign of Somdet Phra Narai Maharat (1656–1688) and the King specified his
men wear it under the left side of their waist bands (Loubère, 2510:75).
Laegnaenae mentioned that the Malay people also have a legend where a
warrior with a kris made with a very wavy blade became a great general of the
army (interview, 2012).
During the seminar on the “Kris” arranged by the Ministry of Culture and
the Foundation of Sookkaew Kaewdang on the 8–9 June 2011 held in the
Narathiwat Province, a policy declaration was made to revive the silat kris per-
formance. Officials realized that it was their duty to support the development
9 He served in Thailand between 27 September 1680 - 3 January 1688.

Figure 3.2
Silat kris
of the art form’s physical exercises and to use it in the community’s educa-
tional institutions.
Some academies in the Narathiwat Province have expressed an interest in
developing their knowledge of the silat kris. They use the movements and
sequences of the kris dances and the silat kris in aerobic classes. They have
planned to bring together instructors from the physical education depart-
ments with the local silat experts to develop programmes based on the
traditional movements and spread them throughout the communities.
With the help of its cultural institutions, Narathiwat Province has targeted
three groups. The first is the schools with their physical education teachers,
serving as both silat aerobic trainers and publicists. The second target is at the
sub-district administration level. This level refers to where the community’s
sport leaders in a variety of organizations become trainers and publicists. The
third is the district-wide groups with the Sheriffs (palad tesaban muang) as
138 Binson
policy planners and training course managers of the silat kris art form in an
effort to spread it to community’s youth.
The essentials of silat aerobics are divided into three categories: the warm
up sequences for stretching and the faster manoeuvres and sequences for exer-
cising while ending with the slower ones as a ‘warm down’ to prevent injuries
to the muscles. The three categories are designed and based on the policy of
the Thai Health Promotion Foundation, 2008. If it is successfully developed
and brought into everyday practical use, the youth are expected to express
more interest in the traditional silat art form. After the implementation of
these new regional school policies it is hoped that they will lead to greater ties
between silat masters and the instructors as well as an increase in the recogni-
tion of the silat art form among the younger generation.
Attire of Silat Performers
In local silat contests each performers usually dresses with a hood or a kapiyo
cap, a rounded or high collar shirt, a pair of long pants topped with a sarong
(sor-kae or Batik cloth), a waist band (lue-pak cloth) or a belt to tighten and
hold the sarong while leaving their feet bare.
For silat performed in ceremonies, the performers usually dress in the
Malaysian style with rounded or high collar shirts (tue loh bla ngor) worn over
the top of their waist clothes (likat), but no waistband, and sor-kae caps or
head turbans (sata-ngae cloth). (Chlertphet, 1999:42–46). These styles of silat
dress (see Figures 3.3–3.5) can be found in the Narathiwat, Pattani, Satun and
Yala provinces.
Some silat troupes dress in a style that includes a plain white or black T-shirt
or one with the troupe’s name on it, long straight pants topped with a sarong
featuring beautiful motifs, a colourful waist band, a head turban, and a kris
dagger tucked in on one side.
The musicians may dress in the same way as the performers or in a Muslim
style. Each male musician dresses in a shirt or T-shirt with a sarong or long
pants. All female silat performers follow the Muslim rules of dress. However,
there are females in some silat troupes who now dress the same as their male
counterparts.
Figure 3.3 The attire of silat troupes from Narathiwat Province
Figure 3.4 Sarong (Sor-kae or Batik cloth) with a waist band (Lue-pak cloth)
140 Binson
Figure 3.5 Silat masters from Yala province
Silat Musical Instruments
A silat performance is accompanied by music whose tempo is congruent with

its fast or slow fighting movements. Each silat troupe in the studied areas may
use different kinds of musical instruments, however essentially they all include
an oboe(s) for the melody, drums for the main tempo, and a gong for the tempo
control (see Figure 3.6).
In Southern Thailand, two types of oboes (a double reed aerophone) are
used in silat: the long oboe or pee hor, which is the most popular in the Yala,
Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces; and the sunai or sunwa oboe, which is pop-
ular in the Songkhla, Pattani and Satun provinces. Both kinds of oboes are
categorized as Javanese oboes as they originated from Java, (Chalertphet,
1999:51). Some however, may simply be called Indian oboes because their
shape is similar to that of the shehnai. Figures 3.7a and 3.7b show the compara-
tive shapes of the two oboes.
The musicians often name their oboes according to the performances they
accompany. For example, oboes used in a ka-loh performance – a band consists
of an oboe, two pairs of drums and a gong, used in the death ritual parade, is
Figure 3.6 Silat music troupe from Narathiwat province
a b
Figure 3.7 a. Silat oboe; b. Shenai.
called pee ka-loh (kaloh oboe), while an oboe used in a silat performance is
known as a pee silat (silat oboe).
Another instrument used in a silat performance is a single gong. It may be
large or small, and is often decorated with motifs such as moons, stars, and kris
daggers (see Figure 3.8).
142 Binson
Figure 3.8 Set of silat musical instruments in Narathiwat province
With drums (glong thon), two are used, one big and one small. Each drum
has two ends; one is hit with the hand and the other end with a stick. The larger
drum is referred as ‘mother drum’ (glong thon mae) and with its loud bass tone
is used to mark the tempos, while the smaller one – ‘child drum’ (glong thon
luuk), with its higher pitch – is used for melodies, mimicking and adding
semitones.
The music piece during a silat performance is known as Grand Sarama by
some artists, while most simply refer to it as silat. The song is categorized as an
Indian Sarama song with a Yala Sarama melody (Yala province), which means
that one melody is played throughout the song, but with an adjustable tempo.
The piece begins and ends with a short overture which is called Taboh and is
played as pay homage to the music masters. The opening overture is followed
by a musical passage played in moderato for the silat’s performers to also pay
homage to their great masters.
During the fighting performances the music has a fast tempo – Layu.
These elements and steps of the background music performance are as used
by the Phigoonthong silat troupe of the Pattani province (interview,10 30 Jan

2012).
The typical musical ensemble for a silat performance is comprised of three
types of percussion and a Thai oboe that can be called either sunai, suna,
sunwa or hor. Although the specific names of the silat oboe vary by region, all
of the terms are understood by the musicians.
One percussionist plays a ‘gong’ that is considered the ‘Father’ of the ensem-
ble. His role is to be steady and even. The two other percussionists play
double-headed drums where one head of each is struck with a wooden beater
that produces a low tone and the other with the hand, producing a high tone.
The two drums also have names related to the separate tones they produce.
The larger of these drums is called (BM) gendang ibu, the ‘Mother’ where its
bigger face producing a low tone is called ‘Da,’ while the smaller side, with its
high tone produced with the wooden beater is called ‘Ja.’ The smaller drum is
called (BM) gendang anak – ‘the Child’ – and the lower tone hit with the beater
is called ‘Ding’ while its higher tone is named ‘Pa.’ These onomatopoeic sounds
are commonly used in Thai music from all regions and can be varied.
During the course of a performance the musical roles of these three percus-
sionists are said to reflect the familial roles of home life from whence they
draw their names. The father is even and steady while the mother escorts her
child. This is a well-known metaphor among silat troupes in Southern Thailand.
Musical Analysis
This score (see Figure 3.9) was transcribed (with permission) from a recording
of the Sayati Yasman troupe’s performance at Chulalongkorn University,
Bangkok, Thailand on the 21 July, 2011. The troupe is from the Yi-ngaw district
of Thailand’s Narathiwat Province.
The sunai (oboe) plays an ornamental role and the instrumentalist has free-
dom to improvise. The pitch used in this performance utilizes a Db pentatonic
scale. After a short rubato, or relatively free introduction, the ‘father’ gong
begins to mark the time in an invariant pattern that is notated as the two strong
beats in a 2/4 measure.
This transcription begins at the 36.9’ mark of the performance, at which
time a steady ‘metronomic’ pulse has already been established and the sunai
(oboe) has re-entered. From this point the rhythm, pitch, and loudness all
steadily increase.
10 Niseng Salaeh is the leader of Silat troupe from Pattani Province.

144 Binson
Figure 3.9 Silat musical score
The ‘father’ gong, which is notionally playing a metronomic pulse, provides

a guide to the gradually but steadily increasing tempo of the performance. At
the point of the performance at which the transcription begins, the first bar to
be notated is 2.6’ in duration. Then, after it is repeated twelve additional times,
the final notated bar is 1.5 seconds. The tempo over this period of twelve
repeated bars increases by an average of approximately 0.10 second of a second
per bar.
The transcription demonstrates that the ensemble increases its tempo in
a measured and uniform way. This increase in tempo occurs across all instru-
ments of the ensemble. The ability to maintain ensemble unity is considered a
reflection of the highly developed mastery of this music style by the performers.
According to silat master Mr. Salaeh, when the ensemble is paying homage
to their instructors, the tempo is always slow in order to show respect with a
peaceful and humble mind.
From the author’s observation it was found that the role of musical perfor-
mances is to accompany the tempo of the silat artist’s movements. The gong
leads the ensemble in these tempo changes to reflect those of the artist. There
is no signalling involved. It just requires intense observation on the part of the
musician and their quick reflexes (Salamae interview, 2 June 2011).
Rites and Beliefs Related to the Silat Performance
The following are three important rites closely paired to silat with the purpose
of paying homage to its great masters.
Paying Homage to Silat Instructors

The aspiring student performs a rite before their enrolment under the silat
master to show their respect. In the ritual, students are required to honour
their instructor with a tray of offerings comprised of the following:
• One whole roasted chicken which represents the whole body of silat
knowledge and it is more respectful to provide the whole of something
rather than an incomplete portion;
• Twelve candles that represent the brightness of one’s future in learning the
silat through the light they provide. The number twelve denotes two facets.
One is the twelve months of the year and the other is for the Shia branch
of Islam that worships the twelve Imams or deputies under Allah (Sutthi-
wong et al., 2000:55–57);
• Popped rice represents, through its absorption of oil during cooking, that
the student similarly absorbs the knowledge of silat from their instructor;
• An assortment of flowers where their beauty epitomizes the audience’s
appreciation for the attractiveness of the flowing movements of the silat;
• Money in the amount of 25–100 baht11 for the instructor to be well fed.
It was also found that in some areas other items are given in addition to those
listed above. For some a ring is given to symbolize the never-ending nature of
the silat as it continues forever from the past into the future. Once one has
entered the silat circle they are expected to continue for life. A piece of white
11 These gifts of reverence will vary among the schools.

146 Binson
cloth can be given that represents the student’s sincerity, purity, and openness
to learn with no colour from their own ego. A white cloth is chosen as it is by
its very nature, self-evidently clean. Then lastly, a bowl of white and yellow
sticky rice may be added with a white half on one side symbolizing the stu-
dent’s pure mind and yellow as embodying the sincerity of a monk, who
typically dons robes in this colour. It is also believed that the turmeric that
imparts this yellow colour in sticky rice protects one from stomach ailments.
Moreover, sticky rice itself is used to embody the student’s strong desire to
retain or ‘hold on to’ what is taught.
In some silat schools, the new student brings a wooden box filled with betel
nuts and leaves, a length of white cotton cloth, a knife, and 15 baht to their
instructor as gifts of reverence. The trainer keeps the cloth, knife, and coins
while returning the wooden box.
For the Phigoonthong silat troupe of the Pattani Province new students
brings the trainer a bowl containing three bunches of prepared betel sets, a
candle, and cash amounting to 24 baht (Nateplub, 2006:136). Then, the new
students are sworn in. After the student gives his tray of offerings, the master
will make a recitation while symbolically bestowing them to all ancestors of
silat. The recitation is a request of the ancient silat masters to allow him to
accept the new student. Niseng Salaeh described his training:
Before beginning the full course, the students are required to give the
teacher the ‘perkuera’ which is a set of offerings consisting of Betel nut
pieces, oil in a shell, an egg and a candle. Also a practice area is set up in
the form of a trapezium at 3.5 metres wide and 3.6 metres long. In its
middle a hole 0.5 metres wide and deep is dug. At the east of the practice
area, there will be a bamboo bench with yellow and white flags and a pil-
lar. The exit will be made close to the north-east corner, whereas the
entrance will be made close to the south-west corner. On the bamboo
bench, the student places his offerings. The band stays in the same area.
Before the practice, the teacher will recite a prayer and mix the paddy
with turmeric. Then, he will throw the paddy onto the ground at the same
time as the music begins playing. This signifies the end of the opening
ceremony of silat training (interview, 22 July 2011).
Niseng Salaeh also stated that at the end of the silat course of instruction,
which takes 40 days of serious practice, there is another rite of gratitude to
honour the master instructor. It also serves to prophesy whether each student
will be a successful silat artist or not. In this prophetic rite, a hole is dug in the
silat arena where each student cuts the throat of his votive chicken and lets it
loose to stagger around. The owner of the chicken that falls into the hole is
predicted to prosper in performing the silat. This rite ends with the instructor
reciting the du’a (blessing) to wish all of his students good luck in their future.
The last step is the graduation ceremony that is arranged at the silat master’s
house and is held between the sixth and ninth lunar months. In this ceremony
the graduating students receive a hair washing cloth to indicate the successful
completion of their silat training and are now entitled to transfer the art form
on to others.
Apart from practising the movements of silat, the students will also learn
the traditional rituals related to the supernatural powers, spirits of instructors,
guardian spirits, and kru mhor tayai (which is a collective name for all silat’s
ancestors).The author found that many of the instructor homage rituals in silat
are similar to those practised in other Thai martial arts such as Thai kick box-
ing, sword fighting and even similar to those conducted by traditional
musicians. Together these rites reflect a core Buddhist belief where one’s
instructor is held in a position of respect second only to one’s parents. With
this similarity, one could also surmise that cultures have become mixed, com-
munities have intermingled, and practices have been adopted from one group
to another. The offerings presented in the wai kru rite reflect the blending of
Animist, Buddhist, and Islamic beliefs.
Paying Homage to Silat’s Great Ancestral Masters and Land’s

Guardian Spirits
One traditional belief of silat artists in Southern Thailand is the belief in its
great masters and the land’s guardian spirits. Before a hired silat troupe ven-
tures to the performance venue they need to follow a prescribed sequence of
traditional steps. First before leaving, the silat musicians have to bestow a bowl
of betel nuts for silat’s past master musicians, to honour them, in their home.
They then proceed to perform the silat song12 three times to inform them and
the land’s guardian spirits of their upcoming trip. There is also a prayer to the
guardian spirits to protect them until they return home again. Moreover, this
performance is used as signal to call their troupe and to let the village know
they have been hired to perform.
Once they reach the vicinity, the patron is required to perform an invita-
tional rite by bringing offerings of betel nuts and leaves to the leader of the silat
troupe so as to ‘inform’ the great masters of the silat and the land’s guardian
spirits about where the troupe will perform.
12 This song is not identical with the Grand Sarana piece.

148 Binson
After the troupe’s leader has finished this local rite, the musicians again play
the song three more times. Immediately prior to the beginning of the perfor-
mance, the silat leader or the host will light the candles and raise the bowl of
offerings over his head while reciting verbal spells in reverence, to invite silat’s
great masters and their ancestors. The troupe leader will touch the bowl of
offerings to the gong, oboe and the two Thon drums after which the overture
will begin. The silat song is played three more times as an overture to the
performance.
The fighters pay homage to silat’s great ancestral masters by performing spe-
cial movement sequences from the four cardinal directions of the compass.
This ritual activity serves to warm-up both the fighter’s mind and body for the
upcoming fight. It also reveals his level of confidence and preferred strategies
to the audience and his opponent.
Along with the four directions the fighter recites four prayers, which include
a pardon to opponents, protection from enemies, popularity among neigh-
bours, and popularity among audiences. This pre-performance rite is performed
according to tradition with the intention of acknowledging both the great
masters that invented the silat art form and the beneficence of one’s personal
silat instructor.
At the end of the silat performance, the musicians again play the silat song
three times in order to finalize the show and make a symbolic farewell. When
the troupe arrives home, they conclude with the musicians playing the song
another three times to apprise the great masters and the land’s guardian spirits
of their safe arrival.
Every one to three years, whenever it is convenient for the troupe, a cere-
mony is arranged to commemorate one’s ancestors and the silat masters who
have passed away. Although according to the interviewees the paying of
respects to other entities besides Allah is considered against Islamic laws, they
support their cross-cultural traditions of their ancestors from the Malay
Peninsula. These ancestors reflect the ancient blending of Hinduism and
Buddhism, which existed in that region with the acceptance of the belief in a
relationship between the supernatural and humans. Hence these homage ritu-
als of silat exhibit traces of the historic Thai Muslim culture that exists in
southern Thailand.
Although most silat homage rituals are concerned with honouring deceased
masters, silat itself, outside of the shamanic healing silat, is reserved primarily
for celebration and is never performed during funerals.
Rites Related to the Silat Shaman

A silat shaman is one who uses silat as one of his shamanic implements in
relieving those believed to be possessed by evil spirits or an ancestor, locating
a lost item, or fulfilling a votive prayer.
In the case of illness the family will arrange for a shaman to come and per-
form a silat to hopefully appease the causative spirits. Sometimes a shaman
will invite the possessing spirit to perform the silat against another provided
opponent if it desires. In another situation, one may enlists a shaman’s assis-
tance in making a votive prayer to pass an important entrance exam. Then if it
met with success, the patron will hire a shaman again to show his appreciation
to the spirits with a silat performance.
Another ritual conducted by a silat shaman has the aim of finding his
replacement when he is getting old and wants to retire from his spiritual duties.
The shaman invites silat performers and witnesses along with the spirits of his
shamanic ancestors. The ritual itself varies greatly among individual shamans.
However, at some point the invited spirits, indicating that he is the intended
successor to continue shamanic services within the community, will possess
one of the silat artists.
Beliefs Surrounding Silat Music
There are beliefs and restrictions associated with silat that must be followed by
its musicians. In some areas it is believed that the whole set of instruments
need to be kept together as a group at all time, even during transport. Fur
thermore, one cannot use their instrument in another troupe as that would
violate the preceding rule, but there is no such restriction on the players.
According to silat traditions, the instruments are held to be members of a
family, where they are harmonious when played together, but problems would
arise if they were located with a different family, leading to an unpolished per-
formance and erroneous playing. In general it is expected that instruments will
be handled with respect. That includes it is forbidden to step over any musical
instrument as an extension of the Buddhist belief that the feet are the lowest
and the least clean parts of the body.
The instruments are believed to be instilled with the spirit of music gurus. If
one violates those rules it is expected that some misgivings will occur, in the
form of sickness or accident. A rite of apology must be undertaken immedi-
ately to mitigate any such transgression by bestowing prepared betel nuts and
water in one’s pardon to the great silat masters.
150 Binson
From the above one observes that the offerings in silat rites are common,
locally available items people that use and consume such as, sticky rice,
chicken, eggs, betel nut, white cloth, locally patterned cloth, and money in dif-
fering amounts. However, during the graduation ceremony the graduates need
to kill a chicken by cutting its neck to fulfil the wish of a supernatural being as
this ritual intends to please the spirits so the graduate will be treated well in
the future. There are also some prohibitions associated with silat’s musicians.
And musical instruments are considered sacred because the musicians have
the sense of gratitude towards them in being a tool for earning income. The
troupe’s instruments must always travel and play together with best care to
ensure the instruments remain playable prior to a performance.
Furthermore, the traditional rite of playing a silat overture two separate
times before the performance confirms that the instruments are in working
order and provides a warm up with a rehearsal (once before leaving home and
another upon arrival at the venue). That also attends to the spiritual needs of
informing their instructor and the ancestral masters, along with the land’s spir-
its, ensuring a successful performance and later, to provide thanks by virtue of
the farewell overture.
Silat’s Movement Sequences
Silat can be performed alone, in pairs, or by a group. In the solo silat, the per-
former typically displays his graceful stances combined with powerful
movements to highlight both his strength and concentration. The dual silat
can be divided into two types, with one as a contest, and the other for enter-
tainment, which is normally part of a ceremony. The group silat aims to display
elegance and variety of traditional stances.
Paying Homage to the Instructor Sequences
At the beginning, there is a solo dance ceremony to pay homage to silat’s great
masters called ‘selamat’ (see Figure 3.10). One by one the contestants will dance
and move in their own style, which requires considerable mental concentra-
tion and bodily focus. Simultaneously they will recite in Arabic a wish to be
safe from their enemies, forgiveness to their opponents, praying for love from
their neighbours, and praying for appreciation from the audience.
This section will be followed by a dance duet, or the four compass directions
dance, where both contestants dance together while again paying homage to
Figure 3.10
Selamat (Gesture of paying
homage to the teacher/
greeting).
the great silat masters. The dual silat performance begins with the two contes-
tants emerging from opposite sides of the arena, bowing to the audiences and
paying respect to each other by another ‘selamat,’ which is a touching of each
other’s hands and raising the hands to tap on their own foreheads.
Apart from showing respect to their great masters and praying for their own
safety, the dance ceremonies are a way of preparing the contestant’s bodies
and minds while highlighting their skilfulness in order to intimidate and
dispirit their opponents.
Fighting Movements
After all the ceremonies have finished, silat contestants will begin their fights
using their hands and feet in pushing, kicking, warding-off, and wrestling with
the opponent, trying to throw him down, meanwhile the band is playing its
152 Binson
a b
Figure 3.11 a. Silat; b. Thai boxing.
fast, rousing tempos (see example of fighting movements in Figures 3.12–3.17 at

the end of this chapter).
The rules of silat require that each side has to attack and defend four times.
The attacker must execute various attacks to win while the defender must pro-
tect himself by warding off the attacks, shielding himself from any brandished
weapon. The performer who falls the most or who cannot free himself from a
hold will be the loser (Komarathat 2006:122–124).
If the scores are equal, the applause of the audience or the surrendering of
a contestant results in the final decision. The tactical areas of the body forbid-
den in silat competitions include the eyes, throat, hitting with body parts other
than the ridge of the fist and the kicking of the knees or lower legs.
Figure 3.11 shows the similarity of one fighting movement when comparing
the silat to Thai kick boxing. This is an offensive action where one attempts to
attack their opponent’s head after jumping onto their knee. This reflects the
possible cross-cultural blending between the martial arts of Thai-Buddhists
and Thai-Muslims in Thailand. Although there is no reliable information as to
the origin of this movement sequence there are legends hinting that the
Muslim silat predates Thai kick boxing. The sequence is an iconic piece of cho-
reography throughout Thailand. The author surmises that since it typifies the
domination over one’s opponent it became so popular that it was imitated in
kick boxing, in the Northern Thailand’s sword fighting, as well as the iconic
Thai theatrical performance known as khon in the Central region.
The Occasions for Silat Performances
Silat is usually performed for entertainment and as an accompaniment to

other rituals such as:
• During the Muslim Hari Raya which is a three-day celebration marking the
end of Ramadan, (the Islamic holy month of fasting).
• The Birds’ Procession, which is an old tradition in the Pattani Province
held for welcoming guests. The procession consists of four artificial
imaginary birds that are believed to have come from heaven with a silat
band and a troupe of silat bare hands and silat kris dagger performers are
the leaders of the procession. A silat band will perform to accompany the
silat performance after the procession reaches the destination. There is
some evidence showing that this Bird’s procession was performed during
the visit of King Rama V in 1863 and again for the visit of King Rama VI in
1915.13
• Silat can be performed at art and cultural festivities, VIP welcoming
ceremonies, circumcisions, and rites concerning the great silat master’s
house. This category of silat can be performed without restriction as to the
time of day or location (Ratanaphan, 2006:20).
To hire a silat troupe the sponsor is required to bring the troupe’s leader a bowl
of betel nut bunches which is considered a gift to the great silat masters and
their ancestors. An agreement is then made about the time, place and the
troupe’s fee, which, in 2011, ranged from 3,000 to 15,000 baht.
Knowledge Transmission
In Thailand there are no restrictions prohibiting women from performing silat.

However, men are usually the only ones seen performing it, either as contes-
tants or as artistic performers.
Training in silat may be long or short depending upon one’s ability, poten-
tial, and perseverance. However, as those who are interested in silat training
13 Available at <http://www.prapayneethai.com/>, accessed on 2 July 2011.

154 Binson
must possess a combination of qualifications such as perseverance, training

consistency, tolerance of difficulties, temper control, generosity, and fairness
as well as obedience to the rules and regulations, most begin later, around the
ages of 12 - 20. They also need to complete the ritual of paying homage to silat’s
great masters and to have been accepted into the training.
Many silat artists start teaching their children and relatives when they are as
young as four to six years old so that they can participate in special occasions
such as in welcoming special guests to the village, or to perform on stage when
the troupe is invited to perform in large exhibitions in places such as Bangkok
for the Tourism Authority.
Silat training begins with learning the movement used in the dance to pay
homage to silat’s great masters, followed by the movement for fighting and/or
those for artistic performances. The silat movement sequences vary between
the schools, but are based on core movements such as:
• the sankha (a defense posture), langhadan (a prepared to fight, standing

posture), langhathigha (defensive hand positions with the right hand
covering the lower abdomen and the left arm stretch out at shoulder level),
(Ruengnarong, 1999:8035).
• the student will then be trained in the more basic movements: Broeloebat
(movements used when the opponent is far from oneself), kinlir (defensive
movements when facing the opponent), thoepoh boelakong (kicks), the
defensive movements against the opponent’s kicks and the swift retaliatory
or return kicking movements, satueng-ngah- tiang (the attacks from the
back). Each stance includes an adaptable movement to evade the attack
and to fight back in specific situation.
The silat training sessions usually begin with salutations to the trainer followed
by the practice of various movements and to each of the four cardinal points of
the compass such as the “taek roi see” (‘see’ means four) movement, or a move-
ment paying homage to the great masters as used in solo performances. This
could be also used for dual dances to observe the opponent’s tactics and weak
points.
There are also fighting movements: Hanuman walk, Praram shoots arrow,
horse jumping and bird flapping. Some silat artists have related stories about
their silat training as reflected in the following paragraphs.
Mr. Salaeh14 started to study silat when he was thirteen and he studied with
many teachers over the years. His teachers were Mr. Wae-Deng Sidae, Mr. Awae
Mudeng, Mr. Portae Portare, Mr. Yai Yang (Thai-Buddhist), and from the
Kelantan state of Malaysia, Mr. Waeyusoh Tanyong-Lulo and Mr. Porsudaoh
Kuelaemus. Mr. Salaeh spoke about his initial training in the Bang Pu Village of
the Pattani Province:
When I learned silat I did not have to pay any tuition fee, but I gave the
teacher a set of offerings known as perkuera. It was comprised of betel
nut and cash in the amount of 12 baht. Then after a homage ritual to silat
instructors, I practiced the twelve basics fighting movements. 1) facing
the opponent and bowing to the audience pose, 2) Tae ngorkayor (To
evaluate the opponent), 3) U-ku (To threaten the opponent), 4) Garuda,
5) Taporpa (also known as prom si nah), 6) Parabuju (To drive the oppo-
nent to make a fight), 7) Buelor khalormae (To use the hands to fight), 8)
Tikaekanae (To attack the opponent on the right), 9) Tikaekiri (To attack
the opponent on the left), 10) Tutoh (To smash the elbow into the oppo-
nent), 11) standing together to finish the silat movements, and 12) paying
respect to audience and teacher (interview, 22 July 2011).
Mr. Nilaw’s formal silat instructor was Mr. Tuan Luebeh who resided in the
Kapongtusong village, Mueng Yala District, of the Yala Province. Nilaw took up
learning the silat when he was 15 with three others from his village that have
since passed away. Their names were Mr. Sayid Rawding, Mr. Dawloh Paw-eh,
and Mr. Hama whose surname is not known. More recently, Nilaw has taught
the silat to his son, Mr. Nimasakri Nilaw and his nephew Mr. Niyi Paehaw-Eelay.
Nilaw describes his silat class:
There are two levels in learning silat. The first is learning how to pay hom-
age to the great silat masters one by one. Then the second is the actual
fighting sequences. The fighting elements include punches, kicks, throws
and tactics. The kicks are limited to below the waist. In the first lesson,
my teacher illustrated the movements that comprises the ritual of paying
homage to the great silat masters towards the four cardinal compass
directions of north, east, south, and west. We typically practised in pairs.
My month-long class was taught in the evenings from 8 to 11 pm and was
open to students of any religion that were fit and healthy. A student’s
14 Mr. Niseng Salaeh was born in 1961. He lives in Bang Pu Sub-District, Yaring District,
Pattani Province.
156 Binson
success is based on their gracefulness and correctness of their move-

ments in line with the silat traditions.
Mr. Tuan Luebeh learned silat from Mr. Haji Awae who was from the town of
Buesu in the Malaysian state of Terengganu. Mr. Tuan Luebeh’s father was
taught silat when he was in Malacca, Malaysia.
Laegnaenae lives in the Loo-boh-baya village of the Yi-ngaw district in the
Narathiwat province. He is a farmer who has never had any formal schooling.
His love of the silat began at the age of ten when he had an opportunity to be
trained in the art with the silat master Mr. Hami Kapongpeesae from the same
district. Mr. Laegnaenae does not know where his master was trained. He
described his silat training:
In my silat training, my teacher fenced in a four-metre square area as a

distinct training boundary congruent with the traditions of the ancient
beliefs. The training began with the teacher demonstrating the basic
sequence of movements for paying respect to the great silat masters. I
began by standing straight and then raising my hands up, taking one step
forward, slapping the thighs, then raising the arms with closed fists as if
preparing to punch, then ending with a dance-like manoeuvre with turns
and retreating backwards. These homage sequences are called gayong
mat. The basic movement sets continue with the rhythmically slapping
of the thighs, bringing the feet to close the step, sitting down, and then
concluding by holding the hands out in the same manner as in an Islamic
benediction. I followed the master’s demonstrations and practised the
sequences until they were perfect.
He states that it normally takes about 40 days to become proficient in the basic
homage movements to the great silat masters. Students undergoing training in
the art of silat must be strong, healthy, and be able to persevere through the
repetitive practice needed for perfecting silat movements.
In the past silat was passed on within the familial lines, for example, from a
grandfather to a grandson or from a father to a child. Lately, as fewer of the
younger generation have shown an interest in the art, the Government sector
and especially the schools and cultural centres have come to support silat
training by providing opportunities to those interested in the art to learn it
directly from local experts.
Today’s youth tend to show more interest in the artistic performances rather
than to the music that is an integral part of silat. To counter-balance this prob-
lem, during every performance silat troupes introduce and highlight the
musicians and their instruments by demonstrating the playing techniques.

Some also add new instruments to the ensemble. Care is also taken so that all
are visible to the audience to encourage the participation of more new musi-
cians, especially the oboists.
The benefits of silat training are reflected in four dimensions, the body,
brain, soul, and society. Bodily, it helps people through exercise and practised
movements that train the nerves and muscles resulting in the nimbleness of
the limbs and overall vitality. For the brain, it supports actions, quick decisions,
the immediate solving of problems, concentration, tolerance, self-confidence,
and temper control. For the soul, it teaches forgiveness and brings an accep-
tance of the ability of oneself and one’s opponent, which results in a flexibility
of thinking that leads to better planning in problem solving. For society, the
silat brings forth a group gathering, the learning of how to live in a group and
how to respect group ethics, rules, and regulations.
Cross-border transmission and blending continues as a number of Southern
Thai silat performers have reported that they often travel to perform in the
Malaysian states of Kelantan and Terengganu. They also arrange an annual get-
together, which includes many silat troupes from both Thailand and Malaysia
along with invitations to participate in Thai government sponsored exhibi-
tions such as the Thailand Tourism Authority’s travel festival (a tourist
attraction event) and the food fair of the four regions. Those invitations encour-
age silat troupes to keep their traditions alive and motivate their continued
transference to the younger generation.
Silat Troupes in Southern Thailand
There are many silat troupes in the Narathiwat, Pattani, Songkhla, and Yala
provinces as advised by my key informants, Mr. Nilaw and Mr. Salaeh, during
my fieldwork, as shown in Table 3.1.
Social Status of Silat Artists
In terms of the status of silat artist in the local society, silat performers are well
respected by others in Thai-Muslim society. A claim can be made that the cer-
emonial rite of the silat shaman provides one of the reasons silat artists are
worthy of respect.
As silat masters are typically invited to preside over many local rites that are
closely paired with peoples’ lifestyle. The rituals are designed to ensure
158 Binson
Table 3.1 List of Silat troups in Narathiwat, Pattani, Songkhla, and Yala provinces
Province Name of troupe District
Narathiwat 1.) Mayeng Saniya (Loogkaadam), Nakohutae Mueng Narathiwat District

2.) Dawloh Bukepueroh, Poh Loh Tanyong Mat Ra-ngae District
3.) Poh Loh Tuemayu, Yusoh Waeng District
4.) Yusoh troupe, Koak Kapoh Tak Bai District
5.) Jehkoh Moonoh Su-ngaikolok District
6.) Sayati Yasman, Jeh-uma Kabus Yi-ngo District
Pattani 1.) Haji Awae Buesu Baan Kawpaw Nong Chik District
2.) Useng, Pawlaw Wosha Yamu, Niseng Yamu Yaring District
3.) Ma Sino Juerangbatu Mueng Pattani District
4.) Jehkoh Suetae, Jehsoh Duku Mayo District
5.) Jooheng Mae Lan District
6.) Paw Nisoh Kapho District
Songkhla 1.) The Ya-anohkli Thepha District
2.) Areh Kubaesueluh Chana District
Yala 1.) Baerong Paghakuwae, Pajugaring Kotabaru
Kubaeharung Ghuelae, Godey Talohalaw
Kris Silat
2.) Kader Yueroh, Pajou Kuelae Maikaen Raman District
wish-fulfilment and protection from illness thus their influence and level of
respect extends way beyond that of a mere martial art.
Silat functions as a medium for the community to connect with their ances-
tors. Silat holds a special place as a respectful art in service to the community
as the silat shaman retains his dignity and respect in the Thai-Muslim society
of Southern Thailand.
Conclusion
In summary, silat traditions in Thai-Muslim community of Thailand’s four

southern-most provinces of Narathiwa, Pattani, Songkhla and Yala have been
carried down by rote; one on one, from master to student and from generation
to generation. Many silat artists follow in the path made by their parents
as they saw, heard and experienced first-hand all of its facets as young chil-
dren mingling during troupe rehearsals and performances. Then later if they
remained interested, opportunities were readily available for spontaneous

practice with elders in the family leading to enhanced professionalism.
The close integration of silat with the family usually carried over into troupe
members having the ability to play many roles. Numerous professional per-
formers could also play the troupe’s musical instruments as well and it was
common to rotate between being a martial artist and a musician.
In terms of the rites and beliefs related to silat instruction, most of the art-
ists placed a primary importance on paying homage to their instructor and to
silat’s past masters. Paying homage to one’s instructor occurs at three general
times. The first is before commencing a programme of study with their selected
instructor, while the second is before each performance expressing a sense of
gratitude and requesting their support to ensure a successful performance.
The pre-performance rite itself actually involves three stages i.e. before depar-
ture, before performing, and showing appreciation after the performance ends.
Then, thirdly, there is an annual homage rite for both their current instructors
as well as all for the ancestral masters – those that preceded him.
The homage rite to one’s instructor is indicative of the faith artists hold and
their sense of gratitude as well as respect that motivates them to act profes-
sionally with high morals. The act of offering food and other items illustrates a
belief in a supernatural world where people believe there is a teacher’s soul
and that it needs 2–3 requisite items: betel nuts, food and some troupes may
include an alcoholic drink. The performers believed their offerings will satisfy
and please those in the other world, who in-turn served as their guardian spirit
to protect and assist in the fulfilment of their wishes.
The rite of paying homage to silat shamans revealed a multi-generational
faith in the supernatural that predates other formalized religions of the world.
The author holds that whenever humans are afraid of something they cannot
readily explain, an explanatory spirit may be created, followed by attempts
made to appease it with symbolic offerings. Although most people in Southern
Thailand live in proper homes which are much safer than in the past, they
maintain their traditional beliefs in a spirit world that continues to address a
central human need of reassurance and protection. The people in the Thai-
Muslim community believe silat shamans can contact the spirits of the
deceased silat masters to request protection from sickness and other evil enti-
ties. With this power of communication silat shamans are viewed with respect
in the community. Animism existed in Thai and Malay culture before a later
layer of Buddhism and Islam was added and the wai kru and shamanic related
rites reflect this earlier belief system. Moreover, It was quite common in
Southern Thailand for Thai – Buddhists to hire a Thai-Muslim troupe to per-
160 Binson
form a silat for either healing or wish fulfilment support. This reflects the
fusion of the two religions.
In terms of music, silat music was brought into silat performance as an ele-
ment to liven and freshen up its atmosphere. More specifically, the music
served to energize the artist and heighten the engagement of the audience.
From the field research most silat artists reported knowing how to play either
of the two silat drums, as the key rhythm of silat music was repetitive and only
the tempo varies to mirror the actions of the performer(s). For the musicians,
after they have repeatedly performed the same rhythm on numerous occasions
they were able to develop and introduce more variety into the central rhythm.
The Sunai was not a popular instrument for those new to the silat troupe as
it was quite difficult to learn. It required a proficiency in the circular breathing
technique. Consequently, the number of sunai musicians was steadily decreas-
ing with the passing of each senior player. Unfortunately, many of today’s silat
troupes use a recording instead of a live and responsive musician, which fur-
ther supports its accelerated demise.
Although silat has been officially recognized as a martial art in global com-
petition, its form is quite different from the ancient silat. The ancient silat
retains its original movements involved with the rites related to supernatural
powers being passed on by one’s instructor whereas the competitive silat
known as pencak silat is concerned only with the competitive aspect of the
sport.
In the author’s opinion the adaptation of silat performances into a contem-
porary dance exercise will serve only to accelerate the disappearance of the
true martial art. The author believes the youth will pay more attention to the
contemporary silat and its music, as youth tend to desire items to distinguish
themselves from their parents as they mature.
Silat is a martial art infused with culture that brings to life its glorious his-
tory rooted in the Thai-Muslim traditions in Southern Thailand. Whilst there is
no precise evidence concerning its origin, the author found it intriguing that
an Arabic mantra is used in silat ceremonies (and not a Malay one), whilst the
beliefs in both the supernatural and a guru being the second most respected
person after one’s parents are contrary to Islamic precepts.
Regardless of the shrouded history of the silat art form, it remains an out-
standing identifier of the Thai-Muslim community even though it ancient
shamanic form is decreasing in popularity and is in danger of extinction. Both
the government and private sectors are needed to promote traditional martial
arts and their preservation so that the ancient Salamat form of silat is pre-
served. Some suggest they could organize events such as seminars, lectures,
and demonstrations to keep the ancient silat alive in both the mind and body
of Thailand’s young people. However, a question of concern remains for the

owners of this traditional art form. How can silat persist as a precious tradition
of Southern Thailand’s Thai-Muslim community?
From the author’s point of view, it can be said that, to keep silat culture alive
it needs the cooperation from many parties such as the government, the pri-
vate sector as well as strong community support in order to instil the silat
culture into the soul of the young generation.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank the Rachadapisek Sompod Fund and the Center
of Excellence for Thai Music and Culture Research of Chulalongkorn University
that supported her research budget. Also she would like to thank all the silat
masters from the Narathiwat, Pattani, and Yala provinces who imparted their
silat knowledge for this research project. With special thanks to Mr. Hama
Baeluebae who helped her in the fieldwork research. Thanks also to my
research fellows, John Garzoli and Poomjai Ruenroeng, for their efforts in tran-
scribing the music through the use of Audacity©, Sonic Visualiser©, Muse©,
and VLC©.
162 Binson
Figure 3.12 Leg capture 1–2
Figure 3.13 Wrestling and pushing

Figure 3.14 Jumping and knocking head
Figure 3.15 Front kick 1–2

164 Binson
Figure 3.16 Backward kick 1–2
Figure 3.17 Silat kris 1–2

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Gendang Silat 167
Chapter 4
Gendang Silat: Observations from Stong (Kelantan)

and from Kuala Penyu (Sabah)
Gisa Jähnichen
First Case: Kampung Stong
The tradition of silat in the small village of Stong, where it is performed as a

wedding performance, is not as strong as in some other places, where certain
silat schools dominate. Strong silat schools usually have an indicative reper-
toire of special movements, music and an individual ideological mindset,
which are often added to the general interpretation of silat as an art of attack
and self defence.
Kampung Stong is a village that has only existed since 1966, so musicians
who live here gained their skills and knowledge before they migrated to the
interior. They learnt from different teachers, and their skills in accompanying
silat were developed through contact with various silat schools which per-
formed in the coastal area of Kelantan. In Stong, these musicians have been
able to re-define their role in village life and develop their own musical style.
While some of the young men and women1 perform silat to develop skills and
techniques to compete with groups from the east coast, the musicians do not
have competitive aims. Musicians strongly prefer “Seni Silat Cantik,”2 – silat as
“Beaux Arts.” To them, qualities other than athleticism, effectiveness, and com-
petitive strength are important. The musicians are concerned with the creation
of a pleasant, holistic performance, and the satisfaction of a well educated
audience.
My chapter will focus on some selected observations of the musicians
regarding their musical communication and their apparent understanding of
gendang silat. One of the most remarkable elements is the rhythmic applica-
tion of various patterns and the relatedness between melodic articulation and
movements.
1 In Stong, some young women learn to perform silat, before they get married. They follow the
same rules as men. They can drum as well, but they do not perform as musicians.
2 In this chapter foreign words are given in Bahasa Melayu (= BM) or Bahasa Melayu Brunei
(BMB) unless otherwise stated.

168 Jähnichen
Short History of Kampung Stong
Kampung Stong is named after Gunung Stong, where the Jelawang waterfall is
situated. At 305 metres in height, Jelawang is the highest waterfall in Southeast
Asia. The story of Kampung Stong is not yet written, but Mohammad Daut bin
Awangah, one of the first inhabitants and the former village head, together
with five other families from Pasir Mas, could frame the key milestones.
Population growth near Kota Bharu in the 1970s made life very uncomfortable
especially in Pasir Mas as farmland was insufficient and already depleted.
During that time, a former logging company led by Chinese businessmen from
Gua Musang offered land to those settlers who wanted to farm the land around
the lumbered areas. The settlers built houses and streets along the riverbanks,
and the area became connected with the railway route from Kota Bharu to the
South.
In the past, the closest station was Dabong – seven hours’ walking distance
over jungle trails. In the early 1970s, a gravel street was built but bridges fol-
lowed only in the late 1980s. These bridges served the new D29-road to Gua
Musang and Raub crossing the Gunung Stong State Park.
Until 1974 the area was dominated by communist forces, which were com-
posed of Malay and Chinese soldiers. Their absolute control over the new
settlers was demanded with daily headcounts of workers, guests and family
members. Since 1976, the national Government forces has taken over and re-
organised administration and the communists were caught, chased out of the
country, or killed.
In the second wave of settlement after 1970, Hassan bin Mat arrived – a mul-
titalented musician from Kampung Mengketil Machang near Pasir Mas.
Besides gendang silat, he plays rebab as well as all kinds of drums used for main
puteri, wayang kulit and makyong. Furthermore, he is a well-known instrument
maker in Kelantan. In 1984, the family of Yusoh arrived with his three sons
Demaran, Ismail and Ramli, who all became musicians taught by Hassan and
co-educated by musicians who crossed the area from Pahang to Kelantan and
back. Ramli, the youngest, is a good serunai player and the serunai maker of
the whole district. Many people consider him to have magic skills as he is able
to catch fish with his bare hands. Hassan, Demaran, Ismail, and Ramli are the
four main musicians who form the core unit of most of the traditional events
in Kampung Stong. They are teaching their sons and other relatives. Other than
in the urban areas, they use very little audio-visual equipment. Today, more
than 20 practising musicians live in Kampung Stong, all of them farmers by
profession.
Gendang Silat 169
Rhythmic Features
Before I started to conduct research on Malay rural life, I studied all the acces-
sible literature, among them literature on silat and randai. I found information
on gendang silat and one of the following rhythmic and metric examples
accompanied by an explanation that consists of two important points: 1) we
find duple metric patterns (2/4 or 4/4), and 2) the gong is almost played off
beat (Matusky & Tan, 2004:238).
Figure 4.1 Excerpt (drums above, gong below) from a silat music example
described in Matusky & Tan, 2004: 238.
Two gendang players perform the rhythmic patterns in an interlocking

style. Each of the two drummers simultaneously plays a separate rhythm,
which produces a resultant rhythmic pattern. To accompany a given silat
competition various resultant patterns are used, but most are four beats
170 Jähnichen
long. In a typical pattern, the large gendang in oriented toward beats 1

and 3, while the drum strokes on the small gendang tend to focus on
beats 2 and 4. This orientation of strokes on the two drums is similar to
many percussive patterns in the shadow play and makyung music, and
may be seen early in the transcribed silat piece when the tempo is slow
(Example 3.19, bar 12 onwards)….
The rhythmic patterns in silat drumming are improvisatory in nature.
The short 4-beat patterns are repeated and played in various ways as the
music progresses, and at times drum rolls are featured (as in Example
3.19, bars 24–6). With a fast tempo dotted rhythm is found in the drum
parts….” (Matusky & Tan, 2004:238).
Experiencing the playing style and silat practice in Kampung Stong after some
quite detailed lessons with Hassan bin Mat and the Yusoh brothers, I want to
add: 3) In some areas there exist what are clearly triple meter and 4) in this
case, the gong is not played off beat. Furthermore, it seems also too simple to
call the percussive patterns resulting from distinct rhythms of gendang ibu,3
gendang anak4 and gong just “interlocking.” Actually, I found them very com-
plex in terms of following a certain shape of timbre in each metric unit – hence
I imagine possibly various degrees of “being interlocking.” These degrees com-
prise different levels from a simply shared rhythmical filling of a given meter to
shifting of rhythmic accents and to creating of a further dimension of different
timbre with changing dynamics that shape an overarching and multi-layered
structure. The exact sound differentiation of beats and their meaningful com-
bination is an important dimension of the whole, which is not only a question
of the beat order but also of the conscious application of sound colouring
through beating techniques and dynamics.
The order of beats played with and without mallet on different heads and
the underlying gong beat create a tension-building structure of sound colours:
Figure 4.2 shows the pattern from the view of two drummers facing each
other, which is a learning position. Later on, drummers do not depend on the
sitting position and can play as far apart as they can still listen to each other.
They then take up breathing and phrasing according to the audible informa-
tion given, without any visual signal or control. In the upper part of figure 4.2,
stems of notes in the same direction mark the same side of the drums in a mir-
roring position, i.e. for the gendang ibu the right and for the gendang anak the
3 ‘mother drum’; cylindrical drum mostly tuned lower.

4 ‘child drum’; mostly higher tuned cylindrical drum.
Gendang Silat 171
Figure 4.2 Tension building structure of sound colours in a triple meter

unit. Note beams in the same direction mark the movement
to the same side of the two drums, which face each other.
This movement co-ordination contributes essentially to the
musical communication in course of the performance. The
amount of sound colours through different beat combina-
tions shows a further dimension of the inherent rhythmical
order that enables the performers to follow or to stimulate
musically embodied expressions.
(Scheme by the author)
left hand. Certain motions while drumming serve a further important role.5
The beat No. 6 (yellow-green) varies strongly from beat No. 3 (yellow-blue). The
bodies of the drummers are moving in different directions and thus the inten-
sity of the movement enables the drummers to mark speed changes visually.
The compound outcome could be notated as seen in Figure 4.4.
5 See another interesting study on body movements of drummers in: Mashino, Ako (2009).
Making sound, communicating with each other, and being on show: Body movements in
musical performances of Balinese gamelan. Studia Instrumentorum Musicae Popularis I, New
Series. Ed. By Gisa Jähnichen. Münster: MV-Wissenschaft, pp. 165–176.
172 Jähnichen
Figure 4.3 From left to right, Zafwy bin Ramli playing gendang anak with mallet,
Ramli bin Yusoh playing serunai [oboe with quadruple reed], Demaran
bin Yusoh playing the gong and Hassan bin Mat playing gendang ibu.
(Photo by the author)
Figure 4.4 Rhythmic pattern in triple meter. (Notation by the author).

Gendang Silat 173
Figure 4.5 The 12-pulse pattern is divided in its centre and the first pulse of the second half
becomes a main beat. Then, the preceding two pulses are added as ‘auftakt.’ At the
turning point, two strong beats following each other directly mark the meter change.
(Scheme by the author)
Only when becoming very fast will the pattern be shortened and compensated
as given in Figure 4.5.
In this case we get to the duple meter and the off-beat playing of the gong.
But as far as I could observe, turning triple into duple meter did not happen
often and is rather not representative for gendang silat in Kampung Stong.
However, I could find similar triple meter structures illustrating gendang silat
in a video made by the Jabatan Muzium dan Antikuiti6 to introduce randai and
its relationship to gendang silat.
I found another triple meter example in a video made about a gathering of
the Pahang State Administration. The invited musicians played a slightly dif-
ferent but clearly triple meter percussion pattern, which seems to be related to
the way of playing in Kampung Stong.
Triple meter is quite a rare phenomenon in music performances east of the
Central Asian cultural space. Not surprisingly, only music forms which clearly
migrated from the West, such as Iberian or Arabian dances and some of their
derivatives, are related to triple meter. Most of these dances follow a concept
of circular movements with different starting and ending points. The musical
motion in the triple meter found in Stong may indicate a special approach to
the interpretation of silat movements. Further studies on the relationship
between early-migrated dance forms and silat movements could clarify some
historical aspects connected to this phenomenon.
6 Kemetarian Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Warisan Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, without year.
174 Jähnichen
The young silat performers in Stong, who were trained by 85-year-old Che
Abdul Rahman bin Awang The from Stong and Yusof bin Musa from Pasir Mas,
who comes occasionally for a visit, prefer their local Seni Silat Cantik.7 All of
them are able to drum. They do not intend to modernise their repertoire
through fragmenting the music and inserting new songs. For example, they do
not incorporate the lagu silat [silat songs] from silat groups that become
famous on television, or change their style as a result of groups from other
areas whose performances they may have seen in films.
Melodic Features
The principle of “buah and bunga”8 commonly applied on the description of

the serunai playing style is another issue that is worth re-examining. As Ramli
bin Yusoh explained, each melodic movement indicates speed and turns of the
silat performer. Ramli’s sentiments were shared by his brothers, who all play
serunai when needed. The so called “heavily ornamented” melodic lines alter-
nating with “dead”9 notes of longer duration are actually essential for directing
the silat performers in their movements. We cannot, therefore, call such
melodic features as simply “ornament.” These musical features direct the silat
performers (see Figure 4.6) and are more than just ornamental. Ramli insists
that these fast moving phrases are not just improvisatory but codified and fol-
low a certain rule of melodic shapes. Changing pitches on notes with longer
duration indicate turns in a vertical direction while faster melodic movements
mark turns in a horizontal direction.10
For example, the still free metric introduction is able to “draw” audibly each
small hand, finger and head movement. A long trill and its end show the begin-
ning and the end of waving fingers to pull strength of concentration into the
body.
7 Interview with Zawry bin Ramli (28) and Nurub Huda binti Ibrahim (19), 20th March,
2010, Kampung Stong.
8 ‘fruits and flowers’ – sustaining tones changing with sections of rich ornamentation
9 ‘dead note’ is a long sustaining tone without any ornamentation (Matusky & Tan,
2004:239).
10 In relation to an upright body position ‘vertical’ means up and down; while ‘horizontal’
means movements into any direction to the side, with any part of the body including
jumping and crouching, even turning the head. Refinements are a matter of familiarity
with the performer’s understanding and the combination of intervals with the indicated
speed of movements.
Gendang Silat 175
Figure 4.6 Free metric introductory section of the serunai and entering percussion. (Notation
by the author)
In Figure 4.6, we can follow the described finger movements twice, with
changing vertical positions and finally a turn in horizontal direction. The free
metric introduction leads the silat performer into the right starting position.
Melodically directed movements and the successively added drum patterns
negotiate not only the real space of action but also the spiritual way of mutual
understanding between the silat performers and the musicians.
Silat music calls into question the use of the term “accompaniment.”
Gendang silat in Stong directs movement and serves a purpose greater than
accompaniment. During performances of silat at wedding celebrations, music
and silat movements are correlated to an extent that they have to be seen on
the same level of mutual communication. Therefore, music does not accom-
pany but it leads movements, and in their turn, movements do not simply
illustrate but stimulate music.
Second Case: Kuala Penyu
Kuala Penyu in Sabah, East Malaysia, is situated 135 km Southwest of Kota

Kinabalu. Important towns in the neighbourhood are Beaufort, Menumbok
and Membakut. Almost all villages have road access and are connected through
ferries. The 58 villages of the district by the same name are inhabited by Dusun
Tatana, Brunei, Bisaya, Kedayan, Bajau, Chinese and other minority groups.
Among them are small groups from the Philippines, who are working in the
service sector.
Here, I could observe a group of Brunei musicians recommended by Damit
bin Saat from the University of Sabah. The population of Brunei dominates the
district if the group of Kedayan is added, which is very closely related to the
Brunei.
176 Jähnichen
Table 4.1 Ethnic groups and distribution in Kuala Penyu. (Source: District Office of
Kuala Penyu, 2010)
Ethnic group Total Percentage Location
Dusun Tatana 7,885 31.5% Mukim Bundu, Sitompok

Bisaya 6,981 27.5% Mukim Kilugus, Mukim Kerukan
Brunei 6,380 25.5% Mukim Mempakul, Mentabawan
Bajau 1,471 05.5% Mukim Sitompok
Kedayan 1,305 05.0% Mukim Melikai
Chinese 488 02.0% Mukim Sitompok
Others 390 01.0% Scattered
Figure 4.7 Brunei standard ensemble (open source, 2008). On the left is pictured a
man playing marwas; at the back is a man playing dua bandingan; in
the middle is a man playing gulintanang; and on the right is a man
playing canang satu.
Silat performances are “accompanied” by an ensemble consisting of a gulint-

angan, two tawak-tawaks, one canang satu and a gendang. In that specific case,
the gendang was replaced by a kompang positioned on a chair and played with
sticks like a Yemeni mirfa11 – a practise I have also noticed in a performance of
11 Kompang is a Malay frame drum, widely used in various traditional performances and
mirfa is a Yemeni flat kettle drum that is played with rods rather than sticks. A mirfa-type
drum is also used in West-Sumatran tabuik processions.
Gendang Silat 177
silat music by musicians from Negeri Sembilan.12 Silat ensembles in Brunei

contain one gulintangan set, two knobbed gongs dua bandingan, one canang
satu and one short cylindrical drum marwas. This standard ensemble does not
apply to all Brunei associations and can be changed.13
The group in Kuala Penyu differed in tuning from the given Brunei standard
as well. The tone stock of the gulintangan comprises two sets of overlapping
rows with these approximate intervals:
Figure 4.8 Tuning of instruments used by the Brunei group in Kuala Penyu. (Notation and
drawing by the author)
Figure 4.9 Brunei group in Kuala Penyu. On the left a man is playing
gulintanang; in the middle a man is playing kompang
(substituting for the marwas); to the right of the pole two men
are playing tawak-tawak. (Photo by the author)
12 Short performance on the veranda of the Negeri Sembilan house in the cultural village
“Satu Malaysia,” Menara Kuala Lumpur, 2nd March 2010.
13 See section “Brunei” and related entries in: Peters, Joe ed. (2003). Sonic Orders in ASEAN
musics. Singapore: Armoure Publishing.
178 Jähnichen
Figure 4.10 Excerpt transcription from the Brunei group in Kuala Penyu. The first two rows
show the interlocking patterns of the gulintangan in an unchanged rhythmic
scheme. The two mallets are used in a parallel movement. The percussion section
consists of canang, two tawak-tawak and the drum, follows a steady pattern. The
drum is played off beat. (Notation by the author)
The repertoire of this group contains 12 different pieces, which differ slightly
in tempo and melodic introduction. They are all in duple meter and the tempo
does not show much variance in one piece. Besides the ensemble, the tuning
and the repertoire are clearly different from gendang silat in Kampung Stong.
But above of all, the function of this kind of gendang silat is remarkably dis-
similar. The melodic line does not influence or direct the movements14 and the
sound features elicit mental and physical stimulation through repetitive, loud
and quite fast pulsing patterns. Tension building elements are produced
through different dynamic accents of the gongs, which can be played and
muted in various ways.
Related to the function of gendang silat in performances of the Brunei peo-
ple in Kuala Penyu is the prevailing contact with other groups in the context of
sports competitions. Although an adaptation of those groups’ performance
styles is not intended, musical skills and underlying ideas are trained accord-
ing to preferences demonstrated in these competitions. Modern media such as
television programmes and audio-visual recordings on silat competitions play
a further role in shaping playing techniques and performance practices that
are commonly recognised. Hence, they aim to compete musically with the
mainstreamed gendang silat, distributed through mass media. Thus, not sur-
prisingly, silat music ensembles of Brunei people living in Kuala Penyu also
play for silat performances, weddings and festivals of the Bisaya or the Dusun
Tatana. Obviously, the athletic and competitive aspect of this martial art is
more important to the performers and the audience. They understand
14 However, this practice is still different from observations on rhythmic pulsation made by
Paul H. Mason explored in his chapter on Silek Minang in the present volume.
Gendang Silat 179
themselves as part of the sport undertaking and feel strongly responsible for
the success of their candidates in competitions. The “seni cantik”-aspect is less
emphasised.15
Discussion
These two examples of silat show some of the differences that can be mani-
fested in performances as an art, as a sports competition, and finally as a tool
to stabilise mental strength, which seems to be the joint feature. Silat as it is
described and analysed in the still few academic sources should be categorised
into different perspectives from which it is seen, such as 1) Attack and self
defence, 2) Sport, and 3) Art.
This division, though made only for academic analytical reasons,16 allows us
to observe one and the same subject in its various qualities and functions.
While putting all these perspectives on one level, differences in appearance
and in the communication patterns of the performers are often still not clear
or are even contradictory. For example, the prevailing function of gendang silat
as part of sports competitions as performed by the Brunei people in Kuala
Penyu explains the limited repertoire and the interchangeability of this limited
repertoire with different ethnic groups. A direct comparison between rhyth-
mic patterns in Kuala Penyu and Stong, where the competitive perspective is
of subordinate importance, would not make sense.
But it is not only different perspectives of primary functions that have to be
considered. If I want to observe the performance from the aspect of the musi-
cians, I have to be aware of their meaning in a certain part of the performance.
The emphasis of the roughly named perspectives ‘attack and self defence,’
‘sport,’ and ‘art’ can change in course of a longer performance. Additionally,
these perspectives should be refined and further differentiated according to
the actual situation and the personality of musicians and performers. Thus,
musicians can play very different roles following the starting perspective and
progressive changes of a given performance. Another point which I want to
highlight is the use of certain terms. Silat that is in most cases regarded as
15 This observation of the importance of the athletic and competitive aspect of this martial
art in regards to the performers and the audience mirrors those made by de Grave, Paet-
zold and Williams for Indonesian performance contexts. See their chapters in the present
volume.
16 Other than academic reasons are formal constructions used for administrative purposes
by organisations such as the IPSI and PERSILAT, which are not discussed in this chapter.
180 Jähnichen
Malay art of ‘self defence’ is actually a Malay category of ‘attack and self
defence.’ The ‘art factor’ comes in much later and forms another layer of under-
standing. Although almost anything can be called an art which is somehow
equipped with a set of complicated rules, we all know that this naming is dif-
ferent from a philosophical meaning of art as a term for a social phenomenon.
Speaking about ‘attack and self defence’ does not point automatically towards
a competitive idea of a sport. First of all silat might be a real attack and self-
defence that is measured in terms of its effectiveness. The competitive idea is
a separate but coexisting layer of understanding. Competitive sport replaces
the serious fight in peaceful times as it may be the case with all other types of
sport fights. Sports performances live on playing roles and roles need role attri-
butes that help to demonstrate body control and aesthetics in shaping a
performance that can be clearly evaluated by a panel of experts. Thus, musical
accompaniment can be seen as an attribute symbolising these roles under spe-
cial circumstances such as a sport fight, in which different parties are
represented by the silat performers.
If the music becomes an indivisible part and plays a leading role as seen in
Kampung Stong, we can see that silat as an art implies all aspects of an artistic
performance including its expressive skills to communicate nonverbal con-
tents and – going beyond the primary appearance – an artistic mindset derived
from basic philosophical ideas.
As an art, silat depends strongly on a co-educated audience which is able to
enjoy more than a simple winner-loser construction.
The observations17 in Stong and Kuala Penyu are only a small contribution
at the very beginning of further necessary studies on gendang silat. They may
help to understand the great variety of silat performances carried out by differ-
ent communities in Malaysia. I strongly recommend the use of audio-visual
sources and related technologies to achieve a comprehensive overview and to
explore significant details of the relationship between gendang silat and per-
formed movements.
References
Draeger, Donn F. & Robert W. Smith. 1980. Comprehensive Asian fighting arts. Tokyo:
Kodansha International.
17 The observations took place during several field trips between December 2007 and March
2009.
Gendang Silat 181
Kunst, Jaap. 1994. Indonesian music and dance. Traditional music and its interaction with
the West. A compilation of articles (1934–1952) originally published in Dutch, with
biographical essays by Ernst Heins, Elisabeth den Otter and Felix Lamsweerde.
Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute/ University of Amsterdam – Ethnomusicology
Centre ‘Jaap Kunst.’
Maryono, O’ong. 2000. Pencak Silat as Humanistic Discipline. Rapid Journal, Vol. 5, No.
2, Book 16, 2000, pp. 35 – 37.
Mashino, Ako. 2009. Making sound, communicating with each other, and being on show:
Body movements in musical performances of Balinese gamelan. In: Studia
Instrumentorum Musicae Popularis I, New Series. Ed. by Gisa Jähnichen. Münster:
MV-Wissenschaft, pp. 165–176.
Nor, Mohd. Anis Md.. 1986. Randai Dance of Minangkabau Sumatra with Labannotation
Scores. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press.
Matusky, Patricia & Tan Sooi Beng. 2004. The Music of Malaysia. The Classical, Folk and
Syncretic Traditions. SOAS Musicology Series. Burlington: Ashgate.
Peters, Joe (ed.). 2003. Sonic Orders in ASEAN musics. Singapore: Armoure Publishing.
Pugh-Kitingan, Jacqueline. 1988. Instruments and Instrumental Music of the Tambunan
Kadazan/Dusun. Sabah Museum and Archives Journal, i/2 (1988), pp. 24–61.
Randai – Aspek Komunikatif Dalam Randai Tradisional. Jabatan Muzium dan Antikuiti
and Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian & Warisan. Kuala Lumpur. (no year).
Sheikh Shamsuddin. 2005. The Malay Art Of Self-defense: Silat Seni Gayong. Berkeley:
North Atlantic Books.
Zainal Abidin Shaikh Awab & Nigel Sutton. 2006. Silat Tua: The Malay Dance Of Life.
Kuala Lumpur: Azlan Ghanie.
Zawry bin Ramli, Nurub Huda binti Ibrahim, Gisa Jähnichen. 2010. Personal communi-
cation, 20th March, 2010, Kampung Stong.
182 Kartomi
Chapter 5
Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence

Culture in the Lingga Regency of Indonesia’s Riau
Islands
Margaret Kartomi
Introduction
The art of self-defence called silat is practiced in virtually every part of the far-
flung Malay-speaking world, including large areas of Sumatra, coastal
Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Maluku, the coastal areas of many other islands of
Indonesia, and West and East coastal Malaysia. It occurs in two distinct forms
– (i) dance-like displays of martial arts to entertain guests and (if at a wedding)
bridal couples and (ii) fighting matches. Only a few of its distinctive forms in
many areas have been researched to date.1
Not surprisingly in view of its wide distribution, silat is rich in local tech-
niques, meanings and traditional customs in the areas where it is performed,
and no more so than in the Lingga Regency in the western part of Indonesia’s
Kepulauan Riau Islands Province (Kepri), the main location of this chapter.
Here silat performances are embedded in a distinctive local silat culture that is
1 Traditional Sumatran silat performance styles researched to date include some West Sumatran
variants (Barendregt 1994, 1995, and Pätzold 2000) and some Riau and Riau Island variants in
the Suku Mamak and Bintan areas respectively (Kartomi 2013). Some styles, such as silat pauh
in upstream Minangkabau, possess a high degree of magic potency that is determined nu-
merologically through its seven categories of movement (e.g. kicking, hitting, and evading)
and four kinds of kick-fighting (Barendregt 1995, 128). Other Indonesian styles that have been
studied, such as in West Java (Pätzold 2000 and Wilson 2009) and Central Java (Maryono 1998),
are based on their own elaborate philosophical meanings and routines. Moreover, few of their
counterparts in other parts of Southeast Asia have been studied. Some exceptions are Farrer’s
study (2006) of some Malaysian silat groups who trace their pedigree back to Old Acehnese
and Old Minangkabau styles, e.g., to the Acehnese silat tua and the Minangkabau silat tuo,
meaning “old silat.” Awab and Sutton (2006) suggested that a “northern” style of silat tua origi-
nally developed at Pattani in southern Thailand from the time of its people’s conversion to
Islam or earlier, and that this form then spread much later to Malaysia, including Penang
Island, where a guru teaches the art of silat tua based on the four elements and the movements
of certain animals, preceded by meditation.

Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence Culture 183
still practised in most villages and is linked to the adat di-raja (traditional royal
customs) of the former Malay sultanate of Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang,2
which lasted from 1528 to 1911 (Andaya & Andaya 2001), when the last sultan –
Abdulrahman – fled the Dutch colonial power to Singapore. The sultan’s
capital was at Daik – now the capital of the Lingga Regency on the island of
Lingga, while the viceroy’s palace was at Penyengat, near the provincial capital
Tanjungpinang on Bintan Island. (Map 5.1).
In 2013, I recorded some silat performances in Desa Merawang and several
other villages near the palace at Daik-Lingga. They always comprise two styles
– the displays of martial arts called silat penghormatan (“respectful silat”) or –
if at a wedding, silat pengantin (“bridal couple silat”), and the combative duels
called silat belawanan (“fighting match silat”) respectively.3 In 2011, I also
recorded silat performances at Kampung Bugis on the outskirts of the capital
city Tanjungpinang on Bintan Island, located near the former viceroy’s palace
at Penyengat. Because both areas were part of the sultanate of Riau-Lingga-
Johor and Pahang, I expected the performances to be very similar. However,
I discovered some important differences of style and cultural setting. Per
formances in both areas celebrate the spirits of the famous ancestral Malay
hero Hang Tuah and his four comrades, but in a different way. To fully grasp the
comparison summarised below, readers may wish to read my article about silat
lima at Kampung Bugis (Kartomi 2013).
After introducing the Malay legend of Hang Tuah, this chapter describes a
silat performance in Desa Merawang, places it in its traditional cultural setting
in and around Daik Lingga – the former capital of the sultanate of Riau-
Lingga-Johor and Pahang4 – and defines its distinctive characteristics in
comparison to the silat lima performances in Kampung Bugis on Bintan Island
to the north.
2 This is the official name of the sultanate of Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang in Riau Islands
Province today. The announcer at the impressive Opening Ceremony of the First Festival
Tamadun Melayu in Tanjungpinang on September 26–28, 2013, repeated the name many times
in the presence of guests from many countries of Southeast Asia, including myself.
3 Foreign words are given in Indonesian unless otherwise stated: A=Arabic, BM= Malay, BML=
Malay-Lingga, Skrt = Sanskrit.
4 Over the centuries the capitals of the Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang kingdom (as it is called
in Kepulauan Riau today) moved between those four centres for security’s sake, and the name-
order of the kingdoms varied according to the historical era referred to.
184 Kartomi
Map 5.1 Map of the Lingga Regency (capital: Daik) to the south of Bintan Regency
in the Province of the Riau Islands (based on map in Prayitno, 1983: 20)
The Hang Tuah Legend
The story of the exploits of the legendary Hang Tuah and his four comrades
who defended the sultan of Melaka (from c.1500) has been told in many ver-
sions across the generations, including in a Malay literary work titled the
Hikayat Hang Tuah, first published in 1908 by William Shellabear (Shellabear
1967).5
In the oral Lingga version, it is said that Hang Tuah was born at Sungai
Duyung on Lingga Island,6 that he moved to Bintan when he was fourteen
and, on hearing that the sultan needed a panglima (military commander),
sailed to Melaka at twenty to serve the sultan (pers. comm., Lazuardy, Daik,
September 2013). In Kampung Bugis, on the other hand, it is believed that Hang
Tuah was born in Melaka and that his parents moved from there to Bintan
where the hero met his four comrades Hang Jebat, Hang Kasturi, Hang Lekiu
and Hang Lekir, and shared many adventures with them. In both Bintan and
Lingga the people believe that Hang Tuah then returned to Melaka where he
became the sultan’s leading warrior. There he was eventually manoeuvred into
fighting his comrade Hang Jebat in a duel that lasted seven days and nights,
and because they were both expert fighters, Hang Tuah had to muster all his
silat skills and endurance to kill Hang Jebat in a display of ultimate loyalty to
the sultan.
Because few people can bear to hear this tragic story of their ancestral
heroes, the final part of the story is rarely told or performed. For example,
bangsawan theatre directors in Lingga say that although they prefer to perform
stories about past Malay heroes and aristocrats (BM., orang bangsawan), they
5 According to the Sejarah Melayu (Malay Chronicles), the Malay sultanates such as Riau-
Lingga-Johor and Pahang derive from the legendary Prince Nara Singa of the 7th century
Buddhist kingdom of Sriwijaya (located near Palembang), who migrated with his followers to
Bintan, Singapore and Malacca, where his royal descendant established the sultanate of
Melaka in the late 14th century. The heroes Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat with their three other
comrades Hang Kasturi, Hang Lekiu and Hang Lekir are said to have defended the sultanate
of Melaka in the 15th century, and spent parts of their lives at Riau (present-day Tanjungpinang)
on the island of Bintan. After the Portuguese defeated and established their power at Melaka
in 1511, the sultan of Melaka fled to Johor, and his successor then moved to Riau on Bintan
Island. In the 16th century the sultan of Riau-Johor moved again to at Daik on Lingga Island
to the south, and his successors ruled the sultanate of Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang from
1528 to 1911, when the Dutch forced the last Sultan to flee to Singapore, where he died in 1930.
6 People in other areas point out that two other rivers called Duyung also exist on Bintan Island
and near Melaka.
186 Kartomi
avoid enacting the story of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat because it is so sacred
and ends so tragically.7
However, some silat terms referred to in the following description of a silat
performance are said to derive from the legend of Laksamana (“Admiral”)
Hang Tuah, such as duduk siap laksamana, meaning “sit ready (like an) admi-
ral” (i.e. like Hang Tuah in the sultan’s court, pers. comm., Wardi bin Ibrahim,
Desa Merawang, October 2013). Another term – silat lilin sembah – is believed
to derive from a sembah (bowing) movement in the tari lilin (“candle dance”)
of the former Daik palace, and the silat langkah lilin (“silat candle step”)
sequence may have a similar derivation (pers. comm., ibid).
A Silat Performance at Desa Merawang, near Daik-Lingga
One late afternoon in October 2013, a silat mahaguru (master) named Wardi
bin Ibrahim led a silat performance in Kampung Budus, a hamlet in Desa
Merawang, Kecamatan Lingga, Kabupaten Lingga. Before it began, three musi-
cians (BML., pandak) in the street struck up their loudly-carrying music on
their hanging gong (tetawak) and a pair of cylindrical drums –(gendang ibu
[“mother drum”] and gendang anak [“child drum”]) – which were suspended
around their necks (Figure 5.1).8 In the lagu pembuka (“opening music”) the
gong played on every fourth beat, and as the tempo accelerated it played
on every second beat. The audience who gathered were fisher folk, farmers,
builders, shopkeepers, and home carers who greatly enjoy watching silat
performances. Many still esteem the memory of the former sultanate of Riau-
Lingga, as their forebears provided services to the nearby palace.9
7 However, the director of the Sanggar Sri Mahkota once performed the story of Hang
Nadim, a younger brother of Hang Tuah (pers. comm., Waridi, Tanjungpinang, September
2013). Bangsawan is a Malay theatre form with European-style scenery and stage wings
that developed and spread in the Malay world from the early 20th century.
8 The cylindrical drums measured 50 cm and 47 cm in length and 32cm in diameter respec-
tively. A cord (tali angin) passed through a hole (pusat angin, “wind centre”) in the body
of each drum so that the player could suspend it around his neck. On other occasions
another musician played a 30-cm long wooden sruné (oboe) that had 7 front finger holes
and one rear hole, and when the circular-breathing player’s cheeks blew out, they almost
touched the quarter-moon-shaped piece of coconut shell that protruded in front of the
quadruple reed mouthpiece. The sruné provided the melodic line in semitonal and micro-
tonal intervals within the range of a sixth.
9 They are particularly proud of Sultan Mahmud Riwayat Syah (1787 – 1812) who resisted
Dutch aggression, and are a little less proud of the last Sultan – Abdul Rahman Muazam
Figure 5.1 Musicians in standing position play a gendang ibu (“mother drum”), gendang anak
(“child drum”), and a tetawak (gong) at an outdoor silat performance in the hamlet
of Desa Merawang, Kampung Budus, Kecamatan Lingga, Kabupaten Lingga
(September 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi Thomas)
Tradition requires that a ceremony to invoke the spirits be held before a

performance begins. The mahaguru sat cross-legged in a circle on the floor of
his house with two novices, three teenage pesilat, and an adult pesilat
(Harpiandi). The three teenage pesilat wore pink and the two eleven-year old
novices wore yellow Malay trouser suits (teluk belanga), each with a shiny kain
telepuk (songket)10 tied around their waists and a peci or songkok (untasselled
fez) cap on their heads (Figure 5.2).
The music stopped momentarily. To bring on a mystical aura, the grandmas-
ter quietly uttered a mantra srimuka (Skrt., “opening incantation”) or
jampi-jampi (BM) in rhythmic pantun quatrains. He motioned to the group to
concentrate silently on their breathing techniques (ilmu nafas) and to contact
the spirits of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat, which would help them acquire the
Syah II, who was installed as Sultan at the Daik-Lingga palace in 1887, went to Singapore
a few years later, returned from Singapore to live at Penyengat around 1901 but then fled
to live in exile in Singapore between 1911 and his death in 1930. Some feel he abandoned
Lingga, although whether it was ever safe for him to return there, no one can say.
10 This brocade-style silk or cotton fabric has interwoven gold or silver threads.
188 Kartomi
Figure 5.2 Calling on the spirits of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat before a silat performance led by
mahaguru Wardi (in black) in Desa Merawang (October 2013; photo: Karen
Kartomi Thomas)
required physical and spiritual strength (tenaga dalam) for their performance
and guide their actions, especially when attacked. With bowed heads and
closed eyes they pressed their hands and fingers together vigorously till their
hands began to shake up and down, at first slightly, then violently; and then
their whole upper bodies and heads began to shake. After a few minutes, the
mahaguru gently touched their wrists and stopped them shaking. They were
ready to perform.
The musicians started playing the lagu pembuka again at moderate tempo,
with the gendang ibu entering first, closely followed by the gendang anak, and
with the tetawak (gong) playing on every second beat. The pair of drums11 con-
tinued to produce varying interlocking rentak (rhythms, as in Figure 5.10) with
timbres that the musicians referred to by the onomatopoetic sounds tak, dung,
dang and kong, with the latter coinciding with a gong stroke).12 One important
interlocking rhythm was:
11 Each drum had a fish skin head on the right and a goatskin head on the left. Fish (ikan
bental) skin heads and female goatskin heads sound more nyaring (“resonant”) than male
goat or cow skin, the drummers explained.
12 An optional additional instrument is the gendang bebano, a frame drum of 30–35 cm
diameter made of coconut tree timber with rattan lacing. All terms in this paragraph are
in local Lingga Malay.
t . t . / da . . da/ k
. du . k / . t . . /. da . du /,
where t= tak, du= dung, da= dang and k= kong (coinciding with a gong stroke),
and the forward slash represents a barline marking the meter.
A novice then entered from the back of the arena and knelt down in the
sembah mejujung (BML., “bow of great respect”) position, with his right leg over
his left “to protect his vital parts” (pers. comm., mahaguru Wardi). Looking
straight ahead he performed a sembah mejujung, alias silat lilin sembah (“silat
candle bow”13) to the mahaguru and the other pesilat present (Figure 5.3). His
hands were pressed together at eye level, as tradition required his hands not be
raised above the former sultan’s head. He then performed the routine seni silat
sabar menanti (patient and defensive art of self-defence) movements of a silat
pengantin routine, which is usually performed in front of a bridal couple (pen-
gantin) at a wedding. He performed decorative (bunga, “flower”) arm and hand
movements in circular and figure-of-eight formations while taking seven steps
forward, then seven steps backwards, and performed another sembah meju-
jung before leaving the arena.
The other novice then entered, again from the back of the arena, and took a
widely spaced langkah lilin (“candle step”) forward (Figure 5.4) followed by six
more, widely-spaced steps. Standing with his legs wide apart in langkah sind-
ing (“lengthy step”) position, he performed decorative movements of his arms
and hands, accompanied by an iterative gong rhythm: //: I I I . :// (where I
denotes a gong stroke and a dot denotes a rest in a four-four bar). Several other
pupils then performed similar decorative silat pengantin episodes, each begin-
ning with a sembah mejujung/sembah lilin.
The musicians opened the next piece (lagu penerus, “continuing piece”) at a
faster tempo, with the gong sounding on every beat. The adult pesilat
(Harpiandi) engaged one of the teenage pesilat in a duel. After punching
(memukul) and parrying (menangkis) each other, the teenage pesilat evaded
(menghindar) his opponent’s attacks by taking three steps around an imagi-
nary triangle (i.e., he performed a langkah segi tiga, “step around a triangle”)
and attacked him from above. However, Harpiandi warded him off by seizing
his arm from below, forcing him to run away (Figure 5.5).
13 The candles refer to the ritual female inai lilin (“henna candle”) or lilin genggam (“hold the
candlesticks”) dance performed before bridal couples at Lingga weddings, in which the
dancers hold candlesticks in each hand and wear five high copper bunga inai (“henna
flowers”) in their headdresses, and the music resembles that of silat performances.
190 Kartomi
Figure 5.3 A novice performs a respectful sembah mejujung in sitting position with his right leg
over his left leg to protect his vital parts, Desa Merawang (October 2013; photo:
Karen Kartomi Thomas)
Figure 5.4 A novice takes a widely spaced step forward in the langkah sinding position, with
arms protecting his face in Desa Merawang (October 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi
Thomas)
Another teenage pesilat then engaged the mahaguru in an affray and suc-
cessfully manoeuvred him into a compromising lock-hold (kuncian) position,
whereupon the mahaguru knelt on his left leg to give himself more power,
gripped his opponent’s right wrist and upper left arm (warding off a lock-hold
– tangkisan kuncian sequence) (Figure 5.6) and, seizing his pupil’s right arm,
tripped him up by inserting his right foot between his opponent’s legs (Figure
5.7).
The mahaguru was then able to throw off (melempar) his opponent by forc-
ing his head to the ground, making him stumble, and warding off his punch
(menangkis bantingan) to force him to somersault away (perform a langkah
sentuh) (Figure 5.8). With an averted gaze, the pupil and the mahaguru then
performed a closing sembah in duduk siap laksamana position (the mahaguru
is shown in Figure 5.9).
The mahaguru and his adult opponent then began a series of exciting silat
belawanan fighting matches. First they took seven very widely spaced steps
away from each other, “like a tiger prowling,” in the langkah macan liar (“savage
tiger sequence”). They evaded each other’s punches (menghindar pukulan)
and surprised and confused each other several times by stepping around three
sides of a trident (i.e. performed a langkah trisula). Finally the grandmaster
threw off his opponent with a blow to his head and neck (memukul kepala dan
dagu).
After the performance, Bp Wardi explained that in order to pursue his pas-
sion for performing silat, he had engaged from the age of eleven in four years
of intensive silat study. His mahaguru was the late Bp Zakaria, who taught him
silat sah Daik-Lingga, “the authentic Daik-Lingga silat style.” With a pedigree
that extends over at least four known generations, Zakaria told him that it was
more elegant than other styles because it followed the adat di-raja (royally-
sanctioned customs) of the former sultanate of Riau-Lingga, with its centre in
Daik. Wardi said that Zakaria used to take him and his other devoted pupils
into the forest at night to teach them secret moves that no-one else was per-
mitted to see, especially any potential enemies. He also told Wardi that until
the early 1980s he used to accompany a group of pesilat in annual processions
to rid a village of evil spirits (arakan bersih kampung).
Zakaria said he advised his pupils when performing to listen closely to the
gong beat and the irregular stresses and regular interlocking rhythms of the
192 Kartomi
Figure 5.5 The adult pesilat is attacked by his opponent from above (photo: Karen Kartomi
Thomas)
Figure 5.6 The mahaguru seizes his opponent’s arm to ward off his lock-hold, Desa Merawang
(October 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi Thomas)
Figure 5.7 Kneeling, the mahaguru seizes his opponent’s right arm and trips him up, Desa
Merawang (October 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi Thomas)
Figure 5.8 The mahaguru forces his opponent’s head to the ground, forcing him to somersault
away, Desa Merawang (October 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi Thomas)
194 Kartomi
Figure 5.9 With an averted gaze, the mahaguru performs a closing sembah in duduk siap
laksamana position, Desa Merawang (October 2013; photo: Karen Kartomi
Thomas)
“mother” and “child” drums, which influence their heart-rate and breathing.
He also told them to listen to the sruné (oboe) part, if present, because it con-
tributes to the mystical potency of the performance.14
As a sruné player was not available in the performance described above,
I have included a transcribed excerpt (Figure 5.10 below) of a drum, gong and
sruné performance that we recorded in the outdoor pavilion of the Museum
Cahaya Daik Lingga. After producing a long-held central tone (A), the sruné
player over-blew up a seventh and played some descending half-tone slurs
before returning to the central tone, after which he played more slurs that rose
up a tone, a semitone, and yet another semitone. Playing in free meter over the
fixed-metre gong part (on tone B in the transcription), he produced intervals
that were perceived as mysterious and mystically powerful (i.e., sevenths,
ninths, fifths, sixths, and an augmented ninth that resolved to the octave in bar
14 The sruné comprises a wooden tube with a home-made reed, conical bore and flared bell.
By blowing into the reed the player vibrates the column of air and produces a piercing
sound that varies in pitch, depending on the current temperature and humidity condi-
tions.
Oboe (sruné)
Drums (gendang ibu and

gendang anak)
Gong (tetawak)
Figure 5.10 An excerpt of gong, drum and sruné music accompanying a silat performance.
Transcribed by Helen Catanchin from field recording made by M. Kartomi, October
2013 in Museum Daik-Lingga.
196 Kartomi
Figure 5.11 Musicians in sitting position accompany a silat performance on a sruné (oboe),
tetawak (gong at rear), and pair of gendang (cylindrical drums held firm under
each player’s left leg at the Museum Cahaya Daik-Lingga (October 2013; photo:
Karen Kartomi Thomas)
Figure 5.12 Sruné, tetawak and gendang players in standing position accompany a silat
performance in Desa Panggatlaut, Kecamatan Lingga, Kabupaten Lingga (October
2013; photo: Karen Kartomi Thomas)
6).15 Meanwhile the “child drum” interlocked with the “mother drum” to pro-
duce a fast, continually changing rhythm with irregular stresses.
The musicians who played this excerpt in seated position are pictured in
Figure 5.11, while the members of a similar silat ensemble, playing in standing
position, are shown in Figure 5.12.
Bp Wardi, who earned the community’s respect as a mahaguru in his own
right a decade ago, now accepts pupils from the age of ten or eleven years in
several nearby villages as well as his own. He finds that some boys are more
interested or talented than others, but those who are deemed able to master
the art need to engage in at least four years of intensive instruction. He places
great importance on teaching his pupils that they are successors of the great
silat sah Daik-Lingga tradition, which he believes is based on the silat skills of
Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat and became known as the silat adat-diraja (royal
style) within the rich culture of the sultanate of Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang,
which claims it was in power for almost five centuries.
The Silat Culture in Daik-Lingga
Until recently, very little was known outside Lingga about the artistic life in the
former Riau-Lingga palace at Daik and the surrounding villages. Dutch colo-
nial officials focussed on writing about life in the sultanate’s secondary palace
at Penyengat, which was located much closer to their administrative centre at
Tanjungpinang than the main palace at Daik.16 However, since the province of
Riau Islands was created in 2002, a few authors, employees of Museum Daik-
Lingga, and officials in the local government’s History, Tourism and Culture
Office have begun to collect heirlooms for the museum and to record oral
accounts of the palace culture by elderly residents, and a replica of the palace
has now been built alongside the ruins of the old palace.17 A choreographer
15 The sruné player commented that these intervals and overblown tones had an asik
(magic) effect.
16 The 19th and 20th century Dutch literature on the Riau-Lingga sultanate focusses on
political, economic, military and artistic activities at the seat of the secondary ruler at
Penyengat rather than the sultan’s seat at Daik-Lingga.
17 The original Istana Damnah of Kerajaan Daik-Lingga (1780–1900), with its two singa
(mythical lion) statues at the entrance, was built in the 1860s under Sultan Sulaiman
Badrul Alamsyah II, and the last sultan, Abdul Rahman Muazam Syah II, was installed
there, leaving it for Penyengat in 1900. It disintegrated under the Dutch (1912–1945). The
language of the palace, Bahasa Melayu Tinggi, is still spoken in Daik (e.g. saya [Bahasa
Indonesia] = hamba).
198 Kartomi
who had family links with the former sultanate developed some dances that
her parents told her were performed in the palace at Daik-Lingga.18 The picture
is nowhere near complete yet, but some of these investigators’ findings are
helping to clarify the position of silat in Daik’s former artistic life.
According to Waridi, a researcher and employee of Daik’s History, Tourism
and Culture Office, the spirits of the ancestral heroes Hang Tuah and Hang
Jebat were embedded in the artistic life of the palace and are still venerated in
the villages. Despite the lack of written evidence, the general consensus among
our Daik-Lingga informants is that at the installation (penobatan) of sultan
Abdul Rahman Muazam Syah II in 1885, some military officers (hulubalang)
performed a sacred dance titled tari Hang Tuah-Hang Jebat on a large brass
tray measuring around 120 centimetres in diameter.19 The dance portrayed
the tragic seven-day fight between Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat in which Hang
Tuah finally killed his comrade Hang Jebat. However, the dance displeased
some of the tuan said (descendants of the Prophet) in the service of the sultan
on the grounds of its pre-Muslim origins, and was almost totally forgotten until
recently.20
That the Daik-Lingga style of silat performance is influenced by the adat-
diraja (royal customs) is indicated by the injunction that the pesilat may not
show his back to the sultan/audience, nor may he raise his hands higher than
18 Ibu Raja Ketiga, the former head of the Dept of Education and Culture in Tanjungpinang,
told me in 1980 that her mother was a direct descendant of a relative of the sultan of Daik-
Lingga, and that her royalist-minded parents taught her some of the former Daik-Lingga
palace’s dances. (They had tried to prevent her from marrying her commoner husband so
they eloped and married in Singapore). As a choreographer and owner of a sanggar in
Tanjungpinang with scores of young female dancer-members from a local SMP, she was
told by her parents that the ritual inai dance was performed at the installation of the
Yangdipertuan Besar at Daik-Lingga, and she therefore taught her pupils this dance. The
former head of the Culture and Tourism office in Tanjungpinang, Bp Said Parman, told me
in 2011 that although there was no written evidence that dances were performed in the
Lingga palace, it was probable that the tuan said in the palace allowed male zapin danc-
ing, as they did in the Penyengat palace, and discouraged other dancing. Both he and Ibu
Raja Ketiga were of the opinion that the flirtatious joged dances were not performed in
the palace in the 19th century, as the influential tuan said disapproved of mixed-sex danc-
ing.
19 Bp Ibrahim (director of the Sanggar Seni Bangsawan Mekar Mawar Malam in Kampung
Budus, Desa Kerawang) told me that the dance was sometimes performed on a very large
plaited rattan tray.
20 Other arts performed at the installation reportedly included music played on the royal
nobat ensemble (“drums of sovereignty” plus oboe, trumpet and cymbals) and the inai
(“incense”) purification dance (performed by unmarried women).
a seated sultan’s head when performing the sembah menjujung or sembah

tangkabur (“respectful bow”). This is quite contrary to the practice of silat lima
in Kampung Bugis (see Kartomi 2013b) and that of the Indonesia-wide Majelis
Silat (“Silat Council”),21 where pesilat often raise both their arms above their
heads when performing a seated sembah. The opening and closing langkah in
Daik-Lingga’s silat penghormatan are also distinctive in that the pesilat enters
from the back of the arena, then takes seven steps forward before performing
the calm, elegant display of silat movements and seven steps backwards before
exiting.
Silat also plays an important role in Lingga wedding customs. A pair of pesi-
lat representing the bride and the groom respectively perform displays of the
art of self-defence at the head of a wedding procession as the bridegroom
walks in state with his male relatives, elders, and the bride’s and the groom’s
representatives from his parents’ home to the home of the bride’s parents.
Their arrival is marked by a mock skirmish between the two performers out-
side the bride’s home followed by a verbal silat “contest” (BM., seni bersilat
lidah) between the bride’s and the groom’s representatives, who improvise
pantun quatrains in response to each other, including a poetic request for the
bridegroom to be allowed to enter the house and sit in state (BM., duduk ber-
sanding) with the bride on the bridal throne (BM., pelaminan).22 The bride’s
pesilat lidah usually allows himself to be defeated by the groom’s pesilat lidah,
whose representative then recites some more pantun verses and gives a small
amount of money to the bride’s representative, who finally gives the groom’s
representative permission for him to enter her home (Thaib et al, 2009:
78–88).
Later, after some young female dancers have performed the tari inai (henna
dance), several pairs of pesilat perform the art of self-defence to entertain the
elders, relatives, and other guests. The pesilat face the couple as they perform,
but if two bridal couples are sitting at opposite ends of the room, they face
21 The Majelis Silat applies the silat rules of Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia (IPSI, Pencak Silat
Council of Indonesia), which runs Indonesia-wide silat competitions (Wilson, 2009).
22 For example, the bride’s representative may ask the groom’s side in pantun (Malay qua-
train) form: “can you defend us?” to which he may answer: “I can defeat ten enemies!”
(Thaib et al, 2009:79). In Lingga many wedding and other pantun refer to the striking
mountain range [Gunung Daik] near Daik in the first couplet of a pantun, e.g. as follows:
Gunung Daik gunung Sepencan, Lebih tinggi gunung yang lain, Bukan cincin sembarang
cincin, Cincin jadi tali pengikat (The Daik range has a pointy peak, Higher than the other
peaks, My ring for you is not just any old ring, It’s a sign of our union). Pantun are qua-
trains with an a b a b rhyme scheme; and the first couplet usually has an indirect meaning
while the second expresses its performer’s real intent.
200 Kartomi
each couple in alternation. Sometimes the bride’s pesilat wins the matches, at
other times the groom’s, and it is regarded as impolite (kurang sopan) for one
side to win all the rounds.
Silat Performances in Desa Merawang and Kampung Bugis

Compared
When the above silat performance at Desa Merawang on Lingga Island is com-
pared to the silat lima performance in Kampung Bugis on Bintan Island to the
north (as described in Kartomi 2013), some important differences of style and
cultural setting become apparent. Both forms of silat are closely linked to their
particular local cultural imagination of the fifteenth century culture hero Hang
Tuah and their cultural memory of the Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang sultan-
ate, but the two silat cultures differ in their mysticism. This is partly due to the
fact that the genealogy of the former style is connected to the palace culture of
the former Lingga sultanate at Daik, whereas the latter’s genealogy is linked to
the former palace culture at Penyengat.
The conclusion below points out the distinctiveness of the former in com-
parison to the latter in order to place the distinctive identity of each style in
greater relief than is possible when summarised alone.
Conclusion
In Lingga’s Desa Merawang and Bintan’s Kampung Bugis, performances are

preceded by the mahaguru (the term used in Desa Merawang) and the guru
basar lima (in Kampung Bugis) making mystical offerings and celebrating the
spirits of the ancestral heroes Hang Tuah and his four comrades. However, the
significance and role of the ancestral heroes differs in each area. Thus, perfor-
mances in Desa Merawang are preceded by supplications to the spirits of Hang
Tuah and Hang Jebat, while the performances at Kampung Bugis are preceded
by Sufi Muslim supplications to Allah and the prophet Muhammad as well.
Moreover, the latter style is actually named after all five heroes and character-
istically presents various-sized teams of combatants, who normally range from
a total of two to a total of five (the five heroes) but can include ‘one against
many’ (as suggested in the Hikayat Hang Tuah), while the former focuses on a
mystical ceremony to contact the spirits of Hang Tuah and Hang Jebat only.
In both areas, a silat performance is normally preceded by an instrumental
ensemble playing its loudly-carrying music to attract the audience to gather
and watch. Unlike in some other areas of Southeast Asia, music is an essential
component of the performances. Pesilat in Lingga’s Desa Merawang align their
movements with the regular beat of the gong and the cyclic rhythms played on
the drum(s), and they perceive the melodic line of the oboe/sruné (if present)
as being somewhat unpredictable and mystically very potent. Performers in
Kampung Bugis, on the other hand, say they align their movements to the gong
and regard the drumming and the melodic line on the biola (violin) as added
decoration.
As in other parts of Southeast Asia, performances normally begin in both
areas with an elegant solo or duo display of dance-like martial art movements,
which are called silat penghormatan in Kampung Bugis and either silat peng-
hormatan or silat pengantin in Desa Merawang. The martial art display scenes
are followed by a fighting round or match between opponents called silat bela-
wanan in Desa Merawang and adu satu-satu (if a duel) in Kampung Bugis. In
both areas this sequence of events may be repeated several times by each pair
of opponents who wish to appear.
In both areas, the pesilat open and close each scene with a respectful bow
(sembah) to their opponent(s) and the audience, either in sitting or standing
position, and they base their performances on a similar array of standard lang-
kah (steps) and jurus-jurus (sequences of steps). However, the pesilat in Desa
Merawang focus on performing duels while the performers in Kampung Bugis
typically engage larger groups. When in mock combat the pesilat in both areas
engage in similar attack movements that focus on punching and seizing, and
similar defensive moves that include parrying an attack, evading an attack by
surprise sidestepping around the three points of a trident, wrestling out of a
lock with an arm grip, and throwing off an opponent. However, whereas a
range of offensive and defensive kicking movements are practiced in Kampung
Bugis, kicking an opponent – or even raising a leg high off the ground – is
strictly forbidden in Desa Merawang.
A distinctive practice in Desa Merawang is for the pesilat to begin a martial
display scene by taking seven steps forward, after which he performs various
sequences of steps while performing decorative arm and hand movements,
and he only leaves the arena after taking seven steps backwards, without turn-
ing his back to the audience. Similarly in a match, the pair of pesilat usually
take seven steps away from or toward each other, perform a variety of step
sequences, and attack each other by punching, seizing or trying temporarily to
cripple one or more of his joints. On the other hand, in Kampung Bugis both
display and fighting scenes employ different sequences of stepping move-
ments, including springing to one’s feet from a semi-squatting position, and
turning one’s back to one’s audience is permitted.
202 Kartomi
The local discourse about silat’s cultural meaning in the two areas differs. In
Desa Merawang it is coloured by the people’s veneration for the ancestral spir-
its of the heroes of the fifteenth century sultanate of Melaka – Hang Tuah and
Hang Jebat, and does not contain Sufi elements. In Kampung Bugis, on the
other hand, the local discourse refers to all five heroes led by Hang Tuah, and
this is reflected in the various groupings of pesilat – which usually total five in
a performance as opposed to two at a time in Desa Merawang. The discourse in
Kampung Bugis also stresses Sufi Muslim ideas which are combined with ves-
tiges of pre-Islamic practices. Silat lima in Kampung Bugis traces its pedigree
back to a Bugis ancestor several generations ago, which links it peripherally to
the mixed Bugis-Malay heritage of the former royal family at Penyengat, while
silat in Desa Merawang traces the ancestry back four generations and links it to
silat rules practiced in the Daik-Lingga palace.
In Desa Merawang the cultural memory of pesilat performing in the annual
mystical processions around a village to clean away any evil spirits (arakan
bersih kampong, pers. com, Ibu Raja Ketiga, 1980) is still strong, while it is either
forgotten or no longer exists in Kampung Bugis. In the Desa Merawang area,
silat penghormatan and silat belalawan have also played an important part in
bangsawan theatre performances since the early twentieth century, and this
function remains important, while it is non-existent in Kampung Bugis. In
both areas, however, silat still plays a vital part in wedding processions and at
circumcision and other family ceremonies, and it frequently graces govern-
ment functions.
Thus, although the silat culture and practices in Desa Merawang and
Kampung Bugis share some similar discourse issues and stylistic characteris-
tics, they differ from each other in the detail. Each has its own distinctive silat
identity.
Acknowledgements
Bp H. Kartomi and I greatly appreciate the assistance and advice we received

from Ibu Raja Ketiga of Daik-Lingga, Ibrahim Mansur of Pulau Penyengat, and
Raja Razak of the Museum Kandil in our 1980–81 trip to Tanjungpinang. In 2011,
Geoffrey Benjamin and I received valuable assistance from the silat grand mas-
ter Guru Basar Lima Samsuri bin Abibasah of Kampung Bugis, Raja Malik of
Penyengat and Bp Muhtadi in Tanjungpinang. Ibrahim Sanggar Mekar Malam,
Karen Kartomi Thomas and I wish to express our thanks to the Governor of
Riau Islands Province, H.M. Sani, Ibu Dra Hajah Suryatati A. Manan, Bp Said
Parman, Bp Syafaruddin and Dwi Saptarini in Tanjungpinang for assistance in
our fieldwork in January-February 2013. We were also assisted by the Bupati of

Lingga: Bp Daria and Ibu Roswani, Lazuardy Usman, the silat grandmaster Bp
Wardi bin Ibrahim of Kp Budus Desa Merawang, Kecam/Kab Lingga, the artists
and government officers of of Desa Panggatlaut, Ibu Rosiana, Museum Linggam
Cahaya Daik-Lingga, and our ever-helpful companion Dwi Saptarini in our
September-October 2013 trip to the Lingga regency. I am very grateful to the
Australian Research Council for a grant to research the music of Kepri, and also
wish to thank my Monash University colleagues Bronia Kornhauser, and Helen
Catanchin for their valued research assistance, as well as Karen Kartomi
Thomas for accompanying me in the field and taking all the photographs in
this chapter.
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Basingstoke and London: Macmillan.
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Kuala Lumpur: Azlan Ghanie.
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[Movement in Silat Minang, Randai and Pencak Dancing], MA thesis, Rijksuniversiteit
Leiden.
———-. 1995. “Written by the Hand of Allah; Pencak Silat of Minangkabau, West
Sumatra,” in Odeion: The Performing Arts World-wide, 12, 131–144.
Brown, C.C. (trans), 1970. Sejarah Melayu (“Malay Annals”), Kuala Lumpur: OUP.
Farrer, Douglas, 2006. Seni Silat Haqq: A Study in Malay Mysticism, Singapore: National
University of Singapore.
Kartomi, Margaret, 1972. “Tiger-Capturing Music in Minangkabau, West Sumatra,”
Sumatra Research Bulletin II/1: 24–41. Reproduced in Margaret Kartomi, 2012. Musical
Journeys in Sumatra, Urbana, Chicago and Springfield: University of Illinois Press,
27–41.
———. 2011. “Traditional and Modern Forms of Pencak Silat in Indonesia: The Suku
Mamak in Riau”, Musicology Australia, 33/1, 47–68.
———. 2013. “Silat Lima: Heritage of the Malay Culture Hero, Hang Tuah,” Review of
Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 47/8, 1–33.
Maryono, O’ong, 1998. Pencak Silat Merentang Waktu, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.
Pätzold, Uwe Umberto, 2000. Blüte, Frucht und Kern: Bewegungsformen und Musikstile
im Bereich des Pencak Silat in West-Java und West-Sumatra, Bonn: Holos-Verlag.
204 Kartomi
Prayitno, B.H. et al, 1983. Atlas Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Indonesia dan Dunia, Jakarta:
CV Titik Terang.
Shellabear, William G. (ed.), 1967. Sejarah Melayu (New Edition), Kuala Lumpur: OUP
Thaib, M.I, Ramlan Hitam, A. Johari, L Usman and N.T. Tabruni, 2009. Tata Cara Adat
Perkawinan Melayu di Daik Lingga, Pekanbaru: Universitas Riau/UNRI Press.
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Hang Tuah (“Malay Annals”), Vol 1, Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
Wilson, Ian Douglas, 2003. The Politics of Inner Power: the Practice of Pencak Silat in
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Chapter 6
Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia

Paul H. Mason
The kingdom of Menangkabau, says the native legend, arose upon the
ruins of the Hindu empire of Adityavarman, and its name “Victory of the
Buffalo” symbolised the supremacy of Sumatra and the Malays over Java,
which they are supposed for a time to have conquered. Early converted to
Islam while preserving their own Adat [customary law], the Malays of
Menangkabau regard themselves as the best Mohamedeans in the
Archipelago.
Official Tourist Bureau, 1921
⸪
Entertainment for the Festivities
The small hillside village of Andaleh Baruah Bukik lies deep in the highlands
of West Sumatra, the area that forms the cultural epicentre of the Minangkabau
people. Each year, the villagers hold a celebration, called Hari Raya Idul Fitri, to
mark the end of the fasting month. The community is not very rich, and hiring
musicians, dancers and artists can be quite expensive. To save on costs, Sunat
ceremonies (circumcision rites for young boys) are held at the same time.
Merging the funds for these two events enables a bigger celebration.
The festivities begin with the activities of the cimuntu – ghosts from West
Sumatra’s mystical past that still live in the Minang imagination (Figure 6.1).
Just before the Hari Raya festivities begin, members of the community sneak
up into the mountains and disguise themselves in coconut hair or coconut
leaves, taking on the guise of the cimuntu. They walk down the mountain and
through the village collecting money and summoning people to the front of
the town mosque to join in the celebrations. No one knows their identities.
They play the part of naughty ghosts that scare children, while simultaneously

206 Mason
Figure 6.1
A Minangkabau man plays
the role of a forest spirit
(cimuntu)
coordinating and controlling the events that make up this special version of
Hari Raya.
The cimuntu direct a procession of people down the mountain that includes
transvestites dressed especially for the occasion, musicians, dignitaries, and
young boys who will be circumcised. A crowd follows because the Hari Raya
festivities promise various arts performances as well as a popular game called
Panjat Pinang where young men from the village form two teams, each trying
to climb tall wooden poles, made from trunks of the Pinang tree smeared in
grease. The climbing of the Pinang adds a comedic element to the festivities.
Although Panjat Pinang is ostensibly a competition, onlookers are less inter-
ested in the eventual winner than in the entertaining sight of men slipping and
falling down the pole. The cimuntu have a hard time controlling the crowd as it
presses to get nearer the Pinang poles.
These contemporary festivities are a mixture of Minangkabau tradition,
Islamic religion and various modern influences, with a history that dates back
to at least the 1930s. Nowadays, the celebrations run for many days and involve
various artists, who draw the community together through music, dance and
performance. These performances offer a window into the changing cultural
world of the Minangkabau people, revealing re-creations of tradition juxta-
posed with interpretations of the modern.1
Silek minang, the traditional martial art of West Sumatra (see also Cordes
1992; Pätzold 2000; Maryono 2002; Farrer 2009), is performed for audience
entertainment at such rural festivities. Among the Minangkabau, “silek
minang” is a generic name for a patchwork of situated, disparate, locally organ-
ised repertoires of physical pedagogy that have been constituted through a
variety of social, political and kinship processes. The art is performed in pairs
to demonstrate open hand combat and weapons expertise. Training sessions
do not have musical accompaniment. However, in performance, demonstra-
tions are accompanied by percussion and woodwind ensembles that draw
upon the musical expertise and instrumentation available in any one
community.
Silek minang has been embedded in many aspects of Minangkabau life,
from ceremonial dance to popular theatre. The ubiquitous influence of silek
minang in cultural values and aesthetics reflects the magnitude of its impor-
tance in West Sumatran society. As Sands (1988:1) suggests, “sports and related
behaviour produces a blueprint of those important and valued behaviours that
are the foundation of the larger culture in which the sport is embedded.” With
a consideration of religious festivals and the morphodynamic constellations of
Minangkabau etiquette, this chapter offers a description of the changing cul-
tural landscape of West Sumatra and the transformations of silek minang.
Reinventing Performance Traditions
The mainstay of almost any traditional Minangkabau musical ensemble is a

set of five or six hand-held talempong paciek (bronze kettle drums) played gen-
erally by three musicians (see Figure 6.2). As with much Indonesian music, the
patterns played on the kettle drums interlock. The interlocking patterns create
a melody that only emerges once all the musicians are playing together.
Another popular form of entertainment is the gendang tambuah (double-
sided barrel drums suspended from the player’s shoulder and neck) that are
played loudly for the enjoyment of all (see Figure 6.3). Gendang tambuah is
often led by the sharp and high-pitched sounds of a tasa drum – a small drum
1 Performances of silek minang during the Hari Raya festivities were documented on the 20th
of October 2007.
208 Mason
Figure 6.2 Members of the arts group Sari Bunuan Macan Andaleh play talempong paciek
kettle-drums in the Hari Raya procession.
Figure 6.3 Members of the arts group Sari Bunuan Macan Andaleh play tasa and gendang
tambuah drums during the Hari Raya procession.
with a bowl-shaped body suspended from the neck and played against the
body with a pair of wooden sticks (see Kartomi, 1986:147). The music is used to
entertain and also to accompany a number of Minangkabau performances
such as tari piriang plate-dancing (see Mason 2014), silek minang, and trance-
like displays of the mystical practice of dabuih.
In addition to a range of percussion instruments including talempong
paciek, gendang tambuah and tasa drums, the Minangkabau also have a selec-
tion of aerophones. The simplest of the aerophones is the pupuik batang padi,
also known as the pupuik gadang, which consists of a reed-like rice-stalk with
long leaves wound into a cone shape to amplify the sound. In addition to the
pupuik batang padi, the Minangkabau have a collection of seven woodwind
instruments including the soulful and nostalgic saluang (a basic bamboo flute
with four finger holes), the melodic bansi (a bamboo recorder with one finger
hole behind and seven finger holes in front as well as a whistle hole), the crisp
and buzzing sarunai (a short single reed bamboo clarinet with four finger
holes), the deep and brooding sampelong (a thick bamboo flute with three fin-
ger holes for the top hand and one finger hole for the bottom hand), the
recorder-like saluang pauah (a medium sized bamboo flute with six finger
holes), the long and thin saluang sirompak (a skinny bamboo flute with four
finger holes capable of two octaves), and the saluang panjang (a long bamboo
flute with three finger holes). The saluang sirompak and the sampelong come
from Payakumbuh, the saluang pauah from Padang Pauah, and the saluang
panjang from Solok. The saluang was originally from Singgalang, and the bansi
flowered in Pariaman Pesisir. The saluang is the central instrument of a popu-
lar Minangkabau performance genre called Saluang Jo Dendang, which
features melodies played on the saluang accompanied by sung rhymes con-
taining satire, lamentation, advice, and jokes. Its inclusion in this emotive
performance genre has established the saluang as the iconic instrument of the
Minangkabau. Émigré West Sumatrans often express a strong sense of nostal-
gia and homesickness when they hear the soft lulling tones of the saluang.
From this collection of aerophones, only the bansi, saluang, sarunai, or
pupuik batang padi are ever used to accompany performances of silek minang.
Accompaniment varies according to the capabilities of the musicians at hand.
As a general tendency though, the saluang only accompanies interludes of
silek minang during traditional Randai dance-theatre performances (see Pauka
1998:21 and her chapter in the present book) or at most the opening bows of a
silek minang presentation. The bansi and saluang have soft timbres that cor-
respond well with the solemn opening bows. The harsh tones of the sarunai or
pupuik batang padi usually accompany the fight sequences. The loud and
buzzing sounds of a reed aerophone are a dynamic and logical match between
210 Mason
combat displays and audience engagement. The soft sounds of the bansi and
saluang are less engaging for large audiences. The bansi and saluang have
spread all over West Sumatra, and perhaps their wide distribution has facili-
tated their inclusion into silek minang presentations. The other Minangkabau
woodwind flutes have soft sounds, more localised distributions, and less iconic
relationships to globalised evocations of Minangkabau tradition.
Minangkabau people describe the music of silek minang as ornamental,
being added for entertainment purposes and to raise the liveliness of the event.
The silek minang artists try to execute the movements of silek minang indepen-
dently to the rhythm of the music. Some artists suggest that the interlocking
patterns of the percussion instruments are a strong metaphor for the inter-
locking movements of the silek minang performers. The beauty of the art relies
on the synchronous performance of essential footsteps by the two performers,
which the percussion instruments symbolically replicate. The circular breath-
ing used to play the woodwind instruments evokes a penetrating sonic
representation of the unrelenting attention required by the silek minang prac-
titioners during a fight. The practitioners purposefully avoid falling into time
with the beat of the music because in a real fight, falling into synchrony with
the music could make their movements predictable and thus more vulnerable.
Some elements of the practice of silek minang, such as the attention and con-
centration of the practitioners, remain unchanged when the art is performed
in front of an audience. Many elements, however, are purposely changed to
make the art more engaging for an audience and sometimes to disguise its bru-
tality. In some ways, performances of silek minang could be considered “fight
choreography” (a term used by Klens-Bigman 2002:1).
Some silek minang performers suggest that the visual aesthetics and spatial
principles of silek minang do not permit a metered rhythmic sonic texture. The
dynamics of combat should not be influenced by predictable rhythms. This
philosophy applies equally to the artistic flower movements of the art, called
the bungo (literally meaning flower). In cases where a rhythmical acoustic
counterpart accompanies silek minang, the performers must attempt to insu-
late their concentration from musical sounds. Unlike visual information,
however, sound is very hard to block out. In a fight-like performance where the
moves may be choreographed but the moment of attack is not defined, pulling
attention away from the music is essential to the successful execution of tech-
niques. The physical difficulty of this modulation of attention is highlighted by
scientific experiments looking at the effect of music loudness and reaction to
unexpected events. Experimental work has shown that, depending on the task
characteristics, intense sound can affect cognitive processes such as informa-
tion processing. Music can improve motor response time to centrally located
visual signals, but increase motor response latencies to peripheral visual cues
(Beh and Hirst 1999; Staum and Brotons 2000). Music presented at intensities
of 75dB(A) has also been shown to affect short-term memory (Salame and
Baddeley 1989). The amplification of woodwind and percussion instruments
through loudspeakers can make the music accompanying silek minang louder
than 120dB(A), which not only affects cognitive processes but also has a deep
visceral and stimulating effect. Music may heighten awareness of the central
visual field but it decreases responsiveness to peripheral stimuli and might
influence motor recall. Thus, the presence of loud music potentially introduces
vulnerabilities for an unskilled fighter. Remaining calm, steady, and focused
while musical rhythms penetrate your body can be especially difficult.
Performances of silek minang exemplify a culturally trained skill in which per-
formers, driven by the imperative to execute potentially lethal fight-like
movements, must overcome auditory disturbances. The distinctive indepen-
dent interactions between sound and movement adds valuably to theory about
music-dance relationships (see Mason 2012).
The lack of rhythmic and mimetic relationships between the music and the
movement of silek minang performances, combined with the performers’
necessity to ignore the musical accompaniment, means that many audience
members do not recognise the musical accompaniment as part of the perfor-
mance. Ask a Minangkabau person about music for silek, and most will
respond, “There is no music for silek minang.” The quotidian experience of
noise in social settings also predisposes the Minangkabau to have this response.
Minangkabau people are conditioned by their sensory environment to dissoci-
ate loud sounds, especially music, from everyday activity. Over-amplified
music blares out of speakers from communal transport vehicles, at street stalls,
and in shops. Televisions are left on all day in homes, cafés, and office spaces.
Every imaginable public space is occupied by noise. Local people have an
incredible capacity to maintain concentration in the midst of noise. At arts
institutes, students learning music can even practise individual instruments
while in the presence of many other students, each rehearsing their own song
at their own pace. Such a learning space would be unimaginable to a student
at a European music conservatorium where practice is conducted in noise-
proof studios. Noise and music inundate social spaces in West Sumatran
villages. Thus, the presence of music during performances of silek minang can
go by unremarked. And yet, the music begins with the commencement of silek
minang performances, and ends at their termination. Occasionally, musicians
even report that they try and capture the tension of the performance through
their music, principally through volumetric changes and speed changes.
212 Mason
During the Hari Raya festivities in Andaleh, two groups, Jenggot Merah (‘Red
Goatee’) and Gajah Badodorong (‘Pushing Elephant’), offered performances of
silek minang. Two performers from each silek group demonstrated, with the
performance by Jenggot Merah preceding the performance by Gajah
Badodorong. Both performances were accompanied by talempong paciek, the
urgent and arousing beats of a tasa drum, the ad hoc rattle of a tambourine,
and the loud, rough hum of the sarunai. A piercing melody on the sarunai was
played continuously, emphasising the tension between opponents and mim-
icking their sustained concentration. The performers themselves also produced
sounds and noises, such as when one of the performers from Gajah Badodorong
scraped his knife along the cement ground to emphasise the metallic texture
and the sharp edge. The act of producing that sound evoked the materiality
and lethality of the object he was holding.
A performance of silek minang generally begins with an elaborate series of
ceremonial bows called pasambahan. These bows, called cuci muka (‘cleansing
the face’) are performed between the practitioners, to audience members, to
God and sometimes to the earth as well. Following the pasambahan, the prac-
titioners perform cautious poses illustrating the bungo of the art. While
maintaining a safe distance, the performers demonstrate postures of readi-
ness, power and prowess. The ability to execute these sequences beautifully
demonstrates the ability and adeptness of the performer. The fight sequences
that follow are initiated by one opponent attacking the other. Open hand com-
bat techniques are followed by knife techniques; a palpable escalation in
tension always accompanies the introduction of a knife into a performance.
The knife adds a layer of danger to the movement of silek minang that makes
the potential consequences of the movements more transparent and
conspicuous.
Each village has its own schools and unique practices of silek minang that
are symbolically rich with socially-bound meanings. Bows, symbolic attacks
and token gestures of protection are all subject to variation between commu-
nities. Because the practices arose in tight-knit communities over successive
generations, the repertoires of culture-bound gestures have accumulated over
time and have been consequently propagated throughout communities.
Community-specific gestures can indicate belonging and group identity. To the
outsider, the gestures are often impenetrable and sometimes unnoticed. These
symbols can even be obscure to the uninitiated younger generation of any
community. The slap of a thigh, the flick of a wrist in mid air, or even the angle
formed by the thumb and the hand can all signify latent abilities that practitio-
ners are trained to perform and recognise. Acknowledging these gestures and
performing the appropriate response – by raising an elbow and
simultaneously covering an ear, for example – demonstrates skill, knowledge

and power. Performances exemplify distinctive characteristics of each village’s
particular style of silek and are filled with internal networks of gestures and
external cultural associations.
The practice of silek minang is intended to equip practitioners with the
skills to be able to react to the challenge of an unknown adversary. Practitioners
search for physical efficiency in their movement as well as complexity in their
range of skills. Teachers seek to imbue their students with the confidence to
improvise in the face of adversity. In performance, however, the movements of
silek minang are often choreographed and performed with the teacher so that
the fight does not lose the essential steps (Sedyawati, Kusmastuti, Hutomo and
Karnadi, 1991). Choreographing the movements and performing them with a
teacher lowers the risks involved, reduces the tension between the performers,
and ensures that fights do not break out. Attacks in silek minang are typically
straight penetrating movements that require blocking or evasion. If a perfor-
mance is improvised and not choreographed, this movement dynamic creates
a high risk of injury. Improvised performances of silek minang are rare and
only ever involve long-standing training partners of considerable age and
experience. The community demonstrates a degree of consensus as to what
constitutes an effective attack and what constitutes an appropriate block. A
performance of silek minang can only occur between two practitioners who
trust each other to be able to see and categorise each other’s movements in
ways that are relevant to the fluidity of a performance. Without the consensus
about the efficacy of attacks and defences that are not performed fully, the
interaction would degenerate. Attacks must flow with evasions, and counterat-
tacks must flow with the corresponding blocks. Each performer of silek minang
must code the movements of his partner in terms of trajectories and shapes
that are consequential for his own movement. An attack has to be accepted as
effective by the recipient and then pulled before it causes an injury, and the
block must be accepted as successful by the attacker before other movements
can proceed. If appropriate gestures of acknowledgment have not been pre-
negotiated in training, then disagreement can ensue and accidents or conflict
can arise.
The movements of a martial art are situated, distributed, and interactively
organised in a community of practice. From the large variety of movements
possible in any repertoire, members exercise a high degree of selectivity.
Practitioners choose movements they deem useful for potential combat needs.
214 Mason
The kinds of kicks, punches, blocks, throws, parries, escapes, locks, and holds
that are chosen can be influenced by the physical capabilities of the practitio-
ners, their personal preferences, and the stochastic acquisition and execution
of particular techniques. If a community of practitioners mutually agrees upon
the effectiveness of a movement, then that technique is dynamically absorbed
into their evolving movement repertoire. Favoured movements and techniques
are constituted as they are distributed and practised among peers.
Martial arts are practised for potential combative advantages over an adver-
sary. In silek training, combative techniques are practised with a training-partner.
Individual movements do not have any tangible combative value in isolation,
but are intersubjectively realised and require simultaneous attention to the
movements of a training partner. The effectiveness of a technique in a combat
scenario outside of training may be measured by the damage it inflicts or the
advantage it provides. During training, however, the effectiveness of a tech-
nique is acknowledged through the movement response of a training partner.
Movements such as punches and kicks are not meant to injure a training part-
ner, but their potential effectiveness has to be discerningly evaluated. A punch,
for example, becomes a gesture with latent potential that a training partner
must recognise, evaluate, and respond to with a parry, a block, or a counterat-
tack.2 The perceptual salience of these gestures of attack is contingent upon
the socially negotiated meanings attached to each movement. Acknowledging
a potentially successful attack involves distinguishing the intention, assessing
its timeliness and placement, and reacting correspondingly. In communities
that work closely together over long periods of time, and who have inherited
the movement repertoires of preceding generations, any number of poten-
tially harmful movements can become inferred by gestures. In this situation,
the gesture can be performed at the moment of opportunity to infer the advan-
tage rather than actually harming the partner to demonstrate skill. When taken
out of context, these gestures can be misunderstood. But within discrete com-
munities, these gestures are multiplicative and become part of the collective
memory of an interacting group of practitioners. The movement repertoires
maintained by any particular group are dynamic and are dependent on the life
histories, experiences, and physical abilities of the individuals.
In many performances of silek minang, the acute spectator may observe that
attacks are often aimed slightly off target. In training, attacks are not always
aimed directly at their target. One might suggest that this diversion avoids the
pain of an accidental strike. However, on a deeper level, off-target attacks in
2 A lack of response can signify an unskilled attack, a fault on behalf of the receiver, or a power-
play between two hostile training partners.
Figure 6.4 The movements of Silek Minang were photographed by G.J. Nieuwenhuis in 1916. The
drawing on the right was featured in a French volume entitled Terres et Peuples de
Sumatra published in Amsterdam by Elsevier in 1925. In the photo, the attacker and
defender are distanced well apart (choreographically accessible to an audience) and
the trajectory of the attack is not direct or exactly on target. The ethic of always
attacking to the side is obviously not new. Of note, the drawing on the right was
visibly inspired by the photograph. Notice that in the drawing, the posture of the
attacker has been lowered, the attacking arm is still the right arm, and the attack is a
thrusting not an arcing movement. Additionally, the defender is standing on the
opposite foot with a slightly more straightened leg. The European eye attended to the
combative efficacy of the movement, while the performers were engaged in a
movement with cultural aesthetics [Photo courtesy of the Pusat Data dan
Informasi Kebudayaan Minangkabau (Office of Minangkabau Cultural
Data and Information), Padang Panjang, West Sumatra].
silek minang are also representative of a cultural discursive ethic to talk ‘to the
side’ of topics. This form of discourse is called Kato malereng in the local dia-
lect of Bahaso Minang. Talking to the side of topics, aiming where there is no
risk of injury, is thought to be preferable and respectful in Minangkabau cul-
ture. The Minangkabau consider direct comments as tajam – sharp, abrasive,
cutting, potentially injurious – and thus impolite. For example, instead of indi-
cating to a guest that he or she is a noisy eater, a Minangkabau host might
make a comment about his children’s boisterous dinner manners. Silek minang
is replete with Minangkabau codes of etiquette that are observed in interlocu-
tion as well as enacted through movement.
Minangkabau traditional performances have origins deeply embedded in
village life with subtle influences from Hindu, Malay and Arabic cultures. All
West Sumatran performance arts are said to derive from the movements of
silek. For example, in the plate dance (tari piriang), the practitioner swings
plates without dropping them or breaking them. In doing so, he or she draws
216 Mason
Figure 6.5 Tari Piriang performed by an all-male dance troupe during the Hari Raya Idul Fitri
festivities in Andaleh Baruah Bukik in the late twentieth century (date unknown).
Photo courtesy of the Dance Department Archives, Sekolah Tinggi
Seni Indonesia, Padang Panjang.
Figure 6.6 Tari Piriang performed during the Hari Raya Idul Fitri festivities in Andaleh Baruah
Bukik in 2007. Some of the performers are wearing traditional attire and only one of
the performers is male. The ground has now been cemented.
on the same form of tenaga (energy) cultivated in the martial art. Dabuih,
another performance form related to the martial art of silek, has a heightened
mystical content. Practitioners cut themselves with knives, jump on broken
glass with bare feet and burn themselves with fire, all without drawing blood or
inflicting pain. Dabuih performances are akin to magic shows and the various
acts intimate invulnerability, faith and ascetic achievements. Randai, perhaps
the most popular traditional theatre form across West Sumatra, is explicitly
related to silek minang with the sequences of dance between each scene
derived sometimes exclusively from the silek minang repertoire. In fact most
plays end with a fight scene where major conflicts are settled using the move-
ments of silek minang.
In more recent years, these traditional art forms have been complemented
by new performances. Hip-hop dances and improvised rap now punctuate the
performances of silek, dabuih and tari piriang. The community of Andaleh may
live deep in the mountains, but their remoteness has not stopped the spread of
global popular culture. While they strongly stress tradition, the musicians of
Andaleh have incorporated the African djembe into their music; the perform-
ers sometimes wear jeans and T-shirts, where once they would have worn
traditional attire; and the dancers even occasionally perform to American pop
music. Despite strong resistance from some traditionalist groups, silek minang
is also changing, as the regional genre is influenced by the standard national
form of the art.
Symptoms of Broader Change
The changing performances of the Hari Raya celebrations in Andaleh are

indicative of deeper cultural shifts. Minangkabau society boasts a matrilineal
heritage, but has now almost completely adopted a nuclear family structure.
Women once held authority over the traditional Minangkabau houses, with
their typical double-peaked roofs and thatched walls. These distinctive homes
have been abandoned for modern architectural designs and concrete houses
where men play a growing role. But these same changes have not only brought
new privileges to men. They have also allowed women to play an active role in
festivities and become performers of tradition, roles from which they were
previously excluded. For example, women now participate in every aspect of
traditional randai dance-drama theatre performances.
Before the shift to the nuclear family, young boys were not allowed to live at
home. After the Sunat circumcision rite, they were required to leave home to
be raised in a traditional commune called a surau, where they resided until
218 Mason
Figure 6.7 A traditional Minangkabau house with the front door not facing the street so
that women were given a certain drgree of privacy
marriage. Here they were taught traditional law (adat), religion and other life-
skills. Adat is Minangkabau customary lore comprising fundamental principles
necessary to maintain balance and harmony between the needs of the person
and the community (Tanner and Thomas 1985). Adat decrees that men and
women of the same lineage live in harmony, especially when dealing with
inheritance decisions (Krier 1995). In Minangkabau social formations, adat
once underpinned the very fabric of Minangkabau epistemology and ontology
(Kahn 1993). Colonisation and the rise of nationalism have transformed many
of the fundamental principles that underpin matrilineal customary law
(Acciaioli 1985:152). One clear example of this conflict is the government’s
insistence on having all households headed by a male whose name is used on
all government forms, with the wife’s and children’s names placed after his.
This practice goes against the codes of matrilineality, where the mother’s name
is handed down to the children (Kato 1980). In many regions throughout
Indonesia, adat is now increasingly used only for its aesthetic value in theatri-
cal plays and performances (Acciaioli 1985:152).
As part of life in the surau, training involved basic lessons in silek minang,
after which young boys could develop skills in other performance arts and
games. Young men were entrusted with the skills of silek minang so that they
could protect their village (Sedyawati, 1981). Another motivation to learn silek
minang was the practice of merantau whereby young men who had come of
age would leave their village to make their money before returning home to
marry and begin a family (see also Barendregt, 1995). Silek minang, an art of
combat and defence, was an essential skill for the young traveller. Today, how-
ever, the practice of merantau has dwindled and so too the interest in learning
silek minang.
Nowadays, young Minangkabau boys are no longer brought up living in the
surau, but live at home with their parents. The boys of Andaleh are no excep-
tion and continue to live at home after the Sunat ceremonies. Historically,
being brought up in the surau was a central feature of a Minangkabau man’s
education and an integral place of cultural instruction in the indigenous mar-
tial art of silek. With the adoption of the nuclear family structure, silek minang
is no longer exclusively for boys, and whereas boys were all obliged to practise
this is no longer the case. Many schools have become less secretive and train-
ing methods have altered. This transformation has led to changes that have
spilled over into other arts. For example, tari piriang, along with other popular
Minangkabau dances, no longer uses the closed postures and solid stances that
once marked its relationship to silek minang. Dances like tari piriang have
made the transition from the surau and onto the performance stage where the
movements have become larger in order to appeal to audiences. In silek
minang, however, the body is compact and practitioners present the narrowest
possible surface. Related dances, which were in part used as a sort of cross-
training, similarly used compact movements. As Minangkabau society opens
itself to global customs, its dances and traditions similarly find themselves
moving from traditions dominated by en dedans movement to performance
arts characterised by en dehors movement.
At the threshold of cultural change, the precipice of a liminal present, the
contemporary performances of the Hari Raya festivities in Andaleh represent
a constant negotiation between regional heritage, national influences, and the
pull of global trends. A Minangkabau proverb states, ‘indak lakang dek paneh,
indak lapuak dek hujan,’ meaning that some Minangkabau traditions are
unchangeable and are ‘not worn out by the sunshine, nor eroded by the rain.’
But changes in Minangkabau arts reflect broader changes in West Sumatran
society. Another Minangkabau proverb is arguably more appropriate: ‘alam
takembang jadi guru’ – the ‘blooming of the world is a teacher.’ The social ecol-
ogies of the Minangkabau people are expanding as they become more exposed
to outside influences. Correspondingly, their arts are evolving as they embrace
change and adapt to new cultural environments. The culturally entrained bod-
ies of the silek minang performers, the tari piriang dancers, and the dabuih
mystics become a chronicle of the lived present that recreates itself according
220 Mason
to the evolving context of a constantly changing world. In many ways, the per-
formance arts of Minangkabau communities are representative of the wider
cultural shifts felt throughout West Sumatra. The integration of external influ-
ences and internal social changes are no doubt bringing forth re-evaluations
and redefinitions among the West Sumatrans of what it is to be Minangkabau.
Hari Idul Ad’ha at Lake Maninjau
In December 2007, the Maninjauan lakeside community of Paninjauan in the

highlands of West Sumatra entertained foreign guests during Idul Ad’ha, an
important religious event in the Islamic calendar. The guests were welcomed
with the greeting dance, Silek Gelombang, a sight they witnessed several more
times after nightfall when the six Minangkabau communities attending the
celebrations each gave their own performances of the dance. As each group
arrived, the dance was performed to greet and accept the newcomers into the
Paninjauan community. These performances were followed by performances
of silek, tari piriang and trance-like displays of dabuih.
There are thirty-five hairpin turns as you gradually descend the mountain to
Lake Maninjau. They are a powerful metaphor for the elaborate séances that
precede the important moments of Minangkabau life. In Minangkabau tradi-
tion, no topic or person should be introduced directly, but approached
mindfully through a series of analogies and metaphors that meander towards
the subject obliquely. These séances, called “pasambahan,” are valued by a
large majority of the middle-aged and elderly Minangkabau people.
As you make your winding way down the otherwise steep decline to Lake
Maninjau, a magnificent panoramic view opens out. The wayward approach
allows you to enjoy the scenery from various different angles and perspectives.
Tourists and locals often stop halfway down to enjoy the spectacular panorama
that includes a traditional Minangkabau house set amidst rice paddies with
the lake and forested mountains in the background. As travellers look behind,
they might breathe a sigh of relief that the road was winding and not a straight
and abrupt descent. Going straight down would have placed an all-too-great
reliance on the brakes of an aging transport vehicle. The planning and design
of this celebrated road fits with the Minangkabau ethic of approaching mat-
ters slowly and with caution.
A circumlocutory approach to matters is an ideal in Minangkabau tradition.
This cultural ideal is embodied most visibly in the greeting dance of silek gel-
ombang. The movements of silek gelombang are based upon the practice of
silek minang. Composed of deep postures and strong poses, the dance
Figure 6.8 One of the many hairpin turns on the road down to Lake Maninjau.
Photo courtesy of Alvin Lee, 2008.
Figure 6.9 The view as you descend the mountain to Lake Maninjau.
222 Mason
demonstrates strength and readiness, recalls ancestors who arrived on the

waves of the sea, and signifies welcoming, invitation and hospitality (Risnawati
1993:12). The dance is most commonly performed to inaugurate events or to
greet guests. When welcoming guests, the dancers make a series of sideways
approaches to an offering placed in front of the visitors. If the visitors are danc-
ers of Minangkabau origin, they too might join in the dance and respond with
corresponding movements.
Each Minangkabau village has its own distinctive style of performing silek
gelombang. When two Minangkabau communities perform this dance, both
parties of dancers approach one another with slow diagonal steps, their moves
precise yet hesitating, their postures defensive and prepared. They eventually
meet at the offering plate and find peace in a mutually negotiated space. At the
end of the performance, the dancers and the crowd jump around and dance in
jubilation. Completing silek gelombang is a sign of consensus, and the offering
serves as a meeting point after diversity is expressed through movement.
The silek gelombang dance is often accompanied by one or two small groups
of musicians. The music comprises gendang tambuah drumming, sometimes
talempong paciek and occasionally the sarunai or a pupuik batang padi. If there
are two groups of dancers and two groups of musicians, both groups can com-
mence in dissonant rhythms that only begin to coalesce over the course of
several cycles of movement. The competing rhythms of the drums soon find
synchrony, and when the dancers meet and shake hands over the offering
between them, the drumming becomes louder, and there is an explosion of joy,
carefree dancing and merriment. But just like the winding road that descends
gently to Lake Maninjau, the coming together takes a series of indirect move-
ments to get to the final destination.
Silek gelombang is traditionally passed down from a maternal uncle to his
nephews. The dance is conventionally improvised under the leadership of an
older teacher, whose moves are copied by the younger practitioners standing
behind him. This improvised form is possibly less common nowadays than a
choreographed version of the dance called tari gelombang, which can be
danced by girls and boys and is commonly seen at wedding ceremonies and
other official occasions.
Performances of Silek Minang during Hari Idul Ad’ha Ceremonies
Hari Idul Ad’ha is an Islamic celebration usually involving the sacrifice of a bull
and the sharing of meat. The celebration is also an occasion for communities
to join together and share their traditions. The presence of foreign guests in the
village of Paninjauan for this religious holiday in 2007 offered even more excuse
to celebrate with a diverse array of performance arts. The visitors were greeted
by the silek gelombang dance in the early afternoon.
The Hari Idul Ad’ha celebrations commenced after nightfall. With six
Minangkabau communities participating in the celebrations, ritual perfor-
mances of silek gelombang between the Minangkabau communities were
performed five times. After the first Minangkabau group had been received by
the local group, they were accepted into the community and would then per-
form the dance again with a newly arrived group. This reception was performed
with each new group until all the groups had been received into the commu-
nity. The performances of silek gelombang were followed by performances of
silek, tari piriang and dabuih. The dances and demonstrations were performed
by young and old, but those performances of the older generation really stood
out. A clear contrast was apparent between the performances of young and old
wherein markers of cultural change could be observed.
Many of the silek minang demonstrations were choreographies performed
by the younger generation. They were obviously rehearsed presentations. The
performances started off with elaborate bows to the audience and to each
other. The fight-sequences commenced with demonstrations of open-hand
techniques and were followed by knife combats. The unbroken stream of
sound played on a pupuik gadang was a potent metaphor for the unremitting
concentration of the performers. The introduction of a knife, a highly danger-
ous weapon, was systematically accompanied by an increase in rhythm
and tempo by the drummers. This raised the tension of the performance.
Nonetheless, to the experienced eye the techniques were visibly repetitions of
rehearsals. Defenders occasionally moved out of the line of an attack prior to
the oncoming strike being initiated, and certain acrobatic movements required
the cooperation of performers who were otherwise supposedly opponents.
Even when silek minang is choreographed, performers still have to exercise
extreme caution not to injure or be injured.
The especially crowd-pleasing displays were those of a few older practitio-
ners who performed improvised silek minang later in the evening. Their
performances engaged the entire crowd. The tension between performers was
higher, and they incorporated comedic elements at whim. One of the funnier
moments was when an older gentleman, instead of claiming victory with a
well-executed gesture of power, stole the hat (peci) of his opponent in a
comical trick. The narrow and repetitious melody of the pupuik gadang accom-
paniment rapidly rose in pitch and tempo and started playing a jovial song. The
crowd burst out in laughter and applause. These rare improvised performances
stand in stark contrast to the choreographed performances of younger
224 Mason
generations who demonstrate a limited capacity to instantaneously elaborate

from what has otherwise become a crystallised tradition.
The culmination of the evening ended with a frenzied performance of
dabuih where men jumped on broken glass with bare feet, rubbed their faces
and rolled around in it, all in a demonstration of their inner power. Some men
attempted to cut themselves with knives and stab themselves with bamboo
spikes. Other men performed the plate dance on the broken glass. The ability
to not sustain wounds was an allusion to the tenaga they had gained through
ascetic practices and faith. It was a climactic end to the festivities.
The Crystallisation of Tradition
Silek minang embodies traditional Minangkabau etiquettes. The art is also cen-
tral to the Minangkabau performance arts such as silek gelombang. Together
with a rich repertoire of philosophies, silek minang was used to propagate
Minangkabau ideals and identity. Today boys, like girls, are taught at schools
where they learn a standard curriculum, religion and Pancasila – the five prin-
ciples that form the ideological basis for Indonesia’s constitution. This shift in
education is affecting the transmission of silek minang. Correspondingly, the
shift is also affecting Minangkabau culture more broadly.
Silek minang is still highly regarded in West Sumatra. However, the art is no
longer an obligatory part of Minangkabau education. Some teachers, who
would have previously been more secretive about their skills, are now publicly
training practitioners – both boys and girls. In many cases though, this training
is diluted. Training times are shorter and the pedagogy has erred on the side of
becoming product-oriented rather than process-oriented. The young genera-
tion do not dedicate as much time to the practice as their forefathers. They
may have the time to learn certain sequences of movements, but many stu-
dents do not spend the time exploring the full array of possibilities that these
movement sequences can realise. Certain locks and holds, for example, can be
administered in a variety of ways. Without guided exploration, however, the
application of these skills can be limited. With decreased time spent training
and as a consequence of pedagogical changes, students are learning basic cho-
reographed movements with which they demonstrate very little skill in
improvising.
Inyiak Aguang, a retired school teacher from Panampuang, recounted that
in the 1950s the style of silek minang in each village was very different with
no systematisation or general standard. Teachers only had between five and
seven students who worked closely with their master: “The training was not
systematised but was about developing feeling, improvisational ability and

self-sufficient learning. Today, it has become a combat sport which is contested
in regional and national arenas” (Syakur 2007). The practice of silek minang
is informing the lives of the younger generation in more diffuse ways that
preserve, but no longer truly embody, the values of the older Minangkabau
generations.
Contemporary silek minang performances are now almost always choreo-
graphed with only some very rare improvised performances. The genre was
once taught in small groups by guiding students through the underlying feel-
ing of the art, now it is modelled through the repetition of movements. The
movements are being preserved through crystallised choreographies, rather
than through an intrinsic understanding of the meaning and latency of these
movements. Only in the movements of older performers do we see a form of
non-verbal cultural knowledge that sits comfortably and vibrantly within their
bodies.
Bodily practices can facilitate nonverbal forms of understanding. The move-
ments of dance speak directly to an audience through the primary medium of
the body. Physical experience in a dance genre influences the cognitive, kin-
aesthetic and affective responses to observing performances of that genre
(Calvo-Merino et al. 2005; Foster 1976:44; Hanna 1979; Mason 2009:32). Hidden
in the improvised forms of silek minang is a kind of embodied knowledge that
cannot be touched adequately with the power of words but can only be felt
through the potency of involvement, observation and experience. The elabo-
rate postures of silek minang may evoke a certain kind of embodied response
among seasoned performers, but the movements speak a different language to
untrained audiences. The common gestures of daily life within a community
no doubt influence the way their bodies respond to the rhythmic movement of
dancers in motion. Without training, the movements of silek minang evoke a
bodily response among local audiences that is related to daily experiences. For
example, while observing children at play in a village in the highlands, I saw
children expressing frustration and anger by a rapid torsion of the body, a turn
of the head to one side, and a swinging of the arms in the other direction. This
highly stylised emotional gesture was accompanied by a stamp of the foot. The
resemblance to silek minang was intriguing. In silek minang, one can observe
similar movements that are abstracted, accentuated, and extended through
elaborate gestures of challenge and confrontation.
Silek minang lives and breathes in the lives of the younger generation in a
new way. Within traditional settings, the younger generation are no longer able
to instantiate from the set sequences of movement they have learned. Similarly,
they do not transfer the practice of an ‘indirect approach’ from the medium of
226 Mason
body knowledge into the social arena of spoken dialogue. They demonstrate
either an inability or a lack of desire to bring this richly metaphorical style of
discourse into their everyday lives. Kato malereng is a form of communication
that is inefficient and, without learning the habit through prolonged silek
minang practice, the young generation are unaware of its use by the older gen-
erations. The often illogical analogies or irrational logic used to convey
messages can be easily overlooked, rapidly ignored and forgotten. The younger
generation lives under the influence of a multitude of increasingly global
forces that do not act as a catalyst for prolonged silek minang training or the
apprehension and practice of an extravagantly rich metaphorical dialogue.
While the silek choreographies practised by the younger generation pre-
serve the form, they no longer fully express all the values of the older
Minangkabau generations. In numerous discussions about the centrality of
silek minang in Minangkabau life, Pak Indra Utama, a lecturer in the Dance
Department of the Indonesia Performing Arts College (Padang Panjang),
insisted that the practice of silek minang involves more than the body. The
body practice has an important relationship to the Minangkabau cultural envi-
ronment and embodies social codes and etiquettes that are revered by
middle-aged and elderly Minangkabau. In current formal settings, the dance
form has been crystallised and personal creativity restricted. These choreo-
graphed movements ensure that regional identity is preserved but do not
necessarily enact the Minangkabau gestures and rituals of hospitality.
Understanding the meaning and social mores of silek minang movements
requires laborious one-on-one instruction. The bodily movements of the older
generation who studied the art this way reveal a comfortable knowledge of
Minangkabau culture. But silek has a different presence in the lives of the
younger generation. They do not have the skills to improvise on the set
sequences of movement they have learned. Furthermore, the cultural ideal of
the ‘indirect approach,’ which used to guide both movement and speech, does
not have the same value for them.
Life in Minangkabau villages is shaped by a mixture of Islamic influences,
ancestral beliefs based on adat, and the unendingly intrusive aspects of mod-
ern life (Sanday 2002:62). Minangkabau elders are sometimes didactic, often
judgmental, and nostalgic about the crystallisation of silek minang and the loss
of the cultural etiquette it embodies. Minangkabau tradition favours a circum-
locutory approach. Particularly in matters delicate or official, ‘beating around
the bush’ is considered the epitome of politeness. For example, instead of stat-
ing to a colleague over dinner that business is not going well, one might
apologise for the poor quality of rice or the lack of side-dishes. As another
example, asking a family member directly when they will marry might cause
embarrassment, so in a general manner a querent may simply express a desire

to attend a celebration with lots of people. Weaving unobtrusively around a
topic avoids hurting someone’s feelings or insulting their dignity. This polite
yet savvy conversational skill is valued and was once reportedly a widely prac-
tised part of village-life. By comparison, coastal towns, where cultural life is
seen as more permeable and transient, were once the only abodes where one
would expect to find the coarseness of direct speech.
Today, the permeability and transience of cultural life has extended to even
the most remote villages of the West Sumatran highlands. While younger peo-
ple can describe circumlocutory manners, few practise them (Bastide 2005).
Bringing this richly metaphorical style into everyday conversation is not easy
because it is inefficient and difficult to learn. Indeed, the intention of indirect
and obscure comments is often missed or overlooked. Direct comments are
more practical in the fast changing world of the younger generation. In the
same way, choreographed silek minang movements are much less time-con-
suming and laborious for both teachers and students, and the choreographies
serve as a way of preserving the heritage of the past while adapting to the time
pressures of an increasingly globalised world.
Some of the early documentation of silek by Europeans revealed how the art
captured the colonial imagination. O.J.A. Collet (1925), recognising the increas-
ing rareness of silek, was reminded of the Greek and Roman “bas-reliefs” after
watching the animated and stylised combat forms of West Sumatra. Claire
Holt wrote in her 1938 field notes that the dance of silek “created a sequence of
excellently composed and expressive attitudes which would have delighted
any sculptor” (Holt, 1972:76). The Minangkabau have a saying that dates back
to colonial times: “Kompeni babenteng besi, Minangkabau babenteng adaik,”
which refers to how the Dutch Company was fortified by iron, the Minangkabau
by customs. Where European cultures would have used marble, granite, or
steel to preserve their history, the longest enduring knowledge in West Sumatra
was carved into the impermanent medium of the human body. This, the most
ephemeral of cultural records, is also the most malleable and most adaptable.
When we watch performances of tradition in West Sumatra, we catch certain
glimpses of history, evidences of a complex past. The keen observer needs to
know how to think through the body to develop ways to read, interpret, and
understand the culturally and historically rich dances of West Sumatra.
Transmission and Transformation of Silek Minang
Sumpah Main Silek Minangkabau The oath of Silek Minang

228 Mason
Nan tapek na nyo sipi Wish for a narrow escape,

Nan sipi na nyo lape If narrow escape, no hit at all,
Musuah indak dicari-cari Do not search for enemies,
Basuah indak di ilakkan Should you encounter one, do not hide,
Berani karano bana Brave because in truth,
Takuik karano salah Afraid if in the wrong.
Interview with Amir Syakur (2007), Kampuang: Nuriang, Kabupaten: Agam
West Sumatra, the homeland of silek minang, is situated along a historically

important trade route in Southeast Asia. To preserve cultural knowledge as a
bounded entity, formal measures are available to the proprietors of intangible
cultural heritage. Each community has a guarded pedagogy that is conferred
sparingly and often through exhaustingly extensive methods. In the dissemi-
nation of silek minang, students are chosen carefully, and the transmission of
skills is observed by various cultural codes. For example, before learning the
basic principles of silek minang with Inyak Aguang, I had to learn the above
pantun (a rhyming poem) that teaches students not to go out expressly search-
ing for adverse situations (“musuah indak dicari-cari”), but only to face them
earnestly if and when they arrive (“basuoh indak di ilakkan, berani karana
bana”). This entrance to silek minang training was relatively mild compared to
older practices. The function of such initiations, however, was to stress upon
the neophyte the importance of the relationship between teacher and stu-
dents as well as the sacredness of the tradition being passed on.
In a book written by the Secretary General of the International Pencak Silat
Federation (PERSILAT), silek instructor Edwel Yusri (born 1963) writes about
the gifts that he had to offer in order to be accepted as a student by respected
gurus (Anwar 2007:6–8). To become the student of one guru, Yusri had to offer
a knife, four metres of white cloth, three kilograms of rice, a complete betel set
(a kind of nut for chewing), and tobacco leaf cigarettes (2007:6). To become the
student of another guru, he had to offer a hen, a knife, a white cloth, the tiger
claw fruit (a kind of citrus that only grows in West Sumatra), rice, white incense,
silver coins, as well as a betel set containing fennel, gambier and areca nuts for
chewing (2007:7). Before undertaking periods of training with these teachers
(among a couple of others), Yusri had to perform a ritual bathing in warm
coconut oil (2007:8). The offerings and rituals signified Yusri’s loyalty and com-
mitment to the guru and the guru’s acceptance of Yusri as a student. The
initiation process was a way of formalising the unwritten agreements between
teacher and student and of symbolising the sacred journey they would under-
take together.
Cultural authority is taken very seriously. The rituals signify that the student
accepts the expectations and cultural guardianship that the guru demands.
Not all budding practitioners are able to train with more than one guru accord-
ing to this initiation system. The agreements between guru and student have to
be carefully negotiated and respectfully adhered to. The intimately guarded
transmission of silek minang among small groups of practitioners who work
closely with their teacher is losing popularity in West Sumatra. As a cultural
practice silek minang is challenged by (1) a de-emphasis of kinship patterns
that once strongly emphasised the role of maternal uncles in teaching respon-
sibilities; (2) the slow acquisition of silek techniques and philosophy through
the conventional teaching model; and (3) the emergence of a public school
system and a new mode of Islam that has drastically changed regional educa-
tion. The conventional silek teaching model involves close guidance of the
sensibilities, movement repertoire and intuitive capacities of the practitioners
who generally train in pairs. The teaching demands can be intense and time-
consuming. Furthermore, the method is restricted because teachers
cannot teach too many students at one time. In contrast, systematised choreo-
graphed sequences that can be repeated simultaneously by any number of
people are effective ways of distributing knowledge much more widely with
great speed.
Conventional training often does not follow a fixed agenda or a strict time-
table, but depends rather on the time that one can spend with a teacher and
the mutual inclination to train together. In modern times, social changes have
meant that the amount of time required for these teaching methods is disap-
pearing. Conventional training methods arguably place an emphasis upon
episodic memory in the transmission of cultural knowledge. Episodic memory
is a category of long-term memory that is serial and based on the associations
learnt through personal experience. Compared to semantic memory (the
learning and recall of facts, rules and information), episodic memory is a less
than optimal strategy for rapid cognitive acquisition of techniques. In the con-
ventional training of silek minang, gurus create scenarios and cultivate the
problem-solving skills of their students. For example, a particular kind of
attack is presented, and the student is asked to respond with an appropriate
defensive action. An advantage of this method is that techniques are adapted
to the size and physical abilities of each practitioner. Additionally, gurus dis-
cuss the philosophy of techniques with reference to the wider aspects of
Minangkabau culture and cosmology. Often, students will not progress to
learning new techniques until the various applications of a previously learned
technique are mastered. New movements are taught in a very basic attack and
response manner until students can string different movements
230 Mason
together without prompting. In effect, gurus create the space for the kinds of
experiences that are formed and utilised by the episodic memory systems of
the brain.
Learning silek minang through traditional pedagogy develops a very special
kind of non-verbal cognition, which could be described as choreutic, to use
Laban’s term for a system of conceptualising the spatial forms created by body
movements and positions (Laban 1966). The kind of cognition that is involved
in dance has been labelled “choreographic cognition” (Stevens, McKechnie,
Malloch & Petocz, 2000). Derived from the study of artistic expression in con-
temporary dance, choreographic cognition is conceived as a dynamical system
that involves the exploration, selection and development of movement mate-
rial in time and space. This terminology is limited, however, because the kind
of nonverbal cognition utilised in dance movement and martial arts can be
improvisatory or choreographic. Improvised practices, such as those in West
Sumatran training, involve movement material that is conceived and executed
in-real time as a work-in-progress. Choreographed practices, such as those in
West Javanese training, involve pre-set sequences of movements that are
repeated with a high degree of fidelity. Improvisation and choreography
demand different capabilities and are representative of two overlapping but
different skill sets (Mason, 2009). Choreutic cognition is a more comprehen-
sive term that can be applied cross-culturally to practices of embodied artistic
expression and physical activity that are improvised or choreographed. The
term “choreutic cognition” can be employed more broadly to refer to the
embodied perceptual, cognitive and emotional processes involved in the
visual, spatial, temporal and kinaesthetic aspects of physical activity. Choreutic
cognition is a form of non-verbal thinking about time, trajectories, spatial con-
figurations, and the ways in which movements, limbs and bodies relate to
objects as well as one another. The kind of choreutic cognition learnt through
traditional silek minang pedagogy is strongly improvisatory.
Starting with the mid 1980s, a significant number of Minangkabau gurus
have opted for the modern Javanese or hybrid Javanese-Minangkabau models
of teaching which involves choreographed sequences of specific movements
taught to large numbers of students at scheduled training times (De Grave
2001). The pedagogy is characterised by the splicing of culturally organised
movement material into digestible, perceptually salient units that are systema-
tised and often labelled with mnemonic aids. A dominant characteristic of this
training is repetitive conditioning: “Through the constant practice of these
short sequences of movements certain habitual responses or specific biome-
chanical principles are inculcated within the student” (Wilson, 2009:96).
Labelling choreographies and learning them by rote most likely draws upon
semantic memory skills and a different form of interaction between the declar-
ative and procedural systems of the brain. In other words, systematically
categorising movement with semantic aids incorporates declarative memory
in the imitation and reproduction of motor skills. A greater emphasis on the
declarative knowledge of movement sequences most probably assists in the
learning, recall, and propagation of choreographed sequences. In this manner,
the repetition of choreographed movements facilitates the rapid acquisition
and transmission of new movement vocabularies.
Ingold (2001) believes that each generation accumulates and adds to the
knowledge of their predecessors through a process of enskilment. Through
enskilment, the apprentice generation is not a passive recipient of informa-
tion, but rather the active pursuant of ways of interacting with the world.
Students do not acquire their knowledge ready-made but grow into it through
a process of “guided rediscovery” (Ingold 2000:356). In other words, cultural
information is rediscovered by students through the guidance of others. As
they make their way through a field of related practices, students model their
actions on the movements of teachers. The student is not mechanically repro-
ducing the model, but aligning observations of the model with action in a
world that is constantly fluctuating. One might ask: if the world fluctuates too
much from the context of the original model, will a culture-specific pedagogy
of enskilment continue to find relevance?
In the suraus of West Sumatra, silek minang was an instructive intervention
that did not impose a choreographic design upon a student’s movement, but
offered a means of improvisation for the student to move within Minangkabau
society and to navigate through a specific world of cultural activity. In the prac-
tice of silek minang, young students learnt the prescribed yet unverbalised
codes of conduct that permeated Minangkabau life. Since Indonesian inde-
pendence and the advent of intense globalisation, changes in the structures of
Minangkabau society have been so great that the practice of silek minang
struggles to find the utility it once had. The relevance of silek minang is chang-
ing. In the context of rural festivities, silek minang is performed for
entertainment but also serves as a marker of cultural heritage and regional
identity. Talempong paciek, also a cultural heirloom of the Minangkabau, adds
to the nostalgic sense of tradition, because it too taps into sentiments of heri-
tage and identity. The multisensory coupling of traditional music and
traditional movement may seem arbitrary because it does not have any rhyth-
mic structural relationship. However, silek minang and talempong paciek
reinforce each other to an audience who recognise both arts as rich expres-
sions of cultural patrimony.
232 Mason
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Tanner, Nancy & Thomas, Lynn L.. (1985) Rethinking Matriliny: Decision-Making and
Sex Roles in Minangkabau. In: Change and Continuity in Minangkabau: Local,
Regional, and Historical Perspectives on West Sumatra. L. Thomas and F. von Benda-
Beckmann (eds). Monographes in International Studies Southeast Asia Series No. 71.
Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 45–71.
Wilson, Lee. 2009. Jurus, Jazz Riffs and the Constitution of a National Martial Art in
Indonesia. Body and Society, 15(2), 93–118.
Chapter 7
Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia

Paul H. Mason
Music for the Fight
The Sundanese of West Java have developed a form of fight-dancing called pen-
cak silat seni. Small orchestras comprising percussionists and a woodwind
player accompany exhibitions of pencak silat seni with sounds and motifs that
mimic the performer’s movement. Musical accompaniment is rare in training
but common during rehearsals for an upcoming presentation. Pencak silat seni
was developed through aristocratic modes of sponsorship during the colonial
period. After independence, the genre became affiliated with nationalist ide-
ologies and today is a regular feature at regional and national events.
In his research about Sundanese popular dance, Spiller describes the expec-
tation that movement is animated by musicians as an aesthetic related to the
“social relationship between dancer and drummer – an aristrocrat and a hired
servant, respectively” (2010:73). In the embodied practice of pencak silat seni,
the relationship between music and movement is a historical artefact that has
become formalised through competitions and reinforced through the eco-
nomic relationships between movement artists and musicians. While
Sundanese dancing is described as “a masculine pursuit in much the way that
sports are in the Western world” (Spiller 2010:36), both men and women par-
ticipate in contemporary pencak silat seni.
Fighting arts throughout Southeast Asia have travelled variously through
Buddhist, Hindu and Islamic channels (Barendregt 1995; Gartenberg 2000;
Pätzold 2000; Pätzold 2008; Wilson 2002). The nationalisation of pencak silat in
Indonesia, however, has led to a downplaying of foreign influences (Wilson
2002:35), such as those from China, India, Mongolia, Persia, Turkey, Tibet,
Japan, Korea and Europe (Gartenberg 2000:30). “Pencak Silat is a compound
word” (Notosoejitno 1997:1) that refers to the authentic martial arts of the
Indo-Malayan archipelago. Pencak silat practitioners consider it to be a sport,
an art, a form of combat training, and a tool for mental and spiritual develop-
ment. The artistic form is officially called “pencak silat seni” and is based on the
fighting techniques of pencak silat and often accompanied by music. In con-
versation, the title “pencak silat seni” is often abbreviated to “pencak silat,” or
sometimes just “pencak.” “Silat” is also a generic and widely encountered term

236 Mason
Figure 7.1
Pak Haji Uho Holidin
performing knife techniques
at his home in Bandung.
(Photo: Paul H. Mason
2008)
for martial or fighting arts in post colonial Indonesia (Gartenberg 2000:18). As

with much of the Indonesian language, the context drives the meaning.
Pencak Silat Panglipur is a Sundanese school of pencak silat seni that teaches
and performs a style of pencak silat from the West Java regions of Cikalong,
Cimande, and Wanayasa. The school is prestigious and attracts a large number
of local students of all ages, both male and female. A prominent figure in this
school is Haji Uho Holidin, a performance artist in his seventies who lives in
Bandung, West Java (see Figure 7.1). He is a senior teacher in a branch called
Pencak Silat Panglipur Pamager Sari. With an experienced eye, Haji Uho
actively surveys and monitors the progress of students. Training usually takes
place after Isha prayer on Tuesday nights at a performance space near his
home. Devoted students also schedule their own training sessions in their
respective suburbs. At training, Haji Uho teaches movements and explains
their functions, urging students to understand the intent of each movement so
that their performances are both meaningful and attractive. Younger students
model their performances on Haji Uho’s moves, which are still graceful and
powerful despite his age.
Pencak Silat Seni as Cultural Art
While pencak silat is traditionally regarded as an activity for men, the artistic
component of pencak silat seni offers both men and women an attractive way
to learn fighting skills. The beauty of the music and the choreographed move-
ment allow practitioners to enjoy the art without the pain and struggle of
combat practice. Furthermore, the lack of physical contact in the militaristic
training style of many schools allows boys and girls to train alongside each
other. Dian Nur Dini, a 22-year-old female performer who has toured Korea
and Malaysia with Panglipur Pamager Sari, says, ‘Women must know how to
defend themselves. Inside the beautiful music and movement of pencak silat
seni, there are effective combat techniques.’
For dedicated practitioners like Dian, pencak silat seni offers opportunities
to travel to other countries. But the art is certainly no way to earn a good living.
Even a well-known and respected pencak silat teacher like Haji Uho has to run
another business. Haji Uho does not request payment for teaching pencak silat.
To make money, instead, he makes clothes for pencak silat performers. As a
sign of appreciation and respect, his students and his students’ students loyally
buy their silat costumes from him. He employs a small number of young tailors
to sew the clothes that he sells to schools in Bandung as well as to some affili-
ated training centres in Europe. At night, if Haji Uho is not training advanced
students in the front room of his house, he will often be found in his workroom
(which is also his kitchen) cutting material and preparing silat clothes. For Haji
Uho, the business is a labour of love. He believes that the art form fulfils a
human need for beauty, and he gets great pleasure from creating pencak silat
costumes that adorn the performers.
Pencak silat seni can be performed as a solo, duet, or quintet using combat-
ive movements as the building blocks of elaborate choreographies. Haji Uho
has been a key figure in developing many new choreographies based on the
movement material taught to him by his teacher, Abah Aleh (who is said to
have lived from 1856 to 1980). These choreographies are much loved by West
Javanese audiences and are a source of cultural and national pride. Dian Nur
Dini states, “Apart from being a hobby and a great way to keep fit, pencak silat
is part of being Indonesian. It is a way for me to preserve my culture.” As Dian
Nur Dini suggests, pencak silat is part of Indonesia’s rich cultural heritage. In
West Java, pencak silat seni is performed at weddings and
238 Mason
circumcision ceremonies. Various pencak silat seni schools come together at

regional contests and festivals to demonstrate and test their skills against one
another. Competitions involving schools from various parts of the archipelago
are also held at the national level.
The Art of the Competition
Pencak silat seni competitions organised by the regional West Javanese

Association, Persatuan Pencak Silat Indonesia (PPSI), are opened by speeches
from local pencak silat personalities as well as government figures when repre-
sentatives are present. One regular feature at the beginning of competitions is
a militaristic recitation of the mission and vision of the PPSI, as well as the
Pancasila. An esteemed representative of the PPSI marches on stage with a
steady gait and sharp ninety degree turns. He stands rigidly in front of the
microphone, opens the script and reads aloud in sculpted and commanding
prose. The five principles of the Pancasila that he reads include: belief in one
God, nationalism, humanitarianism, social justice, and democracy.
The Pancasila is a doctrine fundamental to an explicit national ideology
that underpins the desire to make Indonesia a prosperous modern state (see
Vickers, 2005:117). The five principles in their original form were first made
public in a speech by President Sukarno on the first of June 1945. Sukarno, dur-
ing the Japanese occupation, was actually the patron of a silat federation that
preceded the PPSI (Maryono, 2002:84). This earlier federation allegedly began
in 1922 during the Dutch colonial period and was originally called the
‘Perhimpunan Pencak Silat Indonesia.’ The purpose of the earlier federation
was to bond the West Javanese styles of pencak silat that had spread through-
out the archipelago (Maryono, 2002:83). Due to political upheavals, the
federation ceased activities for a few years but was reorganised in 1950 with the
purpose to “serve public interest in order to realise the objectives set forth in
Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, working in the
spheres of social affairs, economics, and culture to improve people’s welfare”
(Suara Merdeka 1950:2). The Perhimpunan Pencak Silat Indonesia projected a
national image, but its membership was local. Today, the Persatuan Pencak
Silat Indonesia simultaneously projects a regional and national image, and
members can join from almost any West Javanese school of pencak silat located
anywhere in the world1.
1 The PPSI claims to be a national organization, though de facto it operates mainly in regional
West Java. See the chapters by de Grave and Paetzold in the present volume for further
The militaristic opening to regional pencak silat competitions organised by

the PPSI is a reflection of the opening ceremonies for the national pencak silat
competitions organised by the Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia (IPSI). The
national organisation, IPSI, was founded in 1948 and was originally called
Ikatan Pentjak Silat Seloeroeh Indonesia (IPSSI). IPSSI was renamed and abbre-
viated to IPSI after the end of the Sukarno-era (Cordes 1990:313). In 1973, some
six years after Suharto came to power in 1967, the IPSI board became milita-
rised, and a retired Brigadier General of the Armed Forces was elected as chair.
In that year, the hybridised name ‘Pencak Silat’ became officially accepted as
the term to encompass all indigenous styles of Indonesian martial arts. Prior to
this time, martial arts around the Indonesian archipelago were either called
‘pencak’ or ‘silat’ or some other name (e.g. ‘silek’ or ‘pancak’ in West Sumatra).
The term ‘Pencak Silat,’ it was deemed, sufficiently represented and incorpo-
rated the assortment of Indonesian martial arts. Correspondingly, IPSI formally
incorporated ‘Pencak Silat’ instead of ‘Pentjak Seloeroeh’ into their title. The
fact that ‘pencak silat’ sounds similar to the word ‘Pancasila’ would not have
detracted from their decision. The IPSI became linked with the Pancasila by
1978 and started to play a role in national defence and development during the
New Order.
The compound name of ‘pencak silat’ is an artefact of multiple different
regional training styles of martial arts throughout Indonesia. In the words of
Jonathan Haynes, “Names conceal as well as reveal” (2007:106). For example,
the title of “Bollywood” covers up the production of Indian films in languages
other than Hindi such as Tamil, Bengali, and Punjabi (ibid.). Similarly, the
name “Nollywood” covers up the diversity of film productions in Nigeria (ibid.).
With regard to “pencak silat,” Indonesian authority figures have sought to pro-
mote the ideology of “unity in diversity,” and they have grouped together the
multitude of martial arts from around the archipelago under one title.
Progressive schools that have eagerly adopted this mission, “have worked
enthusiastically to standardize pencak silat movements into packages geared
towards specific levels of proficiency” (Maryono, 1998:118). The act of standard-
ising movement repertoires has placed pressure on many of the abstract
combative gestures of village-based martial arts groups around Indonesia.
Various schools linked to the IPSI have favoured physical efficiency to the detri-
ment of symbolic proficiency in attempting to systematise the art (Bastide,
2005; see also Jähnichen in this volume). Furthermore, IPSI implicitly ask
schools wishing to be part of the organisation to abandon their local system of
information.
240 Mason
reference and adopt the national ideology. The condition is sine qua non for
any school wishing to establish satellite academies outside their homeland.
In the late 1960s, pencak silat became a part of a Suharto regime strategy
called Dwifungsi ABRI/TNI. This strategy aimed to tighten the networks
amongst military, police, and civil instances. Pencak silat fitted in well with this
strategy. As an embodied practice with martial ideology and an emphasis on
self-discipline, pencak silat became an art predestined to transport the ethic of
personal development and national development into the Indonesian youth
(Pätzold 2008:106–107). Benefactors frequently came from the civil and mili-
tary government apparatus. They gave monetary support to schools,
associations, competitions, and performances of pencak silat. Until recently,
the chair of the IPSI, for example, was the retired Major General of the Armed
Forces Eddie M. Nalapraya. Another military patron of Pencak silat was
Lieutenant General Prabowo Subianto, the son-in-law of President Suharto.
Prabowo financed the activities of a school based in Banten called Satria Muda
Indonesia (‘Young Indonesian Knights’) (Ryter 1998:71), which by 1997 had
grown to encompass numerous pencak silat clubs from 22 provinces through-
out the archipelago with an estimated total membership of around 46,000
(Wilson 2002:270). Prabowo also held a position at the head of the IPSI. With
this visible connection between the National pencak silat Association and
Suharto’s son-in-law, the art of pencak silat went through an unsettled period
after Suharto’s fall from power in 1998. The strong presence of the IPSI receded
and in some regions the art of pencak silat was recognised as Suharto’s art
(Pätzold 2008). With time, however, pencak silat has regained its reputation
and is once more associated with more general values of national identity and
regional pride. The socially remembered past in Indonesia is often subject to
short-term recall.
Evidence of Suharto’s and Prabowo’s influence on the pencak silat world can
still be seen in the competitions and events held today. I was reminded of this
influence on a trip to a pencak silat event in Kuningan, one of the outer villages
of West Java, in April of 2008. Gazing absentmindedly into the passing scenery,
I was awakened by the sight of a statue of a large falcon sitting atop a Harley-
Davidson style emblem beneath the letters N-A-Z. The statue was in front of a
bland building reminiscent of the architecture of Albert Speer. The building
was home to a local radio station coordinated and sponsored by a political
party called the Pemuda Pancasila (The Pancasila Youth). Suharto and Prabowo
had notorious connections to the Pancasila Youth and allegedly used the
Figure 7.2
A radio station in Maja-
lengka, West Java. The
emblem reads: Sekali Layar
Terkembang, Surut Kita
Berpantang (Once de sails
catch the wind, Our wake we
shall not revisit).
a b
Figure 7.3 a. Logo of the Young Indonesian Knights (Satria Muda Indonesia, SMI) with the
motto: “Self Defense for the defense of the nation.” SMI promoted a form of somatic
nationalism where “The silat body was politicised in dramatic fashion; to learn to
‘defend oneself’ (BI: bela diri) was inseparable from learning to ‘defend the nation’
(BI: bela bangsa)” (Wilson 2002: 280); b. shows the pancer delapan floor design.
242 Mason
organisation as a source of pencak silat trained hoodlums who instantiated the

power of Suharto’s family through aggressive riots, acts of mayhem, and vio-
lence up until 1998. They were a non-official pool of youth who could be loosed
on political adversaries or used simply to stir up the appearance of disorder to
justify military crackdown. Indonesian press of the reform era accused the
Young Indonesian Knights (SMI) and the Pancasila Youth of involvement in the
anti-Chinese riots of May 1998, the massive damage to the city of Solo also in
May 1998, the Ketapang incident in Jakarta, as well as acts of provocation and
terror in Kupang, the Molluccas, West Kalimantan, Lombok, South Sulawesi,
Medan, Irian Jaya, Aceh, and East Timor (Gartenberg 2000:197). Although
Prabowo later denied that SMI instigated the riots, “he did not totally dismiss
the possibility that ‘rogue elements’ (BI: oknum-oknum) of SMI may have been
involved” (Wilson 2002:278).2 The shape of the emblem of SMI has sinister
resemblances to fascist symbols. The crossed keris (traditional ceremonial
knives) surrounded by a ring of feet captures the conjunction of nationalism,
martial arts, and militarism while the rice stalks are a symbol that as people
grow older they should become more humble.
Nazi propaganda is found throughout Indonesia and is not limited to the
Pancasila Youth. The Nazi Swastika (as opposed to the Buddhist Swastika) is
found emblazoned upon products at markets, painted on public transport
vehicles, in the merchandise from local pop artists, as well as in themed restau-
rants and cafés. In bookstores, entire sections are devoted to books about
Hitler and Nazism, and Mein Kampf has been translated into Bahasa Indonesia.
The deep-seated interest in Hitler and the Swastika, it seems, is less associated
with anti-Semitism and more closely related to nationalism (Suciu 2008).
Nationalist pursuits and the fascination with Hitler may have started in the
very early days of the Republic. In the book, The Spectre of Comparisons,
Benedict Anderson recounts his “strange experience” of listening to President
Sukarno talk about Adolf Hitler “not as mass murderer, not even as a fascist
and anti-Semite, but as a nationalist” (Anderson, 1998:1). As an offshoot of the
nationalist-inspired interest in Hitler, the Pancasila Youth are a strange parallel
to the Hitler Youth. Similarly, the efforts to mobilise pencak silat into a national
sport are reminiscent of the Nazi Party’s mobilisation of gymnastics and com-
munity dance to embody nationalist aims.
With Sukarno’s interest in the nationalisation of pencak silat, Suharto and
Prabowo’s interest in the militarisation of pencak silat, and the accompanying
standardisation of the art, many proponents envisioned pencak silat to one day
2 A more complete history of the Young Indonesian Knights (Satria Muda Indonesia, SMI) is
offered by Wilson (2002:267–280).
embody some sort of ‘National Calisthenics.’ As part of Suharto and Prabowo’s

vision for pencak silat, a huge training complex called the Padepokan Pencak
Silat was constructed on 5.5 hectares of land adjacent to the Taman Mini
Indonesia Indah in Jakarta. The enormous complex includes a library, several
training rooms, stadium, hotel, restaurant and seminar facilities. The complex
was constructed between 1994 and 1996 and inaugurated by Suharto in 1997.
The inspiration for this facility was the desire for a space to host large events
celebrating the national martial art of pencak silat. Movement sequences were
created for practitioners to be performed en masse that, as nationalist propa-
ganda, would have deeply resembled the movement choirs that became
popular in Germany between the world wars.
Based upon specific principles of organising dance, sound, and word, Rudolf
Laban originally created ‘movement choirs,’ large groups of novice dancers
moving as the embodiment of social harmony (Kew 2001). In Germany during
the 1920s, movement choirs became political in nature and began to be coordi-
nated by socialists, such as Martin Gleisner (2001:78). The Nazi Party renamed
the movement choir a Gemeinschaftstanz (‘community dance’), and the
Ministry for Enlightenment and Propaganda staged large-scale community
dances (ibid.). In a similar vein, the militaristic choreographies of pencak silat,
under Suharto and Prabowo’s direction, were geared as a national Indonesian
body practice and an expression of unity and solidarity. While the en masse
demonstrations of a nationalised pencak silat have since declined in popular-
ity, training camps, competitions, and arts events have remained popular at
the Padepokan Pencak Silat.
Militaristic direction over pencak silat has waned, but Nazi-like tendencies
continue on the superficies of pencak silat events. For example, the nationalist
speeches at the opening ceremonies of National Pencak silat competitions at
the Padepokan Pencak Silat resemble the speeches of Adolf Hitler in style,
prosody and emotional tenor. Such observations may seem disturbing, but
Indonesians do not associate Hitler-resembling speeches to oppression, death
and torture. Indonesians are not taught about Nazism and the Holocaust at
school (Matroji 2006:21) and they have little historical knowledge of one of the
world’s most violent and notorious dictatorships. Where Nazism is discussed,
the rise of Hitler is justified and explained by Germany’s socio-economic situ-
ation after the First World War. The Aryan policies of the Nazis are mentioned,
whereas the Holocaust is left out (Matroji 2006:23). Some view of Nazism is
offered at national pencak silat events, because Nazi-like behaviour is being
evoked but the association to war crimes are mild. Nazism is accepted for aes-
thetic reasons more than for acceptance of Mein Kampf. Stripped of its
associations with genocide, the appeal of Nazism is complex, political,
244 Mason
nationalist, militarist and aesthetic. The aesthetic appeal of Nazi propaganda

such as eagles, fierce logos, and architecture as expression of nationalist art
helps explain the association of Nazism with some forms of pencak silat.
Nationalist voices have promoted pencak silat as an authentically Indonesian
martial art. Nationalist fervour has sculpted the choreographies, rules, and
regulations of pencak silat, with standardised repertoires of movement a direct
result. Schools of pencak silat who wish to participate in national competitions
must teach a choreographed sequence of 100 movements that include 50 open-
hand moves (Tangan), 25 knife techniques (Golok) and 25 staff techniques
(Raton), collectively called ‘Tangan Golok Raton.’ This choreographed set of
movements is the basis of one of the IPSI competition categories and is judged
upon three criteria: technique, rhythm and expression (wiraga, wirama, and
wirasa). Other IPSI competitions are sport-oriented or art-based. The creation
of a national competition standard for sport-oriented and art-based pencak
silat ensures that all pencak silat practitioners perform the same art.
The Development of Music for the Fight
Pencak silat accompanied by music is almost invariably called ‘pencak silat

seni,’ which means ‘pencak silat art.’ Each region of Indonesia uses a different
set of instruments to accompany their particular style of pencak silat seni. The
musical accompaniment to pencak silat seni in West Java is generally called
kendang pencak named after the feature instrument, the kendang: two-headed
leather-laced small barrel drums with a slightly bulging body. A kendang pen-
cak ensemble may include any combination of the following instruments:
kendang ibu (mother drum set) with two kulanter (small double-sided barrel
drums), kendang anak (child drum) also with two kulanter, kenong (suspended
gongs), gong (hanging gong), ceng-ceng (small cymbals) and the tarompet
(double-reed aerophone). The most popular combination of instruments,
often featured in PPSI competitions, is composed of two sets of kendang drums
(kendang ibu and kendang anak), a gong and a tarompet. The selection of
instruments is rarely a random choice with most groups having a mandatory
ensemble type, for example kendang pencak, genjringan, terbangan, gendang
patingtung, among others (Pätzold 2000).
The musicians attempt to animate the punches and kicks of the perfor-
mances with appropriately placed slaps of the drums and capture the feel of a
pencak silat seni performance through tunes on a woodwind tarompet. The
kendang ibu usually plays an ostinato, and the kendang anak drums are used to
complement and illustrate the performers’ movements. The gong serves a
Figure 7.4
A kendang pencak group
accompany a night-time
performance of pencak silat seni.
There are two sets of kendang
drums, a gong and a tarompet
player (hidden behind the gong).
The musicians face the movement
artists and are positioned behind
them on stage.
colotomic function and punctuates the time-cycles at regular intervals. If the

gong is played slow, then the performance is correspondingly slow; if the gong
is fast, the movement is fast. A variety of different rhythms played on the drums
have different origins, like the rhythm known as paleredan, from the village of
Palered, and tepak dua, regarded by some as originating from Cimande (other
accounts can be found in Pätzold 2000:238–239). The drummers follow the
movements of the performer with their playing, and develop great sensitivity
to the choreographed movements of the art form. Sundanese audiences
become very involved in the performances. The music is loud, and the audi-
ences love to add to the atmosphere by shouting in time with the music and
crying out their support for the performers. The double-reed tarompet player
contributes to the festive ambience by playing repetitive melodies that match
the tone of the performance and the audience’s reaction. Melodies drawn from
the Sundanese song repertoire can be performed in the pelog seven-note scale
or the salendro five-note scale. The inclusion of music with pencak silat seni
has a history that is only traceable to the early part of the 20th century with no
reliable information indicating if music was present earlier.
246 Mason
Throughout the Indo-Malayan archipelago, “the wielding of martial force

has historically played a determinant role in the establishment, maintenance
and extension of political authority” (Gartenberg 2000:44). Colonial history no
doubt altered the trajectory of pencak silat and catalysed the marriage of music
and movement in the creation of pencak silat seni. “The Dutch policy of indi-
rect rule turned the kings, regents and other aristocrats into civil servants,
albeit ones who retained all the titles and outward signs of ceremonial hierar-
chy” (Vickers, 2005:36). This policy in some part served “to distance the
aristocracy from the rest of the population” (ibid.). Instead of corvée and prod-
ucts from the land, the regents and their extended families received government
salaries (ibid: 37). The Dutch effectively changed the sultans, kings, and nobles
into civil servants. However, their salaries were not enough to live off. In order
to maintain themselves, their extended families, and their retinues in style, the
regents and monarchs placed pressure on those below them in the social
structures.
Complex manoeuvres by rulers and regents allowed them to keep some

notion of the income from their land, even when the land had been for-
mally taken away from them. By convincing village heads and peasants to
remain loyal to traditional leaders, not abstract notions like ‘the state,’ the
regents were able to continue extracting corvée from their subjects. They
backed up their pressure on the peasants by employing spies and thugs to
show them what their obligations were (Vickers 2005:38).
In addition to fear-tactics, the regents also used positive reinforcement through

entertainment and the arts. They hired artists, musicians, poets and dancers
for entertainment and popularity and justified their status by serving as
patrons. From the array of performance artists that patrons could choose, pen-
cak silat artists were especially useful to hire. The graceful movements of the
martial art entertained and brought joy to audiences while simultaneously
demonstrating a strength and skill that should be feared, an excellent perfor-
mance metaphor for their new status. When the direct power of pencak silat
was superseded by the superior weapons of the Dutch, the indirect power
of pencak silat seni was used to legitimate authority within regional social
structures.
In West Java, the Regents of Bandung were instrumental in revitalising and
inventing classical Sundanese arts and shaping Sundanese identity (Williams
2001). The story of the celebrated pencak silat group Pak Haji Uho Holidin per-
forms with, Pencak Silat Panglipur, is connected to the history of the Regents
of West Java. In the second half of the 19th century, the popular Regent of
Bandung, Bupati R. Adipati Wiranatakusumah IV (1846–1874), who was affec-

tionately called Dalem Bintang (the Royal House of Stars) by local citizens,
commissioned a performance of pencak silat (called maenpo back then) and a
recitation of Cianjur poetry. The pencak silat performance included Pak Haji
Uho Holidin’s teacher, Abah Aleh, accompanied by drum, and poetry recited
by Hamim, accompanied by flute and mandolin. Dalem Bintang was sick at the
time, but felt comforted by the entertainment, and attributed his recovery to
the performance. In gratitude, he bestowed the name “Panglipur” on the per-
formance troupes (Maryono, 2002:178–179). Some people suggest that the word
‘Panglipur’ is related to the word ‘penghibur’ meaning ‘to entertain.’ At the time
of the performance before Dalem Bintang, Abah Aleh may still have been a
student of pencak silat, but in 1909 Abah Aleh founded his own pencak
silat group, which he titled Panglipur. Even if the story is a myth, the tale high-
lights the appeal of martial genres to authority in the construction of a popular
performance style. In September 2009, Panglipur celebrated their 100th
anniversary.
Of course, regents were not the only people to hire pencak silat artists. These
revered artists were also hired by the villages themselves for a noble form of
entertainment at circumcision ceremonies, weddings, harvest ceremonies,
cock and ram fights. Highly successful pencak silat artists were able to bring a
troupe with them and pay musicians to accompany their performances. The
monetary relationship between martial artist and musician often dictated the
direction of the relationship between music and movement. The pencak silat
performer was paying the musician to accompany his moves, so the music fol-
lowed the movement.
Music was not always an accepted part of pencak silat performances. Gan
Didi (1859–1942), a master of pencak silat from Cikalong, made efforts to meld
Cikalong movements with a traditional music genre called karawitan (Wilson
2002:75). At the time, solo performances of pencak silat from the Cimande
region already existed in the Priangan area, but solo performances did not yet
exist in Cikalong. Gan Didi’s solo choreographies incorporated offensive and
defensive movement patterns that appeared like a fight between the performer
and an imaginary opponent. Other Cikalong masters criticised this deviation
from established tradition and voiced concerns that someone who had mas-
tered these solo choreographies might feel that they had full knowledge of the
Cikalong fighting arts, “when in reality they would only have the ‘flower’ (BI:
bunga) but not the ‘fruit’ (BI: buah)” (Ibid.).
Despite the challenges, music was a regular feature of pencak silat seni per-
formances by at least the second half of the twentieth century. In village
communities, pencak silat performers were not always hired
248 Mason
artists. During festive events, community members could be inspired to enter

the performance space and demonstrate their skills in pencak silat seni. Unless
other arrangements were in place, the aspiring performer would offer a small
amount of money to the musicians and request a certain kind of accompany-
ing rhythm and perhaps even a song. In general, the musicians obliged because
goodwill was lucrative for business. If, on the odd occasion, the amount of
money offered was deemed too small, or if a musician and a performer were
not on good terms, then the musical accompaniment may have suffered. The
drum rhythms may have been deliberately played wrong, the song may have
poked fun at the performer, or the dynamics may simply have been purpose-
fully mismatched. To ensure the quality of a performance, professional pencak
silat artists make efforts to maintain a strong relationship with their musicians
and will often work closely with them over many years.
Today, the power asymmetries between movement artist and musician in
pencak silat seni groups are not as pronounced as they once were. Pencak silat
troupes are often coordinated much like theatre companies. Because the bulk
of the movement artists are young amateurs, they typically receive less than
the musicians who are trained professionals and much older. The physical and
perceptual demands placed on pencak silat musicians means that they must
have many years of experience to be proficient accompanists. While the lead
movement artist of a pencak silat troupe may receive the greatest portion of
the group’s fee, the musicians will receive a substantial share of the profits.
Percussion for Pencak Silat Seni
Pak Oseng is a kendang pencak musician. He plays drums to accompany

Sundanese pencak silat seni and is a regular accompanist for Pencak Silat
Panglipur. According to the movement artists, Pak Oseng is one of the best
accompanists around. He matches the moves of performers with correspond-
ing rhythm, dynamics and intensity. His mimetic skill at bringing a musical
component to punches, kicks, grapples and holds while sustaining an enter-
taining rhythm would be beyond the skill of most percussionists, but to Pak
Oseng it has become second nature. Strong punches are accompanied by
loud hits, suspense is mimicked by stereotyped rhythms, and the qualitative
aspects of the movement are matched in timbre and tessitura. He can sustain
performances from five minutes to a couple of hours without breaking a sweat –
quite a feat in the tropical climate of Indonesia. He can even do it while
chain-smoking!
Figure 7.5 Pak Oseng plays the kendang at the house of Pak Haji Masri, one of the artistic
directors of Pencak Silat Panglipur. (Photo: Paul H. Mason 2008)
Two sets of drums are used to accompany Sundanese pencak silat perfor-
mances. The kendang ibu drummer sustains a steady tempo while the kendang
anak drummer improvises freely in fitting with the moves of the movement
artists. A number of different rhythmic tempos are maintained by the kendang
ibu drummer around which the kendang anak drummer can improvise. Each
rhythm has a name such as tepak dua, paleredan, tepak tilu, and padungdung,
among others.
Performances by Pencak Silat Panglipur, like those of many other Sundanese
pencak silat seni clubs, will normally commence with either a tepak dua or
paleredan rhythmic accompaniment. The opening section is performed at a
relaxed pace and allows practitioners to demonstrate the beauty of their art
while providing the audience with the time to enjoy the movements. The tem-
poral organisation may vary between clubs, but practitioners generally perform
seven movements between each gong cycle. These movements are guided by
the tempo of the kendang ibu and matched by the rhythmic accents of the
kendang anak. The practitioner sustains the seventh movement on the sound
of the gong. Tepak dua is regarded as the most traditional rhythm, requiring
more poise and control. Paleredan, a rhythm related to tepak dua, has shorter
250 Mason
pauses on the sound of the gong and which practitioners considered ‘the mid-
dle rhythm of tepak dua,’ because it lacks the rhythmic embellishment of tepak
dua. The tepak tilu section follows from tepak dua or paleredan opening. Tepak
tilu is slightly faster and livelier. The rhythm of the kendang ibu is steady, and
the timing of movements is correspondingly constant. Practitioners will per-
form four movements per gong cycle. These movements are executed at a
strident and predictable pace, and accompanied by the accents and metric
timing of the kendang anak. The insistent beat and continual movements build
excitement and lift the vitality of a performance. The final section, padung-
dung, is the fastest section that involves an increase in tempo, the most
perceptible examples of circular breathing by the wind-player, and the
most virtuosic drumming by the percussionists. The kendang ibu plays a steady
fast-paced rhythm while the kendang anak responds explicitly to the move-
ments of the performers with corresponding slaps and bangs that imitate the
kicks and punches. Musicians and audience can sometimes interject vocally
with shouts and shrieks. The padungdung is the climax of a performance and
normally only lasts for a very brief time (generally thirty seconds to one min-
ute). The end is often a symbolic victory.
Free improvisation requires the close attention of the drummer to pre-empt
moves such as punches that require accompaniment by a loud hit of the drum.
But the relationship between sound and movement is not always strictly one
movement to one sound. Multiple sounds can accompany a single movement.
For example, a movement artist might finish a performance by raising a knife
in a large arcing movement that slightly slows down as it moves towards the
sky, to which the drummer might play a series of slowing notes that raise in
pitch much like the sound of a metal coil being squeakily wound tighter and
tighter. The energy of the performer is then suddenly released as the knife is
thrust downwards as if to kill an imaginary adversary, and the movement is
explosively accompanied by a loud ‘Babaam’ on the drums. The sound of the
tarompet may linger for a few bars more until the song is finished, and the
drums will play a fading rhythm as if enacting a symbolic death. The decaying
sounds of the drums and tarompet simulate the calm after a battle and return
the sonic atmosphere to a resting state. An aural metaphor for death is some-
times heard in a tarompet melody such as the piece Mulang ka asal, which
translates to ‘return to whence thou came.’ The coinciding structural temporal
or symbolic aspects of the movement of pencak silat seni with the music of
kendang pencak is a prime example of a performance genre where the music
and movement are explicitly related through corresponding levels of tension
(For a discussion about the perceptual relationship between music and move-
ment through corresponding levels of tension see Krumhansl 1995, 1996, 1997;
Figure 7.6 Frame shots from a recording of pencak silat performed by Haji Uho and
accompanied by a kendang pencak orchestra. Image from Pätzold (1995:
405).
Krumhansl and Schenck 1997; Mason 2014). The correspondence in tension

between musical events and movement sequences in pencak silat seni are far
more nuanced than entrenched analogies and direct one-to-one mappings.
Drummers like Pak Oseng have to know how to build tension and how to
read the body of the performer in order to accompany powerful combative
moves while adding beauty to the flower of the movement, the bunga. As you
would expect, the more familiar Pak Oseng is with the performer’s ability, the
better he is at accompanying the performance; his ability to read his co-per-
former is heightened by familiarity. However, the difference in his skill when
accompanying familiar and unfamiliar co-performers is unnoticeable to most
audiences.
A recording of a 1990 performance of pencak silat seni by Haji Uho and
accompanied by a kendang pencak orchestra with Pak Oseng on kendang anak
reveals that Pak Oseng was able to mimic Haji Uho’s movements at a latency of
less than 200 milliseconds (Pätzold 1995:405). From the frame rate of the cam-
era, we can decipher that the drum slap corresponding to the visual cue was
performed at a rate no slower than 200ms after the visual cue (see Figure 7.6).
This observation is significant because a sensory experience can take any-
where up to 500 milliseconds to become part of conscious awareness (Tononi
252 Mason
and Edelman 1998:1848). Without resorting to elaborate hypotheses, one expla-

nation is that Pak Oseng’s ability to accompany a performance is enhanced by
his ability to predict the performer’s movement. Guided by the phrasing of
Haji Uho’s sequences of movements, Pak Oseng can comfortably predict the
termination of one movement and the development of the next. Perceptions
can be trained to extraordinary precision, including ‘reactions’ faster than
should be possible because of the ability to see subtle cues that allow actions
to be anticipated. In behavioural neuroscience, extensive practice is known to
increase the myelination of neuronal pathways involved in undertaking a task,
thus making reaction times faster (Miller 1994; Ullen 2005). Whether due to
increasing myelination through practice or some other neural mechanism, Pak
Oseng’s ability is evidence of a cultural practice that shapes his perceptual and
physical capabilities.
Woodwind for Pencak Silat Seni
Pak Darman Santikahidayat is one of several blind musicians who accompany

pencak silat performances and competitions throughout Bandung. He is often
asked by the students and teachers of Pencak Silat Panglipur to accompany
their performances. Being a musician enables Pak Darman to earn money and
avoid the hardships frequently faced by people with disabilities in Indonesia.
Welfare from the state is limited.
Pak Darman can play both woodwind and string instruments including
tarompet, suling, and kecapi, so he receives invitations to perform at a variety of
local events. When not playing music, Pak Darman works as a masseur, an
occupation not uncommon for blind people in Indonesia. Most of Darman’s
patients arrive in the late afternoon or evening. During the morning to early
afternoon, Pak Darman sometimes gives music lessons. However, music les-
sons, massage patients, and music performances arrive sporadically, so a steady
income is never certain.
Kendang pencak musicians need to attend closely to the movement of a pen-
cak silat performance. This requirement puts Pak Darman in a challenging
position. He cannot see the performances. Despite this handicap, however, Pak
Darman demonstrates great skill as an accompanist. During pencak silat per-
formances, he matches the intensity of a performer through the choice of
melody, loudness, and the smoothness or roughness of sonic tone. He also
chooses songs that correspond well with the energy, ambience, and excite-
ment of the audience. Songs on the tarompet are chosen from the traditional
and popular Sundanese repertoire. Although Pak Darman cannot
Figure 7.7
Pak Darman Santikahidayat
teaching music at his home.
communicate through gestures or eye contact, he can nevertheless respond

immediately to changes in rhythm, speed and general atmosphere. Pak
Darman’s skill and knowledge of his craft is so deep that simply by listening to
the improvisations played on the kendang anak, he can quite often even tell
you who is performing the pencak silat movements.
On one occasion, I met Pak Darman just after filming a pencak silat seni
performance in the outer suburbs of Bandung. He asked to listen to the record-
ing that I made. After only a few seconds of listening to the recording, he
commented, ‘Oh, that’s Pak Haji Uho.’ Indeed, to my amazement, Pak Darman
had guessed correctly that it was Pak Haji Uho who was performing. When I
enquired how he knew, he replied, ‘The rhythm. That is Pak Haji Uho’s style.’
Simply by listening to the improvised kendang anak accompaniment that
mimicked and gave acoustic life to the pencak silat movements, Pak Darman
was able to pick up the bodily accents of a performer. I have not found other
artists with this degree of skill. Most people I interviewed took longer just to
identify the rhythm being played on the kendang ibu.
While not necessarily being able to identify the name of the performer,
Sundanese kendang pencak musicians and pencak silat movement artists do
254 Mason
hear punches, kicks, chops, rolls, parries, elbow strikes, and knuckle hits within
kendang pencak recordings. This sensitivity to the musical sounds is visible
through the gestures and onomatopoeic verbalisations they perform while lis-
tening to recordings. Without prompting, Sundanese people with a familiarity
with pencak silat would unselfconsciously enact the occasional movement
that they heard in a kendang pencak recording. Their movements were often
timed well with the sounds of the kendang drums. As if marking the move-
ment themselves, they performed gestures (not fully executed movements).
Because elements of the music follow the movement, people can hear the
movement through the music.
With kendang, gong and tarompet accompaniment in performances of pen-
cak silat seni, strong structurally interdependent interactions and intrinsic
relationships exist between the music and movement. The sounds of the music
are performed to match the movement both mimetically and metaphorically.
The songs and circular-breathing of the tarompet player exhibit deliberate
extrinsic relationships with the energy of the performer. As a performance
genre, pencak silat seni and kendang pencak have proven an effective combina-
tion because of the high levels of functional redundancy in multisensory
stimulation. The audience is presented with both an audio and visual signal for
punches, kicks, strikes, and hits. Especially for solo performances where attacks
are performed in the air, the addition of sounds to the movements makes the
performance more theatrical and accessible to audiences. In duets, the music
can simulate sounds of actual impact, exaggerated, and stylised. The appeal of
pencak silat seni is evidenced by its regular appearance at national and interna-
tional festivals. Punches mimicked by slaps of the drum and virtuosic displays
of movement accompanied by the shrill sound of the double-reed tarompet all
contribute to the emotive and engaging visual spectacle.
Training the Movements
According to Pak Haji Uho Holidin, pencak silat has undergone many changes
since Indonesian independence in 1945, especially since the establishment of
organisations that have systematised and standardised pencak silat. The sys-
tematisation has created a trend away from spontaneous improvisation to
rehearsed choreography. Correspondingly, the teaching of pencak silat seni has
become systematised, and students learn set sequences of movements from a
standardised curriculum. Training involves the systematic demonstration and
repetition of discrete movement sequences. Teachers perform choreographed
sequences of movement (jurus) which students imitate. By splicing movement
sequences into digestible, perceptually salient units that are systematised and
often labelled with mnemonic aids, teachers can ostensibly accelerate the
learning process. This teaching model allows for large numbers of students to
train with each other at the same time. The model also allows replication veri-
fication by the teacher who inspects the students while they perform the same
movements simultaneously. Incorrect replications are corrected. After master-
ing the jurus, teachers believe that students “will automatically move without
thinking” (Shamsuddin 2005:175) and thus be able to create their own move-
ment sets one day.
West Javanese pencak silat seni capitalises upon the efficiency and efficacy
of processes that preserve the stability of the form. Choreographed jurus can
be repeated simultaneously by large numbers of people and are effective ways
of distributing knowledge with great speed. These movement sequences are
often named and can be repeated upon demand. Naming sequences draws
upon the semantic memory skills of the brain and facilitates the rapid acquisi-
tion and transmission of new movement repertoires. Intersubjective processes
such as replication verification also facilitate the accurate acquisition of repet-
itive movement material. The methods of instruction of pencak silat seni
capitalise on a special form of interaction between the declarative and proce-
dural systems of the brain. Effective and efficient teaching methods have
meant that Sundanese schools of pencak silat seni have become more wide-
spread and uniform globally than schools of silek Minang, which often develop
idiosyncratic skill sets and do not cater to large populations of practitioners.
Sundanese schools of pencak silat seni can involve informal training between
a teacher and any number of students. Formal training involves numerous
practitioners who repeat choreographed movements in ordered rows and lines
during scheduled training times. The choreographies can be performed as
solos, but as the students progress they can learn movements that are per-
formed in pairs or in groups. Most schools have identifiable leaders, maintain
a centralised organisation, and a consciously preserved curriculum. The train-
ing regimes encompass a physical culture endorsed by various political and
economic agencies.
Musicians, though almost always present in performances, are not always in
attendance to accompany training sessions. Musicians can be expensive to
hire, and movement artists usually reserve rehearsals with music for the final
training sessions before a competition, festival, or auspicious performance.
Kendang pencak groups in collaboration with schools of pencak silat seni have
started releasing cassette tapes with specially designed soundtracks to accom-
pany an academy’s repertoire of pre-set choreographies. Some schools use
these audiocassettes in training as part of the pedagogical method. Training
256 Mason
with a cassette rather than live accompaniment is a trend that was first noted
in the silat-inspired dance form called jaipongan (Manuel and Baier 1986).
Early recordings of kendang pencak music were from live performances where
one can hear the laughter of children as well as the shouts of adults, musicians
and performers. Using recorded sound for executing dance alters the relation-
ship between music and movement, as Fogelsanger and Afanador (2006) point
out:
Music requires the movement of musicians, but the invention of sound

recording broke that intimate connection. Recorded sound limits the
interaction of music and dance, for while dancers may still respond to
music, without musicians the music cannot respond to dance.
Spiller (2010) finds that the relationship between music and movement in
popular Sundanese dance traditions such as jaipongan and bajidoran is con-
tingent upon cultural training. The Sundanese people of West Java are exposed
to music and dance from an early age and learn to interpret drum sounds as
movement cues “so that the impulse to move in particular ways seems a natu-
ral accompaniment to particular drum sounds and patterns” (Spiller 2010:74).
Concurrently, Sundanese dancers become skilled at creating movements that
can be animated by the drums. In order to lend their movement to musical
imitation, the dancers “must have an understanding of the conventions of
drumming and the combination of drum patterns into choreographies” (Spiller
2010:62). Resident spectators who watch Sundanese dance “participate vicari-
ously, imagining their own bodies moving” (Spiller 2010:142). Spiller contends
that processes of cultural learning predispose “individuals to listen and engage
with musical stimuli in particular, predictable ways” (2010:178). West Javanese
choreomusical arrangements, in the first instance, are dependent upon a cul-
tural disposition to associate certain musical sounds with particular ways of
moving and typified dance movements with specific musical accompaniment.
Spiller’s brief discussion of the rise of cassette recordings in West Java in the
1980s is a pertinent observation about how technology can influence the rela-
tionship between music and movement and subsequently alter the repertoire
of a dance tradition. On cassette, kendang drum accompaniment is not able to
respond in real time to human activity. Recorded music, thus, cannot create an
aural analogue to live movement. In Sundanese popular dance, recorded music
fixes the field of corporeal potentiality. The tight relationship between sound
and movement in Sundanese dance means that when music was recorded it
was destined to create predetermined and fixed choreographies. The drum
sounds that once led and animated movement, became prescriptive instruc-
tions for a delimited range of movement possibilities:
Cassette owners could listen to these tapes over and over again to memo-
rize the sequence of drum patterns that made up choreographies and
then put moves together to go with the drum patterns. In this manner,
the most popular jaipongan tunes, along with their choreographies,
became canonized. (Spiller 2010:67)
Cassette music was instrumental in establishing jaipongan as a popular genre

of West Javanese dance. Through other genres of popular dance, Sundanese
listeners were already predisposed to understanding drum sounds as signals
and signifiers of movement. In this social and historical setting, recorded
music was as good as movement notation to the trained ear. The introduction
of recording technology may temporarily bias the direction of the relationship
between music and dance, but advancements in audio-visual technology may
one day create the space for freer interactions between sound and movement.
On the pre-recorded cassettes of kendang pencak, each track is orchestrated
to match a specific pencak silat seni choreography. Individual tracks are divided
into three sections and each section has a set number of repeated cycles with
accents and other musical events to match the movements of the choreogra-
phy. The punches and kicks of a choreographed performance are timed with
the recorded accompaniment, so only one choreography can be performed to
each track on the cassette. With a recording, the sound will not adapt to the
performance. Instead, students have to follow a predetermined series of move-
ments. If students deviate from the pre-set choreography, then they are likely
to be out of step with the track. Pencak silat schools sell the cassettes to stu-
dents learning the choreographies. When sold as a package by pencak silat
schools, these cassettes can be used in the training halls of pencak silat seni
schools all over West Java and the world. This training aid has further stan-
dardised the choreographies practiced by several schools of the same style of
pencak silat seni.
The live music of pencak silat seni is only just beginning to be exported, and
international practitioners are attempting to learn the difficulties and subtle-
ties of the kendang pencak. The introduction of specially designed audiocas-
258 Mason
settes and VCDs3 has facilitated the spread of kendang pencak music around
the globe. As a musical aid to recalling the movement, the cassette-tapes also
serve to ensure standardisation of the choreographies worldwide. Audio tech-
nologies contribute to the preservative and constructive processes that facili-
tate the cultural propagation of practices of fight-dancing. However, the use of
recorded music has also meant that the direction of the relationship between
music and movement in pencak silat seni is altered such that practitioners are
learning to perform their movement to recordings. Practitioners are not rely-
ing on live musicians to accompany their movement if they are using a cas-
sette. The cassettes thus dictate the movement, not the other way around.
Ironically, using the cassettes in this way would never have been possible if the
Sundanese did not have a history of expecting music to follow movement.
When Sundanese listeners hear the kendang pencak recordings, they literally
hear the movement and thus are able to match their movement to the record-
ing. In selling the cassettes to foreign students, Sundanese teachers have to
educate their clientele in how to use the recordings and what to listen for in
the music.
While pencak silat seni has spread around the globe since at least the 1970s,
kendang pencak has lagged behind and is only recently being incorporated into
the performance repertoires of international groups. To international audi-
ences, kendang pencak music highlights the beauty and power of pencak silat
movement, but the music has been easily overlooked by foreign practitioners
keen to learn the fighting art. The subtle power of music to accentuate move-
ment is evidenced by the delay in the international spread of kendang pencak
music in comparison to the early spread of pencak silat seni movement. The
recent spread of recorded music is changing the international curriculum and
simultaneously bringing forth a new generation of practitioners with a differ-
ent sensibility to the music. Sets of kendang pencak instruments are sporadically
travelling to satellite pencak silat seni groups in Europe and the Americas along
with Sundanese music teachers and adept artists.
Portability, Politics and Popularisation
In West Java, pencak silat seni originated in community practices, motivated by

artistic desires and patronage from a social elite. The spread and
3 Sample: Album VCD Kendang Pencak Gajah Putih - Mega Paksi Pusaka. 2007. SP Records. This
medium was presented to Uwe U. Paetzold by a friend who had acquired it in The Hague, The
Netherlands. Pers. comm. 08 November 2014.
mass mediation of pencak silat seni, including the militarisation, political

mobilisation, adoption by the state, nationalisation, and de-regionalisation,
have exerted powerful pulls on the musical practice in relation to movement.
The shifting “political social niche” in which pencak silat seni existed has led to
practical developments in the instruction of the art and the aesthetic choices
of performers. One of the key aesthetic considerations for the pragmatic trans-
mission and political usefulness of the genre is, perhaps surprisingly, the
relationship of music to movement. Because music-movement configurations
affect how performances are perceived, some of these configurations are more
likely to survive given the Indonesian and international environment.
Sundanese pencak silat seni exhibits strong mimetic and rhythmic relation-
ships between music and movement. The theatricality of the musical
interaction facilitates the audience engagement and comprehension of the
movements. Drum patterns mimic punches, hits and kicks, while shrill songs
played on a double-reed aerophone match the tension of the movements. The
desire to promote the art broadly, to present it to wide audiences and to
develop it as a mass popular art has had a tendency, on one level, to eliminate
the more mystical, indirect, and abstract sorts of techniques and music-move-
ment relationships; and on another level, to encourage choreomusical forms
that have a kind of portability and instant comprehensibility.
Pencak silat seni is unparalleled for multisensory stimulation, audience
engagement, and audio-visual grandeur. At national festivals and competi-
tions, the Sundanese sensitivity for musical prowess is emulated by clubs from
other regions that feature musical accompaniment that increasingly mimic
the mastery of kendang pencak. Among the most elite Sundanese performers,
there is a tendency towards refinement, appreciation of difficulty, and even
sometimes experimentalism. Popularisers of pencak silat seni have pushed the
art towards legibility, and International audiences have been moving progres-
sively towards these more demanding and nuanced performances. Elite
Sundanese performers and international students are moving towards com-
mon ground but they are getting there from opposite directions; the foreigners
by becoming more sophisticated in their appreciation, the Sundanese by
becoming more obvious, blatant and appealing to an untrained audience.
The controversial election of Lieutenant General Prabowo Subianto as
President of the International Pencak Silat Federation (PERSILAT: Persekutuan
Pencak Silat Antarbangsa) in 2003 placed the future of pencak silat seni in
uncertain hands. Prabowo’s campaign in the 2014 elections for the Presidency
of Indonesia featured pop artist Ahmad Dhani (the front man of rock band
Dewa 19) singing Indonesia Bangkit (“Indonesia Awake”) set to the music of
Queen classic “We Will Rock You” in a chilling Nazi-themed music video where
260 Mason
Ahmad holds a golden imperial eagle-looking Garuda while wearing a uniform

similar to that worn by the Nazi SS commander Heinrich Himmler, complete
with the same distinctive red badge on the lapel and the same red chest pocket
lining. The film-clip is a potent reminder to theorists and analysts not to sepa-
rate what we hear from what we see. Aural and visual elements are not always
congruent even though the two mediums may cohabit the same space. Indeed,
considering that Ahmad Dhani is partly Jewish and that Freddie Mercury
would have been considered degenerate (in the vocabulary of the German
Third Reich: entartet) in the eyes of the Nazis is in complete juxtaposition with
the costumes and props of this political propaganda. Had Prabowo won the
2014 Indonesian presidential elections, how would his aesthetics have influ-
enced pencak silat seni and Indonesian performing arts more widely? Analysing
the convergence and divergence of sound, movement, space, costumes and
props among other elements is crucial to an understanding of the emotional,
perceptual, and affective features of humanly orchestrated expression. In
music and dance, the variable relationships between sound and movement in
combination with the material aspects of a performance reveal characteristics
of traditions housed in culturally organised social contexts (Mason 2012).
Cross-modal relationship between sound, moving bodies, material objects,
colour and other qualia that excite the senses have deep implications for the
way we perceive and recall events. Analysis requires recognition of perfor-
mance as a composite multisensory experience as well as the metonymic
relationships between music, dance, and space.
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part 3
Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to
Silat and Their Music
∵
264 Mason
Social and Textual Structure in the Performance of Luambek 265
Chapter 8
Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure in the

Performance of Luambek
Zahara Kamal and Indija Mahjoeddin Kamal and Mahjoeddin
Introduction
This chapter examines the structure of luambek in terms of its text and its con-
text.1 Textual structure in this regard is associated with a material representation
of the luambek art form, which includes elements of movement (rooted in the
movement of silat), music (dampeang vocal music), text (dampeang as lan-
guage and as mantra), and the relationship of all three. The contextual structure
we consider concerns the linkages between social structures (adat) and
luambek as an art form and in its presence as an expression of adat.
Umar Kayam asserts that the performing arts are “born and raised by the
community.”
In the community itself a variety of social systems arise that drive the
social dynamics (systems of power, social systems, belief systems and so
on), therefore performing arts that grow and develop there can not fail,
surely, to be influenced by these systems. (Kayam 2003:98)
So is it that the art of luambek, one of the oldest Minangkabau performing

traditions is alive and thriving in the coastal shires and settlements of Pariaman
where, as a socio-cultural product it embeds, to a high level, the dynamics of
adat discipline. In Pariaman luambek exemplifies the role traditional perform-
ing arts play as “an integral part of the socio-religious life within a community”
where it is presented in a variety of ritual ceremonies creating, as I Made
Bandem would have it, “[its own] kind of social force in a society.” (Bandem,
2003)
1 In this chapter foreign terms are from Baso Minang (= BMin) unless otherwise indicated.

266 Kamal And Mahjoeddin
Suntiang Niniak Mamak – Pride of the Elders
As an adat art form, the community of Pariaman sees luambek as the cultural
property of the niniak mamak, traditional elders of all the constituent tribes
within a West Sumatran nagari. The nagari is a ‘unified customary law com-
munity’ where “a set of several tribes occupy a particular area and own their
own property” (Rasyad, 1991:636). Of the several tribes that make up a nagari
each is represented by a penghulu (clan leader), a panungkek (assistant peng-
hulu), the labai (a district priest), the urang tuo (senior males), and the bundo
kanduang (matriarch or senior females). All of these elements play an impor-
tant role in regulating the lives of indigenous people, but also the practice of
luambek in society.
Organizationally, luambek functions as a kind of arts society responsible for
all activities concerning luambek and its presence in the community. This
organisation is established through the deliberations of the niniak mamak. But
while it is leadership by the niniak mamak, which oversees luambek, imple-
mentation of luambek activities however, is carried out by the entire nagari
social structure. For example, according to the Minangkabau customs of the
bundo kanduang, the true mother is wise, especially in educating the next gen-
eration, and has the soul of leadership. In luambek activities, the bundo
kanduang is instrumental in arranging and preparing food for guests and the
committee of the luambek event. Participation is required therefore, from vari-
ous social layers of two key community structures: 1) nagari society; and 2) the
luambek association.
Pamenan anak mudo – Pastime of the young
While ownership of luambek is directly related to the social structure of adat

as embodied by the niniak mamak, the practice of luambek is delegated to a
younger generation. Niniak mamak entrust daily management of the luambek
group to a kapalo mudo, as their selected representative of the active partici-
pants. The latter are referred to variously as anak mudo, or orang mudo, which
in the context of Minangkabau cultural performance and silat more generally,
have been described as “a section of the community [...] consisting of menfolk
who are not niniak mamak. They constitute a demographic unto themselves,”
(Sedyawati, 1981:74). As luambek players, anak mudo or orang mudo (literally
‘young person’ cognitive with the Indonesian word muda, young and pemuda,
youth) here indicates not so much age but social status.
Figure 8.1 Parallel structures – the social community and the luambek organization
In this critical role the kapalo mudo is a person who has the full confidence
of the niniak mamak to guide luambek practice within the community. As he
serves to build, manage, and coordinate all luambek activities, from recruiting
and training the young, through rehearsal and performance, even to event
management, without him luambek cannot proceed. Meanwhile the niniak
mamak bear the dual responsibilities of preserving both nagari traditions and
the ethics and protocols that have accumulated in the luambek terms and rules
of implementation.
It is this synergy between the niniak mamak and the younger generation
that is described in the adat saying expressing luambek as “Suntiang niniak
mamak, pamenan anak mudo.” Pride of the elders, pastime of the young.
Suntiang is a feminine hair adornment. Idiomatically it invokes an ornament
or trophy – the “feather in one’s cap.” The saying establishes a sense of civic
pride as a key motive for ownership of luambek by the elders of adat – juxta-
posed against social enjoyment (BI: permainan, games or play) as the
motivation of players – and hence by association, it positions luambek as a
symbol of supreme adat significance. The presence of luambek in Pariaman
society therefore depends heavily on these two structures functioning in paral-
lel and gives luambek an organizational design well established by adat custom.
That means having: (1) the niniak mamak as owner, (2) the kapalo mudo as
manager, (3) urang tuo (the older generation) as advisors and role models, and
(4) anak mudo as players and members. (See Figure 8.1)
Implementation of the Alek Pauleh
Implementation of luambek as a performance package presented as an

enhancement of a ritual or ceremonial occasion is known as alek pauleh, (from
BI: helat, alat, (guest of) traditional celebration) whereas the host occasion
alone would be identified by the name of the particular celebration. It may be
the installation of a penghulu, the inauguration of a balai adat (traditional
civic meeting place) or other municipal building or induction of a leader of a
cultural activity such as the muncak buru (master of the pig hunt) or kapalo
mudo (manager of a luambek group), but when hosting luambek as their main
entertainment they are referred to by local populace by the term alek pauleh.
An alek pauleh event is grander and more sacred than the ceremonial occa-
sion that it may be celebrating because its implementation is so determined by
terms and rules strictly associated with adat. Firstly, the alek pauleh committee
is coordinated at the nagari level by the kapalo mudo, meaning it is not con-
fined to the efforts of a single family from the tribe for whom the ceremony is
held. luambek cannot be presented on any site of choice. It must be played at a
particular kind of venue determined by custom, called a laga-laga. This spe-
cially erected open-air bamboo stage is built on concepts of social community
and embedded with the values and norms of nagari social life. Such an alek or
party therefore gets to be carried out on the laga-laga, which is only ever made
available for showing luambek in an alek pauleh.
An alek pauleh attracts luambek participants from neighbouring Pariaman

communities who maintain a practice of luambek. The audience at an alek
pauleh therefore encompasses all layers of nagari life including those of neigh-
bouring communities. Traditional leaders and community from the nagari
that is implementing the alek pauleh will then position this alek as an impor-
tant event in the social life of the whole community, as well as an existential
symbol of their culture.
Protocols and Parameters
In accordance with the provisions of adat, to initiate such a showcase of

luambek it is first necessary to seek permission from the niniak mamak as its
owners. This must be done prior to any performance in a meeting for that pur-
pose between the kapalo mudo and the niniak mamak attended by any urang
tuo and anak mudo that are present in the nagari at the time. In addition the
kapalo mudo and a committee of helpers (i) hang the laga-laga cloths and
arrange paraphernalia as per tradition; (ii) arrange for supervision by a janang
or adjudicator; and (iii) raise the pauleh. A pauleh in this physical sense refers
to a two-metre apron extending around the laga-laga or tournament area,
where players sit when not performing. (In the non-physical sense, pauleh
invokes the spirit of gathering in harmonious community).
As an integral aspect of Pariaman cultural life presented in a variety of cer-
emonial occasions luambek creates a kind of social force containing values
that give meaning to traditional communities. Alek pauleh is seen as a crowd-
pleasing event that adds both splendour and prestige to any ceremonial
occasion investing it with a more total sense of adat. It is instrumental in fos-
tering a sense of pride in the host community, and enhances social rapport and
fraternity both within the nagari, between senior adat leaders and the rest of
society, and between neighbouring nagari. The social context of a performance
provides opportunities for communications and mutual collaborations to be
established or deepened, cultivating honesty and generosity through the shar-
ing of expenses and the effort of staging the event.
The Luambek Event
The performance of each pair of players is presented before adat leaders from
each nagari who sit in attendance on the laga-laga at every alek pauleh further
underscoring the esteem in which luambek is held in the perception of adat
Figure 8.2 Salutation to the niniak mamak, seated on the prepared laga-laga during an alek
pauleh
Figure 8.3 Lalu ujuang guntiang, one of several lalu movements that are used
at the discretion of the pelalu
elders throughout Pariaman. Each performance is guided by two janang or

umpires, who are provided as part of the ceremonial service team (which also
includes ushers and stewards) (Yogi, 1980:166). In the context of a performance
the janang supervise play to ensure it accords with set rules. Any violation will
attract their swift reprimand.
As a traditional form, luambek consists of two parts called respectively ran-
dai luambek and luambek. The word lalu, to pass, and ambek (from BI., hambat),
to block, together form the basis for the word luambek or ulu’ambek. That
which is called randai luambek is a composition of pencak movements per-
formed by seven to eleven male players presented using a circular floor pattern.
One of them, called the tukang aliah, is entrusted to lead the presentation by
simultaneously performing and cuing other players as to when to change from
one motif to the next.
By distinction, the part which is called simply luambek is a form of pencak
movement performed by two male players positioned facing each other. In this
form, first one player takes up the role of palalu (attacker) and the other is cast
as paambek (defender). Alternately both players face off in a contest of attack
and defence in the form of symbolic movements, meaning that neither player
may use physical contact. Instead, using symbolic movement, both players
lock in a contest to retain and/or steal ‘the penghulu’s vestments.’ For example,
the attack movement called lalu deta, which must be blocked by the ambek
deta defensive move, aims to steal the ‘prince’s hat’ (the saluak pengulu – a
turban-like head wrap indicating high office. Deta from BI: destar indicates a
more common head wrap.). The lalu move ujuang guntiang (point of scissors),
which would be blocked by the movement ambek ujuang guntiang, aims to cut
or snip the prince’s clothes. The movement lalu batuah (Figure 8.4b; which
may be blocked by ambek batuah) has aims both to hit and steal the prince’s
hat. The movement lalu simbue (Figure 8.4a; which may be blocked by ambek
simbue) aims to undo the clothing and steal the prince’s dagger (keris).
A.R.Dt Bungsu explains how this notion of clothing is understood in two
senses both symbolic – first as garments in the true sense (which represent the
penghulu through the accoutrements worn by high office); and secondly, more
figuratively, as an interior concept – a kind of ‘vestments of the mind’ of a pen-
ghulu, meaning the attitude and behaviours used by or expected of a person in
this leadership role in their everyday life such as being just, wise, discerning,
devout, knowledgeable in customary lore and firm in their stewardship. In the
context of luambek performance therefore, what is literally indicated by ‘mem-
pertahan pakaian kebesaran penghulu’ (defend the penghulu’s vestments) is
the traditional headscarf, shirt, dagger and belt (worn by players) that symbol-
ises, on one hand, the grand status of the penghulu in society, and on the other,
a b
Figure 8.4 a. Lalu simbue; b. Lalu batuah. (Photos: Hanefi)
the metaphorical garment of a penghulu’s inner countenance (Interview, 16

October 2012).
When the player acting in defence (as pa’ambek or penangkis) cannot block
his opponent’s lalu movement (attack), then according to the principles of
luambek he is considered “buluih” or defeated. The shame is felt not only by the
player but by the whole nagari and their niniak mamak whom he represents.
Adat determines that the two parts of luambek are performed at different
times of the day. After all permissions are obtained and preparations are com-
pleted, the luambek festival will begin with a performance of randai luambek
(the group circle part) as an opening event. The following day luambek (in
pairs) will have its first presentation and this pattern of night and day alternat-
ing performances will continue for the next three days finishing with randai
luambek on the last evening.
Dampeang as Musical Organisation of Luambek
Both parts of luambek are organised by the same body of vocal music known
as dampeang, sung by a pair of alternating singers seated on the laga-laga
when accompanying both parts. In Minang dialect usage ‘dampeang’ is cog-
nisant with the Indonesian ‘berdampingan’ meaning ‘near,’ ‘intimate’ (of
friendship), ‘side-by-side’ or ‘shoulder to shoulder’ according to the diction-
ary Kamus Umum Bahasa Indonesia (W.J.S. Poerwadarminta, 1976:225). Thus
what berdampingan indicates here relates to the close level of integration
between physical and musical elements that unites the character of luambek
with its presentational precepts. The relationship is similar to that invoked in
Doris Humphrey’s assertion that dance ‘is not an independent art; it is truly
female needing a sympathetic mate but not a master in music’ (1959:132) or
Pringgobroto’s suggestion that “Music may be considered dance unseen and

dance is music that is not heard.” (1972:5).” Both comments concur with our
understanding of the nature of dampeang luambek, which constitutes an inte-
gral unity that cannot be separated into its component parts.
If we observe life and living in this world one notices the constant reitera-
tion of binary contrasts like dark and light, hot and cold, masculine and
feminine, inspiration and expression. This dualism raised by To Thi Anh in her
book Nilai Budaya Timur dan Barat (Western and Eastern Cultural Values)
where she ascribes the two principles that are the source of all existence and
transformation in the universe to Yin and Yang. “Originally Yin indicates some-
thing closed and unknowable. Yang is then understood as something open and
knowable. The nature of Yin is completed by Yang [...]. There is no creation
without the two principles always present. The synergy between Yin and Yang
turns the universe into a cosmos, a most perfect manifestation of harmony; the
created universe carries Yin behind it and Yang in front of it. Through the com-
bination of these inter-permeating principles harmony is achieved” (Thi Anh,
1985:87–88).
In Minangkabau we also find the terms jantan and batino with similar
meanings of masculine and feminine. These can be seen as sharing the same
principles as Yang and Yin respectively. So it is that these terms are applied to
dampeang so that in luambek there exists dampeang jantan and dampeang
batino. The term jantan in dampeang jantan has relevance to the Minangkabau
male psyche that is patriotic and aggressive. While it is sung, the players fight
their opponent more aggressively. Likewise when dampeang batino is sung,
with its inferred relevance to Minangkabau femininity’s notions of restraint
and domestic confinement, the luambek players cease to engage in combat
movements with their opponent, instead performing movements in their
respective places.
Both sides of dampeang form a single continuous strand as its two male
singers or tukang dampeang, each specialising exclusively in either jantan or
batino roles, overlap the last and first note of their respective stanzas to create
a seamless effect. The text consists of syllables composed with certain rules in
keeping with the needs of melodic development. Some syllables form words
with meaning, that is, can be understood in either a regional dialect, Bahasa
Minang or Bahasa Indonesian, and others appear as added filler syllables that
have no determinable meaning in any of these languages. Table 8.1 shows the
coherent words that occur within the second jantan, which can be seen in full
in the complete Table 8.5 at the end of this chapter.
Table 8.1 Coherent words that occur within the second jantan
Bahasa Minangkabau Bahasa Indonesia English
aie asin air masin brackish water

kanduang kandung womb, or matrix
ulunyo manih hulunya manis The source (spring) is sweet.
dibaliak kampuang tangah dibalik kampung tengah Behind the middle village
koto ngambang Koto Mambang A place name
baralun belum before
From these dampeang syllables however, we do not find any pure sentence
formations with clear meanings. But we do find text with implied meaning
suggesting a symbolic language is in play, one whose esoteric formulas are kept
hidden by luambek leadership. Secrecy around these embedded language
codes is maintained because of beliefs that the text contains a magical sense
that should not be widely transmitted.
In performance, these two aspects of dampeang (jantan and batino) are
sung in alternation starting and finishing with the dampeang jantan. Dampeang
and luambek are thus indivisible as interdependent expressions of the same
inspiration. Without the songs on which the movement depends, the luambek
cannot proceed. Whether accompanying randai luambek, the circular group
form, or luambek (in pairs), the dampeang song functions to organise and drive
the movement. Dampeang jantan controls attack and defence moves and dam-
peang batino drives the koyah or non-fighting movement variations. Even
during the koyah variation movements players continue to be cautious of their
opponent, because it is said that the batino text once contained magical incan-
tations that could be used to psychically disable one’s opponent.
Dampeang’s main means for organising movement is through the sorak
dampeang, a unison response sung by audience gathered on the pauleh around
the laga-laga as participants involved in the event. The sorak dampeang are a
part of the jantan texts and consist of responses “ayo u,” “antah-antah,” “hei yo
alah” and “ok ngongohai” Some of these sorak dampeang are particularly cru-
cial where the text functions as a guide to the timing of lalu and ambek
movements (indicated in capitals in the dampeang columns in Table 8.2).
When these sorak dampeang are sung the players perform an attack using
gerak tipu (trick or ruse movements) to symbolically seize the opponents
clothing. Gerak tipu uses a variety of styles to fool the opponent so he can’t tell
the intended target of the action. Then when the jantan section is finished, the
batino part takes up this role. There are certain textual clues in dampeang
batino – namely, the words “danga,” “kaniro” and “ton” – that cue players as to
when to perform certain movements such as antak tapi, catue langkah, lapiah
jarami, suduang aie didiah, tuhuak galah, piciak kulari. These points of connec-
tion are shown in bold-face in the ‘dampeang text’ column of Table 8.2. Many
are also shown placed into their movement context in column 1. Where the
bold text is in quotation marks the sorakan is a choral response performed by
players only. Where bold text occurs without quotation marks, players join the
singer in a single syllable or two often terminating a line.
From one batino section to the next the principle remains the same because
dampeang batino essentially repeats the same text each iteration; variations in
the text only involving the occasional added filler syllable. Also, the number of
syllables per line of text is often not the same, because the number of syllables
is highly dependent on the aesthetic cultivation of text and melody resulting in
such variation between lines. The dampeang text also reveals traces of associa-
tion with magic. In the beginning the goal was to win, lose, even to kill your
opponent psychically, magically. But after Islam entered into the Minangkabau
culture, concepts of negative magic (black magic) were effectively extirpated,
so that the concept of a luambek performance changed from a ritual of magic
to a performance embedded with values of adat and Islamic religion, empha-
sizing skill and dexterity with a priority on aesthetics. Luambek performance
thus aims not toward division but toward unity (social cohesiveness) within
the community. The course of luambek practice from ancient times until the
entry of Islam however contains many mysteries, like the meaning of the dam-
peang batino text, which remains elusive. Eminent luambek exponents today
prefer to believe that although the text may once have contained elements of
magic in fighting form, today the text “danga,” “kaniro” and “ton” in the damp-
eang batino are only signs or codes to change movement and cannot now be
interpreted as a mantra.
Luambek in Performance
As two manifestations of the one art form, adat emphasises that luambek may
not be performed without being preceded by randai luambek. Movements per-
formed in randai luambek form the basis for variations used in luambek. They
start with dampeang jantan accompanying the entrance and initial salutations
of players, then proceed in a set order as shown in Table 8.2.
Table 8.2 Complete, time-coded, sequence of randai luambek movement laid out against
dampeang text (see complete Table 8.5 at the end of this chapter).
Name Duration 17:10 Dampeang
(i) langkah masuak (Entrance step) 00:02:51 jantan I

batino I
(ii) koyah (free balabeh movements) 00:01:26
1. randai baraliah 00:02:18 jantan II

2. lapieh batang padi 00:01:19 batino II
3. sambah balenong 00:02:06 jantan III
4. antak antaro 00:01:14 batino III
5. cabiak kain buruak 00:02:12 jantan IV
6. antak tapi 00:01:12 batino IV
7. tuhuak galah 00:02:32 jantan V
8. koyah antak talenong The last two sequences are no longer performed,
replaced by two unstructured sets (i) & (ii) at the
9. antak talenong beginning.
We present a detailed account of these choreographic sequences in the next

two tables, alongside the text of the songs showing the typical connecting
points.
Both luambek and randai luambek begin with a salutation to greet all niniak
mamak positioned on the laga-laga, and thence to all audience present (see
Figures 8.2–8.4). In the circular form, players enter one by one to execute a
salutation from the stage in the direction of the adat leaders followed by a
standing bow towards the audience. With the next dampeang batino all players
form a circle using balabeh stylized posturing and koyah passive movement
variations that do not involve attack or defence. They form segues, and add
aesthetic and diversionary values. The movement motif called anggue initiates
each jantan section, often recurring more than once in each section. Certain
moves such as the simbue, koyah and anggue as well as a variety of sembah type
motifs of salutation, can be seen to repeat frequently framing the more unique
or active variations. Specific motifs relating to one particular jantan section –
cabiak kain buruak involving a scissors gesture of the hand, or tuhuak galah
involving a spear or pole throwing action, tend to be pre-empted partially in
the koyah/batino variation preceding it. As can be seen by the table glossing
the names of some gestures (Table 8.4), they can be identified figuratively (rice
stalk mat), programmatically (tupai bagaluik – frolicking squirrel) or function-
ally (sambah balenong – turning salutation).
Table 8.3 A sample of dampeang vocal text set against partnered luambek action. Key
organising syllables in the dampeang are shown in bold.
Dampeang text Movement for Luambek

(performed by two opponents)
Dampeang jantan I Ai dampeang oi, olaiyu yaknga The pasambahan (salutation):

olai yo daknganga Players clasp hands in salutation
“Ayo U” with all niniak mamak present on
Ampeang ngo o oi ngo ongoi the laga-laga, bow simply toward
yakngadau oi, danga yaknga the audience and raise their hands
ongokngongo kanduang tadodo to their face in salute to their
dokngodo. opponent.
Dodok jaknga akngamang, They then perform balabeh in the
ngamang oi tajolak, oiu rang form of spontaneous movements
jolehkan ei antah, to adjust position followed by
“Antah-antah ei antah” anggue as a transitional move-
Dagang oi yo yak nganga ak ment from balabeh steps to lalu
nganga ngo ei, adau lah kanadau (attacking) and ambek (blocking)
lai komah, ei adau juo lei alah, moves.
“Hei yo alah, ai yo ai, ok ngongo It is the perogative of the player in
hai” the role of pelalu, to choose which
lalu movement to employ whether
ujuang gunting, lalu simbua, lalu
deta, or lalu batuah.
Dampeang batino I Aknya ai yak ngalai, ai ngongoi ai Both players perform catua
dakngakngampeang oi yo langkah, anggua, koyah, antak
Ai ngokngongoi aingok aingokn- tapi, cabiak kain buruak, lapiah
goim yak oi danga jarami, tuhuak galah, and balabeh.
Dodok kanikngik ero aingiknga ai
ngak
Oingaknga ai ton oi, olaiyoi
ladakngakngampeang oi.
Dampeang jantan II Oi aie asin, olaiyoi yaknganga oi Players perform balabeh to adjust
lamo manknganga, position followed by anggue to
“Ayo U” transition into lalu (attacking) and
Anih ei yokngongo, kanduang ambek (blocking) moves.
talido dongodo. The new pelalu chooses from lalu
Danga oi daknganga ngangamang, ujuang gunting, lalu simbua, lalu
dibaliak kakngangampuang yak deta, or lalu batuah.
takngangah, oi kotongaknga
ngambang oi antah,
“Antah-antah ei antah”
Dagang oi yakngongo ngoyah, alun
barakngakngalun, oi kumpai
rakngak ngalun ok ngongolah,
“Hei yo alah, ai yo ai, ok ngongo
hai”
Dampeang batino II Aknya ai yak ngalai, ai ngongoi ai As for dampeang batino I above,
dakngakngampeang oi yo both players perform catua
Ai ngokngongoi aingok aingokn- langkah, anggua, koyah, antak
goim yak oi danga tapi, cabiak kain buruak, lapiah
Dodok kanikngik ero aingiknga ai jarami, tuhuak galah, and balabeh,
ngak …
Oingaknga ai ton oi, olaiyoi
ladakngakngampeang oi.
Dampeang jantan III Iyo mtujuah musim, olaiyo … as for dampeang jantan II,
yaknganga oi lamo manak nganga players perform i.e. balabeh to
“Ayo U” adjust position, followed by
Angih oi yoyok ngongo ngongok, anggue to transition into lalu
kanduang tadodo dokngodo. (attacking) and ambek (blocking)
Danga oi daknganga ngangamang, moves.
takngangah kaknganghanduang The new pelalu chooses from lalu
sakngangayang lambek dakngan- ujuang gunting, lalu simbua, lalu
gatang ngokngoi ei antah deta, or lalu batuah.
“Antah-antah ei antah”
Dagang oi yok ngongo ngongo yah,
anyuikm silongok ngodang oi
tabiang daknganga ai yak
ngongolah,
“Hei yo alah, ai yo ai, ok ngongo
hai”
Table 8.4 Translation of some gesture names
koyah koyah – variations with no content

curi stealing
ujuang guntiang scissor-tip
antak tapi stamping the rim
anggua coconut wine
piciak kulari pinching the fish
lacuik whip
cabiak kain buruak snatching the rags
lapiak jarami carpet mat
tuhuak galah canoe pole
suduang aie didiah paddling white water
tupai bagaluik frolicking squirrel
lapiek batang padi rice stalk mat
catua langkah chess of steps
balabeh measure
In the case of luambek, both players in turn clasp hands directly with each
niniak mamak present, followed by a salutation to each other (touching the
ground in a squat), and thence to all other guests (audience) raising the hands
to the face with a standing nod or slight bow. Then both players move through
spontaneous balabeh movements toward their starting positions. The Anggue
movement is used to transition from balabeh variations to attack-defence
moves. In luambek, lalu movements used are at the discretion of the pelalu or
attacking player, within a palette of possible steps, e.g., lalu ujuang guntiang,
lalu simbue, lalu deta, or lalu batuah. As there is no contact in this form of silat,
scoring is judged on whether the defending player or pa’ambek correctly antici-
pates the choice of attack, and thus responds with the appropriately
corresponding defence move, e.g. ambek deta for lalu deta.
The Influence of Luambek in New Composition
Luambek has been included in the curriculum of the arts academy, ISI Padang
Panjang, since 1980, taught by guest lecturers selected directly from the tradi-
tional specialists in Kepala Hilalang (Pariaman) Maiyar St. Pamato and,
formerly, master dampeang singer, Kudun (until his death in 2000) have so far
been responsible for training male and female dance and music students from
many areas of Indonesia. However while the luambek material taught at ISI is
presented absolutely true to tradition, Maiyar feels such students have not yet
been able to animate the art form with an authentic spirit. In their hands, he
laments, the luambek performance remains merely a reiteration of memorised
choreography.
Since entering the ISI curriculum local and international researchers have
continued to conduct investigations into luambek at the village level, and in
1995 facilitated the presentation of Maiyar’s luambek group on stage at Jakarta’s
prominent performing arts venue, Taman Ismail Marzuki during its anniver-
sary celebration. This public attention has had a positive impact on the
enthusiasm of a new generation in the village to take up luambek, and as a
motivation to spur groups in other nagari to become more proactive. In addi-
tion, quite a few compositions by ISI Padangpanjang students and professors
have been influenced by elements of luambek. These have not been quantified
as such but have been noted since as early as 1987 with Gusmiati Suid’s Tari
Alang Babega. However compositions really grounded in the techniques of
luambek are relatively few. Of those, Irwansyah, a dance student at STSI (ISI)
Surakarta, produced Tari Buluih as early as 1999 and later Tari Manjapuik Jejak
Nan Tingga in his Master’s year (2010).2 Between these two choreographies
chronologically, a composition called Dampeang Babungo (2004) by Ulitri, a
Bachelor’s student in the western music stream, and the cross-artform student
composition Pergelutan Jantan dan Batino (2007) by Irfan Kurniawan from the
traditional music stream, both grew out of luambek material at the Padang
panjang institute where luambek is taught.
In the most recent, Tari Manjapuik Jejak Nan Tingga employs luambek
teacher, Maiyar on stage as a visual juxtaposition, establishing a creative depar-
ture from this tradition while underscoring perhaps a generational shift. The
work includes significant dampeang and luambek material including costum-
ing, sorak vocal responses, and movement but in a kinetic exploration of
luambek vocabularies alongside many other elements of pencak silat and west-
ern contemporary dance which largely informs the structural premise.
The male solo, offset against a seated traditional figure (the master himself
in a passive role) opens with sijobang vocals (from Payakumbuh, a distant
region but similarly endowed with esoteric associations). Susandra Jaya’s score
moves through a taksim-style rebab and lute interlude before introducing true
dampeang (at 0:03:00 in the footnoted video link) with the onset of a dynamic
group dance that slips in and out of the circular configurations of randai
luambek, characterising the rest of the choreography. Dampeang-like varia-
tions soon give way to fast drum percussion by a team of gandang dol
(double-headed bass drum) players who break the dividing frame to join the
dancers onstage reiterating a community presentation style. On the surface
this seems to support Maiyar’s observation that, for students of the academy,
luambek may hold more value as one amongst many caches of body vocabu-
lary available to them, from which to draw their own self expression, rather
than entering into its unique hermeneutical or even metaphysical significance.
Yet they might also be viewed as indicating relatively sophisticated attempts to
bring luambek elements out onto a vital new platform of cultural expression.
This chapter has sought to explain how luambek as a traditional Minangkabau
performing art is positioned within its West Sumatran community. The care-
fully cultivated balance between niniak mamak ownership and practice by
younger members is indicative of its critical dependence on an intergenera-
tional synergy, which is only just starting to be explored in terms that reach
beyond the boundaries of traditional Pariaman society. While the significance
of its high adat status, embodying the adage ‘Suntiang ninik mamak, pamenan
anak mudo’ remains a local phenomenon, and its arcane secrets remain
2 A 2011 performance of this work in ISI Padangpanjang may be viewed at https://www.youtube.

com/watch?v=VJw2iPFZcfo
occluded in its, so far, unintelligible vocal text, this examination of the

conjunctions between social and performance ritual, between corporeal
movement and sonic text, hopes at least to provide some insight into how
luambek as a phenomenon is ordered and arranged. Just as society is not com-
prehensible without both the young and the old, luambek without the
dampeang singing to drive and shape the movement cannot be performed. We
hope this chapter has highlighted the integral synergy between dampeang and
luambek through which they must be understood as indivisible expressions of
a single essence.
References
Anh, To Thi. 1985. Nilai Budaya Timur dan Barat: Konflik atau Harmoni? Jakarta:
Gramedia.
Bandem, I Made. 2004. Mencermati Seni Pertunjukan Pespektif Kebudayaan, Ritual,
Hukum. Surakarta: The Ford Foundation STSI.
Irmansyah, (n.y.). Tari Manjapuik Jejak Nan Tingga, <https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=VJw2iPFZcfo>, downloaded on 7/11/12 at 12:16am.
Hasta, S.. 1980. Kamus Lengkap Wojowasito, Bandung.
Humphrey, Doris. 1984. Seni Mantra Tari. Jakarta: Dewan Kesenian Jakarta.
Kayam, Umar. 2003. Seni Pertunjukan Dan Sistem Kekuasaan. In: Mencermati Seni
Pertunjukan Pespektif Kebudayaan, Ritual, Hukum. Surakarta: The Ford Foundation
STSI.
LKAAM. 1997. Adat Minangkabau (Sejarah dan Budaya). Sumatera Barat: LKAAM.
Poerwadarminta, W.J.S. 1984. Kamus Umum Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.
Rasyad, Fashmi. 1991. Himpunan Peraturan Perundanga Tentang Pemerintahan Desa dan
Nagari di Sumatera Barat. Bukittinggi: Usaha Ikhlas.
Yogi, Abdul Rivai. 1980. Sastra Minang. Jakarta: Mutiara.
Table 8.5 Dampeang: social and textual structure in the performance of Luambek
Sequential Description of Movement - Randai Luambek (with Dampeang Vocal Text)

Conventions and abbreviations for the purpose of this table: • Cardinal directions relate to the circle: >C
- facing or towards Centre (In). >P - Perimeter (Out). >W - West (Clockwise). >E - East (Anti-Clockwise). •
Wide - Placed far out to the side level with the coronal plane. • In paired abbreviations, (LL, RH) the first
relates to the body L - Left, R - Right. The second relates to the body part L - Leg, H-hand. • Asterisk indicates
first description of recurring motif (thereafter named).
1. LANGKAH MASUAK (typical sequence from free improvisations) Time DAMPEANG JANTAN I
Each routine starts standing clockwise (>W) on the perimeter of
a circle arms by sides.
Release* the LL (i.e. leg slightly flexed raised horizontally forward) 0:0:00 Ai dampeang oi,
>W at knee height, knee and ankle flexed, bending supporting leg, TO
arms in opposition* (i.e. RH raised forward opposite the lifted 0:0:05
leg, LH trailing rear at a down diagonal corresponding to the
supporting leg), wrists flexed, palms face out. Slowly step the LL
down to >W on a deepening bend.
Lift* the RL (i.e. foot raised under the body near the supporting 0:0:06 Olaiyu yaknga olai yo
knee) and place IN >C, body rotating towards the working leg, L TO daknganga “AYO U”
arm in opposition shield* (i.e. strongly flexed at the elbow and wrist, Ayo U Ampeang ngo o oi ngo
palm out, shielding the front-to-side quarter of the body or head) 0:0:30 ongoi yakngadau oi,
Balenong: Stepping onto the RL into a 360° swivel turn, arms TO
swapping twice, to finish in original posture facing >C. Antak
Sambah: Lower to squat >C for salutation IN. Both hands touch to 0:0:44
floor, to nose, RH opens upward. [AYO U]
Sambah: Pivot turn 180° >P for salutation OUT, RA passing
overhead, then both hands touch to floor, to nose, LH opens upward.
Antak: Rising to stand facing >W, LL shading crown, the RF
STAMPS firmly on the bamboo floor. RH on thigh, with a forward
lean.
Repeat the sequence above. [Do] 00:45 danga yaknga ongok-ngo-
TO ngo kanduang tadodo
01:28 dokngodo.
Curi*: LL picks up behind RL, stepping down towards >E, LH 01:29 Dodok jaknga
shielding the brow, R index-finger pressing R buttock. TO akngamang, ngamang oi
Koyah (head)*: RL steps wide to >E body turning towards the 01:31 tajolak,
working leg, LH shield, palm beside ear. Shifting weight over RL Oi u-rang jolehkan ei
begin a slow pivot. Arms outstretched in a wide V sweeping slowly antah,
from R to L as the body pivots L from >E to >W. Finish by ‚drawing “ANTAH-ANTAH
up‘: (Front foot closes to the rear foot (feet together) drawing
the knees up to straighten, with a forward lean from the hip,
triangulated with R hand on the thigh) LH shields the crown.
Release LL and step forward to >W, both hands held aloft forward
of the brow. [ANTAH ANTAH]
Piciak Kulari*: Lift RL and step IN >C , turning body toward the 01:32 EI ANTAH”
supporting leg until facing >E. TO
Carry LL from behind toward >C L of the body touching the L 01:39
ball or toe down to floor. RH placed over LH tips up towards >C
from the L Hip. Turning tips down both hands drawing back to dock
at the hip as the foot also draws closed towards the standing RL.
[EI ANTAH].
Release LL and step toward >E, Arms stretching forward into a wide 01:40 Dagang oi yo yak nganga
V. TO ak nganga ngo ei,
High Koyah: (with brush-through)*: Lifts and step wide onto RL 02:05 Adau lah kanadau lai
towards >E, lifting the LL and replacing it wide back to >W as the komah,
arms move to a ‚4th crossed‘ position, RH overhead palm up, LH palm
up extended forward. Begin a slow L pivotf rom >E to >W arms
sweeping slowly from R to L.
Recover weight to LL with a swing through of the RL across the
LL >P, L arm twisting up to shield the crown, R arm extending down,
palm forward. From the brush-through RL steps down under
R hip, RH wrapping across the rib-cage, LH extended wide, waist
rotating >C on the rebound.
Curi: (LL picks up behind R ... R finger pressing R buttock) 02:06 ei adau juo lei alah,
Koyah (heart): (RL steps wide to >E for Koyah pivot, arms in forward TO “HEI YO ALAH, AI YO AI,
V, finishing RH on heart). [HEI YO ALAH, AI YO AI] 02:09
Release LL and step forward to >W, opposition arms. 02:10 OK NGONGOHAI”
Simbue*: Lift RL to step IN and LL to step OUT swinging the TO
leading arm in an upward arc overhead in the direction of each step, 02:12
lower arm crossing the body fingertips down. [OK NGONGOHAI]
2. KOYAH (freely improvised balabeh movements) DAMPEANG BATINO I

Curi: (LL behind, point into buttock) 02:13 Aknya ai yak ngalai,
Koyah (heart): (RL wide, pivot L, arms in V, step back to close, RH TO ai ngoi ai dak-ngak-
at heart). 02:32 ngampeang oi yo
Release LL and step forward >W. Lift RL. Ai ngok-ngongoi aingok
Simbue: (Stepping in and out swinging the leading arm up). aingok-ngoim yak oi
[Danga] danga
Curi: (LL behind, point into buttock) 03:11 Dodok kanik-ngik ero
Koyah (heart): (RL wide, pivot L, arms in V, step back to close, RH TO aingiknga ai ngak
at heart). [do’ kaniro] 03:43 Oi ngak-nga ai ton oi,
Release LL and step forward >W. Lift RL.
Simbue: (Stepping in and out swinging the leading arm up). [Ton
oi]
Curi: (LL behind, point into buttock) 03:44 Olaiyoi la dak-ngak-
Koyah (heart): (RL wide, pivot L, arms in V, step back to close, RH TO ngampeang oi.
at heart).[Dampeang Oi] 03.57
Table 8.5 Dampeang: social and textual structure in the performance of Luambek (cont.)
3. RANDAI BARALIAH DAMPEANG JANTAN II

Anggue*: RL steps wide to >E body rotating towards the action. 03.58 Oi aie asin, olaiyoi
With arms pulling diagonally apart (L palm pushing forward, R wrist TO yaknganga oi
pulling up and back) the body leans forward into a deep lunge, LL 04:23 lamo manknganga,
extended behind. “AYO U”
Momentarily recovering weight to centre over a wide horse-
stance with hands retracting in beside the hips.
Body sharply pivots L to >W, LH extending forward.
Swivel L to face >E dropping to a deep squat, R leg forward as
both hands, twist inward to flick up to the crown, crossing at the
wrists.
Keeping the gaze up, LH reaches down to touch the floor. Swivelling
L to face >W, RH now reaches to the floor. RH then curves the LH and
opens out. Recovering to stand >W, feet together, both hands touch
the crown, [AYO U].
Sambah (3 hands): RL steps IN >C lowering to squat as both hands 04:24 Anih ei yokngongo,
reach forward to the floor, touch the nose then separate 1st: RH high, TO kanduang talido
LH low, thumb and index held together in a chi mudra. 2nd: swap 04:59 dongodo.
position, fingers open, 3rd: swap back again. Danga oi daknganga
Recover to Stand lifting LL into Curi: (LL behind) ngangamang,
Langkah Duduk*: Release RL to step wide to >E. First the RH then 05:00 Dibaliak
LH curve upward as the other arm drops down by the thigh. TO kakngangampuang yak
Lowering to a squat RH touches the floor. LL advances one step, 05:13 takngangah,
recovering to stand onto the RL followed by a gelek pivot to the L. Oi kotongaknga
Curi: (LL behind) ngambang oi antah,
Koyah (head/heart)*: RL steps wide >E for koyah pivot, closing
with the LH touching the crown of the head, RH over the heart. [Ei
Antah]
Release LL and step forward >W both hands held aloft forward of 05:14 “ANTAH-ANTAH, EI
the brow. [ANTAH ANTAH] TO ANTAH”
Piciak Kulari: (step in and touch L ball >C. Overlay hands and 05:29
draw back with the foot to dock at L Hip). [EI ANTAH]
Step backwards to >P onto LL with raised ‚Lotus‘ hands* :(heels of 05:30 Dagang oi yak-ngongo
the hands touching, palms open with opposition twist) Recover to TO ngoyah,alun barak-
>W with RL Brush through. [Dagang Oi] 05:47 ngak-ngalun, oi kumpai
rakngak ngalun ok
ngongolah
Curi: (LL behind). 05:48 “HEI YO ALAH, AI YO
Koyah (heart): (RL wide, pivot L. Close RH vertical at heart). [HEI TO AI, OK NGONGOHAI”
YO ALAH] 06:14
Simbue: (Stepping in and out swinging the leading arm up). [OK
NGONGOHAI]
4. LAPIEH BATANG PADI DAMPEANG BATINO II

Curi: (LL behind) 06:15 Aknya ai yak ngalai,
Koyah (heart): (RL wide, pivot L closing RH to heart) [Dampeang TO ai ngoi ai da-k-ngak-
Oi] 06:54 ngampeang oi yo. Ai
Release LL and step forward >W. ngok-ngongoi aingok
Release RL and step forward >W. aingok-ngoim yak oi
[Danga] danga
Koyah ‘Guntiang’*: LL Lifts over RL cross-stepping to >E as RH 06:55 Dodok kanikngik ero
underscoops the L shield, fingertips leading, thumb uppermost (as if TO aingiknga ai ngak
‚scissors‘). Continuing as RL steps forward >E. As LL Lifts to step 07:26 Oi ngak-nga ai ton oi,
forward >E RH retracts wrist to R shoulder, the body pivots R past
>P to face >W. RH continues forward scooping L of mid-line until
weight shifts onto RL and back onto LL to draw up, RH arcing open
from under chin, L palm extending forward and up. Koyah Guntiang:
Repeat.
Half Simbue: Stepping in and out, (as for Simbue) swinging the 07:27 Olaiyoi la dak-ngak-
leading arm up on the IN step but on the OUT step continuing to TO ngampeang oi.
rotate body twisting around L shoulder to face >C, and trailing 07:40
the RL crossed behind L. Draw up L palm extending toward >C, RH
across abdomen, [dampeang oi]
5. SAMBAH BALENONG DAMPEANG JANTAN III

Anggue: (A deep RL lunge >E, Arms pull diagonally apart, Gelek 07:41 Oi aie asin, olaiyoi
pivot >W, gelek pivot to >E dropping to squat, hands crossed on TO yaknganga oi lamo
the crown. LH to floor, gelek L, RH to floor, to chest and peels open. 08:06 manknganga, “AYO U”
Recovering to stand.)
Close feet together, LH to the crown and RH to the abdomen for the
vocal response, [AYO U].
Sambah Balenong: start as for Koyah Guntiang: (RL steps to >E, RH 08:07 Anih ei yokngongo,
scissors underscoops L shield. LL steps to >E with body pivot OUT >W), TO kanduang talido
then, body lowers to squat facing OUT >P as RH extends to a high 08:47 dongodo.
side diagonal. LH reaches down to touch floor. Swap hands bringing Danga oi da-knga-nga
LH up, RH to floor with a low gelek pivot L to face >W. Arm position ngangamang, dibaliak
is held for Langkah Duduk*: two squatting steps to >E, standing up ka-knga-ngampuang
as the RL steps forward a second time into:- yak ta-knga-ngah, oi
High Koyah finishing with Antak: RL stamp (LH shading the crown, kotongak-nga-ngambang
>W). oi antah,
Koyah Guntiang closing to >E*: RL steps to >E with RH scissors. 08:48 “ANTAH-ANTAH
Pivot OUT as LL steps to >E retracting R wrist to shoulder then out
to high diagonal. But pivot back again OUTWARDS to close >E.
[ANTAH-ANTAH]
LH tips up, meets RH, RH descends sharply as LH arcs overhead with TO EI ANTAH”
Body-pivot OUTWARDS to >E, 09:03
Draw up facing >E: LH extending upward >C.
Anggue: (as above) finishing with 09:04 Dagang oi yak-ngongo

Antak: (STAMP the R foot. LH shielding crown). [ngolah] TO ngoyah,alun barak-
Koyah Guntiang: (RL steps to >E, RH underscoops L shield. LL steps to 09:35 ngak-ngalun, oi kumpai
>E with body pivot OUTWARDS >W, RH opens forward from chin, Draw rakngak ngalun ok
up the LH extended forward.) [HEI YO ALAH] ngongolah,
“HEI YO ALAH,
Koyah Guntiang: (as above) 09:36 AI YO AI, OK
Half Simbue: (Step IN>C with arms and step OUT twisting L to Draw TO NGONGOHAI”
Up facing >E, LH to >C). [OK NGONGOHAI] 09:44
6. ANTAK ANTARO: DAMPEANG BATINO III

High Koyah: (as above) finishing with Antak: RF STAMP, LH 09:45 Aknya ai yak ngalai,
shielding crown. [Dampeang Oi] TO ai ngoi ai da-k-ngak-
Koyah Guntiang: (Draw up LH to crown) [Danga] 10:29 ngampeang oi yo
Ai ngok-ngongoi aingok
aingok-ngoim yak oi
danga
High Koyah finishing with Antak: RL STAMP, LH shielding crown. 10:30 Dodok kanikngik ero
[Kaniro] TO
10:50
Koyah Gunting: (Draw up LH to crown) 10:51 aingiknga ai ngak Oi
Half Simbue: (Step IN with arms and OUT twisting L and Drawing Up TO ngak-nga ai ton oi,
facing >E, LH to >C). 11:10 olaiyoi la dak-ngak-
ngampeang oi.
7. CABIAK KAIN BURUAK DAMPEANG JANTAN IV

Anggue: (as previous) finishing both hands on abdomen. [AYO U] 11:11 Oi aie asin, olaiyoi
TO yaknganga oi lamo
11:42 manknganga, “AYO U”
Tupai Bagaluik: RL steps IN >C Both hands are pushed forward to >C, 11:43 Anih ei yokngongo,
RH sweeps (under LH) out, in, out, then flicks over opening to >C. TO kanduang talido
LL steps IN >C turning the body to face >E, bringing the LH sharply 12:06 dongodo.
IN >C. Danga oi da-knga-nga
Stepping LL back OUT >P, the L hand sweeps down and out in a large ngangamang, dibaliak
backwards arc returning overhead towards >C ka-knga-ngampuang
Body drops to sitting position, R knee and RH high, LL low. yak ta-knga-ngah, oi
Recovering to stand, lifting LL behind for Curi, Langkah duduk kotongak-nga-ngambang
(two squatting steps in the same direction), Standing as RL steps into oi antah,
High Koyah closing >W with Antak: (RL STAMP, LH shielding crown.
L palm out.).
Step RL IN >C Hands open, RH high, LL low 12:07 “ANTAH-ANTAH,

Step Back Swap hands to bring L hand high. TO EI ANTAH”
Step >IN swap hands to bring R hand high. 12:21
Swivel to >E, Draw up, [ANTAH-ANTAH]
Anggue, close to >W with Antak: RL STAMP, LH shielding crown. 12:22 Dagang oi yak-ngongo
TO ngoyah, alun barak-
12:43 ngak-ngalun, oi kumpai
rakngak ngalun ok
ngongolah,
Step RL IN >C on deep horse-stance, Open Hands, RH high, LH low 12:44 “HEI YO ALAH,
[HEI YO ALAH] TO AI YO AI,
Gelek Pivot to face OUT >P dropping to Squat, swapping hands to 13:02 OK NGONGOHAI”
bring L hand high.
Gelek Pivot to face IN >C from squat Swapping hands to bring R
hand high.
Swivel R to >E, Drawing up, LH extending IN >C [AI YO AI]
High Koyah (as above) closing >W. [OK NGONGOHAI]
8. ANTAK TAPI DAMPEANG BATINO IV

Ujuang Guntiang: RL steps IN >C with scissor tip gesture: (RH forms 13:09 Aknya ai yak ngalai,
a scissors gesture with the fingers, tips leading, underscooping the LH TO Ai ngongoi ai da-k-ngak-
high shield finishing in forward V). [ngalai] 13:29 ngampeang oi yo
Body swivels to face >E, RH moving through a high shield as weight
shifts forward and back. Draw up to close facing >W, swapping the
arms.
Antak: RL STAMP, LH shielding crown.
High Koyah closing >W with Antak: RL STAMP, LH shielding crown. 13:30 Ai ngok-ngongoi aingok
TO Ai ngok-ngoim yak oi
13:49 danga
Koyah Talenong (Turning): RL steps to >W rotating L OUT >P and 13:50 Dodok kani-k-ngik-ero
continuing pivotting L to face IN >C as the LL lifts behind and TO aingiknga ai ngak
opens to >W for High Koyah. Draw up >W with Antak: RL STAMP, 14:17
LH shielding crown. [Kaniro]
Koyah Guntiang closing to >E*: RL steps to >E with RH scissors. 14:18 Oi ngak-nga ai ton oi,
Pivot OUT as LL steps to >E retracting R wrist to shoulder then out TO olaiyoi
to high diagonal. But pivot back again OUTWARDS to close >E, RH 14:28
hand on thigh, LH extending up >C.
Half Simbue: (Step IN OUT, Twist Left, draw up >E) [Dampeang OI] 14:29 la dak-ngak-ngampeang
oi.
9. TUHUAK GALAH DAMPEANG JANTAN V

Anggue, closing both hands on Head [AYO U]. 14:31 Iyo mtujuah musim,
TO olaiyo yaknganga oi
14:56 lamo manak nganga
“AYO U”
Tuhuak Galah: Stepping BACKWARDS brings the RL and R Arm 14:57 Angih oi yoyok ngongo
OUT >P (arms extended forward and back as if to launch a spear or TO ngongok, kanduang
pole). 15:15 tadodo dokngodo.
RL steps forward thrusting the R arm (pole) IN >C.
Turning L, the RL steps forward OUT >P again, R arm leading
forward, and continuing to pivot L until facing >W, eyeline focussed
toward >C.
Stepping RL IN >C as RH thrusts (pole) forward. Lowering to squat,
RH then LH are placed on the front ANKLE.
Piciak Kulari: Standing up with feet together, overlaid hands are
drawn back to cover L hip near >C.
Stepping IN on RL to thrust the crossed hands downwards >C 15:16 Danga oi daknganga
scooping tips up and opening LH to high diagonal, RH low, as LL steps TO ngangamang,
backwards OUT >P. 15:38 takngangah
RL steps further back >P, tucking behind L on ball, as arms swap kaknganghanduang
bringing RH up to high shield. sakngangayang lambek
RL steps >E into High Koyah, closing >W with a STAMP, LH shading dakngangatang
crown. [antah] ngokngoi ei antah,
Stepping RL IN >C the hands open - RH high, LH low [ANTAH 15:40 “ANTAH-ANTAH EI
ANTAH]. TO ANTAH”
Stepping BACKWARDS brings the RL and R Arm OUT >P (arms 15:57
extended forward and back as if to launch a spear or pole).
Swivel >E Drawing up to close. [Oi ANTAH]
Lacuik: RL steps wide to >E, Both palms, overlapped at the fingers, - Dagang oi yok ngongo
push forward on the lunge and rebound to the shoulder as the weight ngongo yah, anyuikm
shifts forward and back. silongok ngodang oi
Rotating >W to ‘Curi’ the LL behind R, LH behind waist, RH in high tabiang daknganga ai
front shield, yak ngongolah,
Step RL >E, swapping hands - LH in high front shield with RH
extended pressing palm down.
Suduang Aie Didih >E: Touch ball of L foot IN >C, curving outside -
arm up overhead and leaning to gaze over inside Leg, lower hand in
line vertically with upper hand palms face >E.
Recover body-centre and step LL to >W, LH behind waist, RH in high
front shield.
Suduang Aie Didih >W: Touch ball of R foot IN >C, curving outside
arm up overhead and leaning gaze over inside Leg, lower hand in line
vertically with upper palms face >W.
Recover body-centre and step RL to >E L, LH behind waist, RH in
high front shield.
High Koyah closing >W with a STAMP [ngongolah]
Tuhuak Galah: Step IN >C Hands open, RH high, LL low - “HEI YO ALAH, AI YO AI,
Turn L by stepping RL forward OUT >P and pivoting L to face >C, OK NGONGOHAI”
RH extended >P as if holding Pole.
Step RL IN >C thrusting RH (pole) forward.
Swivel to >E drawing LH up to Close >E. [HEI YO ALAH ...
NGONGOHAI ]
Lacuik: RL steps wide to >E, crossed hands push forward on the -
lunge and rebound to the shoulder as the weight shifts forward and
back.
Curi: Lift and step LL behind R. TO
Tapuk Tangan: Step RL wide to >E arms in opposition shield 16:53
Step LL IN >C. Place L palm up >C, Place R palm over LP, CLAP once.
Sambah Balenong: Step LL Back to squat for salutation, both hands 16:54
touch the floor, touch the nose. Open (RH high, LL low) TO
Stand and full forward turn to the Right, sitting down again for 17:04
second salutation, both hands touch the floor, touch the nose.
Players leave the space.
290 Mashino
Chapter 9
Dancing Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in

Muslim Balinese Villages
Ako Mashino
A Study of Muslim Balinese Performing Arts
This chapter examines Muslim Balinese performing arts and discusses how
these arts represent Muslim Balinese cultural identity.1 In particular, it consid-
ers the rudat (rodat), a male group dance with a close relationship to silat
(pencak silat), a traditional martial art of Southeast Asia.
As silat is strongly associated with Muslims in Indonesia (Geertz 1960, 157;
Yampolsky, n.d.), in Bali, the art is also generally recognised as being of Melayu
(Malay) origin. Silat in Bali has established its own style, adapting and blend-
ing influences from Java and Bali (Draeger 1972, 65). It developed an artistic
performance form with musical accompaniment and influenced the tradi-
tional dances of Bali, as well as those on other islands in the archipelago.
Especially in Muslim Balinese communities, it has become fertile soil for vari-
ous forms of performing arts.
Islamic music and the relationship between Islam and music have been
explored by several ethnomusicologists: to name but a few, Tilman Seebass et
al. (1976), Judith Becker (1993), Sumarsam (1995), David Harnish (1988, 2006,
2011), Margaret Kartomi (1998, 2011), Anne Rasmussen (2001, 2005, 2010a, 2010b,
2011), Andrew Weintraub (2008), and Uwe Pätzold (2011a, 2011b). However,
among the wealth of preceding studies on Indonesian performing arts in gen-
eral, it has not been adequately explored (see also Harnish and Rasmussen
2011, 5). A related, and perhaps even more serious lacuna is that many of the
numerous descriptions of Balinese culture have referred only to the abundant
Hindu Balinese performing arts, ignoring those of the Muslim Balinese. As
Adrian Vickers pointed out, Bali is likely to be regarded as “somewhat apart
from the rest of Indonesia, a Hindu island in a sea of Islam,” although Bali has
exhibited “degrees of accommodation and synthesis with Islam” in its history,
culture, and society (Vickers 1987, 31; see also Schulte Nordholt 2007, 56). Bali is
1 In this chapter, foreign terms are from Basa Bali (= BB) or Bahasa Indonesia (= BI), unless
otherwise indicated.

Dancing Soldiers 291
in fact a “luminous mosaic” (Barth 1993, 9) in which diverse communities and

cultures coexist on the island, with a long history of interaction between differ-
ent beliefs (ibid.; Nagafuchi 2007, 72).
Muslims constitute more than eighty per cent of the population of
Indonesia, while Hindus comprise only two per cent. In Bali, however, the pro-
portions of Hindu and Muslim are quite the opposite. More than ninety per
cent of the population of Bali is Hindu and Muslims account for only five per
cent. This inverse relationship of majority/minority on the national vs. local
levels overshadows the interrelationship of the Hindu and Muslim Balinese
(Budiwanti 1995, 2). This study refers to the people who identify themselves as
both Muslim and Balinese as "Muslim Balinese" (Bali slam, nyama slam), to
distinguish them from the more recent economic immigrants of Muslim faith,
locally referred to as pendatang (BI; newcomers), who are presumed to not yet
identify themselves as Balinese.2 Despite the fact that there are many Muslim
Balinese communities with histories of hundreds of years, some Hindu
Balinese inaccurately regard almost all Muslims on the island as pendatang,
largely out of a lack of knowledge. In fact, there is no official or clear-cut defini-
tion of either Muslim Balinese or pendatang. My distinction between the two
is not based upon the length of their residence in Bali, but according to their
identity as Balinese. Most Muslim Balinese were born in Bali, speak Balinese
fluently, and are acquainted with Hindu Balinese customs (see also Arsana
2003). Pendatang were generally born elsewhere, may have learned Balinese,
and may have a cursory acquaintance with Hindu Balinese customs. Here, I
just suggest the possibility that the designation of pendatang is used more stra-
tegically than practically by both Hindu and Muslim Balinese to intensify the
latter’s cultural and historical authenticity, based upon my impression that the
word is almost always uttered with a slightly derogatory nuance, to distinguish
the speakers from those referred to.
Although there are more villages that may practise their own performing
arts, here I refer to just five Muslim Balinese communities where I have done
field research (see Map 9.1): Kepaon (Denpasar, South Bali), Gelgel (Klungkung
district, in the east), Sarenjawa, Nyuling, (Karangasem, in the east), and
2 I prefer the term Muslim Balinese rather than Balinese Muslim for a few reasons. First, in
Balinese, the adjective usually follows the subject: Bali (Balinese) slam (Islam) can be naturally
translated as Muslim Balinese, and nyama (brother) slam as Muslim brothers. As my basic
approach is to see Bali as a multicultural and multiethnic society, I would like to emphasise
that both Hindu and Muslim parties belong to the comprehensive Balinese category. Also,
most Muslim Balinese whom I met during my research emphasised that they were Balinese,
although some Hindu Balinese tend to regard being Balinese as synonymous with being
Hindu.
292 Mashino
Pegayaman (Buleleng district, in the north), and focus especially on the rudat,
a characteristic performing art of Muslim Balinese, performed for Maulud (or
Mawlid), the anniversary of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, in two differ-
ent locations: Pegayaman and Kepaon.
First, I will briefly overview the historical context and Islamic performing
arts tradition of Muslim Balinese, especially those related to (BI) silat, such as
rudat and rebana. Then, I will examine the cultural identity represented in
these performing arts, mainly based upon the Maulud festival performances
I have observed in Kepaon (2008, 2011), Pegayaman (2008, 2010), and Sarenjawa
(2010). Finally, I will describe the various ways in which the similarities and
differences between Hindu and Muslim Balinese cultures are recognised
and interpreted. Through these discussions, I will explore how the Muslim
Balinese represent, establish, and interpret their own cultural identity, and
negotiate with each other, as well as with the Hindu Balinese majority, for
social recognition.
Historical Background of Muslim Balinese
The cultural identities of Muslim Balinese represented by silat and the related
performing arts are primarily based upon the history of their ancestors.
Therefore, it is necessary here to review a short description of the historical
background of the Muslim communities in Bali, before beginning a discussion
of the arts themselves.
Most Balinese, both Muslim and Hindu, recognise that their ancestors came
from other islands in the vicinity. The majority of Hindu Balinese, except the
indigenous Balinese (Bali Aga), assume that they are descendants of wong
Majapahit – descendants of the East Javanese kingdom of Majapahit, which
conquered Bali in 1343 (Geertz 1989, 13; Hobart, Ramseyer, and Leeman 1996,
34–40; Vickers 2000, 74). Gajah Mada, the prime minister of Majapahit at the
time of the Bali conquest, sent his son, Ida Dalem Kresna Kepakisan, to rule
Bali. After the death of Dalem Kepakisan and the consequent disputes and dis-
sention, the court was finally moved to Gelgel (near the city of Klungkung, East
Bali) by Dalem Ketut Ngulesir, a son of Dalem Kepakisan. As other Islamic
kingdoms, such as Mataram and Demak, had increased their political and mili-
tary power in the archipelago, the influence and extent of the Majapahit
Kingdom had declined by the beginning of the sixteenth century, and many
Majapahit people who refused Islamisation had emigrated from Majapahit to
Gelgel. Many artisans, artists, priests, and intellectuals moved to Bali, bringing
cultural prosperity to the Gelgel court under the rule of Waturenggong, who
ascended to the throne in the middle of the sixteenth century (Hobart,

Ramseyer, and Leeman 1996, 34–40). Although historical evidence, in the form
of bronze edicts (BI; prasasti) in Old Balinese from the ninth to the thirteenth
century, suggests that the earlier Balinese kingdoms had already maintained
close relationships with the Javanese kingdoms such as Srivijaya and Shailendra,
Kediri, and Singasari even before the Majapahit conquest and beyond the time
of the Gelgel Kingdom (ibid., 24–34), Balinese generally trace their historical
and cultural origins back to Gelgel and its predecessor, Majapahit.
The ancestors of Muslim Balinese also emigrated to Bali hundreds of years
ago from other islands in the vicinity, such as Java, Sulawesi, and Lombok,
although the dates and purposes of their emigration range widely. Each Muslim
Balinese community has its own historical background, ethnic roots, and
respective culture and customs.
The first Muslim immigrants to Bali are thought to have come to Gelgel in
the fourteenth century. Sejarah Masuknya Islam di Bali reports that, according
to the local oral tradition, forty Muslims were included among the attendants
of Dalem Ketut Ngulesir, who established his court in Gelgel, Klungkung (Tim
Peneliti Sejarah Masuknya Islam di Bali 1979/1980, 13). This suggests that the
first Muslim immigrants also came to Bali in the Majapahit era, while their
numbers should have been considerably smaller. Then, from the fourteenth to
the sixteenth century, Islamic missionaries went to Bali several times, trying in
vain to convert the Balinese Hindu kings to Islam. Some of those missionaries
decided to stay in Bali as mercenaries for the Balinese rulers, and formed kam-
pongs around East Bali, especially in the present-day Klungkung and
Karangasem districts (ibid., 14–20). The Muslim Balinese of Gelgel believe that
their ancestors had been the most faithful and closest guards of the Gelgel
kings for generations, until the Japanese Occupation in the middle of the twen-
tieth century.
In the seventeenth century, Bugis from Sulawesi and Madurese from East
Java also arrived in Bali, and later, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centu-
ries when the Karangasem Kingdom ruled neighbouring Lombok, Sasak
emigrated to Karangasem. The Muslim Balinese communities, or kampong (BI;
kampung), have developed gradually and sporadically in diverse areas, through
marriage with Balinese and by absorbing immigrants with diverse roots. The
two Muslim Balinese communities, Pegayaman and Kepaon, which I mainly
discuss here, have their roots in Java and Sulawesi.
Pegayaman, is a mountainous village in the Buleleng district, with a popula-
tion of around 5,600 people, of which more than ninety per cent are Muslim.3
3 Fredrik Barth (1993) conducted ethnographic research in Pegayaman, which he referred to as

Pengatepan.
294 Mashino
The first Muslim immigrants to the Buleleng Kingdom appear to have been a
few Javanese who attended to an elephant presented by a Javanese king to the
king of Buleleng, I Gusti Ngurah Panji (1568–1647) (Tim Peneliti Sejarah
Masuknya Islam di Bali 1979/1980; Barth 1993, 44–45). When Gusti Ngurah
Panji Sakti conquered Blambangan, an East Javanese kingdom, he brought
many captives, most of whom were presumably Muslim, to North Bali.
Subsequently, Bugis, who had lost their war against the Dutch East India
Company and fled their homeland, also arrived in North Bali no later than the
mid-seventeenth century. Panji positioned the Javanese, who were presumably
Muslim, on land in the southern area bordering the Mengwi Kingdom – where
present-day Pegayaman is located – probably to protect him against attack
from the neighbouring kingdom. It seems a common strategy for kings in this
time of rivalry between local kingdoms in Bali to employ Muslim soldiers to
guard their lord in exchange for land or the right of residence, as similar cases
can be found in other districts.
Another Muslim Balinese community discussed here is Kampong Kepaon,
Desa Pemogan, located in the southern part of Denpasar City. The ancestors of
this community are Bugis, Madurese, and people from Palembang, who inter-
married. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, Muslim traders in the
vicinity had already settled in South Bali and some of them organised an army
fighting for Puri Badung (Badung Palace). Around 1832, Raden Sastraningrat, a
Javanese Muslim, had remarkable success in the war against the Mengwi
Kingdom, and was given the land of Kepaon and marriage to the Puri Princess,
Anak Agung Ayu Mas Manik Dewi (who later converted to Islam) as his reward
(Tim Peneliti Sejarah Masuknya Islam di Bali 1979/1980, 25; Yoshihara 2008,
144–45). Since then, Kepaon has maintained a special relationship with the
Puri Pemecutan, Denpasar. For example, the Puri sponsored construction of a
mosque and mimbar (lectern). The people of Kepaon, in turn, have often pro-
vided labour to the Puri, or participated in its rituals.
Rudat and Silat
Rudat Music
Silat in Indonesia has been closely tied to various genres of performing arts, in
addition to its practice as a martial art, self-defence, and for spiritual improve-
ment. It is often performed with musical accompaniment, especially in
Sumatra and West Java, where its body movements influenced the local forms
of dance and theatre (see Barendregt 1995; Pätzold 2011a, 2011b; Mason 2011;
Kartomi 2011b). Hindu Balinese also developed a demonstrative form of silat,
accompanied by an ensemble similar to the gamelan geguntangan,4 with the

extraordinary addition of two reyong, small knobbed gongs (Tama, pers.
comm., 20 March 2012). Some dancers also allowed that it might have influ-
enced the traditional male dance forms, such as janger (a group dancing and
singing) or Baris (a warrior dance).
In Muslim Balinese communities, silat and silat-derived dance forms are
very common. Rudat (rodat), among others, is a dance closely related to silat,
commonly performed by Muslim Balinese men. It is always accompanied by
an ensemble of rebana – a set of frame drums, widely recognised throughout
the archipelago as Islamic musical instruments. Usually, around ten dancers
and several rebana musicians, all of whom are men, constitute a group. Both
dancers and musicians sing the religious texts, partly in Indonesian but mostly
in Arabic.
In Pegayaman and Kepaon, two rebana, which differ in size and structure,
are played in a similar fashion as part of an ensemble to create an interlocking
rhythmic pattern. The smaller rebana is preferred for rudat in both villages; it
is called the rebana hadrah in Pegayaman, and it has cowhide attached to its
wooden frame with studs and three pairs of jingles, or ceng-ceng.5 It differs
from the bigger rebana, which does not have jingles and is known as rebana
besar (big rebana), rebana burdah (rebana for burdah), or jidur (gidur), and
which has cowhide laced to its frame with a rattan strip. The bigger rebana are
mainly used for accompanying the recitation of the Arabic poem, “Qasidah
Burdah” – more often simply called “Burdah” – which is taken from the book
4 Gamelan geguntangan is a musical ensemble usually used in performing arts featuring vocal
expression, such as arja (a musical dance-drama) and janger (collective singing with dance).
It consists of several suling (vertical bamboo flute), a pair of small kendang (drum), ceng-ceng
(small cymbals), guntang (bamboo percussion for keeping the beat), gong pulu (a bronze
metallophone functioning as a gong), tawak (small bossed gong), and kelenang (small bossed
gong). Ordinary geguntangan ensembles do not include reyong. The gamelan for accompany-
ing silat were also called batel, which, though, more often refers to a small ensemble with four
gender wayang, a pair of kendang, kempur (a smaller gong) and other small percussion instru-
ments. This is probably because the music for silat had the musical structure, also called batel,
having a binary beat gong cycle and a relatively quick tempo. These musical elements are
usually associated with battle or urgent scenes in traditional Balinese theatre.
5 Fredrik Barth writes that the rebana hadrah in Pegayaman uses pigskin, and describes a mythi-
cal episode involving it: Once the Prophet met a wild boar nursing piglets, which pleaded with
him not to kill her. He felt pity and let her go, and the boar “ran jubilantly off beating a joyous
rhythm with her hoofs,” which he liked and repeated on the drum (1993, 60). This episode may
explain why the drums are used on the anniversary of the Prophet, Maulud, and may also
suggest the origin of pigskin use for making a drum.
296 Mashino
Kitab al-Barzanji.6 The smaller rebana for rudat are usually performed in an
ensemble of seven or nine, as an odd number is preferred.
The musical ensemble for rudat in Kepaon consists of five kedencong
(smaller rebana), and one jidur (bigger rebana). As in Pegayaman, the former is
studded while the latter is laced. In rudat, the kedencong interlock (mecan-
datan) in the ensemble, while the jidur simply punctuates the rhythmic cycle,
like the gong in a gamelan ensemble.
The rebana musicians and rudat performers typically sing songs together,
while beating their instruments or dancing. The rudat texts are also usually
taken from al-Barzanji, depicting the life of Muhammad, besides a few pieces
having Indonesian texts, which are thought to be more recently composed.
The performers usually could not explain the meaning of the poem word-by-
word, because, for most Indonesian Muslims, Arabic is more “a discourse of
performance than of semantics” (Rasmussen 2010a, 64). However, they recog-
nise the overall meaning of the texts, such as greeting the audience, and
expressions of love, peace, and praise for God, and learn these texts by heart.
The contents of the songs are associated with, or based upon, Islamic teach-
ings. According to Ketut Asad Hassan, an elder musician from Pegayaman,
each dance component of rudat corresponds to the sung words. Unfortunately,
no one can now explain them clearly (Hassan, pers. comm., 11 March 2010).
The rudat tradition supposedly originated in Bugis practice – one of the
major sources of Muslim Balinese culture – while performing arts with similar
names can also be found in Madura and Sumatra (Yampolsky et al., n.d.), West
Java (Pätzold 2011, 162), Lombok (Seebass et al. 1976, 24; Harnish 2011, 91–92),
and Trengganu, Malaysia (Dobbs and Matusky, n.d.).
The Balinese rudat might have had some historical interface with perform-
ing arts from other islands, or it may have developed through multiple channels,
combining components from different cultures, just as Muslim Balinese com-
munities have absorbed immigrants from diverse origins.
In Kepaon, my informants said that some texts are in pantun, a traditional
form of poetry, and some specific melodies are associated with Palembang cul-
ture (Bunyiamin, a vocalist from Kepaon, pers. comm., 6 March 2011; Abdul
Gani, a rudat group organiser in Kepaon, pers. comm., 11 March 2011). Fur
thermore, there are also rudat songs seemingly influenced by Hindu Balinese
6 The complete title of the book in Arabic is Iqa al-Jawar fī Mawlid al-Nabiy al-Azhar (The
Jewelled Necklace of the Resplendent Prophet’s Birth), and the author is Zainal Abidin Ja’far bin
Hasan al-Barzanji al-Madani, an Imam (Islamic leader) from Kurdistan, while the book is often
called al-Barzanji or Barzanji in Bali. In this chapter, I refer to the performance of reciting
“Qasidah Burdah” as burdah, and the name of the poetry as “Burdah.”
janger songs, although today these are rarely sung (Bunyiamin, pers. comm., 6
March 2011). The performing styles of rudat seem to have been relatively open
to historical changes and influences.
Body Movements of Rudat and Silat

Rudat is a collective male dance in which the performers form lines and dance
in a highly organised way. Body movement in rudat has several characteristics:
(1) frequent use of a hand motion resembling chopping; (2) repetition of bend-
ing the body, stooping down, and then springing up;7 (3) a sequence of body
movements regularly articulated by silat postures at the end of each binary
beat unit of rebana; (4) walking in a procession, usually in two lines, and start-
ing/stopping to a whistle or call; and (5) tightly fixed choreography and
synchronised group movements, which seemingly allow little improvisation or
individual variation (Figure 9.1). The whole performance is formed by joining
together the kinetic components based upon silat, on the beats of the rebana,
into a collective dance choreography.
According to Abdul Gani, a rudat group organiser in Kepaon, the original
form of rudat in Kepaon is thought to have been “murni gerakan silat” (BI; “pure
silat movements”). As Kepaon men lost their role as actual soldiers in modern
society, rudat also gradually transformed into dance, emphasising beauty. The
term “rudat” originally meant “taman” (BI; “flower garden”), which symbolises
the “beauty [BI; keindahan] of flowers, trees and plants” (Gani, pers. comm., 18
August 2008; 11 March 2011).8 This connotation possibly reflects the aesthetics
of rudat peculiar to Kepaon, as it largely differs from the interpretation of
rudat as “meniru adat” (BI; “pretend to practise local customs”) in West Java
(see Pätzold 2011, 167; 189).
When I asked about the relationship of the performing arts and silat in
Pegayaman, Kepaon, and Gelgel, most agreed that silat is commonly practised
in each community and that rudat basically consists of silat-derived body
movements, although opinions differed on the requirement of silat compe-
tence for dancing rudat. In Kepaon and Gelgel, silat skill is not thought to be
necessary for rudat performers, while in Pegayaman, learning silat is almost
mandatory, not only for rudat players but also all boys.
As I will describe later, silat is also performed with musical accompaniment
in front of audiences during the Maulud festival. In Pegayaman, I observed
7 In Pegayaman, the rudat dancers are called nanggukan, which comes from the word angguk,
meaning to bend the body.
8 Uwe Pätzold explains that the word rudatun is from Arabic, meaning flower garden, and that
many silat practitioners associated it with socio-political “trickery” in West Java (2011, 189).
298 Mashino
pairs of men in turn performing in a match, and in Sarenjawa, several men

came up to the front in order to compete. In Kepaon, only one performer
demonstrated his competence. Although silat is often performed as an enter-
tainment for the audience, accompanied by music as well as rudat, and rudat
largely borrows its kinetic elements from silat, there are also significant differ-
ences between them in two areas: the body movements of silat are usually
improvised and do not strictly correspond to the music, while rudat uses cho-
reography fixed beforehand and more controlled by the music.
In all silat performances for Maulud that I observed, the body movements of
the performers were largely improvised on the spot. Especially in contest set-
tings, silat players usually spontaneously confront each other, and their
movements were not organised according to the musical beats; indeed, the
performers looked like they were paying little attention to the music. Naturally,
the music would influence the performers’ fighting spirit and inner power;
however, it does not directly control or organise their body movements.
In contrast, rudat dancers should not deviate from the fixed choreography,
and should adjust their movements to those of the others, in order to neatly
structure the performance. The dancers sing and dance according to the binary
beat units produced by the rebana musicians. The beat and tempo created by
the rebana correspond to and control the articulation of body movement, so
that they effectively direct and synchronise the individual participants into a
collective, choreographed performance. The relationship between music and
body movements brings out the artistry of rudat as a dance form, and empha-
sises its beauty, as I discussed earlier, as opposed to the aggressiveness of
martial arts.
Other Silat-related Performances

In Pegayaman, some repertoires of the burdah recitation also include silat-
derived body movements. In burdah, the reciters also beat larger rebana
(rebana burdah or jidur) to accompany their own vocal expression. Although
similar recitation of Arabic poetry with rebana is commonly practised in
Muslim communities such as Kepaon and Sarenjawa, and also in Lombok
(Harnish 1998, 776), it does not usually include any dancing in Bali except in
Pegayaman.9 The burdah performance that I observed in Pegayaman at the
2010 Maulud festival was held in a musholla, a building for prayers. The arena
for the burdah dancer was the centre of a circle, surrounded by approximately
9 There also used to be burdah in Nyuling and Daginsema, Karangasem; today, unfortunately,
they are no longer able to perform it. My informants explained that this was because of the
paucity of competent performers and the difficulty of mastering the art.
forty seated rebana players/singers. Sometimes a dancer would step forward

into the centre; otherwise they sat among other burdah reciters/rebana play-
ers. I was told that originally two performers danced as a pair in burdah.
However, I observed only one male dancer, Nengah Abdullah, who looked like
he was in his late sixties, as the other performer was sick and nobody else could
replace him.
The dancer often used chopping hand gestures, as in rudat. While burdah
dance and rudat share much of the same body movement vocabulary based
upon silat, and both have a close relationship with silat, they differ significantly
from each other in their aesthetic emphasis and performance context. Rudat is
always performed outdoors, while burdah was held inside the musholla. As I
will discuss later, the location of the performance is significant in Muslim per-
forming arts, as it is related to its social recognition, authenticity, and perhaps
the connection to religion. Rudat is comprised of a sequence of many discrete
silat poses, which are assumed to be organised in a specific order correspond-
ing to the musical beat. Indeed, rudat performers seem to periodically move
from one given silat position to another, in a rather gymnastic manner, punc-
tuating the musical and choreographic sequences. As rudat is collectively
performed, it creates the impression of military discipline, which is also
emphasised by the whistle used by the commander, who does not dance him-
self, but goes around the performers, directing them. By contrast, the burdah
dancer carried on his elegant dancing, in a slower tempo than rudat, and kept
smiling gracefully throughout the performance. Even between the silat poses,
he continuously glided from one posture to another without distinct breaks.
His hands moved like butterflies, and the dance was rather playful and expres-
sive. While it is possible to identify silat positions in burdah choreography,
transitions between them are more gradual and seamless than in rudat, so that
the whole dance flows like a line without knots. The burdah dance seems to be
somewhat similar to the Hindu Balinese joged bumbung (dance accompanied
by bamboo instruments), in which the female dancer more often improvises
her choreography and ngibing, invites one of the surrounding audience mem-
bers to dance together with her, during performance. My impression of the
performance was that rudat places more emphasis on masculinity and collec-
tivity, while the burdah dance is more elegant and expressive. According to the
musicians of Pegayaman, the burdah dancers also used to shake their handker-
chiefs and ngibing in the circle, but they dance according to some patokan, or
basic dance patterns.
Besides rudat and burdah, some Muslim Balinese communities such as
Kepaon, Gelgel, and Sarenjawa, have hadrah, another genre of dance perfor-
mance, which presumably derives from silat. Hadrah is also a collective male
300 Mashino
dance with rebana music, though the choreography and music are different
(hadrah performers are sitting during the dance). As I have not yet had the
opportunity to observe hadrah performances, I do not examine it further here.
Rudat in Cultural and Social Contexts
Rudat is usually performed as part of Islamic celebrations, such as Maulud,

which are scheduled according to the Islamic calendar, as well as at weddings,
circumcisions, and secular festivals. I describe the Maulud that I observed in
Kepaon (2008, 2011) and Pegayaman (2008, 2010) below, and examine the social
significance of rudat in this context.
Rudat for Maulud in Pegayaman (2008, 2010)

In Pegayaman, people celebrate Maulud for two consecutive days, and rudat is
danced on both days. I observed the first-day event in 2008 and the second-day
event in 2010. Both days, colourfully ornamented floats specifically for the
Maulud celebration, called sokok, were made. The floats for the first day, sokok
base, consisted of a large quantity of betel leaves and flowers, as symbols of
love and grace, while those for the second day, the sokok taluh, were festooned
with decorated boiled eggs, symbols of birth and life, attached to a banana
trunk log with thin sticks.
In the morning of both the first and the second day, several rudat groups
made the rounds of the village and held short performances for each
household to “angkat” (BI; lift up) the sokok. The rudat groups performed
simultaneously at several houses in the village. After the performances, some
of the owners of the sokok rained confetti on the children waiting outside, who
scrambled for the small change included among the bits of paper: Maulud is
generally regarded as a festival for children, and the confetti can be interpreted
as blessings and gifts for them. At the end of the first day’s activities, all sokok
were brought to a village mosque, where they were deconstructed. The betel
leaves were distributed to the children, as they are believed to bring good for-
tune, and the event was finished before noon. On the second day, while the
rudat groups performed at the households, burdah was performed in a mush-
olla. After the sokok were assembled before noon, a rather formal event was
held in a public space. The procession, including many sokok shouldered by
groups of men, rebana and burdah players, a children’s marching band, and
groups of students, started from a mosque, walked around the village, and fin-
ished at an open space with a temporary platform for invited guests from
outside the village, where they demonstrated performing arts, surrounded by
the guests and hundreds of villagers. After the singing of the national anthem,
“Indonesia Raya,” and a few speeches followed by a rudat performance, several
pairs of silat practitioners displayed their competence, accompanied with the

rebana burdah. Some pairs used a wooden stick, while others were barehanded.
I heard that the silat games used to be a highlight of Maulud in Pegayaman,
attracting many challengers from neighbouring communities, and continuing
for a few days, though in 2010 it finished in less than half an hour (see also
Mashino 2011).
Rudat for Maulud in Kepaon (2008, 2011)

The Kepaon Maulud started in the morning with a procession led by the rudat
performers and the rebana musicians, followed by a crowd of people, which
paraded around the community starting from and returning to the mosque. In
the mosque courtyard where many people waited, numerous balesuji (floats)
were gathered and displayed (Figure 9.2). The balesuji of Kepaon share their
basic form with the sokok taluh of Pegayaman, decorated with many eggs and
paper flowers, which are interpreted as symbols of life (eggs) and love (flowers)
(Gani, pers. comm., 17 Mar 2008).
The first line of the rudat procession is a pair of performers, each carrying a
sacred pedang, or dagger, who were followed by approximately twenty other
rudat members. The pedang symbolises justice and the truth, and the pedang
holders represent moral guardians, coercing evil power to obey justice (Gani,
pers. comm., 2008 August 18).10 The pedang is believed to have supernatural
power. In 2008, I also observed a child on horseback in the procession whom I
assumed to be one of the boys that would shortly participate in a mass circum-
cision. After that parade, balesuji were displayed in a row on the terrace of the
mosque, and rudat was performed in the courtyard, in front of the balesuji, for
a short time (Figure 9.4). In 2011, after the rudat performance, I observed a boy
demonstrating his silat skills, accompanied by several kedencong (smaller
rebana with jingles) and a jidur (larger rebana) in a space surrounded by squat-
ting rudat dancers, which I had not observed in 2008. Afterwards, Gani told me
that it had been one of his recent experiments to revitalise the traditional arts
(Gani, pers. comm., 11 March 2011).
After the performances, the balesuji are brought inside the mosque, where
work is undertaken to deconstruct them into many small sticks, to be later
distributed to the participants, while about twenty other men recited al-
10 Abdul Gani said that the pedang used to be wooden and decorated with flowers, and that
this type of pedang is still used in performances outside the community, such as at festi-
vals (Gani, pers. comm., 17 Mar 2008; 18 Aug 2008). However, today, pedang made of real
steel are only used in performances in their own kampong. The pedang I observed were
also not wooden.
302 Mashino
Barzanji. In 2008, they recited the section “Maulid Shalf al-Anam” (locally
called “Shalpal anam”), and “Burdah.” Only for burdah, around ten singers beat
the jidur. According to the performers’ own explanations, only “Burdah” is
recited while beating jidur simultaneously, and the other sections of Barzanji
are just recited without jidur. In 2011, there was no burdah performance with
jidur and I heard only the vocal recitation, due to the paucity of competent
performers. Burdah performance requires competence and experience, but
most of the competent players were too old or sick, while the younger com-
munity members were not yet experienced enough (Bunyiamin, pers. comm.,
6 March 2011; 23 August 2012; Abdul Gani, pers. comm., 11 March 2011). During
the recitation, mass circumcision is held in another building on the mosque
site. The reciting voices and the sound of jidur is said to cover the cries of the
boys being circumcised, and further added to the clamour of the assembly,
filling the ritual space with an extraordinary, cheerful, and also religious
atmosphere.
After the recitation finishes, rituals are held for blessing babies, including
akikah (cutting the hair of babies) and menek jan (climbing a small ladder
made of sugar cane). After these rituals, the participants and guests share a
ritual meal, and all events finish before noon prayers.
Rudat as Representation of Muslim Balinese Cultural Identity
Cultural Identity Represented in Rudat

Just as other studies of Muslim musical culture have discussed – or at least
mentioned – the permissible, or halal, uses of music (Harnish and Rasmussen
2011, 10), my Muslim Balinese informants also explained the appropriateness
and role of the performing arts in Maulud, based on the idea that the obser-
vance is not a ritual for Allah but is instead an anniversary for the Prophet, and
is regarded rather as a secular event with entertainment and a festive atmo-
sphere. The distinction is important because music and dance are largely
permitted in rites of passage for human beings, such as weddings and circum-
cisions, while they are more strictly avoided in ceremonies dedicated to Allah.
In Pegayaman, the usage of instruments and dance is avoided inside the
mosque, which is thought to be a sacred sphere primarily for prayer. The same
explanation is also heard in Nyuling, Karangasem: the informants said they
had never played rebana, either in the buildings or in the courtyard of the
mosque. In Kepaon, however, they have traditionally performed rebana for
burdah inside the mosque building.
The fact that all recitation texts and most rudat songs are in the religious
language of Arabic also guarantees their halal quality (see ibid., 26). Since they
contain religious episodes and moral teachings, rudat and recitation of Arabic
poetry with rebana are basically regarded as tools of dakwa, diffusing Islam
through its attractive quality and a “blessing and devotional act” (Rasmussen
2010, 172). Although the original mission of their ancestors to convert Bali to
Islam can be regarded as having largely failed, the performing arts might have
functioned as a medium of religious education for the villagers in an entertain-
ing form. In that sense, rudat instantiates itself as an Islamic art for Muslim
Balinese.
The body movements of rudat, such as hand chopping, and its standing
position with widely-opened legs and low centre of gravity, which were seem-
ingly derived from silat, and the collectively synchronised movements, similar
to the army, proudly remind the audience of their martial excellence and brav-
ery, since many Muslim Balinese traditionally served their rulers as bodyguards
or soldiers of the local kingdoms. Physical strength and martial arts were thus
a vital part of making their living, establishing their social position, and acquir-
ing credibility. The performance also emphasises collectivity, discipline, and
orderliness, especially as embodied in the role of the dantong, or comman-
dant, who conducts the performance with whistles and calls (abah-abah).
Costume is one more prominent military aspect. Rudat dancers wear wester-
nised army-inspired costumes consisting of a hat, a long-sleeved jacket (often
fringed or with epaulettes) and long pants. This costume was probably influ-
enced by the Dutch colonial army, although the hat and pants are common
among Indonesian Muslims. One reason for choosing westernised costume is
its practicality, as wearing pants is thought to be more suitable for silat leg
movements than wearing traditional sarong or kaman, which only wraps
around the lower body. Another reason I heard was that rudat is “lebih gaur”
(BI; “coarser”) than other traditional arts, such as burdah (Hassan, pers. comm.,
11 March 2010), so that its modernised costume is acceptable.
As a whole, rudat emphasises the masculinity and orderliness of the sol-
diers, through its costumes and choreography, and represents a Muslim
Balinese cultural identity – almost exclusively male – reflecting their historical
background. It is noteworthy that female members of the communities have
no place to display their performing arts in Maulud, although they also have
their own music and dance activity, qasidah (kasida) moderen, or simply qasi-
dah. While the word qasidah is originally the Arabic word qasida, which means
a form of poetry, qasidah in Indonesia usually refers to a music and dance
performance including both entertaining and religious elements; the text
always conveys Muslim ethics and moral teachings, while simultaneously
304 Mashino
incorporating many modern idioms and instrumentation from Indonesian

popular culture. It is commonly and widely found in Muslim communities
around Indonesia (see Arps 1996; Rasmussen 2005a). I observed qasidah per-
formed by female musicians/dancers in the context of such events as weddings
and the celebration for a renovated mosque. However, as far as I am aware, it
has not been included in Maulud. Muslim Balinese usually regard qasidah as
less religious, more modernised and entertaining, and therefore less authentic
than rudat and burdah. This might be the reason that qasidah is not performed
during Maulud, for which more traditional, and probably more authentic art
forms are used.
While rudat is performed exclusively by men, this does not mean that it is
only for men. It represents the whole community. Many people, including both
men and women, young and old, participate in a procession following rudat,
and observe and enjoy the performance. Most rudat groups are usually formed
of members belonging to a village or kampung. In Gelgel, to participate in
rudat is a duty for the young men. A group of young men in uniform, who make
up the procession and dance in a highly organised way, is a highlight of the
public events of Maulud. Their performance is attentively observed, sur-
rounded by a large number of audience members, including almost all
community residents, and even by outsiders, such as guests and passers-by.
Rudat represents the cohesion of their community in public.
Social Relationships Established by the Performing Arts
Performing arts such as rudat contribute not only to fostering a spiritual bond
among the villagers, but also to establishing and maintaining social relation-
ships with others. As rudat is often performed in public spaces, and always
outside, it can garner attention from outsiders.
Maulud, weddings, and festivals also offer opportunities for presenting
rudat and other traditional culture such as sokok/balesuji, burdah, and rebana
music to people outside the villages. In each case, the procession is accompa-
nied by a mass of villagers, and their existence as a community, as well as the
traditional culture which distinguishes them from the neighbouring Hindus, is
displayed in public. Many Hindu Balinese living in the vicinity of these Muslim
Balinese communities are familiar with rudat. Even if one has never actively
participated in the festivals and often may not know the names of dances or
floats, they can observe and recognise the cultural symbols of their Muslim
neighbours. In Kepaon, since the procession takes place along a public road
with a lot of traffic, it displays the Kepaon culture to outsiders. In Pegayaman,
unexpected visitors, either local passers-by or tourists, are less likely to encoun-
ter the performance, due to the fact that the performance venue is located off
the main road. However, the villagers invite local VIPs to the performance and
offer open opportunities to participate in silat performances. On the days of
Maulud, both villages were imbued with an open-minded, festive, and presum-
ably out-of-the ordinary atmosphere in which many villagers welcomed
outsiders, such as me.
The rudat groups are also proud that they often receive invitations from
other Muslim Balinese communities. In 2010, I observed a group from
Pegayaman performing rudat for Maulud in Pancasari Village, around six kilo-
metres from Pegayaman. Performances elsewhere can bolster the reputation
of a village for having vigorously maintained its own tradition. The burdah
group of Sarenjawa (Karangasem district) and the rudat group of Gelgel
(Klungkung district) have made it their custom to invite each other’s perform-
ing arts troupes, in turn, for Maulud. These two communities share historical
origins in missionaries from Java, who came to Bali from the fourteenth
through sixteenth centuries, and have reinforced their relationship through
the exchange of performances.
The Kepaon rudat has often been performed for Hindu Balinese family ritu-
als, such as weddings and funerals held in Puri Pemecutan. In the Karangasem
area, rudat and rebana groups also occasionally performed for their Hindu rul-
ers and neighbours, with whom they have kept a special relationship. Rebana
groups in Nyuling have often held performances commissioned by the Puri
Kangin, Karangasem, the former royal family, for whom the Nyuling people
served as guards. In the Maulud of Sarenjawa 2010, a rudat group from Gelgel
followed by a crowd of people paraded from Sarenjawa to neighbouring
Budakeling, where many pedanda (Hindu priests) live, and performed in front
of the Hindu temple.
Participation in more public and formal festivals also contributes to estab-
lishing position in Balinese society. The rudat group from Kepaon has been
invited a few times to perform in festivals, such as the Pesta Kesenian Bali (BI;
Bali Arts Festival). One of its recent significant opportunities was participation
in the memorial ceremony held on November 15, 2002, for the victims of the
October 2002 terrorist bombing in Kuta. As the perpetrators were fanatic
believers in Islamic fundamentalism, the case generally provoked anti-Muslim
sentiment among the Hindu Balinese. According to Gani, the performance in
the ceremony was “penyelamat nama islam” (BI; “protecting of the credit of
Islam”), as it could effectively represent the general feelings of moderate
Muslims, who also objected to the terrorism, violence, and fundamentalism,
306 Mashino
and who were also praying for the victims and wishing for peace (Gani, pers.
comm., 2008 March 17; see also Arsana 2003).
Fredrik Barth described the tendency of the Pegayaman villagers to adopt
an “isolationist, traditionalist, and often bellicose attitude to the surrounding
society” (1993, 44), based on his research in the 1980s. However, as far as I
observed in the Maulud, the community was generally welcoming to outsiders.
After the Kuta bombing in 2002, Muslim Balinese overall have strived to
emphasise peaceful coexistence with their Hindu neighbours. Performing the
arts in public is an effective way to peacefully demonstrate their cultural iden-
tity, to establish and represent a friendly historical relationship with others,
and contribute to improving their position in Balinese society.
Similarity and Difference
Similarity Interpreted
The terms most often used by both Muslim and Hindu Balinese in describing
Muslim Balinese culture are akulturasi (BI; acculturation) and adaptasi (BI;
adaptation). For example, many people point out the similarity of the recita-
tion of al-Barzanji to kidung, a vocal genre which is often sung during Hindu
rituals, and interpret this as evidence of akulturasi. The two certainly share sev-
eral characteristics: both are heterophonic choruses sung in rather slow
tempos, having religious texts, although the timbre and vocal technique of al-
Barzanji and kidung sound basically different to me. Bunyiamin, a vocalist
from Kepaon, said that the vocal quality and style for al-Barzanji is more
Balinese than for recitation of the Qur’an, which sounds more Arabic
(Bunyiamin, pers. comm., 6 March 2011). Asmadi, a reporter for the daily news-
paper Bali Post, described burdah in Pegayaman as ‘irama lagu bernuansa Bali’
(BI; ‘music with Balinese taste’), and wrote that his impression of the Pegayaman
culture was ‘sangat Bali’ (‘very Balinese’; Asmadi 2008).
Rudat is often compared to Hindu Balinese baris gede or baleganjur. Baris
gede is a Hindu Balinese male dance, in which a group of men in warrior cos-
tumes with sacred weapons dance in lines. Baleganjur is also a processional
music, percussive, rhythm-focused, and associated with heroism and mascu-
linity, although baleganjur usually does not have a vocal part, and dancing with
the music is only a recent innovation. Baleganjur and rebana playing for rudat
also both employ an interlocking rhythmic structure, which is called
mecandatan.
Besides the performing arts, most often mentioned as evidence of akultur-
asi is the Pegayaman naming system according to birth order, although the rule
differs in its details (see Budiwanti 1995, 56). Pegayaman names are mostly
combinations of typical Hindu names, such as ‘Wayan’ or ‘Ketut,’ and Islamic
names, like ‘Akbar’ or ‘Hamid.’ The Muslim Balinese also adopted social organi-
sations, such as subak (an organisation for water supply), banjar (an
organisation of a hamlet, based upon neighbourhood), and sekhe (a club for
specific activities, such as performing arts) (Barth 1993, 52–56; 59–61; 63–75;
Abbas 2009, 10). Since Hindu and Muslim Balinese cultures have never been
completely separate (Vickers 1987; Kusuma 2007), it is natural that their inter-
action has provided common practices in many aspects. A journalist and writer
from Pegayaman, Ketut Syahruwardi Abbas suggests that intermarriage of
Muslim men with Balinese women brought about cultural interaction in
Pegayaman (Abbas, pers. comm., 28 Feb. 2010).
However, in the performing arts, I am not convinced by the opinions attrib-
uting these similarities, in a similar way, simply to the Muslim Balinese
adaptation or acculturation of Hindu Balinese culture. After all, similarity and
difference is a relative problem, and we have not yet amassed enough histori-
cal evidence. Emphasis on the similarity rather than the difference can also be
interpreted as a strategy for establishing peaceful relationships. What is impor-
tant here is how the Balinese recognise and interpret their similarity and
difference.
Udeng and Peci Controversy

The adaptations and similarities are not always interpreted positively, and can
also be regarded as deviations from Muslim identity. During the Pegayaman
Maulud in 2010, I observed three burdah groups: two of them wore pakaian
adat (BI), the traditional costume, similar to Hindu Balinese, including udeng
(headdress), baju (jacket), saput (an apron-like cloth for wrapping the waist),
and kain (kaman, sarung, skirt cloth), while the other group wore the standard
formal Muslim costume of peci (rimless cap; all terms: BI), long-sleeve shirt,
and long pants.
When I interviewed several burdah musicians together afterwards (there
was no one who wore the peci-celana), I found that costume was a contentious
issue among them. One said that the original burdah costume might be more
Bugis, such as “kulung putih, celana putih” (BI; white shirt, white pants), and
that later it had been transformed for “pendekatan Bali” (BI; making it closer to
Bali). Another disagreed, and insisted that udeng is more authentic, citing
Amien Rais, a former leader of the Muslim organisation Muhammadiyah, who
had admired the udeng as typically “Balinese Muslim.” The discussion at that
time came to the conclusion, or rather compromise, that wearing udeng-kain is
more traditional and legitimate for burdah than peci-celana, although there
308 Mashino
seemed to be some ambivalence and at least several different views about its
authenticity.
When the rebana group from Nyuling was invited to perform for the rituals
at the Puri Kangin Karangasem in 2007, they were explicitly offered a set of
pakaian adat (BI; udeng, saput, and kain). I did not hear any negative com-
ments about this case in Nyuling, and one of my informants seemed to be
rather amused by his unfamiliar costume. However, Muslim participation in
the Hindu ruler’s ceremony in Hindu costume may suggest a Muslim public
obeisance, though today, many might interpret it as evidence of their long-
standing coexistence.
To the contrary, I also observed a man from Puri Pemecutan, who gave a
speech at the beginning of the Kepaon Maulud in 2008, wearing peci and batik
shirt and pants like a Muslim, to show respect for Muslims, I believe, by his
choice of costume.
Negotiation
As previous studies also suggest, Indonesian Muslims are not homogenous in
their view of tradition and performing arts in general. David Harnish has dis-
cussed the tension between the traditionalist Muslims called Waktu (Wetu)
Telu and orthodox Muslims in Lombok (Harnish 1988; 2006; 2011), and Anne
Rasmussen reports on the difference and disagreements about the aesthetics
and concepts of Islamic music between traditionalists and modernists
(Rasmussen 2010b). In most cases, the conflicts and differences are attributed
to diversity in the interpretation of historical and cultural syncretism.
My informants from Kepaon suggested a tendency toward exclusion or
avoidance of the cultural elements or customs which were presumed to be
adapted from Balinese culture or to be syncretic. Most Muslim Balinese, espe-
cially the musicians and performers, belong to the traditionalist camp, in that
they actively maintain and practise their traditional performing arts.
Nevertheless, there is still a wide range of diversity among individual interpre-
tations of the tradition among them.
In the case of Pegayaman, at first glance, wearing udeng and kain certainly
looks similar to Hindu Balinese practice, and might be seen to reflect a positive
attitude toward “akulturasi,” while wearing a peci and celana might suggest
opposition and emphasise the wearer’s Muslim identity as part of pan-Indone-
sian Muslim culture. However, these inconsistent choices of costume on the
part of burdah performer cannot be simply interpreted as positive and nega-
tive views of akulturasi, or a bi-polar categorisation of traditionalists vs.
modernists. As the Pegayaman musicians’ discussion suggests, no one can defi-
nitely say which one is more original or authentic, because their tradition has
been established through the intersection of various cultures, and their cul-
tural uniqueness comes from such historical interaction. As their costumes
and the discussion exemplify, there are various choices, interpretations, and
positions to be taken in the practice of the traditional culture of Muslim
Balinese, corresponding to the diverse definitions of cultural identity among
them and reflecting individual background and experience.
The Muslim Balinese attempt to interpret the background of their cultural
practice so that they can strategically represent their identity and establish an
ideal social relationship with the others. In the process, they negotiate with
each other and also with the Hindu majority.
Abbas insists that the Pegayaman people had deliberately distinguished
"kebudayaan” (BI; culture) from “agama” (BI; religion), flexibly accepting the
former from Hindu Balinese while strictly observing the latter in maintaining
their tradition, belief, and identity (Abbas 2009, 4).
As Harnish and Rasmussen describe, the term adat, which literally means
customs, broadly refers to the non-Islamic and syncretic elements in the tradi-
tional cultural practice of Indonesian Muslims (Harnish and Rasmussen 2011,
13). According to Harnish, for Muslims in Lombok, the concepts of adat –
which has a meaning similar to that of “kebudayaan” in the discourse of Abbas
– and agama are deliberately but definitely separated, and the tension between
the two “often has led to contestation, frequent debates, occasional violence
and much intellectualizing” (Harnish 2011, 81). For Abbas, however, agama and
kebudayaan/adat can definitely coexist without any contradiction, and their
separation rather maintains identities as both Muslim and Balinese.
In addition to the recent increase in the arrivals of pendatang, development
of fundamentalist Islam, and terrorism, the recent discussion of an anti-por-
nography law (BI: Undang-Undang Anti Pornografi dan Pornoaksi) in 2006
which strongly favoured an Islamic sense of morality, also fed anti-Muslim sen-
timent among the Hindu Balinese, who feared that the law might “cripple
Balinese culture and the tourist industry” (Schulte Nordholt 2007, 80).
The Ajeg Bali (strengthen Balinese culture) campaign started in 2002 as a
result of Hindu Balinese intellectuals’ anxiety and growing sense of cultural
crisis as a religious minority under the high pressure of the majority of Muslims
in Indonesia. However, the majority/minority structure in Bali, which is oppo-
site that on the national level, complicates the social setting for the Muslim
Balinese.
As Schulte Nordholt points out, in Ajeg Bali discourse, Balinese culture is
often presented as homogenous and exclusively Hindu (ibid., 56). A possible
strategy for Muslim Balinese to avoid unfavourable tension in these com-
plicated circumstances is to demonstrate their own cultural identity and
310 Mashino
strengthen their presence and simultaneously to emphasise “Balinese-ness” as

evidence of their peaceful relationship with the Hindu majority by their cul-
tural displays in order to distinguish themselves from the pendatang.
Traditional performing arts such as rudat, which is only owned by the
Muslim Balinese communities with long histories, can be evidence distin-
guishing them from pendatang. Moreover, the cultural expressiveness and
richness of those arts are both commonly praised in Balinese society.
Rudat can vividly represent the Muslim Balinese’s own authentic tradition,
adat, while being based upon their faith, agama. As a visually and acoustically
powerful performing art, it can contribute to establishing, maintaining, and
constructively transforming the social relationship between the performers
and their audience, who might have differences in culture, religion, and cus-
toms. Therefore, rudat is a significant medium which can bridge between
Muslim Balinese performers, who are a religious minority, and the Hindu
Balinese audience, simultaneously appealing to their cultural similarity and
uniqueness, as well as establishing Muslim Balinese cultural cohesion and
identity in their own community.
The dancing soldiers are a cultural self-portrait of Muslim Balinese and a
powerful cultural icon, which can be approvingly interpreted by the Hindu
majority, testifying to the legitimacy and contribution of the Muslim Balinese
to the Balinese kingdoms. They effectively represent the cultural identity of
the Muslim Balinese, at once both Muslim and Balinese, symbolically depict-
ing their historical background – brave and disciplined soldiers guarding the
Hindu kingdom, thereby establishing a significant position in Balinese society.
Simultaneously, it proudly shows their cultural uniqueness and the authentic-
ity based upon their history, tradition, and faith, which had been continuously
reinterpreted, and for which they negotiated with each other, and with the
others.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to the artists from Pegayaman, Kepaon, and other Muslim
Balinese communities, and to many Hindu Balinese friends who assisted my
fieldwork. I especially owe much to Pak Ketut Shahruwadi Abbas, who guided
my fieldwork in Pegayaman and offered me his helpful suggestions, and
I Kadek Suardana, who kindly arranged my first contact with some important
informants. I also acknowledge Wendell Ishii for his editorial assistance with
this chapter.
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Map 9.1 Locations of the Muslim Balinese communities mentioned in this chapter
Figure 9.1 Rudat performance in Maulud, Pegayaman, 2010.

316 Mashino
Figure 9.2 Balesuji for Maulud, Kepaon, 2008.
Figure 9.3 Rudat performance in Maulud, Kepaon, 2008.

Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming 317
Chapter 10
Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming in

West Java
Henry Spiller
It is difficult to pin down a single coherent historical narrative that accounts

for the panoply of Sundanese1 performing arts in West Java, Indonesia. Island
Southeast Asia as a whole is characterised by overlapping waves of population
migrations, political hegemonies, and religious movements. Sundanese music
and dance genres show evidence of these diverse influences in asymmetrical
and sometimes surprising ways.
Elsewhere I have explored the intricate webs of history and influence dis-
cernable in modern forms of men’s improvisational dance generically known
as ketuk tilu and tayuban, which exhibit clear traces of indigenous belief sys-
tems, Hindu/Buddhism, and Islam all at the same time (Spiller 2012). In a
similar vein, my book, Erotic Triangles (Spiller 2010), argues that sundry forms
of Sundanese men’s social dancing all rely on the same durable framework
of music and dance protocols, which I characterise as an “erotic triangle”
involving three interrelated elements: drumming that animates men’s bod-
ies, a female performer who incites their desire, and a sense of freedom that
motivates their movements. These familiar elements provide a predictable
framework in which an individual man can formulate, express, and explore his
own masculine identity.
In this essay I turn to Sundanese penca silat (self-defence arts), which at first
glance seems as distinct from ketuk tilu as two movement forms can be. While
ketuk tilu is dominated visually and aurally by flamboyant female performers,
penca silat is devoid of such an obvious feminine presence. Penca silat is linked
in most people’s minds with personal discipline and Islam in a way that contra-
dicts ketuk tilu’s modern associations with masculine display and sensuality.
Like ketuk tilu, however, penca silat provides a framework in which Sundanese
men can establish and explore their masculine identities. Uwe U. Pätzold sees
other interrelationships between penca silat and “those arts that grew off the
dances of the Ronggeng-traditions” (Pätzold 2011a: 102) as well. In this essay,
1 The Sundanese are the second-largest language and ethnic group in Indonesia. In this chapter
foreign words are in Sundanese unless otherwise stated.

318 Spiller
I explore similarities in the musical accompaniment for penca silat and ketuk
tilu, especially in terms of ensemble forces and instrumentation, large-scale
forms and procedures, and the centrality of close relationships between drum-
ming and movement.
Ketuk Tilu and Penca Silat
In contemporary Sundanese parlance, participatory dance events accompa-

nied by small traditional music ensembles are known by a single term – ketuk
tilu. Convention holds that ketuk tilu has roots in rituals associated with agri-
cultural practices, especially the cultivation and harvesting of rice, which
typically involved participation by all the men present. Such dance events may
have begun as metaphorical enactments of the agricultural cycle, in which the
female performer represents the rice, personified as a goddess (Nyi Pohaci),
whose fertility is activated by rain, symbolised by the men’s communal mascu-
line power. These events also promulgated a gender ideology that has persisted
into the present that promotes an approach to masculinity that rewards cer-
tain expressions of sexually profligate behaviour as a symbol of fertility.
Feminine power is acknowledged as awesome, dangerous, and necessary in its
reproductive capacity, and male cooperation is needed to harness and control
it for constructive purposes. Ketuk tilu and the gender ideology it expressed
proved to be eminently compatible with other religious and philosophical
frameworks that have dominated West Java over the centuries, including
Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam (Spiller 2012).
Ketuk tilu is rarely performed in modern West Java, but other dance forms,
such as bajidoran (a modernised version of ketuk tilu popular in Subang and
Karawang areas), tayuban (aristocratic men’s dance), jaipongan (choreo-
graphed, staged versions of men’s social dance; see Sean Williams’s contribution
to this volume), and even dangdut (a modern, pan-Indonesian popular music
and dance form), clearly maintain many of the same aesthetic and social fea-
tures, most particularly a constant inscription of gender ideologies and an
enactment of sexual tensions between the female performers and the male
participants (Spiller 2006, 2012).
Various forms of martial arts also have long pedigrees in Southeast Asia.
Many locate the origins of martial arts in imitations of the movements from
nature and of animals (Kartomi 2011a: 56–57; Maryono 1999b; Wilson 2002:28).
It would be consistent with the animistic belief systems of early Indonesian
cultures to attempt to appropriate the powers of nature through mimesis.
Whatever the primal origins, knowledge of the discipline may have spread
with the expansion of the powerful Hindu-Buddhist kingdom of Sriwijaya and

other influential medieval polities (Kartomi 2011a: 56; Wilson 2002:31). The dis-
cipline of embodying the powers of nature in one’s body as a path to spiritual
enlightenment, along with the acquisition of practical physical and mental
skills for self-defence, have proved adaptable to the various religions and phi-
losophies that have dominated West Java in different historical periods.
In the present time, the umbrella term silat designates a variety of traditions
of fighting arts throughout the Malay world. In contemporary West Java, the
relatively recent term penca silat combines the umbrella term silat with the
more regional designation penca (Maryono 1999a: 38; Sedyawati and Salim
2006:14; Wilson 2002:2) to refer to a variety of individual aliran (“paths” or
“schools”) of Sundanese martial arts that nevertheless share many common
features.
It is not unusual to find demonstrations of Southeast Asian martial arts
accompanied by music. A variety of regional styles are accompanied by ensem-
bles that feature drums (usually two sets played by two players), a gong, and
some kind of shawm – for example, amongst the forest-dwelling Suku Mamak
people of Riau (Kartomi 2011a: 47; 2011b: 97), sila in Southern Thailand’s Muslim
communities (Binson 2011:108), silek Minang from west Sumatra (Mason
2011:113), and martial arts in northern Malaysia (Matusky and Chopyak
1999:422) and Sulawesi (Kartomi 1999:806). Musical accompaniment is an
especially important component of Sundanese penca silat – Sundanese mar-
tial arts associations even considered boycotting attempts by the Indonesian
Pencak Silat Association (Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia [IPSI]) to eliminate seni
(the elements of music and dance) from competitions (Wilson 2002:232), and
preserve their own use of musical accompaniment (Pätzold 2011a: 103). Some
Sundanese experts say that penca silat has two aspects – the practical, personal
growth facet, characterised as buah (“fruit”), and the aesthetic, beautiful dance
(ibing) that emerges when penca silat is demonstrated with musical accompa-
niment, called the kembang (“flower”; pc, Herman Suwanda, 1981; Atmadibrata
et al. 2006:22–23; Wilson 2002:75).
Historically, martial arts have been practised almost exclusively by men.
Female personalities often play important roles in penca silat origin myths,
suggesting that balance between male and female elements is an important
concept in penca silat (Maryono 1999b; Wilson 2002:42–43). Unlike ketuk tilu
and similar events, however, gender ideology is not a central concern in the
practice of penca silat, and the female participants who have become com-
monplace in recent decades do not dress or behave differently from the men
who had a monopoly on martial arts until recently (Caturwati 1997:45).
320 Spiller
Musical/Choreographic Forms
Ketuk tilu ensemble. Ketuk tilu likely gets its name from one of the four instru-
ments in its typical accompanying ensemble – a gong chime with three (tilu in
Sundanese) small knobbed gongs (called ketuk) arranged on a low frame.
Usually one musician plays the three ketuk as well as a large hanging gong
(called goong). The other instruments are a set of kendang drums, consisting of
a large two-headed barrel drum called kendang indung and one or more small
two-headed barrel drums called kulanter, and a two-string spike fiddle called
rebab. The rebab player plays an elaborately ornamented version of a song’s
melody, which one of the ronggeng – professional female singer-dancers – also
sings in heterophony with the rebab. The goong player marks the ends of musi-
cal phrases with a deep, undulating stroke on the goong. He fills in the rhythmic
spaces between goong strokes with patterns played on the three ketuk. The
drummer attends to the dancers, playing stereotyped patterns to which the
dancers synchronise their gestures.
Modern versions of dancing with ronggeng – jaipongan, bajidoran, and
dangdut, for example, use rather different ensembles. Bajidoran and jaipongan
typically are accompanied with full gamelan salendro ensembles (see Spiller
2004:226–258), and dangdut with keyboards, guitars, and a transverse flute. All
these ensembles, however, feature prominent drumming, and reproduce the
same protocols as old-fashioned ketuk tilu events to a certain extent. In all
cases, participants expect the rhythmic patterns of the drumming to animate
their bodies (see Sean Williams’s contribution to this volume), encouraging
them to move in ways that might not be appropriate in other settings.
Penca silat ensemble. An ensemble called kendang penca or gendang penca
(“drums for penca”) typically accompanies demonstrations of penca silat. The
ensemble consists two sets of kendang drums (as described above), a small
gong called bende, kempul, or goong, and a quadruple-reed shawm called
tarompet. The player of one of the kendang sets – kendang indung (“mother
drum”) – performs a relatively static version of a basic rhythmic ostinato, while
the other, on kendang anak (“child drum”), plays more intricate patterns that
mirror the movements of the dancer and and signals musical transitions.
Usually the large drum of the indung set is larger and lower in pitch than the
anak set’s large drum. Strokes on the bende mark the ends of rhythmic cycles.
The tarompet player selects tunes from his repertory that are appropriate to
both the setting of the performance and the rhythmic cycle. It should be noted
that penca silat gestures have been absorbed into a variety of other genres as
well (Mulyana et al. 2006:11; see also Sean Williams’s contribution to this vol-
ume), and that other ensembles in West Java accompany variants of penca silat
(see Pätzold 2011b: 171–177).
Although the ketuk tilu and penca silat ensembles sound very different from
one another, both provide the main functional layers that characterise most
Sundanese music (and, indeed, music from other parts of Java and Bali as well):
a foundation or colotomic layer, a melodic layer or layers, and a rhythmic
drumming layer (see Spiller 2004:71). In both ensembles, major phrases are
marked colotomically with strokes of a gong (goong in the ketuk tilu ensemble,
bende in the kendang penca ensemble). The time intervals between gong
strokes are further subdivided by patterns of interlocking sounds, played on
the three ketuk in the ketuk tilu ensemble, and on the various drums in the
kendang penca ensemble. An instrument with great flexibility in terms of pitch
vocabulary, melodic mode, and the capability to produce melismatic, vocal-
like phrases provides the melodic layer – the rebab (along with the female
singer’s voice) in the ketuk tilu ensemble, and tarompet in the kendang penca
ensemble. Finally, drummers in both ensembles are responsible for coordinat-
ing the rhythmic aspects of the music (starting, stopping, transitions, and
tempo changes) as well as mirroring the dance gestures with appropriate drum
patterns.
Ketuk tilu pieces and forms. In a nutshell,2 ketuk tilu events have two main
sections. In the first, the troupe leader presents the ronggeng (professional
female singer-dancers), who then perform for the assembled men. A special
piece, “Erang,” marks the transition to the second section of the event, during
which individual men pay to choose a piece from the large ketuk tilu repertory
to which they (and the other men) dance with the ronggeng. Each man chooses
the piece that best suits his own personality and gives him the opportunity to
strut his own best masculine traits. For example, men with a flair for comedy
might choose “Cikeruhan” (“tune from Cikeruh”) which is especially suitable
for kocak (funny) movements, while those who want to display their martial
arts skills might choose “Buah Kawung” (“sugar palm fruit”).
Many individual ketuk tilu songs share the same fairly straightforward colo-
tomic structure, with four phrases of equal length in each rhythmic cycle; the
end of the last phrase is marked with a stroke of the gong. A few special songs,
such as “Paris Wado” and “Geboy,” however, feature phrases of unequal lengths.
Men might choose these songs to exhibit their advanced understanding of
ketuk tilu music and to display their expertise and cleverness in handling the
choreographic challenges that the phrasing in such songs present.
2 For detailed descriptions of the format of ketuk tilu events, see Spiller 2004:204–211; Spiller
2010:112–117; Spiller 2011:50.
322 Spiller
Ketuk tilu songs usually begin with a special drum pattern called nyered or
nyorong (“to push”), which is the same regardless of the song, that segues into
the chosen song. Once the song begins, there are two distinct sections from the
point of view of the dancers and the drummer. In the first section, the drum-
mer plays patterns that inspire the male dancers to remain in one place,
focusing on moving their arms and torsos; a quickening of the drumming’s
rhythmic density as the time for the gong stroke draws near the inspires the
dancers to move their feet, possibly moving closer to the ronggeng with whom
they are dancing, so they can perform some sort of dramatic gesture just before
the gong stroke. In the second section, called mincid, the drummer plays pat-
terns that inspire the dancers to perform various stylized walking movements.
The piece ends with another rendition of nyered, which typically leads to
another piece. This time, however, the ronggeng leave the dance area, and the
men perform a line dance called oray-orayan (“moving like a snake”) which is
led by the individual who chose the original song.
Thus, the form of old-fashioned ketuk tilu events is binary on several levels:
(1) the whole evening is divided into (a) an introductory section that includes
invocations and a presentation of the female performers, followed by (b) a sec-
tion in which the male participants choose the songs and dance; (2) each “set”
in the second section consists of (a) a song during which male guests pair up
with a female performer and focus their energy on showing off their own prow-
ess, followed by (b) a section (oray-orayan) in which the men dance together
in a line, focusing on fellowship; and (3) each song is divided into (a) a “static”
section in which the dancers stay more or less in one place, followed by (b) a
mincid section in which the dancers constantly walk around.
The three ketuk are tuned to three different pitches, which I call here “low”
(L), “medium” (M), and “high” (H).3 The “default” pattern for the ketuk player
is an 4-beat ostinato (with each beat subdivided): M-L-M-H-M-L-M-<rest>.
The strongest metrical accent coincides with the <rest>. The ketuk player typi-
cally deviates from this pattern to emphasise drum/gesture pattern with
especially characteristic rhythms (e.g., triplets) or by quickening the rhythmic
density to contribute to a sense of drive toward a cadence.
3 The three ketuk are often tuned to pitches equivalent to the salendro pitches bem, barang, and
singgul; if bem is BƄ, the three pitches would be approximately L=BƄ, M=F, and H=Ab. In some
sets, however, the three ketuk are tuned to non-salendro pitches. For example, at the Bandung
Zoo, the three ketuk are tuned to approximately L=D, M=F#, and H=G, and the topeng Betawi
troupe recorded on the 1994 Smithsonian/Folkways recording entitled Betawi and Sundanese
Music of the North Coast of Java (Smithsonian/Folkways CD SF 40421) features ketuk tuned
approximately L=C, M=E, and H=F.
The ketuk part for the nyered and first two phrases of a rendition of the ketuk
tilu piece “Sinur,” transcribed in Figure 10.1,4 illustrates how a ketuk player
combines the typical ostinato with special rhythmic patterns. For nyered, the
ketuk player follows the contour, rhythmic patterns, and rhythmic density of
the drum part very closely. Nyered consists of two gong phrases, one with 20
beats, the other with 12 (dancers stand still during nyered and prepare to begin
or end their dancing appropriately). The piece (“Sinur”) proper has three gong
phrases: the first with 32 beats, the remaining two with 16 beats each. In the
first of the two iterations transcribed here, the ketuk player fills the first 4-beat
measure with a special opening pattern, and then plays the typical ostinato to
fill the next six 4-beat measures. He replaces the <rest> with H at the end of the
the fifth and sixth measures, anticipating the coming gong cadence. In the last
measure, the ketuk player doubles his rhythmic density and plays a syncopated
rhythm that mirrors the drum pattern’s quickening pace leading up to the gong
stroke.
The first of the two 16-beat phrases opens with a characteristic triplet
rhythm (which dancers usually interpret as an opportunity to turn around
slowly), followed by another quickening of rhythmic density leading to the
gong stroke; the ketuk player imitates the drum rhythm and contours closely.
For the second of the two 16-beat phrases, the ketuk player returns to a variant
of the typical ostinato, leading the dancers back to the second iteration of the
tune.
The second iteration of the 32-beat phrase consists almost entirely of the
typical ostinato until the last 4-beat measure, which presents the same quick-
ening cadential pattern leading up to the gong stroke. The second iteration of
the two 16-beat phrases is essentially the same as the first iteration.
Penca silat pieces and forms. Penca silat performances are appropriate in a
variety of modern contexts: as an event in itself, as part of a malam kesenian
(evening arts performance featuring a variety of genres) or as part of a family
life-cycle event (e.g., a circumcision or wedding; Atmadibrata et al. 2006:23).
Like ketuk tilu events, Sundanese penca silat demonstrations usually open with
a ceremony that introduces the silat performers to the audience, and may pay
4 The recording in question is available as track 9 on the CD that accompanies my books

Gamelan: The Traditional Sounds of Indonesia (ABC-CLIO 2004) and Focus: Gamelan Music of
Indonesia (Routledge 2008). The track was performed by the group Candra Puspita (Samin as
wiraswara [male singer] and director, Arliani as juru kawih [female singer], Lili Suparli as rebab
[spike fiddle] player, Tosin Muchtar on kendang, Dedy S. Hadianda on goong and ketuk). The
original recording was released on cassette as Celempungan and Ketuk Tilu: Candra Puspita,
produced by Florence Bodo and Dedy S. Hadianda (n.d.).
324 Spiller
Figure 10.1 Ketuk part for “Sinur”
homage to teachers, both living and dead. Then each performer proceeds to do
his or her demonstration, asking for a particular song or form (Soepandi et al.
1996:66). Each performer’s “set” typically involves a solo demonstration of mas-
tery of penca silat movements, performed in a relatively slow tempo, followed
by a demonstration of skill with weapons, and climaxing with sparring with
mock opponent(s).
In family event contexts, individual guests may be invited to display their
penca silat skills (either because the host genuinely wants them to do so or
because the guest hints to the host that he/she would like to perform). The
guest first approaches the musicians, and, after some social niceties, provides
a small sum of money (BI: uang rokok, “cigarette money”) to the musicians in
consideration of their playing the song(s) he requests (Pätzold 2011a: 103). The
individual guest’s set will likely include at least the first section as described
above, and may include sparring as well.
Musical accompaniment for penca silat comprises five named rhythmic
cycles, called tepak. For each tepak, the kendang indung player repeats specific
ostinato pattern, while the kendang anak player combines ostinato patterns
that interlock with the kendang indung’s ostinatos and also provides “sound
effects” that correspond to the penca silat practitioner’s particular gestures.
The tarompet player selects an appropriate melody to play that fits the tepak’s
colotomic form (or plays the song that the practitioner has requested) and his
assessment of the sitkon (situation and conditions) of the event.
Slow tempos and infrequent gong strokes characterise tepak dua and
paleredan. As in ketuk tilu, performances of these tepak have two sections:
dancers perform combinations of fighting stances and movements in the first
Figure 10.2
Kendang parts for paleredan and tepak
tilu (bottom line: kendang indung; middle
line: kendang anak; top line: composite of
kendang indung and kendang anak).
section. As the gong stroke approaches, they increase the intensity and density
of their gestures, striking a dramatic pose just before the gong stroke. In the
second section, again called mincid, the performers walk around warily as if
encountering an opponent. The slow tempos enable the penca practisioners to
display their subtlety. Tepak tilu, too, includes the same two sections, but has
more frequent gong strokes and is generally performed at a faster tempo.
In padungdung, the fastest tepak, dancers spar and employ traditional weap-
ons in a rather free-form manner. Golempang provides accompaniment for
other activities, including opening prayers and humourous demonstrations
(Atmadibrata et al. 2006:23; Harrell 1977; Maryono 1999; Soepandi et al. 1996:
66–67; Wilson 2002:50).
Figure 10.2 shows some basic ostinato patterns for tepak paleredan and tepak
tilu.5 In the figure, the kendang indung part is on the bottom row, the kendang
anak part is in the middle row, and an approximation of the combination of
the two parts is in the top row. Each box represents a beat; the letters in the
boxes designate particular drum sounds: “T” represents a ringing drum sound
produced on the smaller head of the large drum of the kendang indung; “t”
represents the same stroke on the kendang anak (which has a higher pitch;
musicians often vocalise these sounds with the syllable “tong”); “D” represents
a ringing sound produced on the larger head of the large drum (often vocalised
as “dong” or “dung”); “p” represents a slapped sound on either the small head of
the large drum or on the kulanter (small drum, often vocalised as “pak”); and
“B” represents a combination of “D” and “p” (often vocalised as “bang”).
The similarities between ketuk tilu and penca silat accompaniments are not
necessarily immediately obvious from their ensembles’ sonic signatures, but
5 These patterns are based on my own lessons and experience performing kendang penca and
on transcriptions in two published sources: Harrell 1977 and Miller 2002.
326 Spiller
are striking on several levels of musical organisation. I argue that the level of
rhythmic organisation that most moving bodies attend to first is the level that
moves at rates similar to the time it takes to mobilise a body’s gross motor skills
– namely, stepping and walking. At this level of rhythmic organisation, both
ketuk tilu and kendang penca are characterised by an ostinato constructed of
three sounds (X, Y, and Z) arranged into the pattern X-Y-X-Z-X-Y-X<rest>, with
the accent on the <rest>. In the case of ketuk tilu, this ostinato is provided by
the three ketuk; in the case of kendang penca, by the interlocking parts played
on kendang indung and kendang anak. Elsewhere I have made the case that
this type of rhythmic pattern practically demands bodies to move (Spiller
2010:57–58).
This basic measure of time and gesture is further organised into larger units
by ringing strokes on a gong of some sort in both ensembles. The musical peri-
ods outlined by the gong strokes provide a rhythmic template for a repeating
melody, performed on tarompet in the kendang penca ensemble and by the
rebab player and the female singers in the ketuk tilu ensemble. There is consid-
erable overlap between the two ensembles in terms of the actual melodies
performed. However, ketuk tilu ensembles generally stick to a bounded reper-
tory of ketuk tilu songs, which include specific lyrics, while kendang penca
ensembles generally choose melodies that do not have connotations that
might be dissonant with the occasion at which the melody is performed. A
tarompet player will avoid, for example, songs with excessively secular or sen-
sual lyrics in a situation with Islamic overtones – even though the lyrics are not
actually heard (Pätzold 2011b: 178–179).
The significant features that ketuk tilu and penca silat share extend to larger
structural consideration as well. Margaret Kartomi has noted that traditional
performances of self-defence arts from different parts of the Malay world typi-
cally include two sections: a slow-tempo display of embellished self-defence
gestures, followed by fast-tempo sparring episodes (Kartomi 2011b: 97), and
Sundanese penca silat follows this overall protocol. The first parts of a set fea-
ture individuals focusing on their internal mastery of the gestures, showing off
their moves (either solo or in unison) to the accompaniment of tepak dua,
tepak paleredan, and/or tepak tilu, while the later parts often feature sparring
between two or more participants, drawing attention to the socially interactive
aspect of penca silat, to the accompaniment of tepak padungung. Similarly,
ketuk tilu sets begin with male participants focusing on their own dancing, usu-
ally with a female performer as a partner, while the second section (oray-orayan)
involves the men dancing with one another, focusing on their interactions with
one another.
There is another two-part aspect shared by penca silat and ketuk tilu: some
of the individual pieces within a set start with a section with relatively static
movements, in which the performer limits her/his locomotion and focus on
arm and hand gestures in place, followed by a mincid section, which features
more constant ambulation.
There is considerable overlap in repertory as well – songs associated with
ketuk tilu are common choices for tarompet players accompanying penca silat,
and penca silat movement routines find their way into ketuk tilu performances
as well (Mulyana et al. 2006:11). Ketuk tilu master Salam Mulyadi told me that
men requesting the song “Buah Kawung” must perform penca silat movements
(pc 6/15/99). Another ketuk tilu enthusiast informed me that penca silat pro-
vides movement vocabulary for ketuk tilu dancing, and that penca silat routines
learned for tepak dua would be appropriate for many ketuk tilu songs (Nono,
pc, 6/6/99).
Drumming, Movement, and Gender/Masculinity
Ketuk tilu and penca silat share a concept of movement and music that sug-
gests an especially old and particularly Sundanese approach to combining
drumming and gesture. In general, a close relationship between drumming
and movement is especially pronounced in Sundanese arts (Atmadibrata 1980;
Soedarsono 1974:123; Soepandi and Atmadibrata 1976:66–67; Spiller 2010), and
this close relationship is generally regarded as a long-standing characteristic.
For example, the renowned Sundanese scholar Enoch Atmadibrata cites drum-
ming as one of the persistent elements of modern Sundanese dances that have
inhered since “ancient” times (Atmadibrata 1980:212). Paul H. Mason’s careful
comparison of Sundanese penca silat with a comparable martial art from West
Sumatra called silek Minang suggests that penca silat is more like other
Sundanese movement traditions in this regard than it is like self-defence arts
from other parts of the Malay world (Mason 2011:116). Don Draeger insists that
the musical accompaniment for most Indonesian martial arts in general pro-
vide an optional metronomic function (Draeger 1972:36, 38); in the case of
Sundanese penca silat, any metronomic function is hardly the most significant
aspect of the drum accompaniment, however.
Penca silat and ketuk tilu share several distinctive features that may point to
a shared history: the overall binary form, in which an individual first focuses
inward on his own movement, and then shifts his focus outward toward others;
the accompaniment by a small ensemble that provides an interlocking osti-
nato on a metric scale comparable to large-scale bodily movements, which are
328 Spiller
organised into larger phrases with periodic gong strokes, over which floats a
florid melody; and the overall goal of providing a context in which men focus,
display, and negotiate their physical prowess and spiritual power in relation-
ship to other men.
Other genres of Sundanese dance (e.g., tari tayub, tari kursus, and most
choreographed “classical” dances) are characterised by a different approach
to drumming-gesture relationships, which is organised into named choreo-
graphic units, typically accompanied by more elaborate ensembles. Elsewhere
I have suggested that this other approach to dance accompaniment is the leg-
acy of upper-class Hindu-Buddhist tantric practices, and the more complex
drumming patterns are the residue of sound-movement-word mantras (Spiller,
in press) – and indeed the genres that employ this type of organisation are
associated with aristocratic Sundanese performing arts. The approach to
music-dance organisation that characterises ketuk tilu and penca silat, as well
as some other traditions such as reog and angklung, however, is typically is
associated with genres that have roots in animist, often mimetic rituals that
were aimed at harnessing the powers of nature in service of humans.
In ketuk tilu, the interlocking ostinato is played on an instrument consisting
of three bronze ketuk, which produce a timbre that is quite distinct from the
other instruments (kendang, goong, and rebab) in the ensemble. In penca silat,
the two drummers produce this ostinato, while one of the drummers also ful-
fills the role of mirroring the physical gestures of the dancers with appropriate
drum patterns. When I asked the late great drummer, Tosin Muchtar, about the
tendency for Sundanese drummers to orient their drums so that their right
hands played the higher-pitched sounds and their left hands produced the
lower pitched sounds (in contradistinction to drummers in Central Java who
almost always do the opposite), he speculated that this practice was a conse-
quence of penca silat’s ubiquity in West Java. To produce distinctive
high-pitched sounds on the smaller head of the drum that could cut through
the texture of the ensemble like a ketuk, he said, Sundanese drummers used
their dominant (right) hands. Although the lower-pitched sounds were more
important for tari kursus and other so-called “classical” dances, and for klinin-
gan (listening music), penca silat’s popularity affected the drumming technique
of generations of musicians.6
Despite all the musical and choreographic similarities between ketuk tilu
and penca silat, there is one area in which they differ quite strikingly: the role
6 Tosin Muchtar was amongst the minority of Sundanese drummers who play the larger, lower-
pitched end of the drum with their right hands, and the smaller, higher-pitched sounds with
their left hands.
of women performers, and, more broadly, the significance of feminine energy.

The original ketuk tilu events, as mentioned above, were likely agricultural fer-
tility rituals, which mapped human sexuality onto the land’s ability to produce
crops. Men’s social and sexual interaction with professional female performers
provided a human-scale metaphor for the desired interaction between the
heavens and the rain (gendered male) and the fecund earth (gendered female).
The female performers, at some level, represented the rice goddess, Nyi Pohaci,
who was a personification of earth and its reproductive capacity.
Although the role of the only women in attendance – the female performers
– was crucial, ketuk tilu events nevertheless focused on the presence and par-
ticipation of men, who exercised considerable individual agency in their
performances. The female performers temporarily submerged their own sub-
jectivities to facilitate this outcome.7 In the context of a ketuk tilu event, the
female performer became a kind of resource for the men to share, like the fer-
tile earth she symbolised. As a lightning rod for male sexual desire and energy,
her presence enabled the men to accumulate, refine, and display masculine
sexual power, as well as to negotiate ways to control and amalgamate this
power for the common good.
Benedict Anderson’s explanations of Javanese understandings of power
have been extremely influential for scholars investigating the meanings of cul-
tural practices. One way to gain power, Anderson writes, is through excess: “the
systematic indulgence of the sensual passions in their most extreme form was
believed to exhaust these passions, and therefore allow a man’s Power to be
concentrated without further hindrance.” The other way is through the prac-
tice of ascetic exercises and self-discipline (Anderson 1972:10). Penca silat and
ketuk tilu seem to address these two different approaches to power using the
same ritual process.
In other words, the female performers merely facilitated a ritual mimesis of
reproductive power and men’s control of it. Men practise penca silat to access
a kind of “inner knowledge” or inner power through ascetic exercise. Martial
arts in West Java are all about an accumulation of inner power facilitated by a
mimesis of different natural phenomena. They hope, through these exercises,
to gain physical and mental powers, as well as invulnerability, of supernatural
proportions (Wilson 2011:63–65). The frequent citation of animal movements
in modern Sundanese penca silat, such as Pa Monyet (Sir Monkey) and Pa
Macan (Sir Tiger), and the prominence of tigers and other animals in origin
myths for penca silat, point to rituals designed to assimilate the power of
7 Female performers had opportunities to exploit the considerable power they accumulated in
their role as ronggeng outside the context of dance events, of course.
330 Spiller
animals and other denizens of the natural world. It is my hypothesis that these
animist power-focusing rituals of the distant past – the antecedents of ketuk
tilu and penca silat – shared the same overall ritual process, even if their goals
were different.8
Modern Penca Silat
Such broad conjectures are impossible to prove conclusively. Several thousand

years of history, and various waves of immigration, conquest, religious conver-
sions, and trade have hopelessly complicated the genealogies of the movement
traditions now called penca silat and ketuk tilu. That the spiritual/physical
practice associated with ascetic power found a fertile niche in Islam, a belief
system in which male power is similarly conceived, and emerged in the twen-
tieth century as penca silat is consistent with my hypothesis. The forms that
descended from animistic fertility rituals similarly thrived in belief systems
that valued the power of gender differences, and continue to provide a site for
focusing male sexual potency and power.
The public sexuality of the female performers associated with ketuk tilu,
along with their hyper-feminine dress and behaviour, has earned female per-
formers of all stripes in West Java a somewhat tarnished reputation that
persists into the present. Whether or not these women are or were essentially
sex workers, it is certainly true that their flamboyant appearance and trans-
gressive behaviour were important elements of ketuk tilu and related events. In
some dance events, especially private events for weddings, modern Indonesian
female guests feel empowered to assume male roles – dancing with the female
performers in the same way that men do. But, for the most part, ketuk tilu and
related dance forms perpetuate a time-tested gender ideology that differenti-
ates sharply between men and women.
In recent decades, in contrast, the practice of penca silat has become decid-
edly gender-neutral. In response to Indonesian movements to advance the
status of women, girls as well as boys are encouraged to study penca silat, and
women as well as men can become gurus. Male and female practitioners wear
the same clothing (loose fitting trousers [pangsi] and shirt [baju kampret], usu-
ally with a school logo, topped off with a rakishly-tied head cloth [iket kepala];
Caturwati 1997:45). It is a popular trope in sparring routines (accompanied by
tepak padungdung) to feature a young girl who dispatches several much larger
and meaner-looking male thugs without so much as breaking a sweat. Such
8 Pätzold identifies other pre-Hindu-Buddhist elements in penca silat as well (2000:385–386).

pretences of equality could never take root under the shadow of the female
performers in ketuk tilu. In other words, the scarcity of a female presence in
historical forms of penca silat simplifies a smooth incorporation of female par-
ticipation on an equal footing in penca silat that would be impossible in ketuk
tilu-derived forms.9
One arena remains a sacrosanct male domain, however: women are not
likely to become musicians, and playing kendang in particular remains an
activity that is gendered exclusively male (see Spiller 2010:174–176), even in
modern gender-neutral penca silat. Drumming (as I discussed at length in
Erotic Triangles) is a potent metaphor for cosmic power – it coerces people to
move without involving any movement of its own. Capturing this cybernetic
force in one’s own body – imitating it in movements, just as men imitated ani-
mal movements to acquire the magical properties of animals, is a way to
disseminate and consolidate masculine power. While the power that forms the
currency of ketuk tilu and penca silat performances is quite different, the means
for acquiring, trading, and displaying an individual’s power are essentially the
same. Put simply: ketuk tilu and penca silat share basic musical forms and pro-
cesses because both movement forms have similar genealogies and functions.
Conclusion
It is my contention that movement traditions grounded in both agricultural

fertility rituals and self defence training have roots in a very old and very per-
sistent thread in Sundanese culture that empowers men to acquire power by
training their bodies to move in powerful ways with the assistance of drum-
ming. There is a very practical explanation for this approach – Paul H. Mason
ascribes the Sundanese predilection for aligning drumming and movement to
the effectiveness of the “functional redundancy in multisensory stimulation”
that pairing drum sounds and physical gestures provides in terms of learning
and audience comprehension (Mason 2011:116). There is also a more spiritual
explanation: these movement traditions create a context in which men (and,
in modern times, women as well) can harness the powers of nature for their
own purposes. Although ketuk tilu and penca silat target different kinds of
power – generative and ascetic, respectively – they rely on the same ritual pro-
cesses to translate natural powers into human terms. Despite centuries of
9 There was limited female participation in some historical forms of penca silat; see Pätzold for
a discussion of a tepak, called Ciwaringin, which was especially suitable for female perfor-
mances of ibing penca (2000:223–226).
332 Spiller
waves of population migrations, political hegemonies, and religious orthodox-

ies, traces of these time-honoured practices show through in both the
performing and the martial arts of West Java.
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Dancing Toward Autonomy 335
Chapter 11
Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and the

Assertion of Sundanese Identity
Sean Williams
Banda Urang Our Riches
Harita pareng mios ka ondangan When we went to the party

Katingal seueur jajaka jeung mojang We saw lots of young guys and gals
Mangsana dina acara hiburan It was a celebration
Ngararibing ketuk tilu jaipongan And we danced ketuk tilu (and) jaipongan
Nyi mojang mairan The girls danced

Di masing-masing hormatan Each with respect
Ngibing papasangan Dancing in pairs
Dina wanda jaipongan In the style of jaipongan
Kiwari jadi catur kacampangan Now it’s become well-known

Jaipongan nyebar satatar Pasundan Jaipongan is the dance of Pasundan
Urang kota di kampung di padesaan For city folk and villagers alike
Tawis miasih miheman banda sorangan A sign of accomplishment
Payus mun ngajenan It’s time we honour

Maluruh nitenan riksa sasarengan And collectively nurture
Kapan seni banda urang The arts of our people.1
⸪
This chapter2 is an examination of the relationship between Indonesia’s two
most populous ethnic groups – the Javanese and the Sundanese, both of whom
share the island of Java – and an exploration of one of the ways in which the
1 Many thanks to Andrew Weintraub for the suggestion of “Banda Urang” (as sung by Idjah
Hadidjah for the dance “Serat Salira”), and also for his translation.
2 In this chapter foreign words are given in Basa Sunda (= BS) unless otherwise stated.

336 Williams
Sundanese express their cultural independence from the far more numerous
and politically more powerful Javanese.3 Through a discussion of a particularly
Sundanese type of staged social dance called jaipongan, I highlight the some-
times subtle symbolic means by which the Sundanese attempt to wrest artistic
as well as political control from the dominant culture.4 Philip Yampolsky dis-
tinguishes regional performing arts as “those linked by history, language, or
culture to a particular region (daerah) of Indonesia” (1995:700). Though domi-
nated by the Sundanese, the region in question – West Java – is shared by
Sundanese, Javanese, and dozens of other ethnic groups; it also is a locus of
extreme intra-regionalism in its divisiveness over internal territories. Jaipongan,
though referred to both globally, locally, and trans-locally as an icon of
Sundanese-ness, neither accurately nor realistically represents all or even part
of what it means to be Sundanese.
Jaipongan at the start of the 21st century is primarily a staged presentation
dance, performed at life cycle rituals and government-sponsored events to the
normative accompaniment of a gamelan salendro ensemble.5 One or more
dancers (usually female but sometimes male as well) command the stage by
using strong and confident steps, significant hip movements, and a series of
movements that alternate between stylised walking and dramatic posing,
3 A very early version of this chapter was presented at the Society for Ethnomusicology Annual
Meeting, October 9–13, 1991 in Chicago, Illinois. I am deeply indebted to Gugum Gumbira
Tirasonjaya and the Jugala musicians and dancers for their extensive sharing of expertise in
jaipongan, as both a dance style and a musical form. In addition, I would like to express my
gratitude for a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship to conduct my original re-
search in the 1980s, as well as to the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia for granting me a
research visa for West Java. Lastly, Henry Spiller’s continuing work on Sundanese dance in-
spired me to take my understanding of jaipongan and commit it to paper. My gratitude goes
out to him and to the rest of the small but vital group of Sundanese performing arts scholars
around the world.
4 The analysis for this chapter is based on two years of fieldwork in Bandung, West Java, from
1987 to 1989, three more field trips, and further long-distance research. My original purpose
in going to Indonesia was to study the tembang Sunda musical ensemble. However, during
each visit to Indonesia I also worked closely with Gugum Gumbira, one of the original creators
of jaipongan, and the members of his performing group, Jugala. I studied dance and traditional
choreography with Mr. Gumbira and his then-assistant, Agah Nugraha, performed onstage
frequently with members of the group, and participated in long discussions about the impor-
tance of jaipongan in establishing a Sundanese cultural identity that could be separate from
that of the Javanese.
5 Gamelan salendro is one of the most common of the Sundanese gong-chime ensembles. It is
used most frequently to accompany dance, wayang golek (three-dimensional puppet theatre),
and singing.
nearly all in direct relation to patterns played by the drummer. Dancers wear
brightly coloured polyester costumes that vary from one named, choreo-
graphed dance to another (see Figure 11.1), and some of the best-known dancers
are barely out of their teens. Although its status as a staged presentational
dance is its most public manifestation, jaipongan also appears as a social dance
for couples. This type of dancing was much more popular prior to the 1990s,
but it still occurs. The staged presentational dance is the focus of the current
chapter.
The Development of Jaipongan
Jaipongan dance is primarily rooted in the Sundanese performance practice of

the female singer/dancer known as ronggeng. The ronggeng tradition used to
be familiar to nearly anyone who visited West Java (the location of most of
Indonesia’s Sundanese people), because the sight of a woman singing and
dancing as she accepted money and deflected propositions from male
audience members was once a common occurrence, especially in villages. The
earliest indication of the existence of ronggeng dates to the 8th century
(Murgiyanto 1998:502). By the end of the 20th century, however, young urban
stage dancers began to take over the role formerly held by ronggeng; they no
longer sang as part of their performances, but their image continued to be one
of restrained eroticism. In his doctoral dissertation on Sundanese dance, Henry
Spiller notes that “The ronggeng image has negative connotations in modern
West Java; as a result, entertainers who call themselves ronggeng are rare, as
are performers who sing and dance at the same time” (Spiller 2001:26). Some of
these negative connotations include the early association of ronggeng with
prostitution, the use of money in exchange for services rendered, and the issue
of public performance by women (Spiller 2010:98). Henry Spiller’s contribu-
tion to the present volume also notes the importance in Sundanese public
dance performance of female performers’ “flamboyant appearance and trans-
gressive behaviour.“
I have argued elsewhere (2001:84–90) that female performers tend to be
restricted (publicly, at least) to the role of singer or dancer due to issues of
musical competition with men, and the problems that such competition might
engender. Suzanne Brenner (1998) also discusses the power that accrues with
the performance and control of desire. Ronggeng may be perceived as threat-
ening precisely because of the women’s ability to control and determine the
boundaries of public sexual activity; male performers just might “meet their
match” with potentially disruptive results. The collection and restriction of
338 Williams
disruptive activity within the boundaries of staged performance practice cre-

ates a safe haven for both men and women.
Ronggeng dancers were traditionally accompanied by local variants of the
ketuk tilu ensemble, a village genre of many names with the relatively spare
instrumentation of a hanging gong, rebab or bowed lute, small iron plates
known as kecrek, variable-pitch kendang drums, and three ketuk or small kettle
gongs. As a result of the efforts of several Sundanese artists, other ensembles
that were not necessarily a central aspect of early ronggeng performance prac-
tice largely supplanted this accompanimental ensemble – physically and
stylistically.6
A second important stream of influence came into jaipongan choreography
through the powerful kicks, confident strides, and specific arm movements of
penca silat, the Sundanese term for a large-scale performative martial arts tra-
dition7 that extends well beyond the borders of West Java. Henry Spiller cites
penca silat as an important element in the development of Sundanese identity
during its early post-war period of nation building (Spiller 2010:9) through
radio broadcasts and public demonstrations of performance at important life-
cycle events. The very fact that these performances would take place at
weddings and circumcisions (among others) connects not only penca silat
with Sundanese identity, but also any offshoots that it has influenced with that
same identity unique among regional Indonesians.8
Sundanese penca silat movements that have entered jaipongan choreogra-
phy include tepak paleredan, tepak dua, tepak tilu, and tepak padungdung; each
one engages a particular part of the body and set of movements. In jaipongan,
the leg movements drawn from penca silat tend to be utilised primarily in cho-
reography for men, while the arm movements may be used in choreography for
both men and women. Female dancers occasionally use kicks in their choreog-
raphy, but such kicks are not nearly as elevated as the ones made by the male
6 In their article on the development of jaipongan, Peter Manuel and Randal Baier note jaipon-
gan’s shift to a staged presentation dance and its rise in popularity. They also examine its
accompanimental music (Manuel and Baier 1986:91–110).
7 Outside the Sundanese region, the genre is termed pencak silat (spelled with a k).
8 Uwe U. Paetzold notes that, “The interrelationships between jaipongan and pencak silat still
in 1990 were that strong that jaipongan singer Tati Saleh was invited to give a tembang Sunda
performance during the “1. Apel Besar IPSI Jabar” (an event held to promote the Ikatan Pencak
Silat Indonesia – IPSI) on 8 October 1990 in Bandung. She presented a special written (tem-
bang) song titled ‘Kidung IPSI’ that evening, praising the IPSI organisation. [She was] a jaipon-
gan singer promoting a particularly Sundanese movement art via an elderly vocal art for the
benefits of national identity building.” (Uwe Paetzold, personal communication).
dancers. The arm movements of penca silat are the strongest element that has
been incorporated into jaipongan since its beginnings as a staged dance.
Several Indonesian scholars have written extensively about the develop-
ment of staged dances in the 20th century, among them Durban 1989 and 1998,
Atmadibrata 1980, Soedarsono 1974, and Natapradja 1972. In his analysis of the
“received histories” of Sundanese dance, Henry Spiller points out that these
studies largely claim a sort of natural evolution of dance from earthy begin-
nings into staged refinement (Spiller 2001:13). Gugum Gumbira Tirasonjaya
(hereafter referred to as Gumbira) has credited himself with having made
jaipongan famous, and specifically mentioned in both public and private that
he tried to maintain some of the earthiness of jaipongan’s roots as he brought
the dance style onto the stage. Gumbira’s story of jaipongan’s development
follows in the next two paragraphs.
As a reaction to the overt political discouragement of Western popular
music by the Indonesian ruling class in the 1960s, Gumbira began a long period
of village research in various areas of West Java. He was searching (as he put it)
for “those elements of Sundanese traditional culture that were both Sundanese
and ‘exciting’ at the same time” (Gumbira 1988, personal communication).9 His
research resulted in the gradual combination of several of West Java’s most
dramatic dance features, and their establishment in the regional capital city of
Bandung as an altogether new urban style. Among these features were included
specifically chosen elements from ronggeng movements and a localised
masked dance form known as topeng banjet; especially the stylised stepping
and hip-swinging movements. Gumbira also incorporated movements from
penca silat, in particular the kicks and punches and broad stance of the dancer
(Figure 11.3), as well as selected movements from early 20th century choreo-
graphed dances such as tari kursus. Some of his choreographies include actions
intended to mimic the movements of everyday Sundanese characters like food
sellers; movements which represent those of Sundanese animals such as tigers,
rice birds, and snakes; and, more currently, a few steps from American break-
9 Gugum Gumbira Tirasonjaya is a college graduate (in management) and has held a significant
series of positions in the Sundanese political arena. He is best known to performing artists,
however, as the leader of the Jugala performing arts group (BI: lingkung seni), and one of the
creators of jaipongan. The initial fame of his group, however, developed through the extraor-
dinary musical talent of his wife, Euis Komariah. As the Jugala name grew, Gumbira began
producing cassettes to publicise his choreographies and to popularise jaipongan. Thousands
of fledgling dancers used those cassettes at home to practise their skills, with the result that
Gumbira and Jugala became household words by the late 1970s in West Java. He was famous
for his fierce politicisation of jaipongan, particularly in its early years; more recently his inter-
ests have turned away from choreography toward politics.
340 Williams
dancing as it has been represented in popular film and on Indonesian television.

In this volume, Henry Spiller’s chapter describes the embodiment of “the pow-
ers of nature in one’s body as a path to spiritual enlightenment”; even in its
staged form, jaipongan retains these elements. As it became more formalised
and marketed in the 1970s, it caught on to the point that composers developed
new works to accompany dances, first-rate village drummers were engaged for
performances, and brand-new choreographies became staged as regional and
“traditional” dances.
In this chapter I differentiate between costumed, formal staged perfor-
mances of jaipongan, in which a literal raised stage includes lighting, a sound
system, and demarcated areas between “hosts” and “guests,” and improvised
jaipongan, in which a female dancer works with male audience members,
accepts money for dances, and engages socially. Less formal performances also
include sound systems and lights, but more formal staging creates a kind of
separation from the audience. Formal staged performances also include iden-
tical costumes on several female dancers moving in unison, or a single
costumed dancer whose clothing borrows from several fashion streams, both
local and much more far-ranging.
Staging a choreographed jaipongan dance does, in fact, remove some of its
authenticity and almost all of its spontaneity. There are times when the staged
performance requires a particular set of actions, and its presence as a suspect
category in a comparatively conservative Muslim region adds to its potential as
something scandalous. For example, older dance forms in West Java do not
include the arms being raised above the shoulders, or indeed much shoulder
movement at all, but rather involve a delicate fluttering movement of the
hands from side to side. Women are discouraged from raising their arms above
their shoulders in any circumstance, because of the act’s perceived immodesty.
In staged jaipongan dance, however, the arms are frequently lifted and held
above the head.
To accompany this new style of dance, Gumbira appropriated the Sundanese
gamelan salendro and adapted it to his purposes by significantly increasing the
density and syncopation of the kempul, a small hanging gong that functions as
a primary punctuating instrument in the traditional ensemble. He also spent
several years working closely with individual drummers to bring the most
inspiring and interesting examples of village-style drumming to the urban are-
na.10 Other instruments in the ensemble have had their traditional playing
patterns altered and expanded, not only under the direction of Gumbira, but
under the dozens of other performing groups that arose as soon as jaipongan
10 See Myers 1991:45 for a fairly colloquial discussion on Gumbira’s process of creation.
began to increase in popularity. The combination of the genre’s racy history (in
terms of its association with ronggeng) together with the irresistible drum-
ming patterns (cf. Pemberton 1987:16) brought teenagers, young adults and
children to newly flourishing jaipongan dancing schools by the hundreds.11
In 1988, a group of top Sundanese jaipongan dancers connected with Gugum
Gumbira rehearsed for a day-long sports meeting intended to foster good
health among Sundanese youth, so several thousand teenagers came to a
sports stadium to learn a new choreographed piece that used a significant
number of movements from penca silat. The rationale for that particular cho-
reography was “that which is characteristically Sundanese is best for the health
of Sundanese youth” (Gumbira 1988, personal communication); therefore, the
incorporation of penca silat into jaipongan would simultaneously foster
regional pride, a strong sense of identity, and good health among the partici-
pants (Figure 11.4). The day was considered a success on those grounds.
To refer to the set of drums used in jaipongan as “the drum” is a misnomer
that derives from the fact that one drummer plays all the drums. The main
barrel-shaped drum or kendang offers multiple pitch levels, depending on its
manipulation by the drummer. In addition, however, several smaller barrel
drums or kulanter comprise the rest of the set. The set is collectively referred to
as kendang, the same title as the single large barrel drum, but a single male
drummer plays all of them together in a prominent position in the ensemble.
As the primary guardian of the tempo, the level of intensity, the density quo-
tient, and the producer of the syllables ja-i-pong – which gave the dance form
its name – the drummer holds the key to the entire ensemble.12 The bowed
lute, known as the rebab, together with the pesinden or singer, also perform
important roles within the ensemble. For our purposes, however, it is the
drummer who reigns supreme in the gamelan ensemble used to support per-
formances of jaipongan.
It is always the case in Sundanese dance drumming that the drummer is
male, and that the essence of dance drumming is its position as an exclusively
masculine activity. When the drummer is onstage, his role is to carefully
11 Branches of Bandung-based jaipongan schools still appear to thrive in some of the larger
cities in West Java. The Jakarta branch alone of the Jugala school of jaipongan numbered
over five hundred students in the mid-1990s, most of whom were ethnic Sundanese but
approximately twenty percent of whom were Javanese, Balinese, and Batak. Many of its
teenage practitioners have recently shifted to Western-style dance accompanied by dan-
gdut, an Indonesian pop style with roots in Hindi film music.
12 The term rampak kendang is used to describe multiple sets of kendang and kulanter,
played by multiple drummers. It is a spectacular offshoot of local percussion that became
popular in the 1980s.
342 Williams
observe the dancer(s) and to engage in a delicate balance of leading and fol-
lowing him or her through the steps, whether improvised or choreographed.
Depending on their different levels of experience, on the power differential
between them, and on whether the dance includes a particular choreography
or includes improvisatory movements, the relationship between the drummer
and dancer is complicated.
Other performers certainly had a hand in jaipongan’s emerging popularity,
but one of its most compelling features was not its staged version as promoted
by Gumbira, but its semi-erotic (partnered) social dance version. In dance
clubs all over West Java in the 1970s, people danced basic jaipongan steps to
recorded accompaniment with the distinct possibility of sexual fulfilment at
the end of the evening:
An old village style, long ignored (or scorned) by trained dancers and
urbanites, is now the inspiration for a new popular form. Even the dances
of the ronggeng tradition, so long considered immoral, are studied with
new respect and presented in versions which win the applause of elite
audiences. City dwellers are doing Sundanese dances in bars and discos,
and jaipongan has become the aerobic exercise of the average housewife,
even if the sexy stage versions of this new dance, oozing with sexual
appeal, still raise eyebrows among the male audience and cause their
wives to glance embarrassedly down (Durban 1989:175).
The government heavily monitored such clubs and many were closed down in
the early 1980s as part of an attempt to cleanse jaipongan of its “immoral” roots.
As Philip Yampolsky notes, jaipongan “…was created expressly to provide an
alternative to disreputable dance genres too closely allied with prostitution
and vulgar sexuality. Jaipongan became so popular that a reclaimed, revulgar-
ised version appeared among the urban poor” (1995:719). With the closure of
some of the clubs and the shift toward other forms of popular dancing – espe-
cially dangdut – jaipongan became more firmly established as a staged
presentational dance (see Spiller 2008:186–195).
Sundanese artists are often known amongst non-Sundanese musicians in
Indonesia as generally being in favour of artistic evolution and continual stylis-
tic development. Even those composers, choreographers and performers who
objected most vociferously to the inclusion of the erotic aspects of jaipongan
in the beginning acknowledge that change is a necessary aspect of artistic
development. When jaipongan was first performed as an urban stage dance in
the 1970s, however, its initial reception among the more conservative members
of the performing arts communities was ambivalent.
Part of the uproar that surrounded the appearance of jaipongan was closely
tied to the fact that the younger musicians, who had been willing to experi-
ment with people like Gugum Gumbira, were suddenly getting “all” the gigs,
and that the economic market for traditional music and dance abruptly col-
lapsed. Those who objected to the more obviously erotic aspects of jaipongan
performance practice were, according to several musicians, dancers and jour-
nalists, the same people who would have objected to ronggeng performers if
they had bothered to pay attention to village performance styles. By the late
1980s, however, the heat of popularity surrounding jaipongan began to cool,
and other genres like pop Sunda (with its relatively clean-cut lyrics and generi-
cally Sundanese sound of gamelan degung-like accompaniment) arose.13
Dancing and Drumming
The core relationship in jaipongan is between the drummer and the dancer,
not the musicians and the dancer. When a dancer is first being shown the steps
of a dance, the teacher always speaks the mnemonic syllables of the drum-
ming patterns and the student learns the repertoire of movements tied to each
pattern. The phrase structure, melody and overall length of the song are nearly
irrelevant to the dancer, because jaipongan can be performed to almost any
accompaniment, as long as a drummer is able to provide the dance patterns or
guide the dancer’s improvisations.14 With the boom in cassette popularity in
the 1970s, the cassette became an important link between the dancer and the
drummer. The hundreds of students belonging to Jugala schools had easy (and
inexpensive) access to the precise drumming patterns they needed, without
the interference, improvisation, or flexibility of a live drummer. While these
cassettes provided the necessary dance patterns (pola), they provoked strong
reactions from drummers both inside and outside the jaipongan sphere, who
complained that they had virtually no choice but to submit to Jugala’s musical
and rhythmic hegemony.15
In terms of jaipongan’s extra-rhythmic elements, the accompaniment can
be quite flexible. Sundanese artists may freely place a jaipongan dancer onstage
13 The gradual diminishment of jaipongan’s popularity did not lead to a corresponding

diminishment of erotic elements in dance or dance music; on the contrary, the root
sources for jaipongan remained as visually and viscerally exciting as before.
14 The introductory and closing sections are, however, important in recordings.
15 Even Jugala’s own drummers complained that their forced adherence to these patterns
took much of the life out of their own playing.
344 Williams
or on television in full dance costume, to the accompaniment of a synthesiser,

drum set, and pop-style vocalist, as long as a traditional variable-pitch kendang
drum is included. The tuning system may be any one of the three primary
Sundanese gamelan tunings of pelog, madenda or salendro, or may be diatonic.
Similarly, the accompaniment can range from the gamelan salendro ensemble
to Western-style band music performed by Sundanese or ethnic Chinese, or to
elite ensembles like kacapi-suling or gamelan degung. Indonesian television is
the primary medium for the use of diatonic pop/jaipongan combinations, but
jaipongan is regularly performed under the most non-jaipongan-oriented cir-
cumstances if a dancer and drummer can be found. Using a rock band or
kacapi-suling might seem rather far from the normal performance practice of
jaipongan, but such variations serve to illustrate the central relationship of the
dancer and drummer, and the peripheral relationship of the dancer to the
music accompaniment.16 In the establishment of modern Sundanese auton-
omy in the performing arts, however, it is quite logical that two of the most
important symbols of the Sundanese performing arts – the dancer and the
drummer – should be central to jaipongan.
Cultural Conflicts Between the Sundanese and the Javanese
The Sundanese have had a long and sometimes difficult relationship with their
more powerful neighbours. Until the Sundanese kingdom of Pajajaran arose in
the 14th century, relatively few rulers in that area achieved prominence during
the eras of East Javanese and Sumatran rule. The first recorded bad blood to
arise between the Sundanese and the Javanese stems from a humiliating blow
that was delivered to the Sundanese by the East Javanese king of Majapahit. In
a planned wedding celebration that resulted in the massacre of the royal
Sundanese bridal party, the first of several perceived offences occurred, many
of which still burn in the memories of the Sundanese. The Sundanese kingdom
of Pajajaran fell in 1579, at approximately the same time as the entry of Islam
into West Java (Williams 1990:27). The Javanese then annexed the highlands of
Sunda, and within a few decades West Java fell under the administration of
Javanese regents. The 17th century saw the strongest cultural influence from
the Javanese, and Sundanese versions of Javanese batik, gamelan, some aspects
of classical dance, poetry, and puppet theatre flourished (Heins 1977:15; Van
Zanten 1987:18).
16 Indeed, a significant portion of Henry Spiller’s dissertation is devoted to the relationship

between the dancer(s) and the drummer (Spiller 2001).
Although direct Javanese rule over Sunda ended with the expulsion of the
Javanese regents by the Dutch colonialists in 1705, the Javanese influence on
Sundanese culture remains strong. Even as the Sundanese have worked hard
– politically, artistically, and in other ways large and small – to assert their
sense of identity and their position of region-within-a-nation, Javanese power
is irrefutable. The Sundanese have ambivalent feelings about the position of
the Javanese in Sundanese culture, and in many cases admire and emulate the
Central Javanese. Many Sundanese musicians speak with great respect toward
Javanese performance practice in music, dance and drama, and actively
encourage the adoption of certain aspects of Javanese culture by Sundanese
musicians. The clothing used for “traditional” Sundanese weddings is taken
almost directly from Central Javanese dress, the Sundanese language follows
many of the same linguistic characteristics as Javanese, and the aforemen-
tioned classical Sundanese dance is a Sundanese extension of classical Javanese
dance.
On the other hand, Sundanese performing artists are often deeply resentful
of the Javanese. Many of the political officials in the regional government are
ethnically Javanese, which musicians frequently point to as the cause of the
decline in government sponsorship of Sundanese music. One of the top offi-
cials of the Sundanese government, a Javanese person, declared government
sponsorship of Sundanese music to be a waste of money in the 1980s, which
led to a decline in the number of performing arts groups to be hired for official
events. Furthermore, the government was more likely to hire smaller, less
expensive performing groups, such as the four-person tembang Sunda ensem-
ble or seven-person gamelan degung ensemble, rather than a thirty-person
jaipongan troupe. During the gala opening events of the early-1990s “Festival of
Indonesia” in the United States, each group featured in the festival was tele-
vised in Indonesia, with the glaring exception of the Sundanese performers.
The Sundanese performers angrily denounced the film crews – who were auto-
matically believed to be ethnically non-Sundanese and probably Javanese
– and broad accusations of discrimination were hurled at the media. This one-
time event exposed wider concerns about how the Sundanese were perceived
at home, and how their non-representation was symbolic of the ways in which
Sundanese people were rarely given a voice on the national stage.
Indeed, film crews seem to be a frequent target of criticism. In the 1980s and
1990s it was a common occurrence to see jaipongan dance videos being aired
on television (not necessarily just in West Java). In most of these videos, the
gaze of the (male) camera operator was focused most frequently on the
dancers’ hips and breasts, rather than on hands or feet (where some of the
action is). I listened to countless howls of protest from female dancers who,
346 Williams
watching jaipongan videos, felt subjected to an ethnically-sexist Javanese gaze.

It should be pointed out, however, that the Sundanese men that I observed
watching these videos seemed perfectly happy to enjoy the focus of their
Javanese counterparts.
One of the most frequently heard phrases in conjunction with cultural com-
petition against the Javanese is the acerbic kalah sama Jawa (losing out to
Java). “Java,” therefore, comes to represent cultural hegemony, power differen-
tials on a large and small scale, and an omnipresent superpower with the
ability to determine cultural policy (cf. Pemberton 1994). On a national scale in
the early 21st century, the political situation continues to be dominated by the
Javanese, and it is widely believed that few or no non-Javanese, non-Muslim
politicians will ever reach the top of the political field. Some of Indonesia’s
provinces are currently administered by Central Javanese politicians, and a
specific pattern of Central Javanese batik is the national political uniform
which all civil servants must wear at most government functions and on the
17th of every month – the monthly anniversary of Indonesian Independence.17
Sundanese politicians speak quietly but bitterly about Javacentrism and hav-
ing to experience a new kind of colonialism. To this day, few Sundanese streets
are named in honour of Javanese dignitaries or warriors, in marked contrast to
the ubiquitous Javacentric street naming system in other major Indonesian
cities.
Jaipongan and Sundanese Identity
Jaipongan dancing as it was developed in Bandung became popular through-

out the rest of West Java in the late 1970s and 80s, coming to a peak and levelling
off by 1984. By the early 1980s it flourished in many other major Indonesian
cities, including Medan, Ujung Pandang, Denpasar, and Kupang. When asked
about its popularity among non-Sundanese peoples, some Sundanese musi-
cians suggested that Indonesia finally had a popular art form that was neither
foreign in origin nor Javanese-controlled. Another musician asserted that “... of
course jaipongan would be popular among the Balinese and the Bataks;
because it isn’t Javanese.” For Gugum Gumbira (see Figure 11.3), the most satis-
fying moment was when he discovered that Javanese teenagers were performing
17 The loaded expression pakai batik (wear batik) is often used to describe someone (gener-
ally a man) who willingly complies with Javanese authorities, particularly the very civil
servants who must, indeed pakai batik each month. It applies to musicians who perform
for (uninformed) Javanese guests.
jaipongan in the neighbourhoods of the Central Javanese courts. This develop-

ment was spoken of as if it were the final act of anti-colonial revenge.
Several performing groups mentioned that they are careful not to say the
word “jaipongan” when performing jaipongan for certain government officials.
Instead, they use the name of the specific dance choreography, such as tari
rawayan, and the officials are said to be satisfied that they are not witnessing
the dance style that “caused so much trouble” in the 1970s and 80s, especially in
terms of its outright eroticism and links to prostitution.18 When asked if any
official who had lived in West Java for more than six months would not instantly
recognise jaipongan when he saw or heard it, several musicians responded, “Of
course not! They’re Javanese!” This statement leads to the heart of this discus-
sion, which is how the Sundanese perceive the Javanese and why they would
use jaipongan to maintain a sense of cultural autonomy.
Although jaipongan draws heavily from both the ronggeng and ketuk tilu
traditions, some of the most characteristic aspects of jaipongan performance
practice were brought to Bandung from outside of the Priangan area, and even
outside of Sunda altogether. For example, some Sundanese who perform “clas-
sical” dances19 outside the jaipongan repertoire admit that some of their most
basic movements are derived from the classic dances of Central Java.20 This is
no surprise considering the historical importance of the Javanese in establish-
ing a Sundanese court culture based on Javanese models (see, among others,
Heins 1977:58). If some of the most essential actions in jaipongan are deliber-
ate modifications from Sundanese (i.e., Javanese) “classical” dance, then the
very dance that was deliberately intended to avoid Javanese influence leans on
it rather heavily at times. Among those movements are the sungkem (tradi-
tional salute, palms together, while dipping slightly), as well as the way dancers
move their heads and sometimes hold a forward-leaning position of the body.
18 I witnessed this myself at a performance given for B.J. Habibie, who was later to become
the (temporary) president of Indonesia. One of his minders asked what the dance style
was going to be that evening, and when my companions said “jaipongan,” the woman said
“Oh. Not jaipongan. That wouldn’t be appropriate. Can’t you do something else?” “Cer-
tainly,” said my companion. “We can do modern dance instead.” The evening proceeded
with exactly the same dances, dancers and costumes as originally planned, and I later saw
a beaming Habibie having his picture taken with his arms around various dancers.
19 Spiller notes that the terms “classical” and “modern” refer to dances that were choreo-
graphed at approximately the same time.
20 Sundanese dancers mocking not only Javanese dance styles, but also the particularly
high-pitched style of Javanese singing livened up many otherwise uneventful rehearsals
at Jugala and elsewhere. Andrew Weintraub has noted this as a potential form of empow-
erment for Sundanese artists.
348 Williams
According to Gumbira, however, the deliberate use of elements from classical

dance is his way of making something that was originally Javanese into some-
thing much more Sundanese.
Sundanese Jaipongan in the National Arena
Sundanese antipathy toward the Javanese appears to be directed, in large part,

toward the image of Java. When Sundanese performing artists speak of “the
Javanese,” it is rarely about any particular Javanese official, past or present; nor
is it about an individual or small group. Instead, these types of conversations
appear to be directed toward a larger question of the position of the Sundanese
and the Javanese on a national scale. When the lens for that discussion is
dance, it appears to matter a great deal that the Sundanese dance styles are
claimed to have “evolved” in a linear fashion to their current height (cf. Durban
1998).
Henry Spiller points toward the issue of dance on a larger scale when he
writes that “…the sonic signature of traditional music has come to represent a
presentational approach to dance, and traditional dance is now a visual icon of
Sundanese identity in an Indonesian context” (2001:14). He also calls Sundanese
dance a “visual symbol of Sundanese ethnic identity and West Javanese
regional identity in a larger Indonesian and national arena” (2001:13). These
two comments invite further discussion. Jennifer Lindsay correctly points out
that “Cultural policy, legislation, bureaucracy, and education are all part of the
context within which cultural forms work and function” (1995:657). In the
regional context of performing an artistic icon of regional identity, the inter-
connectedness of the body and the governing body begs for an understanding
of the impact of the latter upon the former.
As a foreign researcher attempting to work in a cultural area outside that of
the Central Javanese courts, I was often met with surprised and angry com-
ments from the Central Javanese officials who work in the labyrinth of visa
and permission-granting offices in Jakarta.21 The overall opinion seemed to be
that any cultural forms outside the Central Javanese court system were not
only not worth studying, but should not be brought to the attention of the non-
21 Lindsay states “Assistance to performing artists through the government cultural agencies
in Southeast Asia is predominantly directed to them from above rather than applied for
by them from below” (Lindsay 1995:661). It is clear from the pro-Java stance of the officials
I encountered in Jakarta that such assistance might have to come to Sundanese artists at
a price, cultural or otherwise.
Indonesian world. These comments point to an underlying assumption about

the value of Sundanese performing arts within Indonesia, relative to those of
the Javanese. However, some assumptions about the Sundanese performing
arts carry non-Indonesians in inappropriate directions as well.
One of the two Sundanese jaipongan recordings commercially available in
the United States is titled Jaipongan Java (Globestyle). The liner notes and
accompanying article in the British journal Folk Roots are full of references to
beautiful Javanese women, mystical Javanese music, and delicious Javanese
food (Bass 1990a and 1990b: 33). Although this odd disjuncture between liner
notes and content is more a reflection of how difficult it is to find accurate liner
notes, it is also just one more way in which Sunda “loses out to Java” due to
misinformation and the frequent assumption that all music performed on the
island of Java is Javanese. Occasionally, outsiders can misconstrue regional dis-
tinctiveness because of misunderstandings promulgated by recording
companies. Nationally, however, the government is quite clear about the role
of culture in developing both regional and national identity:
In Indonesia, the cultural polemic preceding and immediately following

independence was very much to do with the kind of ‘culture’ to be
accepted, developed, and promoted at a national level – whether this be
pan-Indonesian, Western, and progressive, or protected ‘high’ forms of
regional cultural heritage – but the debate never questioned the basically
accepted premise of the educative value of culture itself as a civilising
agent of human behaviour, and as such, a source of pride and sense of
identity. Where societies stress an educative role for cultural forms, this
translates with ease to a national educative role for culture in forming
national identity. From building the person, or building the kingdom,
comes building the nation (Lindsay 1995:659).
This implication of building identity through government patronage of the

performing arts appears at the micro as well as the macro level in West Java, as
indeed in other areas of Indonesia. Each one of the thousands of (literally)
certified jaipongan dance “graduates” turned out by the Jugala school since the
1970s is believed to have imbued a piece of Sundanese identity that could not
be achieved through facility in the regional language, knowledge of national
patriotic songs, or location of residence. That the government has such a strong
hand in many aspects of regional (as well as national) culture reveals, as Mary
Zurbruchen notes, its concerns about the potential divisiveness of powerful
regional performing arts in the face of more “nationalised” arts (1990).
350 Williams
Because so many of the root sources of jaipongan are centred in village arts,
and because penca silat is so widely perceived to be a form “of the village,” it
holds that even as the dance form became cleaned up, staged, and marketed,
its primary determinant of Sundanese authenticity was precisely its profound
connection to penca silat. Without being rooted in the movements, the sounds,
and the identity-marking contexts of Sundanese village penca silat, jaipongan
would lack the very qualities that help to separate the Sundanese from the
Javanese, and to ground notions of Sundanese identity in the one performing
art that they believe makes them Sundanese. Furthermore, it is the perceived
strength – physical and spiritual – borne by the Sundanese practitioners of
penca silat that assist jaipongan dancers in conceiving of a tradition that holds
them separate from the Javanese.
Conclusion
In reaction to the dominant role of the Javanese in both regional and national
politics, Sundanese composers and choreographers have recently begun con-
sciously to increase their efforts to maintain a sense of independent cultural
identity. These artists claim to be tired of always “losing out to Java” and feel
that their works are much more creative and dynamic than those of the
Javanese. Encouraged by the extraordinary success of jaipongan both inside
and outside of Sunda and the fact that jaipongan can be danced to Batak,
Javanese, Balinese, and other types of music, some recording companies have
successfully marketed Sundanese music that is not jaipongan outside of Sunda.
The Jakarta-based companies Dian and MTR both have a stronghold on the
music markets in other Indonesian cities, and frequently place pop Sunda,
instrumental kacapi-suling or gamelan degung in shops.22
When questioned about the popularity of Sundanese music in other areas
of the country, the Sundanese response is generally an unguarded “Of course!
It is because we are all united against the Javanese.” Each genre that “makes it”
outside of West Java, however, is believed to have a specific kind of appeal in
addition to the fact that it is not Javanese. For example, kacapi-suling is appeal-
ing to non-Sundanese because (according to Javanese, Ambonese, Torajan,
Balinese, Batak and Minang musicians), it has no lyrics and the sound of the
bamboo suling flute is familiar to many Indonesians. Pop Sunda, although it is
22 This is most notable in Bali, in which Sundanese recordings reach an avid market of for-
eigners and Balinese restaurant owners, who play Sundanese music over loudspeakers
and sometimes tell unsuspecting foreigners that it is traditional Balinese music.
sung in Sundanese and therefore lyrically inaccessible to other Indonesians,

uses the Sundanese pelog tuning (which sounds more or less like a gapped dia-
tonic scale), and is usually played by a Western-style pop band (Williams
1989:119). Gamelan degung is variously claimed to have the cachet of Central
Javanese gamelan without the Javanese angle, to sound like Western music
played on a gamelan (again, because of the gapped diatonic sound of degung
tuning), or to lack the purported “heaviness” of the Javanese sound.
Although some of the most outspoken Sundanese artists can be anti-Java-
nese in the extreme, most of the Sundanese who discussed this issue have
mixed feelings. They dislike the Javacentric nature of the Indonesian govern-
ment and resent that Sundanese elite culture is mostly Javanese in origin, yet
they feel that Java and Sunda are different enough that Sundanese genres origi-
nating in Java have evolved characteristics that make them entirely Sundanese.
The situation in which Sundanese musicians still throw either food or insults
at the television set when Javanese music or dance is portrayed is rare, although
it does happen. Many more are simply proud that jaipongan extended beyond
the borders of West Java and that thus, for once, Java lost out to Sunda.
Though jaipongan has long since faded from its white-hot popularity in the
1970s and 80s, and it has in addition migrated through various forms of co-
optation by pop artists and advertisements, its unique engagement with power
and identity remains in the consciousness of its practitioners. One step away
from those practitioners, however, lies the rest of the Sundanese people, who
have largely forgotten or abandoned their understanding of the original con-
nections between jaipongan and (female) ronggeng, or jaipongan and (male)
penca silat. Furthermore, the partnered dancing of tari kursus and other more
formalised dances appears to have been disconnected in the popular imagina-
tion from current performance practices.
Henry Spiller notes, in his discussion of the “erotic triangle” of male drum-
mer, female dancer, and male audience members, that “Rather than performing
gender, participants are performing an ethnic Sundanese or a regional West
Javanese identity” (Spiller 2010:199). It is precisely the perpetuation not only of
movements but also of aspects of Sundanese historical performance practices
that contribute to the idea of what it means to be Sundanese in the 21st cen-
tury. Through the assertion of specifically Sundanese characteristics – the ones
found in penca silat and ronggeng – and the conscious modification or rejec-
tion of certain aspects of Javanese culture, the Sundanese carved out for
themselves an exciting and dynamic dance form. Even though this particular
dance style has been used to illustrate the ongoing ambivalence between the
Sundanese and the Javanese, the gradual stabilisation and decline of jaipongan
is causing Sundanese choreographers to look in new directions for further
352 Williams
inspiration. These new directions, however, do not currently point toward the
Javanese; indeed, they may well lead to a closer examination of what makes
local penca silat specifically Sundanese.
References
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Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Sadie, S. (ed.). Vol. 9, pp. 211–215. London:
Bass, Colin. 1990a. Jaipongan Java. Globestyle Records (liner notes).
———. 1990b. “Java Jive,” Folk Roots 84: 32–33.
Brenner, Suzanne A. 1998. The Domestication of Desire: Women, Wealth, and Modernity
in Java. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Durban Arjo, Irawati. 1989. “Women’s Dance Among the Sundanese of West Java,
Indonesia.” In: Asian Theater Journal 6/2: 168–178.
———. 1998. Perkembangan Tari Sunda: Melacak Jejak Tb. Oemay Martakusuma
Dan Raden Tjetje Somantri. Bandung: Masyarakat Seni Pertunjukan Indonesia.
Heins, Ernst. 1977. Goong Renteng: Aspects of Orchestral Music in a Sundanese Village.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam.
Lindsay, Jennifer. 1995. “Cultural Policy and the Performing Arts in Southeast Asia.” In:
Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde 151/4: 656–671.
Manuel, Peter & Randal E. Baier. 1986. “Jaipongan: Indigenous Popular Music of West
Java.” In: Asian Music18/1: 91–110.
Murgiyanto, Sal. 1980. “Indonesia: Sundanese Dance Traditions.” In: International
Encyclopedia of Dance, ed. S.J. Cohen. New York: Oxford University Press, pp.501–4.
Myers, Douglas. 1991. “Jaipongan: A Seed Takes Root,” in The Archipelago 1/5: 44–46.
Natapradja, Iwan. 1972. “Sundanese Dances.” In: Selected Reports in Ethnomusicology 2/2:
103–108.
Pemberton, John. 1987. “Musical Politics in Central Java (Or How Not to Listen to a
Javanese Gamelan).” In: Indonesia 44: 16–29.
———. 1994. On the Subject of ‘Java.’ Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Soedarsono. 1974. Dances in Indonesia. Jakarta: Gunung Agung.
Spiller, Henry J. 2001. Erotic Triangles: Sundanese Men’s Improvisational Dance in West
Java, Indonesia. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.
———. 2008. Focus: Gamelan Music of Indonesia, second edition. New York and London:
Routledge Publishing.
———. 2010. Erotic Triangles: Sundanese Dance and Masculinity in West Java. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Williams, Sean. 1989. “Current Developments in Sundanese Popular Music.” In: Asian
Music 21/1: 105–136.
———. 1990. The Urbanization of Tembang Sunda, an Aristocratic Musical Genre of West
Java, Indonesia. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington.
———. 1998. “Java: Sunda: Kendang Penca and Rampak Kendang,” in The Garland
Encyclopedia of World Music, v.4 (Southeast Asia), Terry E. Miller and Sean Williams,
eds., pp.709–710.
———. 2001. The Sound of the Ancestral Ship: Highland Music of West Java. New York:
Oxford University Press-USA.
Yampolsky, Philip. 1995. “Forces for Change in the Regional Performing Arts of Indonesia.”
In: Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde 151/4: 700–725.
Zanten, Wim van. 1987. Tembang Sunda: an Ethnomusicological Study of the Cianjuran
Music in West Java. Ph.D. dissertation, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, Instituut voor
Culturele Antropologie en Sociologie der Niet-Westerse Volken.
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354 Williams
Figure 11.1
Mira Tejaningrum in one of
jaipongan’s dramatic poses,
Bandung, June 1988
(Photograph Sean Williams).
Figure 11.2 Mira Tejaningrum and Agah Nugraha, Bandung, June 1988 (Photograph
Sean Williams). His brightly-coloured clothing is an example of the type
of performance wear used in penca silat-influenced jaipongan done by
male dancers from the 1980s.
Figure 11.3 Choreographer Gugum Gumbira dancing jaipongan solo onstage, demonstrating
movements that he incorporated from pencak silat, Bandung 1987 (Photograph
Sean Williams).
Figure 11.4 Rehearsal at the Jugala padepokan (performance compound) in Bandung, 1988
(Photograph Sean Williams).
356 Williams
part 4
‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic
of Body Movements in Performance
∵
358 Williams
Chapter 12
The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body1

Indija Mahjoeddin
Introduction
The sense of body, personal space and performance values employed in the
Indonesian folk opera called randai,2 have been uniquely patterned by the
Minangkabau culture from which randai originates, setting them apart from
Western styles of corporeality. Randai has been described in an ethnographic
context whether by scholars from inside or outside its culture and practice
(Kartomi 1981, Nor 1986, Harun 1975 and 1992, Zulkifli 1993, Pauka 1996, 1998a,
1998b and 2003, Latrell 1999, 2000a and 2000b and Cohen 2004). Field observa-
tions combined with explications by insider informants, and in some cases
participation by the researcher have largely provided the data used in these
studies. However, transcultural performances of randai such as those con-
ducted in Hawaii (Askovic, Pauka & Polk, 2003; see further Pauka’s chapter in
the present book) and Australia (Cohen, 2004, p. 226, Leonard & Mahjoeddin,
2004) provide opportunities to examine factors that may only come to light
when confronted by the outsider practitioner.
Whether as audience, observer or performer, approaching randai from a
Western vantage point and body culture may be facilitated by a better under-
standing of how these differences shape the overall dynamics of a randai
performance. This chapter discusses some of the ways in which practices of
silat (the Malay-Indonesian martial art, referred to subsequently in the Minang
language as silek3) have generated the forms and value hierarchies in a cluster
of choreographed elements within randai called tari galombang (“wave
dance”). The discussion will survey ways in which a body that is innately
1 This chapter is adapted from Chapter 5 – The Physical Language: Negotiating ‘Silek’ in
Mahjoeddin, I.N., Randai as a Contemporary Dramaturgy: Obstacles and Insights from an
Intercultural Transposition. Unpublished Thesis, N. U., 2011.
2 In this chapter foreign words are given in Baso Minang (= BMin) unless otherwise stated.
3 In the Minangkabau language pancak and silek are used alone and interchangeably to refer
to two distinct usages – that of the fighting form silat and its aesthetic derivatives also referred
to as pamenan (BI., permainan) (see Utama, 2012, 66–166). Following this practice I will use
silek to refer to the broad silek field of practice including those derivatives more usually
referred to in Indonesian by the compound pencak silat.

360 Mahjoeddin
conscious of the silek logic of movement, the silek body, negotiates tari
galombang differently from a body entrenched in a Western performance
intelligence.
My reflections are drawn from my experience observing, training and per-
forming with randai troupes in West Sumatra, initially as a Western-trained
performer exploring my own cultural roots, and subsequently through teach-
ing a variety of non-Minangkabau participants in the context of rehearsals,
training processes and community workshops in Australia. In a series of inter-
cultural randai performances, which I undertook in Australia between 1998
and 2006,4 the encounter between the silek vocabulary and the Western body
provided fertile ground for insights into the unique qualities of movement in
randai. The Western perspectives are not meant to be representative of any
particular theory but are derived from actual body responses among a hundred
participants over five separate randai production processes that included
mixed levels of professionalism, ages, performance disciplines and positions in
relation to Malay-Indonesian culture.
Randai
Randai, a hybrid theatre form, was described as an arena theatre by Minang

cultural commentators workshopping a definition and cultural strategy for
randai in the 1975 round table discussion known as the first Sarasehan Randai
(Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1975). The term ‘arena theatre’
indicates the circular staging configuration of randai, a populist performance
art typically performed in the late evening in a village plaza.
Randai is founded on three core Minangkabau art forms of older prove-
nance. One of these is the story form, kaba, specifically traditional oral
narratives chanted solo by an epic singer in a practice called seni bakaba. A
song form called dendang typically sung in pairs with flute accompaniment,
and the third is a martial art form pencak silat known in the Minangkabau
language as silek. A story told in randai form is usually from an original kaba for
delivery through two alternating modalities, adegan and legaran. When using
adegan (‘scenes’) the story is declaimed in character dialogues within a circle
described by seated players. When using legaran (‘revolutions’) the story is
sung while the players move in a circular dance about the singer. Between each
legaran and its adjacent scenes, and similarly between each verse within songs,
4 Three of these were discussed in Mahjoeddin, 2011. On similar observations on intercultural

randai performances see also the chapter by Pauka in the present book.
distinctive physico-percussive motifs called tapuak galembong (‘pants-slap-

ping’; see also the chapter by Pauka in the present book) are generated by
striking the loose fabric of specially designed galembong trousers.
The palette of physical forms, elaborately established in choreographed for-
mations during the opening protocols, proceed through repetition to mark out
a formal pattern of contrasting energies and intensities. In legaran the rhyth-
mic/melodic contours of dendang provide the catalyst for adapting kaba texts
and silek drills to their respective forms of gurindam (narrative song lyrics),
and galombang the dance including by extension tapuak galembong examined
separately later in this chapter.
Tari Galombang
The term galombang, meaning a ‘wave’ or ‘to surge or fluctuate’ (Echols &
Shadily, 1992), is a recurring motif in the culture’s metaphorical language, refer
encing the ever-undulating movement of the natural world. As tari galombang,
this movement exists beyond randai as a stand-alone art form. In fact in the
chronology of a randai performance its first occurrence in the opening proto-
cols corresponds directly to its older ritual function as a processional salutation
in high ceremonial occasions such as a groom to meet his bride, the installa-
tion of a clan elder elected to office, or the reception of visiting dignitaries. In
this form tari galombang is structured as the coordinated advance of a team of
several martial artists positioned in rows or columns, towards an opposing
team of equal number who represent the visiting delegation often converging
to form a guard of honour. At its simplest this ritual reflects the opening proto-
cols of a silek tournament; a group version of the aesthetic stepping patterns
(langkah) leading up to the acknowledgement of one’s opponent in a formal
bow. As a civic honour, the dance-like greeting may be accompanied by a song,
prayer or welcoming speech and offering of sirih (betel leaf and areca nut com-
bination chewed as a mild stimulant to facilitate a variety of social, ritual and
medicinal functions (Rooney, 2000)). This role is preserved in randai where the
aesthetic patterns of movement thus introduced establish a model for the cir-
cular galombang to follow.
While the galombang of this opening procession (in columns or rows) is
typically accompanied by a fanfare of kettle-gong percussion and shawm5
heralding a festive start to the event, the subsequent circular version is accom-
5 Typically comprising talempong (bronze tuned idiophones), gandang double headed drum
and sarunai or pupuik batang padi, two traditional (bamboo and rice reed) forms of oboe.
362 Mahjoeddin
panied by the more lyrical laments and folksongs of dendang which are sung
by two alternating singers either a capella or accompanied on saluang, an
open-ended bamboo flute. Typically the singers stand centre-stage during the
dance but may also sit amongst the band. The galombang dance in its linear or
entrance formation is therefore performed once before the players form a ring
which thereafter sustains through the many repetitions of the galombang
dance in its circular motif throughout the rest of the randai.
Lingkaran
The lingkaran is the ring of eight to twelve players who establish and maintain
the circular configuration emblematic of randai, which allows the audience to
approach the playing space equidistantly from any direction. These players
form what, by comparison to the balletic term corps-de-ballet, could be called
a ‘corps-de-randai,’ a movement chorus comprising most of the on stage per-
formers, excluding musicians and special costume or cameo roles. This corps
encircles the space as a human border throughout the performance, whether
sitting by during scenes or performing the galombang dance sequences during
songs. The circularity “grows out of the Minangkabau sensibility in which
unity, cohesion, and return play essential parts” (Latrell, 1999:251).
This ring of players is strong evidence of randai’s suggested derivation from
ulu’ambek (Pauka, 1996:168–169) an esoteric form of silek that similarly alter-
nates episodically between a circular group silek dance accompanied by a pair
of singers, and a contest between two players (Kamal & Mahjoeddin, in this
volume). However, the circle may also be identified as an extrapolation of the
orientation of any silek pair as they rotate around a central axis, except in this
case occupying as many points on the compass as there are players. To reify
these encircling actions as if their inherent geometry is an elective element of
design therefore is misleading. In fact given that a Minangkabau audience (i.e.
an audience acculturated to the principles employed in randai) typically leaves
no courtesy space between the dancers and the front row, the lingkaran is best
understood as a liminal membrane that spatially defines the limits of the act-
ing area.
The lingkaran dancers are uniquely responsible for the overall dynamics
and unity of randai. In legaran mode, where the story world is suspended, the
dancers converge and revolve in unison as a homogenous entity. During the
adegan they exemplify the audience and are occasionally seconded as crowd
voices, either way implicitly representing the social community.
I have described the spatial factors of the lingkaran. On the temporal axis
the lingkaran also links and/or separates scenic action from narration by per-
forming an unaccompanied phrase of movement best described as a bridging
phrase (one bridging phrase to stand, another to sit) that segues between these
modes. At the end of a scene, as the last word of the last line is pronounced,
one dancer yelps a cue, and the whole corps rises from their seated circle to
execute the bridge to stand. Using a combination of claps, steps and vocables
they work towards the centre as the actors just completing the last scene leave
the space. ‘Dancers and actors’ here refers to their immediate function as most
actors will join the lingkaran as galombang dancers between their speaking
appearances. When the stage is clear of the previous scene’s actors, the bridg-
ing routine returns the lingkaran to the periphery to finish with a few steps
leading around the circle, which then trails to a walk in readiness for the sing-
ers to begin. At the end of each song another bridging phrase specific to the
function of seating the dancers is performed, which similarly includes a cen-
tre-point convergence that may be used to cover the departure of singers and
arrival of actors for a centre-stage reveal. The two bridging patterns are choreo-
graphed to form a consistent convention throughout a randai production.
Dance and the Bungo Silek
The galombang dance consists of martial arts-based footwork (langkah) and

hand gestures performed in unison, in a controlled and stylised aesthetic man-
ner, structured as short graceful routines reflecting the cadences of the
accompanying song. The routines comprise postures called balabeh, which
derive from preparatory moves drawn from the stylistic vocabulary of the par-
ticular silek style (or ‘aliran,’ which can also be framed as a broad fraternity or
school) into which each troupe is initiated. These forms arise out of training
drills or jurus, short phrases of efficacious attack and defence actions, as a way
of mastering stance, positioning and timing, prior to engaging directly in the
practice bouts (Utama, 2012:66–67).6
6 Minangkabau dance scholar Indra Utama explains balabeh in terms identical to the kemban-
gan. In West Sumatra there is considerable slippage between term usages from region to re-
gion. Balabeh means ‘measure’ (ukuran) when used in traditional building to determine
dimensions, but in the training process of silek it describes a stage of practice, performed prior
to full silek, aimed at mastering stance, positioning and timing. (Utama, op. cit.)
364 Mahjoeddin
As a category, these preparatory moves are collectively called bungo silek,7

and are frequently described as non-functional, diversionary, space-filling or
purely decorative (Yetti, 2010:32–33). The term ‘bungo silek’ itself translates
directly as ‘flowers of silek’ (cognisant with the more widely known Indonesian
term, kembangan silat) connoting anything that flourishes or blooms and so
represents a florescence of movement at an aesthetic stage of development
somehow precedent to the buah or fruits of silek, the latter understood as the
attack/defence forms proper. In other words the bungo silek or balabeh moves
are non-potent gestures that prepare the practitioner for direct attack/defence
exchanges. In training they help cultivate technical skills, rhythm and control.
In presentations, they prime the arena, the audience and the participants for
what is to follow, articulating the particular strengths and features of their
aliran.
For example an aliran practised in the highland areas of West Sumatra
called silek gadang favours long, sinuous movements. The body is held very
low to the ground and each step is pre-empted by a wave-like rise and fall of
the body level. In contrast the silek kumango I experienced in coastal
Kalumbuak was upright, tight and percussive, with bungo silek that is full of
sharp, parrying drills, creating a staccato effect less recognisably wave-like in
its formal aesthetic. These aesthetic distinctions are artfully expressed in dis-
plays of balabeh associated respectively with each aliran.
In ulu’ambek the bungo silek and its balabeh moves are explicitly associated
with the feminine principle batino, (Kamal & Mahjoeddin, op. cit.) which in
the matrilineal society of the Minangkabau has an ‘equal but different’ rela-
tionship to the male. This gender attribution is indicative of the equal value
and durational space provided for the feminine, non-potent aspect of a perfor-
mance that accommodates receding as well as intensifying energies.
While stylistic variations between aliran influence variations in the move-
ment dynamic, the common features are those commonly derived from the
functional logic of silek. Movements are performed with a high degree of con-
trol, balance and containment. Weight shifts are delayed, evasive pivots are
sharply accented and the body is highly alert to the collective pace. Stillness is
an active state and motion fills the pauses.
My elucidation of these movement qualities below will be framed in terms
of the outsider body. Not all these qualities will automatically be embodied by
outsider practitioners. In the randai projects conducted in Australia, partici-
pants without silek as their lingua franca certainly found all gestures demanded
newly mapping on the body memory. The stance is grounded, wrists frequently
7 For more on the concept of ‘bungo’ see Jähnichen in this volume.

dorsi-flexed and the arms carve spaces around the body, which the outsider is
not enculturated to recognise, but ultimately these are shapes that can be
taught.
Less expected was that these transcultural teaching situations showed up
how ideas of spatiality, symmetry, physicality, variability and elasticity were
deemed more challenging by participants. Contrasting mind-sets and body-
cultures would need to be bridged in order to discover what sensibilities are
unique to the silek body, a body entrained to the silek logic of movement,
which is known to underlie tari galombang. In the rest of this chapter, I pres-
ent some of what was learnt from the insights of Australian performers as they
struggled to embody the forms from the perspective of their own enculturated
assumptions.
Symmetry
On its surface the galombang choreography seems simple, even simplistic. A

circular ‘chorus-line’ performs a series of short aesthetic phrases with a
restricted palette of patterns repeated without variation, accompanied in a
strophic form by a pair of unaccompanied singers. Each unique movement
‘routine’ is identified with a particular rhythmic-melodic unit (the irama den-
dang), rarely much more than a minute long, the strophic repetitions of which
constitutes one inter-scenic song. Each strophe may carry as little as one cou-
plet of verse, so that the gurindam narrative between each scene progresses
sparingly through many repetitions of one dance/melody unit.
Like the old processional form, the main unit of movement is the langkah, a
mannered form of stepping forward and back, side to side or out on diagonal,
normally executed in sets of three or four depending on the aliran to which
one is subscribed. It combines with accented evasions, slow sweeping pivots,
and a variety of deflective gestures to form the balabeh.
In the default posture of the balabeh (see Figure 12.3) the feet are placed
wide on the circumference, knees bent, and weight evenly distributed. The
torso is rotated toward one leg (which we may now call the front leg) and leans
slightly forward. The arm nearest the opponent (corresponding to the rear leg)
closes across the midline, shielding the upper vital organs, its hand reaching
forward to deflect attack. The axis of the ‘front’ foot runs parallel to the sagittal
plane (a vertical plane which passes from ventral – front, to dorsal –rear, divid-
ing the body into right and left halves.) while the rear knee and foot open by
90° along a left-to-right axis (the coronal plane) anchoring the position. This
asymmetrical stance facilitates a 90° adjustment of the body’s angle of
366 Mahjoeddin
orientation simply by shifting the hips and torso to face the (formerly) rear leg,
enabling a multi-directional response in the silek context when combined with
other gestures.
In such a position, where the hip alignment also tends to settle slightly
toward the open diagonal, the perception of front, side or oblique is therefore
not entirely fixed, and is often dependant on where the perceived opponent is
located. Neither may the performer’s line of eye focus be taken as a clue to
orientation as the eyes are averted to the peripheral field of view. In silek this
indirect gaze has the benefit of a diversion, obscuring one’s intent from one’s
opponent, and more importantly, for both the martial artist and the galom-
bang dancer, is understood to enable quicker perception of movement cues
(consistent with increased motion sensitivity attributed to the peripheral rod
receptors of the eye). In the silat arena, apprehending subtle ‘give-away’ move-
ments alerts the martial artist to pending lines of attack. In the galombang
circle, unable to rely on linear symmetry, the ability this peripheral gaze affords
dancers to apprehend the entire rim of the lingkaran helps to modulate the
performance with synchronous responses to cues.
Another point of difference is the absence of square body positions where
the weight is centred and the body shape symmetrical. Rather the effect is of
multiple planes ascribed to a variety of body parts giving the martial artist a
maximum range of options for deflection, while concealing his / her true ori-
entation. Absent too is the left-right symmetry typical in Western performance
patterns. Symmetry in space is rotational rather than mirrored, such that a
movement repeated to all four directions will be executed using the same side
of the body (for example, beginning always with the left leg), rather than alter-
nating left and right each time.
The asymmetry of balabeh postures can appear to conflict with their role as
a default or neutral starting point giving them a sense of precariousness. Some
other movement traditions, both martial and dance based, predicate their
strength on beginning from an open, centred stance representing neutrality
and therefore ideal as a default position (such as the balletic bras-bas). The
precariousness however is a symptom of a non-committal posture, neutral in
the sense of being not yet surrendered to any given direction but suspended in
a state or potential action, from which any direction may be accessed. The
stance, while grounded, is also closed i.e. the arm crossing the body, as a defen-
sive device, and the averted gaze represents a deceptive vigilance. Deception,
defensiveness and vigilance are therefore embodied in the fundamental body
posture of tari galombang.
Physicality
The use of a deeply grounded stance is no longer an unusual phenomenon in

the world of Western dance, where it once represented the primitive or gro-
tesque (Grau, 2010, Keft-Kennedy, 2005). However, despite long since embracing
it in a variety of somatic practices (such as yoga, sports and social dances), the
low, often wide stance can still constitute a physical challenge for the western
body.
Tari Galombang derived from the aliran called silek gadang mentioned ear-
lier, frequently moves through postures where the abdominal core is lower
than the knee increasing demand on knee-strength. The silek body has evolved
within a culture where raising and lowering the body unaided to and from the
floor for meals and other daily activities reinforces the habitually low centre of
gravity, flexibility and strength from which the postures of silek are within
reach. As a habitually shod and seated culture, Western lifestyles continue to
cultivate a greater sense of remoteness from the floor than the Minang have,
which alters the way those in Western cultures move above it. In contrast to the
elevation and buoyancy of Western specialist and vernacular dance forms
(from the upward extensions of ballet to the skips and jumps of jigs and reels),
tari galombang undulates from the horizontal plane while always maintaining
contact with it. There are essentially no leaps, jumps or runs in the vocabulary
of the dance, because to separate from the ground is to lose crucial power and
stability in silek.
Spatiality
Choreographer Lin Hwai-min, founder of Cloudgate Dance Theatre of Taiwan

and credited with hybridising an eastern martial art with Western dance, says
of the process the company underwent “Instead of invading space, we now
internalise our focus [...] we no longer project outward to impress the audi-
ence. We draw them in by involving them with our breathing” (Fouilhoux,
2010).
Choreographically tari galombang is a series of discrete routines that, over-
all, circumnavigate the space, at times doubling back and occasionally
converging toward the centre. But even with this circumferential travel, there
is an overriding inward focus. Balabeh positions on the rim generally open
towards centre (i.e. the interior leg is extended back along the circumference
line). The gelek (evasive pivots) turn more frequently inward than outward,
while extended phrases performed on the radial axis, whether at centre or at
368 Mahjoeddin
the periphery, are more likely to face inward, except when returning the play-
ers to the periphery.
The stage intelligence8 of a Western performer makes them highly con-
scious of orienting the voice and body toward their spectators and especially
cautious to avoid blocking the view of the audience with their backs. The audi-
ence’s close proximity to the performers in randai heightens the sense of
infringement this implies. However, while the Minangkabau are certainly cul-
turally sensitive towards the social transgression of membelakangi meaning ‘to
face one’s back to a person’ in daily interaction, nevertheless the inward focus
of the tari galombang in randai is better understood viewed through a silek
lens. In a silek tournament, the direction of the main relationship is centripe-
tal, that is between those engaged in the contest. In such a context the proximity
of the audience to the near players back does not exacerbate a sense of exclu-
sion, but is rather a privileged position from where spectators are drawn in to
the internal dynamics of the ‘game.’ This focus on interactivity of players rather
than on players themselves contributes to my proposition that the point of
focus in tari galombang is centred less on the body that is moving than it is on
the movement or action itself.
The Movement Path and the Space Outside the Body
A performer approaching tari galombang from outside the movement culture

relies on anatomical, spatial and directional precision, so any sense of these
three factors being indeterminate was highlighted in our cross-cultural randai
encounters.
It is a fact that the geometry of the performer’s body-space is based on clear
anatomical quadrants and directional right angles. Even so, simply curving one
axis to conform to a circumference (Figure 12.5c) incommensurably disori-
ented those performers acclimatised to linear arrangements. This disorientation
suggests a different approach to spatiality. The projects also highlighted the
degree of variability in positions and movement pathways, a variability
that exists between expert (Minangkabau) practitioners as well as between
instances of performance by the same practitioner. Together this observed
8 Russian dramatist, Yevgeny Vakhtangov glosses ‘stage intelligence’ (Russian, Сценичност,

stsenichnost, ‘stage’-ogenic) as “An actor’s ability to adapt his or her behaviour to the condi-
tions of the stage” (Malaev-Babel, 2011:347). His definition encompasses “automatic skills” and
“habits” that I would summarise as the instinctive ability to spontaneously modulate volume,
spatial positioning and orientation according to an overall awareness of the stage balance.
variability may be taken to indicate a range of interpretations of the same pos-

ture is admissible. For anyone acculturated to the paradigms of silek, this range
is defined by an internal logic determined by anatomical geometry, functional
parameters and enculturated aesthetics. The intention underpinning a move-
ment in the silek context determines, in the dance context, the shape and
dynamic choices involved in its execution.
Unlike dance moves in Western stage dance traditions, silek derived move-
ment is not about shape-making, position in space, or the pathway of the
active body. It is about the space outside the body or, in the context of partner
drills, the physical matter‚ an opponent’s body for example – which is beyond
the limits and control of one’s own. It is that other substance that exists at
given or projected spatial coordinates, and contains notional defining proper-
ties such as mass, dimensions, resistance and directional limitations. By
maintaining a clear concept of that other object, the direction, force and scope
of our own movement possibilities become apparent. This sensation, so attrib-
utable to the silek intention of the movement, bears some comparison to
techniques of the mime more than the dancer per se, where the attributes of
an external object entirely determine the movement, even while maintaining
an aesthetic primary function.
An example to illustrate this involves a grapple in which the opponent’s arm
is seized by the wrist and shoulder of one arm. When the grapple is performed
as a dance move the position of the hands seems merely awkward, with distal
fingers pointing down while proximal fingers point up, and both palms strain-
ing to face forward. But in the context of the whole action such details facilitate
the intention. It enables the proximal hand (at the opponent’s wrist) to close
the fingers tight over the wrist and rotate forward to twist the opponent’s arm
longitudinally in such a way as to force the upper body forward. The distal
hand is positioned, fingers under the opponent’s armpit, to lock the distance
and press the shoulder towards the ground as the opponent is forced off
balance.
Silek logic accounts for what on an anatomical level seems awkward and
complex. Approached anatomically, the details add more memory tasks than
necessary and shift the emphasis of rehearsal and performance onto the per-
forming body (and the intransitive verb of acting) rather than on the impact it
has beyond itself (the transitive verb of acting upon).
The grapple movement I have just described can also serve to illustrate the
selective significance of the movement path. I have mentioned the range of
variation that occurs between interpretations of hand and arm patterns. Even
in recurring positions like the en garde posture of balabeh, the forearm may be
supinated or pronated, held high, low, medial or wide, and with a varying
370 Mahjoeddin
degree of flexion in the elbow, to the same silek-logical effect. In particular,

preliminary pathways of the arms, that is, pathways that segue between more
determined actions, are not overtly defined or emphasised, and may vary,
although following the general logic, from silek, of moving up the centreline
before moving out. Most often the shortest route to the beginning of an explic-
itly determined gesture is the one that is followed. This further accounts for
personalised variations that often confuse the trainee used to an idea of dance
whereby the aesthetic ideal is determined by a perfection or symmetry in the
tracking lines of a gesture.
In the example above there is an ideal grip and a general tracking arc that
twists and follows the shoulder down. In the dance version these moves may
be idealised in the absence of pre-determined particulars of size, mass and
resistance. But the pathway that brings the hands up to the starting position is
indeterminate. The action happens swiftly and does not attract attention to
itself. In either case, the object is not to attain some absolute ideal in body
shape or pathway. Meaning is rather located where the action intersects with
the other.
This principle has important ramifications throughout randai, which do not
belong in this chapter. But it is worth suggesting that, when these movements
are analysed or transferred beyond the culture, there is a risk of subsuming the
differential values of patterns within the choreography if they are perceived as
dance in the commonly applied sense.
In general, dynamic variations that suspend, retard and surge the flow of
movement, even in simple stepping (langkah), are better understood in terms
of their function as a responsive interface to conditions in the environment.
For example, intermediate positions such as when weight has been shifted to
one leg mid-step, may be held in stillness to avoid pre-empting the pending
direction, before moving swiftly to take up the next stable position. Even then,
the final arrival of a footfall to the floor is often slowed or even retracted to
allow or imply a possible last minute change of decision. These are subtle aes-
thetic complexities if cultivated with purely anatomical reference points. In
silek they are part of the game of disguising one’s intent, and depend on the
alertness of the performer to the opponent’s game-play. In the context of ran-
dai choral movement, they also work in reverse providing an elasticity of
tempo that accommodates, rather than confounds, the collective synchronic-
ity and so substitutes for metronomic timing.
Timing and Elasticity
Timing is not something controlled by codified musical exactitude. The

method of performance depends more on cueing and collective coordination.
Using heightened peripheral awareness of the collective the lingkaran is able
to respond with a high degree of unity. Some tari galombang leaders spontane-
ously vary the sequence of langkah from time to time, as well as the timing.9
Cues in tari galombang may be subtle, a hiss, a finger-click, a silent gesture, or
overtly vocalised, similar to the yelps of the tapuak, where they add rhythmic
texture. In both modes they are a mechanism for modulating tempo and dura-
tion in real time.
As an episodic form, with as much time spent in segues as in content, the
relationship of each melody to a pattern of movement is established, but their
precise performance is contingent on cues conducted in the moment. This
elasticity, within and between the parts, calls for a heightened receptivity and
surrender. It also corresponds to the rubato10 aesthetic of the vocal repertoire,
especially the dendang ratok (laments), which are prized for their free rhyth-
mic ornamentations of vibrato, melisma, glides and gariniek, a bleating
ornamentation (cf Benjamin, 2004). These give the singers certain freedoms –
determining pitch, rhythm, ornamentations, refrains and vocables – such that
it is their decisions that command the pace, while the lingkaran leader (tukang
gore or cue-caller) guides the group’s response in movement.
Both dance and song proceed according to a breath rhythm. The galombang
dance tends either to respond to the sung line of text or set its own breath-
determined rhythm against the melody, connecting just at key points, rather
than following any underlying musical beat (except where an accompanied
up-tempo song is paired with a joget step, a style of social dance). When the
verse ends, the caller drives the tapuak, which erupts at its own optimum
tempo and amplitude, that is, not constrained by the tempo of the song.
One of the pleasures in performing tari galombang is anticipating the vocal
entry. The lingkaran is walking between verses, softening, letting the explosive
energy of the tapuak settle, and listening as one corpus for the first tones of the
singer. When it comes, the recognition of that first syllable or two sets off a
spinal memory and the whole company moves synchronously in response.
Without the uncertainty of the wait, without the slight precedence of the voice
9 Tari Randai Rambun Sati Jo Sutan Lembak Tuah, a randai group in Batipuh Baruah, con-
tacted during fieldwork in 1997–1998 (field study supported by Asialink).
10 In frequent communications and training with Admiral Dt Mulia Nan Kuniang, Mel-
bourne, 1998–2006.
372 Mahjoeddin
to the movement, the responsive elasticity is lost. In comparison rehearsed

synchronicity conveys a dead precision with no sense of call and answer
between the parts. Inherent in the randai model is a vestigial sense of the game
or tournament, where players are responding in real time to each other. This
highly structured randai model demonstrates a sociality that dispenses with
authorial control to depend more upon interrelationships between various
players.
Tapuak Galembong
At the tail end of each short galombang verse, the lingkaran erupts into a per-
cussive flourish similar to those used in the bridging phrases and in the opening
protocols, but in a motif unique to each dance/melody unit. Drumming pat-
terns are played on the specially constructed voluminous trousers, called
sarawa galembong, generating a deep bass tone as air is forced out of the
enclosed bag-shaped garment like a bellows. Vocal yelps (gore) and claps in
contra-tempo coordinate the action and add extra rhythmic complexity to the
outburst. While the aesthetic forms of tari galombang draw more on the par-
ries than the thrusts, the tapuak phrase suggests, and sometimes simulates, a
short series of attack and defence moves. Kicks provide opportunities for
striking beneath the leg (and facilitate turning and locomotion) while double-
handed strikes between the legs have no direct fight application. Strikes to the
thigh, chest or elbows can be intended as disconcerting tactics or emulate a
point of impact, or simply provide alternative sound colours and speedier exe-
cution to suit smaller time values. The tapuak patterns may be performed in
simple unison or layered in two or three interlocking parts for a more dense
and complex texture, and can sometimes begin to be interjected between lines
of movement as well as at the end where they typically last for thirty or forty
seconds as a cathartic release of energy before subsiding into a relaxed,
focussed walk.
Jalan as Stillness
The chaos of the tapuak phase dissipates as suddenly as it began with a com-
plete letting go of the performance energy. Still in formation, the moment’s
walk around the perimeter (jalan) creates a gentle, neutral breathing space for
re-focussing in which the body walking is quietly attentive, at rest yet alert.
Into this gently revolving lull, the singer opens the next verse. The energetic
pattern therefore cycles through three distinct movement qualities which may
be described as ‘sustained,’ ‘explosive’ and ‘release,’ in terms derived from the
system of dance notation known as Labanotation developed by Hungarian
choreographer Rudolf Laban.
‘Release’ (as in relaxation) is a term that Laban used both in a dyad of
‘tension’ and ‘release’ (German: Anspannung – Abspannung), where ‘tension’
relates to force and ‘release’ is a surrender to gravity, and also in a triad of
‘swinging flow,’ ‘impulsive outburst’ and ‘release’ (Maletic, 1987:94–95, sum-
marisation by the present author). I use his later term ‘sustained’ (which as one
of six key movement ‘efforts,’ opposes ‘sudden’ on a durational axis) in place of
either ‘tension’ or ‘swinging flow’ as it better characterises a “constantly guided
and controlled” movement that “aims at precision of form” (Maletic, op. cit.). It
operates in Laban’s description, along straight lines but in this case also on
undulating, circular and spiral pathways. ‘Explosive,’ indicating maximum
force over minimum duration, relates to ‘impulsive outburst’ in the above-
mentioned triad and, in its accordingly unsustainable trajectory, it is naturally
followed by the surrendering quality of ‘release.’
In our workshops, the phase most easily grasped by practitioners new to the
silek culture is the explosive tapuak. It seems coherent with a more universal
impulse, at certain times, to project oneself out toward the world, momen-
tarily defying social constraints on behaviour (cf Errington, 1984). It is virile,
overtly active, perhaps even ‘Ego’-centred, in a way the Western practitioner
can readily recognise. As energy the player gives out, it equates to the out-
breath which, not intending to be humorous, may be likened to a group version
of a cathartic sneeze. It is exhilarating for participants of either culture, espe-
cially children and youths, for it breaks social rules about decorum, plus its
visceral physicality overrides alterity of cultural form. It contrasts with the in-
breath of the galombang dance. With its receptivity and alertness, containment
and listening, the ‘sustained’ galombang phase exemplifies self-control, disci-
pline and is other-centred.
The jalan is between breaths; a moment for recovery of one’s equilibrium
from the catharsis of the out-breath before the next in-breath begins. I suggest
it embodies the counterintuitive idea of a moving stillness where motion
rather than stillness reflects a neutral state of non-action or emptiness. This
idea also manifests in terms of body movement within the tari galombang
where body stillness is deployed as a tension, an energised suspension of
breath and motion, while choreographic stillness manifests as a pause, filled
and softened with a constant ripple of understated motion.
Considering its simplicity, this walking phase is surprisingly one of the
harder elements to modulate with Western performers. Frequently the explo-
374 Mahjoeddin
sive energy and forward momentum of the tapuak phase has its own inertia, so
that instead of a cathartic exhalation with a natural rate of energetic decay, the
body’s own mass is propelled into the tapuak actions with such force that play-
ers stumble forward into a barely decelerating power-walk, taking a whole
revolution or two to wind down to recovery mode. Ironically, when partici-
pants did let go of the explosive energy, they had a tendency to lose their
cohesion along with it, as if it was necessary to keep ‘on’ and active in order to
retain presence. For them, relaxation from group action invited reassertion of
the individual.
Expansive use of the body in space is encouraged in Western dance and
habitual in daily life where we walk with the weight tipped forward increasing
speed and often narrowing focus. By observation it seems the Minangkabau,
enjoying a slower more communally paced life in regional and rural social
hubs, habitually place their centre of gravity further back encouraging a wider
focus and slower advance. Applying this alteration in our workshops allowed a
mechanical solution to the energetic issue of the walk-around. But really, the
aim is to use the walk to find equilibrium within the harmonious unity of the
circle. The weight must be settled back in order for the eddying to be driven
not by each individual’s unwitting inertia, or a collective desire to go forward,
but by the endeavour to maintain one’s own place in the circle.
This sense of movement as a result of inviting stillness is not unfamiliar to
us. The flux of a pendulum finding its plumb, or the slight steering required to
keep a vehicle tracking straight are examples of small adjustments toward still-
ness. The key to understanding the walking phase as a moment of stillness is
that it is in a process of settling, free of impulse to action and quiet of mind, yet
constantly shifting to accommodate the subtle shifts of the group as it recovers
its neutrality.
This principle of an eddying stillness may also be seen in the body vocabu-
lary of the dance phase. It manifests as a subtle swaying undulation (ayun) of
each whole body, filling the spaces in the choreography to which no steps are
assigned (See Figures 12.2 and 12.5a). In place of the western freeze-frame or
tableau, this qualified stillness maintains a degree of lability11 such that when
movement resumes it swells from the latent motion in an organic manner
rather than beginning with a sudden onset. In contrast, active ‘stillnesses’
occur as dynamic accents within the flow of steps, where they communicate
high tension and even drama. A typical example is the pause, which occurs on
balance mid-step, after a change of position has been initiated by lifting and
11 Used by Laban interchangeably with ‘mobility’ but I use ‘lability’ here to imply more of a
sense of ‘propensity’ or ‘liability’ than ‘ability’ to move.
holding the leading leg over the body’s centre of gravity (see Figure 12.5.a).
Suspended for a moment, with both breath and body tension drawn in, before
committing to a course of action, the stillness of this pose, in which the player
conceals his own intent, is energetic in its concentration and vigilance. I am
suggesting there is an inversion here between the way stillness and rest are
read in Western and Minangkabau stagecraft or at least in the tari galombang
of randai, where absolute stillness is alarming, while pause or rest moments
retain a manifest element of lability usually in the form of an eddy or sway.
Conclusion
As a foundational element, silek is integral to the dramaturgy of randai as a

whole, providing stylistic, structural and philosophical dimensions to the
galombang circle dances. By taking account of the influences of body-culture
on the way non-Minang participants embodied the tari galombang vocabulary,
it has been possible to recognise how the originating culture has patterned a
different sense of body, personal space and performance values.
Randai’s use of space, time, motion, symmetry and the body can be counter-
intuitive to the outsider practitioner. Space is inward-focused, restricted in its
pathways and ultimately mono-directional given its rotational symmetry. Its
use of time is elastic, and performance material is unitized into modular ele-
ments that build form through frequent cyclic repetition. Equal time is given to
the liminal elements that segue between potent intersections. Energy is cyclic
with an alternating polarity between tension and release. There are interpene
trating notions of stillness and motion, and body vocabulary privileges
other-focused actions and processes rather than end-points. These all feed into
a form whose resilient silek logic hinges more on the game of reading and
responsiveness than the perfection of control and virtuosity.
There are also elements of the resilience model at play, with its communi-
tarian and communications priorities that stand it apart from received
contemporary Western practice, even where the Western object has been to
overthrow its own rigidity (Walker, Holling Carpenter & Kinzig, 2004). The
model of excellence, personal virtuosity, professionalisation and a fundamen-
talist humanism that makes the ego and its effort more dominant in the
authorship of the performance outcome to which our participants were to
varying degrees enculturated, only highlights the opposite values embedded in
Minangkabau performance, at least as shown here. More specifically though,
as values arising within a Malay ethnic group, it would seem to add another
parallel element to Geoffrey Benjamin’s characterisation of a “socio-centric
376 Mahjoeddin
Melayu emphasis on change and transition,” one that is “associated with a con-
cern for spatial, temporal and cultural transition” (Benjamin, 2004). This view,
already established by Benjamin for Melayu music (especially in their use of
melismas and glides) and other cultural behaviours, may be seen reflected
throughout many of the qualities I have described above.
Indeed tari galombang and the lingkaran that performs it are in themselves
embellished transitions, segues between episodes of potent action that have
evolved to become decorative aesthetic forms in their own right. As a socio-
centric expression, the choreography of tari galombang is dependent on effects
derived from the transpersonal nature of its performance, which parallel a psy-
chology of performance and performer preparation focussed not on technique,
drilling and memorisation but on cuing, communication and responsiveness.
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380 Mahjoeddin
Figure 12.1 Tari Galombang in the contemporary randai production, Nan Si Jundai, Experi-
mental Theatre, ASWARA, Kuala Lumpur, 2010. Photo: Hafdzi Sofi.
a b
Figure 12.2 a. Facing inward and maintaining a swaying stillness. Photo: Edy Utama; b.
Inward orientation, leaning forward and striking the galembong pants at their
centre. Photo: Hafdzi Sofi.
Figure 12.3 Four examples of balabeh posture with the shoulder girdle rotated and the upper
arm shielding the vital organs of the upper torso (performers of Grup Tari Randai
Rambun Sati jo Sutan Lembak Tuah, of Batipuh Baruah.
Photo: I.N. Mahjoeddin.
Figure 12.4
Compares the floor-pattern for
adjacent dancers in a circle of from
eight to 12, with three singers (S)
centre. Alternate dancers step in
(track shown in black) to form a
second ring for a partner drill that
constitutes the tapuak motif at (e).
They begin by walking at (a/b),
initiate balabeh choreography at
(c/d) and trail off with travelling
tapuak to resettle the circle ( f ).
a b
Figure 12.5
a. Mid-step, the active leg is lifted over the body's centre
of gravity for a moment of stillness that opens the
potential to move in any direction;
b. Demonstrates a low stance with the pelvis level with
the knees and variations in hand positions (corre-
sponding to (c) and (d) on the floor pattern in Figure
12.4;
c. Four spatial directions are accommodated to the
circle so each dancer will be unique in the angle of their
axes. When facing centre, left (ka kida) and right (ka
kanan) veer to follow the circumference. (These have
been coded >W, West, and >E, East, to distinguish
c spatial from anatomical terms). Instead of forward and
back, radial directions are described as moving in
(masuak) to centre, >C, and out (ka lua) to the
periphery, >P.
382 Mahjoeddin
Figure 12.6a Simarantang Tinggi – Dendang and Galombang notation.

Graphic Notation of a galombang sequence matched to its accompanying dendang (Simarantang
Tinggi from Tari Randai Rambun Sati jo Sutan Lembak Tuah, recorded in Batipuh, 1997) and cor-
responding with the floor pattern in Figure 12.4 above. Figurative glyphs are rendered from a
posterior view.
A counter-clockwise walk through line 1 ends with the vocable, “main, toh” cuing performers to
turn inwards, raising the arms then lowering the body to a low crouch (as in Figure 12.5.b above).
The curved symbol below glyph 3 line 2 and elsewhere indicates directional change (eg, left turn
to face >centre). In line 3 alternate dancers peel right to form an inner circle (masuak) facing
those on the rim (ka lua) ready for a tapuak partner drill.
The second of 3 singers takes over at Line 1 Bar 2 and a third at Line 3 Bar 8, after a single yelp and
clap punctuates the refrain line of the strophe in which a melodic and lyric reiteration is accom-
panied by a swaying stillness.
Figure 12.6b Simarantang Tinggi notation continued – Tapuak motif.

In the tapuak partner drill that follows, “Hess,” “Hep” and “Ta” are vocables yelped by the lead
dancer (tukang gore or cue master). Dancers on the inner ring strike as outer dancers deflect.
There are 3 coordinated strikes (indicated by ‘1,’ ‘2,’ and ‘3’) followed by a two-handed contact
with the opponents forward kicking leg, performed in quick alternation between players (‘Tpk’);
‘'Clap’ and ‘Dum’ indicate respectively, a striking of both palms, and a striking of the galembong
fabric as the leg is raised, here executed while travelling round the circle before the next walk.
384 Pauka
Chapter 13
Adaptation of Silek and Randai for Performer

Training in the USA: A Case Study of the Asian
Theater Program at the University of Hawai’i at
Mānoa
Kirstin Pauka
In the last two decades cross-cultural exchanges between Asian and US theatre
artists, multicultural productions, and workshops have become commonplace
in the US and abroad. Along with this proliferation, questions about cross-cul-
tural learning, about cross-cultural understandings and misunderstandings
are continuously being raised and refined. How can one shape and guide the
complex process of learning a foreign theatre genre? How do we translate lan-
guage, customs, cultural values, musical conventions, martial arts philosophies,
and theatrical expression so that the process is mutually beneficial for partici-
pants and audiences, and also creates performances with high production
standards? The Asian Theatre Program at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa
(UHM) has a long history of hosting distinguished Asian performing artists for
lengthy residencies during which theatre, dance, and music students learn a
specific Asian dance-drama genre in intensive 6–12 month training pro-
grammes. In the years 2001 and 2005 the chosen genre was Indonesian randai
theatre, which was taught by master teachers from West Sumatra to students
in the Department of Theatre and Dance.1 Another such programme was com-
pleted in 2012. I will provide a brief background on randai, silek, and the Asian
Theatre Program at UHM, and outline the teaching process.
Background: Randai and silek in West Sumatra
Randai2 is the traditional folk dance-drama of the Minangkabau people of

West Sumatra, Indonesia, based on well-known local folk tales and epics, local
1 In this chapter foreign words are given in Baso Minang (= BMin) unless otherwise stated.
2 See Kartomi (1981), Nor (1992), and Pauka (1998) for detailed background information on
randai.

Silek and Randai for Performer Training in the USA 385
musical traditions, and martial arts. Randai in its current form emerged in the
early 20th century, evolving out of three pre-existing local performance tradi-
tions: storytelling (bakaba), folk singing (dendang), and indigenous martial
arts (silek). One particular feature of silek training, the circle, is of particular
importance and became the structural foundation of randai. Many local silek
schools employ a circular formation called dampeang3 in their training pro-
cess. The teacher in such a circular silek training session demonstrates silek
steps and moves as part of the circle while students observe and copy his
movements directly or indirectly, depending on where in the circle they are
positioned in relationship to the teacher. Often they will follow other students
who have a direct line of vision to the teacher, or, on a higher level of skill, they
will intuitively move “with the circle” as a whole. Developing this ability to
sustain a ‘wide focus’ in the circle is an intentional and important aspect of the
training. It furthers competence in detailed observation, correct imitation, and
quick anticipation. Practitioners are training their ability to see ‘out of the cor-
ners of their eyes’ and in the long run develop a reliable sixth sense, a vital skill
for any martial artist – and performer. Leading the circular martial dances in
randai performances is a tukang goreh (“master of shouts”) who leads the other
dancers; he/she also uses vocal cues to guide the flow of the synchronised
movements. Besides the circle formation, the basic building blocks of the
movement repertoire of silek have been integrated into randai dances and act-
ing technique, and typically reflect the locally prevalent silek style of the area
in which the randai group is resident. Another, easily visible and prominent
element influenced by silek is the clothing. Traditional silek pants have been
adapted for randai theatre by making them wider and lengthening the loose
fabric between the legs all the way down to the level of the ankles. These pants,
called galembong, can be stretched by kicking up a leg, thus providing a taut
surface. When the performers slap this surface with their hands they produce
a drum-like, booming sound. This unique and exciting type of pants-slapping
is called tapuak galembong (tapuak for short) and constitutes the signature
feature of randai theatre.4 The tapuak is performed along with the silek moves,
which are accompanied by songs. Tapuak also mark transitions between
dances and acted scenes. Dances and scenes alternate, often over many hours
of the night. In the scenes actors speak in rhymed verse, frequently improvised
3 The term dampeang in randai should not be confused with the same term as it appears in the
luambek, another movement art closely related to Minangkabau silek. For the discussion of
the dampeang in luambek, see Pätzold (2008:96–102), and the chapter by Kamal & Mahjoeddin
in the present book.
4 Kartomi (1981), Pauka (1998).
386 Pauka
on the spot. They also move by using basic silek steps and techniques as part of
their acting technique. Originally, randai troupes were all-male, featuring
female impersonators (bujang gadih) in the roles of female characters.
Nowadays most troupes are mixed, and only very few bujang gadih remain.
There are also some all-female troupes, by necessity those in all-girl schools,
where girls also play the male roles. All members of a randai ensemble are
called anak randai, or “children of randai.” Silek is the basis for the movement,
rhythm, and aesthetics in randai theatre. Therefore, basic silek training is man-
datory for all anak randai, male or female.
The Minangkabau culture is characterised by its unique combination of a
specific matrilineal social structure and Islam. Both cultural/religious value
systems are reflected in randai folk tales, which provide moral lessons as estab-
lished by Islamic practice as well as by local adat (customs and traditions).
Historically, when a Minang boy reached puberty, he was expected to leave
home to live in the surau (men’s house) to acquire his education in silek, tradi-
tional adat, and to continue his religious studies. Upon completion, he was
expected to ‘merantau’ – to leave his village and live abroad to learn life lessons
and advance his training before settling into domestic life. The custom of
merantau is still very much alive today, nowadays undertaken by young men
and women, and is featured in many randai plays. Randai training and perfor-
mance are community-centred activities, based symbolically and also quite
literally on the circle formation. The circle symbolises the equal standing of all
ensemble members. The circle is also a reflection of Minang social structure
and governing principles. Many traditional clan (suku) and village council
meetings are conducted in a circular spatial arrangement, for instance, where
every member is given time to express his or her opinion, and solutions are
reached by consensus. This custom has lead to a highly developed art of ora-
tory, which is also featured in randai theatre scenes. The main functions of
randai in the village community are education and entertainment. Spiritual
aspects, such as respect for and careful observation of nature, are central to
silek training, these also carry over into randai training and performance, espe-
cially into the structure of the learning process and into the relationships
between teachers and students.
Silek, specific to the Minangkabau ethnic group in West Sumatra, is a local
variant of Malay and Indonesian silat. Silek has itself twelve recognised major
regional styles or schools, and many other sub-styles and local variations
(Cordes, 1992). Common features are shared among these regional styles, such
as the careful observation of nature and animal behaviour that have given rise
to specific techniques and philosophies. Many schools hold specific training
sessions at night and outdoors, often intentionally with little lighting and on
uneven ground, with the goal to further develop not only specific silek skills,
but also to sharpen the practitioners’ intuition and sixth sense. All randai per-
formers must be proficient in silek. Many elements of randai are a direct
interpretation of silek movement, philosophy, and aesthetics. Besides the basic
silek training for all performers, how is silek actually incorporated into a randai
performance? All the circular galombang dances are based on basic silek steps
and gestures, but they are clearly choreographed and executed in time to the
musical accompaniment of the orchestra and singers,5 thereby becoming
more dance-like and stylised. In addition, pure fighting sequences are fre-
quently included in those dances, typically at the end of a sung verse. These
jurusan sequences consist of set attack-defence moves with punches, kicks,
counter punches and kicks, locks, and escapes, most frequently executed by all
dancers arranged in pairs. Most basic silek manoeuvres find their way into juru-
san at some point in the play. The inherent beauty of silek movements is
enhanced by the synchronised performance of such elaborate sequences in
the circle and the dynamic interlacing with tapuak percussion patterns. Most
plays feature at least one major fighting scene, part of which is generally cho-
reographed, and part of which is a free fighting sequence, depending on the
skill level of the performers. Such an improvised, free-flowing part of a fighting
scene is predictably one of the most riveting moments for the spectators, who
will loudly cheer on their favourite performer. Music on sets of bossed talem-
pong gongs is typically played energetically during such combat scenes, and
adds to the excitement. Silek also features thematically in many randai plays.
One popular example of such a play – and a story we selected for the first UHM
production – features a sub-plot in which the main hero, Umbuik Mudo, goes
off to merantau and to study with a famous silek teacher in a small village in
another district. This plot element naturally gives ample opportunity to fea-
ture actual silek training sessions and silek competitions as part of the play
narrative. It also offers the opportunity for the figure of the silek teacher in the
play to express some of his wisdom and philosophical musings about the
nature of silek and to impart them to his pupil, to all anak randai, and by exten-
sion to the audience. In a broader sense, basic philosophical concepts of silek
are also reflected in the story material of randai. The main hero or heroine will
typically display proper etiquette towards his or her elders, be respectful, well
mannered, refined, humble, yet strong. These are character traits which are
also clearly valued and imparted to students in silek schools. Non-aggression is
a central tenet of silek, and actual fights are considered a last resort to keep
5 On the music details within silek performance practice in West Sumatra see Pätzold
(2000:313–364).
388 Pauka
oneself or others safe from danger. Silek should not be used to show off,
threaten, or attack; it is intended to be purely defensive in nature. This basic
philosophy is also clearly portrayed by central positive figures in randai plays,
whereas negative characters are often shown to abuse and misappropriate
silek skills to intimidate weaker characters, gain undeserved advantages, or rid
themselves in wicked ways of opponents. These negative characters typically
meet their just end by the conclusion of a randai play, often at the hands of a
reluctant opponent who uses silek skills to defend him- or herself. One such
play features Sabai Nan Aluih (“The Genteel Sabai”), in which the heroine con-
fronts the murderer of her father. In the end, she kills him using silek techniques
applied with an heirloom dagger (keris) inherited from her father, but only
after her antagonist attacks her and threatens to assault her body.6 Weapons
believed to possess special powers feature prominently in randai plays, along-
side those who are destined to use them.
Silek and Randai Training in the Asian Theatre Program at the

University of Hawai’i at Mānoa (UHM)
Here I will outline how silek and randai training was conducted during
extended artist-in-residence programmes in the Asian Theatre Program at the
University of Hawai’i. The program is part of the UHM Department of Theatre
& Dance, which is the major centre of Asian theatre study, research, and per-
formance in the West. It features not only formal classes and workshops in
Asian theatre genres, but also an artist-in-residency programme and a full-
scale rehearsal and production schedule. Typically students will enrol in
preparatory classes in the semester before the guest artists arrive, to get a foun-
dation of basic movement and vocal techniques. They are also encouraged to
enrol in classes on the history and cultural background of the specific region
and theatre genre. Once the guest artists arrive, the students enrol in various
specific acting, movement, voice, and martial arts classes with the guest teach-
ers. After auditions and casting, the selected performers also attend daily
individual sessions with the teachers, and are involved in evening rehearsals
that typically stretch over a period of four months with night time rehearsals,
5–7 times a week. This kind of set-up is standard procedure in the Asian
Theatre Program. Such lengthy residencies with the inherent intensive train-
ing are typically necessary to learn at least the basics of a specific Asian theatre
genre, its movement and vocal stylisation, its stage conventions, and
6 Sabai Nan Aluih is the play selected for the UHM randai production in 2012.
aesthetics. Each academic year is focused on a different region of Asia with

which there are established academic and artistic connections: Japan, China,
and Indonesia on a regular basis, and on occasion India, the Philippines, and
Thailand. Depending on the Asian theatre genre of a particular focus year,
each training process culminates in public performances of a specific Asian
play in English, among them Japanese kabuki, kyogen, or noh; Chinese jingju or
kunqu; Sumatran randai, Balinese kecak or wayang listrik, Indian Sanskrit
plays, and others. Many of these productions over the years have included
intricate choreographed fighting scenes based on traditional martial arts from
specific Asian regions. Thus, martial arts training is often an integral part of the
classes and rehearsals during these programmes.
For the six-month duration of each randai programme, two master teachers
from West Sumatra were in residence in the Department of Theatre and Dance
to train students in silek and randai. These guest teachers were Musra
Dahrizal7 and Hasanawi8 in 2000/01, and Ben Saparman9 and Mohammed
Halim10 in 2004/05. The culminating productions were English language per-
7 Musra Dahrizal, a native of Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, is a well-known traditional

Minangkabau artist, an expert in silek, saluang music, and randai theatre. Since 1991 he
has been leading the randai group Palito Nyalo, a successful randai group in West Sumatra
today. The group was recognized as a “Cultural Treasure” of Indonesia in 1992 and fea-
tured in a video project by van Zanten & Barendregt (2000). Currently, Dahrizal is also
leading the group Rambun Sati. Besides actively practising and teaching silek and randai,
he is also a highly sought after performer of saluang flute and dendang singing; he has
recorded many audiocassettes and CDs of saluang music over the past years. He is still
actively practising silek and holds the position of manager of the West Sumatra branch of
IPSI (Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia – the Pencak Silat Association of Indonesia). Dahrizal
is the author of the book “Tigo Curito Randai” (Three Classical Randai scripts) published
in 2007.
8 Like many Indonesians, Hasanawi goes by only one name. Hasanawi, a native of Batu-
sangkar, West Sumatra, is a master performer and teacher of traditional Minangkabau
music, especially saluang, and other types of wind instruments like bansi and sarunai, as
well as gendang drums and the traditional Minangkabau bronze percussion called talem-
pong.
9 Ben Saparman was born in Padang, West Sumatra. He has been the leader and main
trainer of the renowned randai group Pauh Sakti from 1980 to 1986. In 1989 and again in
the mid-1990s he also headed the group Palito Nyalo. With both groups he has won several
festival competitions and national prices. He has also toured to Malaysia and Jakarta with
his ensembles. For the past 15 years he has been a widely recognized master teacher of
Minangkabau silek, especially in the two styles Pauh and Sungai Patai. In addition, he is
an accomplished singer and percussionist in traditional Minang music.
10 Mohammad Halim, born in Lasi Mudo, West Sumatra, is a well-known traditional Minang
musician active today. He is a master artist of traditional Indonesian music, teaching
390 Pauka
formances of the play “Umbuik Mudo and the Magic Flute”11 in February 2001,
and of the play “Luck and Loss: Manandin’s Gamble” in February 2005. Both
plays were based on traditional randai theatre scripts selected and adapted by
Musra Dahrizal. The selection of Sumatran randai for the Asian Theatre
Program in the academic year 2000/01 was a historical first. The training and
production programme of this randai theatre faced many unique challenges. A
randai play had never been done in English in the United States, had rarely
been learned by non-Indonesian students, and almost never been seen by a
mainly Western audience. The guest artists were traditional folk practitioners,
who had never taught in a US university system, and had rarely if ever taught
foreign students.12
The fact that randai is very strongly based in martial arts posed additional
challenges in terms of the high physical demands on the students, and the
underlying spiritual and often mystical teachings13. How would our students
absorb and adapt to this new theatre form? Due to the long tradition with
other Asian theatre training projects in the Asian Theatre Program, many prac-
tical and logistical issues in how to structure the training and rehearsal process
were solved by modelling the process on the training routine from other
genres: offering dedicated classes for silek, acting, dance, voice and instrumen-
tal music, adding individual sessions with teachers for students to work out
individual scenes or songs, and especially dedicated training sessions in silek
for those performers who were cast in roles that featured fighting scenes in the
play. Students who had been in the Asian Theatre Program for a least a year
were already familiar with the basic training routine and adapted quickly to
this new genre. They were also able to function as models for new students in
the department or for students from other disciplines. One of the most com-
mon difficulties students have in this setup is with the teaching style of the
Minang, Melayu and other Indonesian ethnic music forms at the College of Indonesian
Arts (STSI) in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, since 1991. An accomplished musician, he
has performed his works of world music and traditional Minang music throughout Indo-
nesia and internationally, composing and performing with the contemporary world
music group Talago Buni. Halim is a much sought after musician of bagurau, keeping
active the Minang tradition of performing throughout the land for the people during aus-
picious or celebratory times.
11 For a translation of the script see Pauka (2003).
12 For a different type of exploration of randai theatre outside of its place of origin see
Mahjoeddin (2011 and in her chapter within the present book).
13 A differentiation between spiritual and mystical can be drawn along the line of the
dichotomy “obvious – obscure”: As for spiritual teachings are of an obvious character,
mystical teachings hence are of an obscure character related to non-material issues.
guest artists, which typically can be summed up into “observe and imitate,
then repeat.” Very little is offered in the way of explanations or analysis of why
and how certain movements are executed. Once this routine is established
with students, it is expanded to “observe as closely as you can, imitate as exactly
as possible, then repeat more accurately each time.” Over time this helps the
students to sharpen their observations and listening skills and to really inhabit
their bodies while they model their movements and vocal delivery on those
demonstrated by the master teachers. Of course the aim of such training is not
to turn the students into professional performers of the particular genre, this
would clearly be impossible to accomplish in the relatively short period of 6–12
months, when mastery of those genres typically takes many decades of dedi-
cated and intense training. The goal is to gain a detailed and active ‘inside’
understanding of the genre, its performance skills, conventions, and aesthet-
ics; and to reach proficiency in the basic techniques. This learning by doing
fosters a deep appreciation of the type of theatre being studied, and a high
respect for the skill level of the teachers and performers of the particular genre.
It also enhances the students’ abilities as performers in general, by giving them
the opportunity to expand their range of technical movement and vocal skills,
and adding new skills to their craft as actors, dancers, and musicians. On the
next level of training, once basic technical skills are acquired and refined, a
new process starts that is often referred to as “transcending the technique.”
This typically happens after a few months of training, and students will be
guided to make the style their own, to inhabit it, and to improvise within the
given framework of the style. This phase is a critical step necessary to move
past a point where technique is merely performed by rote, and at the same
time one of the most difficult transitions to make, especially after months of
technical drills. From the teachers’ point of view, this part of the training is also
one of the most exciting phases, where they can really watch their students
blossom and gain confidence. In retrospect, the training process of the first
randai project was successful, the students truly embraced the teachers and
their unique teaching style, and many students to this day express fond memo-
ries of having been part of this first randai production at UHM.
The final production was a success with audiences, receiving almost nightly
standing ovations and positive press reviews, some of which labelled the pro-
duction a “cross-cultural milestone.” The positive outcome of this experiment
encouraged me and my colleagues to repeat this training in the next year that
Indonesia became the focus of our programme, in 2004/05. Many aspects were
changed and improved upon, however, based on the steep learning curve with
the first production. Some of the major changes that were implemented
affected the planning and preparation stage. For instance, we needed a much
392 Pauka
longer period (over a year) to work out the script translation, and to collabo-
rate more intensely with translators in West Sumatra. Another improvement to
prepare our students was to provide them early on with more detailed infor-
mation on West Sumatra, Minangkabau history, culture, and religious practices.
They were also encouraged to get into good physical shape before the teachers
arrived, so they could keep up better with the physical demands of classes and
rehearsals, and to avoid injuries and fatigue. As a result, we could allow for
some down time and short recovery phases within the rehearsal process. For
the second programme in 2004/05 we also added several more community out-
reach activities, published more extensive audience guides, and encouraged
the teachers to attend other kinds of cultural performances available in Hawai’i,
all with the goal to broaden and deepen the cultural exchange on many levels.
Coincidentally, several such programmes were outreach projects and fundrais-
ers for the Tsunami relief efforts in December 2004. Although West Sumatra
province had been spared the devastation, the students expressed an overall
strong and heartfelt connection to Sumatra and its people, and the teachers
integrated a local dance from Aceh province into the randai performances to
pay tribute to the Sumatran region most terribly affected by the quake and
tsunami.
Who were the students and participants? The classes and production for
both shows involved on average 35–40 students; they were undergraduate and
graduate students in many degree concentrations: Acting, Directing, Asian
Performance, Design, Youth Theatre, and Dance. Some came from other
departments such as Art and Art History, Languages and Literature,
Anthropology, Asian Studies, and Music. We also had a few faculty members
from related disciplines participate in the productions. Providing the specific
intensive training environment to students at the university is in its essence
bringing the “field” to the campus. Students live and learn in close proximity to
the guest teachers and interact for several hours each day. Students are not
only challenged to learn technical and artistic skills of a foreign culture, they
are exposed to different styles of learning, and experience first hand how cul-
tural expressions are specifically shaped. In the case of Indonesian arts such as
silek and randai, students are also coming into close contact with Islamic val-
ues and philosophies as expressed in the art form itself as well as in the
interaction with the Indonesian teachers (Barendregt, 1995). It is an intense
cultural exchange that awards students with a valuable and lasting learning
experience. They also absorb many ideas informally, and several students were
inspired to travel to Sumatra after the projects were over to learn more about
the culture, study silek or music, and visit the teachers with whom they had
developed close friendships. Overall, this amiable – and in some cases spiritual
– connection that was established between the teachers and students was, in
my opinion, one of the main reasons for the success of both production cycles.
The thorough grounding in the practice and spiritual teachings of silek offered
the students a vital and direct link to the essence of randai. For instance,
cleansing ceremonies that were done for the cast members by the lead silek
master, Musra Dahrizal, were crucial points in the development of the group
into true anak randai (children of randai). With this, the Circle of the newly
shaped randai community became a lived reality for the students. The connec-
tion between teachers and students became those of master and apprentice in
the full sense of the word. All cast members (actors, dancers, and musicians)
participated in basic galombang circular dance14 training to strengthen the
ensemble feeling of the cast. Basic silek steps and attack-defence sequences
(called jurusan) were taught to the dancers and actors in preparation for the
movements and fighting sequences of the dance sequences central in randai
performances. Additional, more advanced training sessions were held for
those actors who performed longer fighting scenes within the acted scenes.
Although different cast members reached different levels of skill and expertise
in silek techniques, depending on their function in the production, all became
anak randai. This created the strongest ensemble cohesion I have experienced
in any theatre training context to date. Towards the end of the training period,
the circle truly became bigger and more powerful than its parts, carrying the
individual students, and me, with it on a memorable journey.
References
Barendregt, Bart A.. 1995. Written by the hand of Allah: Pencak silat of Minangkabau,
West-Sumatra. In: OIDEION: The Performing Arts World-Wide, Vol. II, special issue
Ethnomusicology in the Netherlands; present situation and traces of the past. pp. 113–
130; van Zanten, Wim & van Roon, Marjolijn (eds.). Research School CNWS, CNWS-
Publications Vol. 35; Leiden.
kulturelles Umfeld. Ph.D. dissertation. Universität zu Köln 1990. Afra-Verlag, Frankfurt
/ Main.
Dahrizal, Musro Katik Jo Mangkuto. 2007. Tigo Cerito Randai: Umbuik Mudo, Magek
Manandin, dan Santan Batapih. Penerbit Dewan Kesenian Sumatra Barat.
Kartomi, Margaret J.. 1981. Randai theatre in West Sumatra: components, music, origins,
and recent change. Review of Indonesian and Malayan Affairs, 15, 1; pp. 1–44.
14 On tari galombang see also the chapter by Mahjoeddin in the present book.
394 Pauka
Mahjoeddin, Indija N.. 2011. Randai as a contemporary dramaturgy: Obstacles and in-
sights from an intercultural transposition. Thesis for Master of Creative Arts. School
of Drama & Music, Faculty of Arts, University of Newcastle.
Mohd Anis Md. Nor. 1986. Randai dance of Minangkabau, Sumatra, with labanotation
scores. Kuala Lumpur: Department of Publications, University of Malaysia.
Pätzold, Uwe Umberto. 2000. Blüte, Frucht und Kern. Bewegungsformen und Musikstile
im Bereich des Pencak Silat in West-Java und West-Sumatra. Ph.D. thesis Universität
zu Köln 1998. EthnomusiCologne, Bd. 2. Rüdiger Schumacher (ed.). Bonn: Holos-
Verlag.
———. 2008. When the “Dampeang” is over, the “Luambek” is over – Sound as a
Determinant of Structure within a Competition of Inner Power based on Movement
in West Sumatra. In: Proceedings of the “XXIII Symposium of the ICTM Study Group for
Ethnochoreology,” Monghidoro (Italy), 13th July 2004:96–102. Zagreb, Croatia: Institute
of Ethnology and Folklore Research / International Council for Traditional Music
(ICTM).
Pauka, Kirstin. 1998. Theater and Martial Arts in West Sumatra Randai and Silek of the
Minangkabau. Monographs in International Studies. Southeast Asia Series, No. 103.
Ohio University Center for International Studies. Ohio University Press, Athens, Ohio.
———. 2003 Umbuik Mudo and The Magic Flute: A Traditional Minangkabau Randai
Play in Translation (with introduction and annotation). Asian Theatre Journal (Fall),
1–113.
Zanten, Wim van & Bart Barendregt. 2000. Told in heaven to become stories on earth.
A study of change in Randai theatre of the Minangkabau in West Sumatra using
visual documentation from the 1930s. Institute of Cultural and Social Studies, Leiden,
the Netherlands.
Figure 13.1 Fighting scene in the performance of the randai play “Magek Manandin” at the
University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2005. Collaborative production with guest teachers
Ben Saparman and Mohammad Halim from West Sumatra.
Figure 13.2 Tapuak (pants slapping) performed by the randai cast of the play “Umbuik Mudo,”
a production at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2001. Collaborative production
with guest teachers Musra Dahrizal and Pak Hasanawi from West Sumatra.
396 Pauka
Figure 13.3 Outdoor rehearsal for the randai play “Magek Manandin” at the University of
Hawai’i at Mānoa, with guest teachers Ben Saparman and Mohamad Halim from
West Sumatra, 2005.
Figure 13.4 Galombang (circular dance) performed by the cast of the randai play “Umbuik
Mudo,” a production at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa, 2001. Collaborative
production with guest teachers Musra Dahrizal and Pak Hasanawi from West
Sumatra.
Paetzold and Mason
Glossary 397
Glossary
This glossary contains an overview of conceptional terms, names of music

ensembles and genres, and Southeast Asian performance arts and practices
quoted in the present book as being related to, or connected with, the move-
ment art pencak silat in some aspect:
Entry Region of Explanation

occurrence
adu domba Indonesia Performance genre: Traditional ram fights of

(West Java): the Parahyangan area supported by pencak
silat performers and =>kendang pencak music
aliran Indonesia / Malaysia: Here: Style or erudite direction of pencak silat
aspek beladiri Indonesia / Malaysia One of the =>four aspects of the IPSI /
/ international: PERSILAT concept of pencak silat: self-
defence aspect
aspek seni (budaya) Indonesia / Malaysia One of the =>four aspects of the IPSI /
/ international: PERSILAT concept of pencak silat: arts’ aspect
aspek olah raga Indonesia / Malaysia One of the =>four aspects of the IPSI /
/ international: PERSILAT concept of pencak silat: sports’
aspect
aspek mental spiritual Indonesia / Malaysia One of the =>four aspects of the IPSI /
/ international: PERSILAT concept of pencak silat: mental and
spiritual aspect
bajidoran Indonesia Performance genre: a modernised version of
(West Java): =>ketuk tilu popular in Subang and Karawang
areas
baleganjur Indonesia (Bali): A processional, percussive, rhythm-focused
genre of =>gamelan associated with heroism
and masculinity
bras-bas (Western) Ballet: open, centred stance representing neutrality
Brunei silat ensemble Malaysia / Brunei: The ensemble for silat accompaniment
(Brunei version of consists of one set of gulintangan (chime of
gendang silat) bossed gongs), two tawak-tawak (gong), a
canang satu (gong), a gendang (drum) or
kompang (drum), a marwas (short cylindrical
drum), two dua bandingan (knobbed gong)
cador Indonesia Burlesque form of penca(k silat)-based folk
(West Java): theatre


occurrence
choreutic (Western) Ballet: term created by choreographer Rudolf Laban

(1966) for a system of conceptualising the
spatial forms created by body movements
and positions
corps-de-ballet (Western) Ballet: A movement chorus comprising most of the
on-stage performers
dabuih Indonesia; with Devotional performance genre probably
slightly differing migrated from Muslim India to diverse
names (here: West locations in Southeast Asia, i.e. to West
Sumatra): Sumatra
Daik-Lingga silat Indonesia (Riau- The ensemble for silat accompaniment
ensemble (no Lingga): consists of cylindrical drums gendang ibu (lit.:
indigenous ensemble “mother drum”), and gendang anak (lit.:
name given) “child drum”), a tetawak (hanging gong), and
a sruné (quadruple reed instrument) and, as
an optional addition, a frame drum gendang
bebano
dampeang Indonesia Vocal art form forming a mandatory and
(West Sumatra): constituting part of a =>luambek perfor-
mance
dangdut Indonesia / Malaysia: Genre of popular music
dendang Indonesia Vocal music genre
(West Sumatra):
ditahu garak yo garik, Indonesia (lit.) “To know how to counter each move-
ditahu angin nan (West Sumatra): ment with appropriate response, to know the
bakisah changing character of the wind”: This is the
ultimate action philosophy of traditional
Minangkabau =>silek. The literal translation
of “to know how to” can be interpreted here
as “experienced to.“
When applied well, such embodied knowl-
edge will lead to the indigenously appreciated
=>main-main kuciang way of performance
dunia silat Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “world of silat“
dwifungsi Indonesia: The (lit.) “Double function (of the Armed
Forces)” under President Suharto was
intended to foster the relationships between
military and police powers on the one hand,
and cultural potentials considered suitable to
promote a patriotic and national spirit of the
youth, i.e. self-defence arts, on the other
Glossary 399

occurrence
en dedans (Western) Ballet: Term referring to body movement that

propels outward
en dehors (Western) Ballet: Term referring to body movement that
propels inward
four aspects of pencak - In the modern concept of pencak silat these
silat four aspects are expressed as (BI) aspek
mental spiritual (mental-spiritual aspect),
aspek beladiri (aspect of self-defence), aspek
seni (arts aspect), and aspek olahraga (sports
aspect). Hence, in traditional concepts
usually only three aspects are expressed,
these are biji / isi (kernel / core), buah (fruit),
and bunga / kembang (flower / blossom)
four compass cardinal (multiple, Choreographic floor design closely related to
directions Southeast Asia) the =>”four siblings” concept to be observed
in several traditional pencak / silat perfor-
mance contexts (i.e. =>pancer opat (West
Java), =>langkah ampek / limo (West
Sumatra), =>taek roi see (Southern Thailand)
four siblings (multiple, Southeast Ancient spiritual concept named i.e. dulur
Asia) opat kalima pancer (in West Java), kanda
empat (in Bali)
gamelan Indonesia / Malaysia: Generic term for multiple instrument
ensembles mainly comprising percussion
instruments, including metallophones (gongs,
gong chimes, keyed instruments), xylo-
phones, and drums. Mainly solistic reed, and
string instruments are present, too, as are
solistic and choral vocal elements
gayong / gayung / Malaysia / Thailand / Generic term for special silat movement
gayuang Indonesia techniques, often conceptualised to work
(West Sumatra): from afar
gendang patingtung Indonesia Traditional music ensemble of the Banten
(West Java): area used to accompany pencak silat
gendang silat Malaysia: Music ensemble type consisting of two sets of
double skinned, double conical gendang
drums (anak and ibu), a quadruple reed
instrument =>serunai, and a single gong
gender wayang Indonesia (Bali): Traditional music ensemble to accompany
=>wayang kulit
genjringan Indonesia A type of traditional frame drum ensemble
(West Java): used within Muslim village processions

occurrence
guru Indonesia / Malaysia: Teacher (here: of pencak silat)

harimau Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “Tiger”: One of the names of this species,
synonymous with macan, and sancang
(kuning), as well as metaphorically with
(BMin) inyiek (BI: nenek, lit: “grandfather”)
Hikayat Hang Tuah Indonesia / Malaysia: The story of the exploits of the legendary
Hang Tuah and his four comrades who
defended the Sultan of Melaka (from c.1500)
has been told in many versions across the
generations
ibing Indonesia Learned performance mode of traditional
(West Java): folk dances, i.e. ibing tepak salancar Cimande
(= the learned way to do the Cimande dance
accompanied by tepak salancar)
indo-rock Indonesia / Genre of popular music of the 1950–60s that
Netherlands: became accepted (i.e.) amongst the younger
generation of Dutch Indonesian repatriates in
the Netherlands after Indonesian Indepen-
dence. Up to day it forms a part of the Dutch
‘pencak silat-icking’1 culture
irama Indonesia / Malaysia: Rhythm or structuring contour of a song
jaipongan Indonesia Performance genre: Today primarily a staged
(West Java): presentation dance, performed at life cycle
rituals and government-sponsored events to
the normative accompaniment of a gamelan
salendro ensemble. A men’s social dance from
behalf of audience participation, the dance’s
main feature being the action and presence
of one or more dancers (usually female but
sometimes male as well) commanding the
stage. Historically, this dance is primarily
rooted in the Sundanese performance
practice of the female singer/dancer known
as =>ronggeng
jantan dan batino Indonesia (lit.) “male and female”: Action concept
(West Sumatra): applied in several traditional silat styles, and
=>permainan rooted herein
jawara / jewara Indonesia Type of ‘strong man’ characteristic of the
(West Java): Banten area, often prolific practitioners of
pencak silat
jurus Indonesia / Malaysia: Generic term for pre-patterned sequences of
pencak silat action techniques
1 This term alludes to Christopher Small’s (1998) “musicking.”

Glossary 401

occurrence
kaba Indonesia Genre of traditional storytelling in which

(West Sumatra): certain characters from the =>dunia silat
often play important roles in
kebudayaan pencak Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “pencak silat culture“
silat
kacapi-suling Indonesia Traditional music genre consisting of a zither
(West Java): kacapi and a reed flute suling
Kejuaraan nasional Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “National Championship” (here: of
(Acronym: Kejurnas) pencak silat)
kendang pencak / Indonesia Music ensemble type consisting of two sets of
gendang penca (West Java): double skinned, double conical kendang
drums (anak and indung) plus a set of two
small drums kulanter each, a multiple reed
instrument =>tarompet / terompet, and a
single goong penca (or: bende). Whilst the
writing with initial letter “g” dominantly
occurs in the Jakarta-Bogor-Depok-
Tangerang-Bekasi region (JaBoDeTaBek)
– which largely coincides with the “Betawi”
region of the colonial era –, the writing with
initial letter “k” will be mainly met in the
intra-mountainous Parahyangan region. In
both regions, at least since the 1930s, this
ensemble type was and – except within IPSI /
PERSILAT competitions – remains the main
musical ‘work horse’ for penca(k silat)
accompaniment
keroncong / krontjong Malaysia / Indonesia Genre of popular music, probably Portu-
/ Netherlands: guese-Malay rooted. Besides alongside the
cultures of the Malacca Straits territories
(Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore), this genre
became as well accepted amongst Dutch
Indonesian repatriates in the Netherlands
after Indonesian Independence. Up till today
it forms a part i.e. of the Dutch ‘pencak
silat-icking’ culture
ketuk tilu Indonesia A village performance genre and music
(West Java): ensemble type to accompany the singing and
dancing of a =>ronggeng, consisting of a
hanging gong, rebab or bowed lute, small iron
plates known as kecrek, variable-pitch
kendang drums, and three ketuk or small
kettle gongs

occurrence
kuncian (mati) Indonesia / Malaysia: pencak silat action concept terminology:

(death) lock-hold position
lagu rakyat Indonesia / Malaysia: The repertoire of the (lit.) “folk songs” is one
of the sources music ensembles accompany-
ing pencak silat performances make use of
langkah Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “steps”, or “leg movements”
langkah ampek / limo Indonesia (lit.) “four steps” / “five steps”; two similar
(West Sumatra): introductory movement forms of traditional
silek. Whilst both forms make use of the
=>four compass cardinal directions floor
design, only the latter one is preceded by the
tagak alif (lit: to stand as straight as the Arab
letter alif) stance
lempar Indonesia / Malaysia: pencak silat action concept terminology:
throw off position
luambek / ulu’ambek Indonesia Indigenously interpreted as (BMin) “lalu dan
(coastal West ambek” (BI: lalu dan hambat, (lit.) “to pass
Sumatra): and parry/block”), this “play” (BMin:
pamainan) is a traditional performance
modality of the silat art of self-defence of
Minangkabau people around Pariaman. It is
mandatorily coupled with =>dampeang vocal
art
maenpo / maén po Indonesia (lit.) “to play / act like being driven”,
(West Java): alternative traditional regional term for the
art of penca
main-main kuciang Indonesia The traditional action concept of (lit.) “to
(West Sumatra): play like the cats” is characterised by the
maxim to permanently keep the flow of
pre-patterend attack-defence action
(=>”ditahu garak yo gerik, ditahu angin nan
bakisah”) without terminating it by =>kun-
cian mati (lit.: “death locks”). With this
extemporative character, it is largely opposed
to the concept of fixed =>jurus
main puteri Malaysia / Southern Traditional ritual healing performance genre
Thailand
ma-yong / makyong / Malaysia / Southern Traditional dramatic ritual art, today
makyung Thailand performed as folk entertainment in which
women take a leading role
Glossary 403

occurrence
murid Indonesia / Malaysia: Student (here: of pencak silat). Further

equivalent terms to be met are i.e. anak
sasian, or anak mudo (BMin)
Paatjes Indonesia / Dutch Pasar Malay: “Venerable little fathers.”
Netherlands: Honorary title applied to the early generation
of pentja and/or silat teachers in the
Netherlands
Pa Macan Indonesia (lit.) “Sir Tiger”: Name of a pre-patterend
(West Java): penca(k) silat movement form (jurus)
Pa Monyet Indonesia (lit.) “Sir Monkey”: Name of a pre-patterend
(West Java): penca(k) silat movement form (jurus)
Pancasila Indonesia: The five principles that form the ideological
basis for Indonesia’s constitution
pancer delapan Indonesia Floor design of movements that can be
(West Java): translated as “centre (within) eight” (= full
wind rose)
pancer opat Indonesia Floor design of movements that can be
(West Java): translated as “centre (within) four” (=>four
compass cardinal directions)
pantun Indonesia / Malaysia: A Malay poetic quatrain with an a b a b
rhyme scheme; the first couplet usually has
an indirect meaning while the second
expresses its performer’s real intent
Pasunanda-System Indonesia This acronym was build from the names
(West Java): Pandi-Suaman-Nandang at the STSI Bandung.
It denotes at didactic system for learning the
kendang drum
pelog Indonesia Traditional basic modal scale of seven tones
(Java): in total, performed in pentatonic tuning
models
pendekar / pandeka Malaysia, Indonesia / Honorary title for a master exponent of
Minangkabau: pencak silat movement art
perguruan Indonesia / Malaysia: The corporation where an art (i.e. pencak
silat) is taught
permainan / pamenan Indonesia (West Here: A prearranged display of an art of a
Sumatra) / Malaysia: dramatic character
pesilat Indonesia / Malaysia: A person trained in practising pencak silat
pola dasar Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “basic form”; here: of a choreography
pop Sunda Indonesia Genre of popular music
(West Java):

occurrence
potong ayam Indonesia / Malaysia: The “slaughtering of a cock” is the rite de

passage ceremony after requesting to become
the student of a particular school
qasidah Indonesia / Malaysia: Genre of Islamic popular music
ramai / rame Indonesia / Malaysia: A (lit.) “lively” or “cheerfully vigorous”
atmosphere during social events (i.e.
performances) is something highly appreci-
ated in the regions named
rampak kendang Indonesia music ensemble type developed during the
(West Java): 1980s consisting of multiple and diverse
percussion instruments (kendang, kulanter),
played by multiple drummers
randai Indonesia (West Genre of dance theatre
Sumatra):
rantau Indonesia exterior (lit.) “place / area of migration” of the
(West Sumatra): Minangkabau people, opposed to the
(interior) core / heart land Luhak Nan Tigo
rebana / terbangan Indonesia / Malaysia: Traditional music ensemble of frame drums
of different size used in Muslim contexts
ronggeng Indonesia / Malaysia: The traditional concept of the ‘singer/dance
maid’ used to denote female performers
rodat / rudat Indonesia / Malaysia: Performance genre: In Muslim cultures used
to display i.e. pencak silat derivated move-
ment arts accompanied by frame drum
ensembles
sembah Indonesia / Malaysia: bowing movement practised to show
devotion or veneration
slendro / salendro Indonesia Traditional basic modal scale of five tones,
(Java): performed in up to three pentatonic tuning
models
seni bersilat lidah Indonesia / Malaysia: (lit.) “art of verbal silat contest“
taek roi see Southern Thailand: Choreographic floor design closely related to
the =>”four siblings” concept
talak Cimande Indonesia The ethic code of the “Cimande Oath”
(West Java): comprises fourteen imperative maxims of
good, Islam-tinged, human life conduct
tangkisan Indonesia / Malaysia: pencak silat action concept terminology:
warding off position
tari gelombang / Indonesia Dance genre: “wave dance”
galombang (West Sumatra):
Glossary 405

occurrence
tari piring / piriang Indonesia Dance genre: “plate dance”

(West Sumatra):
tarompet / terompet Indonesia Wooden multiple reed aerophone used in
(West Java): small to medium size outdoor ensembles
tayuban Indonesia Performance genre: Formerly an aristocratic
(West Java): men’s dance, today a form of men’s improvi-
sational dance
tembang Sunda Indonesia Traditional vocal music genre
(West Java):
tenaga dalam Indonesia / Malaysia: The (lit.) “inner power” denotes the physical
and spiritual strength of a person
tepak / tapuak Indonesia Fixed rhythmic form pattern usually
(West Java / West performed on percussive instruments
Sumatra):
Thai silat ensemble Southern Thailand: The traditional ensemble for silat accompani-
(no indigenous ment consists of two types of double reed
ensemble name aerophones, either the long oboe or pee/pi
given) hor, or the sunai / suna / sunwa, a single gong,
and two drums glong thon mae, or gendang
ibu (both lit.: ‘mother drum’) and glong thon
luuk, or gendang anak (both lit: ‘child drum’)
topeng Indonesia (lit.) “Mask”: Generic term preceding names
(West Java): of traditional theatrical arts by masked
dancers
wai kru Southern Thailand: Ceremony of venerating teachers
wayang golek Indonesia Traditional theatrical art of creating
(West Java): imaginative stories by using three-dimen-
sional wooden puppets
wayang kulit Indonesia (Bali): Traditional theatrical art of creating
imaginative stories by using leather puppets
References
Laban, Rudolf. 1966. Choreutics. London: MacDonald & Evans.

406 Paetzold and Mason Paetzold And Mason
Index of Names*
Abah Aleh 26, 246 Dede Sutardi 84, 86

Abdul Gani 296, 297, 301, 302 Dedi S. 84
Ace Sutisna 23, 84 Dedy S. Hadianda 323
Adil 53, 55 Deutsches Tanzarchiv 101
Adipati Wiranatakusumah IV 246 Dian Nur Dini 29, 237
Adityavarman 205 Dinas Kesenian 115
Agah Nugraha 336, 354
Ahmad Dhani 18, 259 Eddie M. Nalapraya 57, 60, 61, 62, 64, 108
Albert Speer 240 Eddy Djajang Djayaatmadja 57
Alexander Bernardis 109 Emuh Sukeja ix, 28
Alexander Stegbauer 109 Endang “Si Guyur” Suryaddin 80, 84, 107
Anak Agung Ayu Mas Manik Dewi 294 Euis Komariah 339
Archives Internationales de la Danse 13
Arliani 323 FORKI (Indonesian Federation of Karate) 49
Asep Gurwawan 108 FP2STI = Forum Pelestari Pencak Silat
Asian Theatre Program at the University of Tradisional Indonesia (Indonesian
Hawai’i at Mānoa 384, 388 Forum for the Guardians of Traditional
A.S. Masriatmadja (= Pak Masri) 23, 249 Pencak Silat ) 111
Ayunda Nunnun Sugiharti Koesoemah 107 Freddie Mercury 259
Ben Saparman 389, 395, 396 Gajah Mada 292

B.J. Habibie 59, 347 Gan Didi 247
Bueraheng Laegnaenae 133 Gandina Kusumah 107
Bundaisara 135 GANEFO 101, 103
Gumbira 336, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 346,
Candra Puspita 323 348
Che Abdul Rahman bin Awang The 174 Gumbira Gugum Gumbira Tirasonjaya 336,
Cloudgate Dance Theatre of Taiwan 367 339
Gusmiati Suid 12, 279
Dalem Bintang 246
Dalem Ketut Ngulesir 292, 293 Haji Uho Holidin 246, 254
Damit bin Saat 175 Hang Jebat 185, 186, 187, 188, 197, 198, 200,
Dance Museum of the Royal Opera 13 201
Darman Santikahidayat 81, 253 Hang Kasturi 185
* This Index of names provides the reader with a quick access facility to the names and acro-
nyms of prominent organisations and personnel discussed within the chapters of the present
volume. This list of personnel includes performers, ensembles, teachers, schools, mentors and
administrators of the arts discussed, as well as prominent social and political figures that have
found a place within the “world of silat.”
The names of organisations are ordered as follows: Acronym (if given) [followed by] Full name
of organisation in the particular local or national language [followed by] Translation of the
particular organisation’s full name into English (if necessary).

Index of Names 407
Hang Lekir 185 JAD 48

Hang Lekiu 185 Jiu Jitsu dan Judo Association Djakarta 48
Hang Tuah 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 197, JCI = Jiu Jitsu Club Indonesia (Indonesian Jiu
198, 200, 201 Jitsu Club) 48
Hans Evert 13
Hasanawi 389, 395, 396 Kendang Pencak Si Guyur Grup 80
Hassan bin Mat 168, 170, 172 Ki Hadjar Dewantara 52
Heinrich Himmler 259 Ki Joyo 50
Herman Suwanda 28, 105, 319 KNIL = Koninklijk Nederlandsch-Indisch Leger
Hiltrud Theresia Cordes 28 (Royal Netherlands East Indies Army)
Hitler 242, 243 35
KONI 102
Ibrahim 78 KOPASSUS = Komando Pasukkan Khusus
Ibu Enny 26, 27, 29 Tentara Nasional Indonesia (Indone-
Ibu Raja Ketiga 197, 202 sian Special Forces) 18, 58
Ida Dalem Kresna Kepakisan 292 Kordey Salamae 132, 133
Idjah Hadidjah 335 KOSTRAD = Komando Candangan Strategis
I Gusti Ngurah Panji 294 TNI Angkatan Darat (Strategic Reserve
IJJI = Institut Jiu Jitsu Indonesia (Indonesian Commando of the Indonesian Forces)
Jiu Jitsu Institute) 48 18
IKIP 66 Kudun 279
Institut Jiu Jitsu Indonesia 48 Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan 46
Institut Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan
Olahraga 66 Laegnaenae 133, 136, 156
Inyiak Aguang 224 Liem Yoe Kiong 47
Inyiak Upiak Palatiang 28 Lili Suparli 323
IPSI = Ikatan Pencak (old spelling: Pentjak) Lin Hwai-min 367
Silat Indonesia (Indonesian Pencak Louw Djeng 47
Silat Federation) 7, 10, 17, 18, 19, 21, 25,
28, 34, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, Maiyar St. Pamato 279
60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 76, 79, Mami Tatami 84
93, 94, 95, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106, 110, Martin Skokan 109
111, 112, 113, 116, 117, 118, 179, 198, 243, 319, Miles Davis Band 86
338, 389 Mira Tejaningrum 354
1. Apel Besar IPSI Jabar 338 Mochammad (= Moch.) Saleh ix, 29, 107
Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia 7, 21, 51, 76, Mohamed Djoemali 52
94, 198, 319, 338, 389. See IPSI Mohammad Daut bin Awangah 168
Ikatan Pentjak Silat Indonesia 51. See IPSI Mohammad Hatta 52, 69
Kidung IPSI 338 Mohammed Halim 389
rapat kerja teknis Pengda IPSI 104 Muhammadiyah 46, 307
IPSSI 51 Museum Cahaya Daik Lingga 194
Ikatan Pentjak Silat Seluruh Indonesia 51 Musra Dahrizal 389, 393, 395, 396
Irfan Kurniawan 280
Irwansyah 279 Nani R. Sukeja x, 28, 29, 79
ISI Padang Panjang 279 National Centre of Pencak Silat 57, 60
Iwan Setiawan 84, 86 National Federation of Pencak Silat 51. See
also IPSI
Jabatan Muzium dan Antikuiti 173 Nengah Abdullah 299
Niseng Salaeh 131, 143, 146, 155 Raden Sastraningrat 294

Nisoh Nilaw 130, 133 Raja Malik 202
Nunung Hudayat ix Rambun Sati 370, 380, 382, 389
Nurub Huda binti Ibrahim 174 Ramli Sutan Mudo 108
Nyi Pohaci 318, 329 Ratu Atut Chosiah 56
Renggo Tai 51
Ojo Suharto 84 Rita Suwanda 28
Oseng 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 107 Rolf de Maré 13
Rudolf Laban 243, 373
Padepokan Nasional 7, 58, 59, 104
Padepokan Seni 112 Saini K.M. ix
Palito Nyalo 389 Salaeh 145, 155, 157
Pauh Sakti 389 Salam Mulyadi 327
Pekan Olahraga Nasional 7, 53, 102. See also Samsuri bin Abibasah 202
PON Sanggar Seni Bangsawan Mekar Mawar
Pemuda Pancasila 240 Malam 198
Persib = Persekutuan Silat Kabangsaan Brunei Sari Bunuan Macan Andaleh 208
Darussalam (The National Silat Sayati Yasman 143, 158
Federation of Brunei Darussalam) 76 school
Persilat (International Pencak Silat Federa- Areh Kubaesueluh 158
tion) 58, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67 Baerong Pagh 158
International Pencak Silat Federation 76, Dawloh Bukepueroh 158
103, 228, 259 Gajah Badodorong 211
member countries of 62 Haji Awae Buesu 158
Persisi = Persekutuan Silat Singapore (Silat Hikmah 113
Federation of Singapore) 61, 76 Jehkoh Moonoh 158
Pesaka = Persekutuan Silat Kebangsaan Jehkoh Suetae 158
(The National Silat Federation of Jehsoh Duku 158
Malaysia) 21, 61, 76 Jeh-uma Kabus 158
Phigoonthong silat 143, 146 Jenggot Merah 211
Plato 31, 93 Jugala 336, 339, 341, 343, 347, 349
PON = Pekan Olahraga Nasional (National Kader Yueroh 158
Sports Week) 7, 53, 55, 57, 58, 65, 102 Kateda 49
National Sports Week 7, 53, 55, 57, 58, 65 KPS Nusantara 55, 65
Pekan Olahraga Nasional 7, 53, 102 Mande Muda 17, 28, 105
PPPSBBI = Persatuan Pendekar Persilatan Seni Ma Sino Juerangbatu 158
Budaya Banten Indonesia (Indonesian Mayeng Saniya 158
pendekar association of the Banten Merpati Putih 48, 65, 113
silat culture) 56 Nakohutae 158
PPSI = Persatuan Pencak Silat Indonesia Niseng Yamu 158
(Pencak Silat Union of Indonesia) 53, Pajou Kuelae Maikaen 158
55, 112, 238, 244 Pajugaring Kubaeharung Ghuelae 158
Prabowo Subianto 18, 58, 59, 60, 62, 111, 259 Pamagersari Panglipur 83
PSUD = Pencak Silat Union Deutschland Panglipur 23, 26, 27, 107, 246
(Pencak Silat Federation of Germany) Perisai Diri 55
29 Perisai Putih 55
Puri Badung 294 Perpi Harimurti 50, 55
Puri Pemecutan 294, 305, 308 Persaudaraan Setia Hati Teratai 55
Index of Names 409
PGB Bangau Putih 20 Paku Alam VIII 52

Phasadja Mataram 55 Riau-Lingga-Johor and Pahang 183, 185,
Poh Loh Tuemayu 158 197, 200
Popsi Bayu Manunggal 50 Sulaiman Badrul Alamsyah II 197
Pusaka Cimande 84 Susandra Jaya 280
Pusako Minang 28, 108 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 18
Putra Betawi 55
Riksa Diri 28, 29 Talago Buni 390
Sabuk Putih 113 Taman
Satria Muda Indonesia (= SMI) 15, 241, Ismail Marzuki 279
242 Mini Indonesia Indah 58, 59, 242
Sayati Yasman 143, 158 Siswa 45, 52
Setia Hati 55, 113 Tangtungan projek 112
SMI 240, 241, 242 Tati Saleh 338
Suwanda Academy 17, 28, 105 The New York Public Library for the
Tapak Suci 46, 55 Performing Arts 13
Useng 158 Titih Hayati 28
Ya-anohkli 158 Tjokropranolo 54, 55, 57, 60
Yusoh 158, 168, 170, 172, 174 Tosin Muchtar 323, 328
SEA Games 53, 58, 62 TPI Fighting 113
Sekolah Tinggi Olahraga (= STO) 49 Tuan Luebeh 131, 155, 156
Siliwangi 86 Tuanmah Muelae 131
Sir Monkey 329 Tubagus Chasan Sochib 56
Sir Tiger 329 Tunggal Hati Seminari 47
Siti Artinah Suharto (= “Ibu Tien”) 58
Soekarno/Sukarno 52, 54, 70, 101, 103, 242 Ulitri 280
Southeast Asian Games 53, 57. See also SEA Umbuik Mudo 387, 390, 395, 396
Games
Steve Paxton 5 Wardi bin Ibrahim 186, 202
STO = Sekolah Tinggi Olahraga (High School Waridi 186, 198
for Sports) 49 Waturenggong 292
Sudarma 84 Wongsonegoro 51, 52, 60
Suharto 17, 18, 20, 21, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 70,
102, 104, 110, 111, 112, 116, 240, 242, 243 Yangdipertuan Besar 198
Suhartono Hartono 108 Yayasan Pembangunan Jawa Barat 112
Sukowinadi 50, 55 Yevgeny Vakhtangov 368
Sultan Yusof bin Musa 174
Abdul Rahman Muazam Syah II 187, 197, Yusoh 158, 168, 170, 172, 174
198
Hamengkubuwono IX 52 Zakaria 191
Mahmud Riwayat Syah 186 Zawry bin Ramlis 174
of Melaka 185
410 Paetzold and Mason Paetzold And Mason
Index of Terms and Associative Expressions
This index gathers both terms and associative expressions in an alphabetical order. It
does not contain personal or institutional names, nor abbreviations of the latter, which
the reader will find in the “Index of names” of this book. Further, the reader will find
numerous artistic genres discussed compiled in the “Glossary.” The latter terminology
is included in the present index as well.
To facilitate a ‘back-and-forth’ access to, and provide an overview on, the vast field
of research presented throughout this volume, we have grouped together numerous
associative expressions, i.e. according to the nine characteristics definition profile of
martial arts as formulated by Jones (2002: xi-xii), augmented with two further charac-
teristics by the present editors, as discussed within the “Introduction” of the present
book.
Our hope is that each particular author’s chapter provides an access into the ‘world
of silat’ through an empirical case study that focuses on a specific phenomena of this
‘world’. The index is intended to complement this and to provide a systematic and ‘ge-
neric’ approach to the ‘world of silat.’ Because of this intention, we have endeavoured
to make this index as comprehensive as possible. However, there are a number of com-
monplace ‘root’ terms that appear very often throughout the book and do not appear
to warrant a long list of page references. It is the ‘fork’ terms spinning off from these
‘root’ terms that do warrant such a list. In these cases we have only listed the page refer-
ences for the ‘fork’ terms, and left those of the particular ‘root’ term blank.
However, these terminological correlations and clusterings are of course sugges-
tions and interpretations given by the editors.
References
…
1 kata (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones (2002: xi-xii))

acceleration of jurus codification 70 jurus bebas 95, 96
aesthetic steps movement 64 jurus wajib 11, 95
choreographed sequences 229, 230, 254 series of stylistic movement 66
jurus 11, 51, 66, 67, 69, 70, 90, 95, 96, 119, 254, ten official footsteps 65
255, 363, 400 twelve pencak silat jurus 51
jurusan 11, 387, 393
2 Emphasis on shock-combat (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones

(2002: xi-xii))
art of combat and defence 218 Kicks 372
Chinese combat systems 48 knife combats 223
combat scenes 387 punches 3, 85, 155, 191, 213, 214, 244, 253, 254,
combat sport 224 257, 258, 339, 387
dynamics of combat 210 series of attack and defence moves 372
3 Ritual (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones (2002: xi-xii))

agricultural fertility rituals 329, 331 performed in front of a bridal couple 189
alek pauleh 268, 269, 270 pre-performance rite 134, 148, 159
arakan bersih kampong 202 protective custom to ward off evil 15, 134
arakan bersih kampung 191 regional ritual conceptions and practices 45
betel 149, 150, 153, 155, 159 rites of passage 302
complete betel set 228 ritual bathing in warm coconut oil 228
leaf and areca nut combination 361 ritual function as a processional salutation in
leaves 300 high ceremonial occasions 361
leaves and flowers 300 rituals are held for blessing babies 302
nuts and leaves 146, 147 rituals designed to assimilate the power of
circumcision 79, 128, 202, 247, 323. See also animals and other denizens of the
sunat natural world 330
mass circumcision 301, 302 ritual space 302
rite 205, 217 rituals related to the supernatural powers
cleansing ceremonies 393 147
conjunctions between social and perfor- roots in animist, often mimetic rituals 328
mance ritual 281 roots in rituals 318
enhances social rapport and fraternity 269 spirit of gathering in harmonious community
gifts 145, 146, 228, 300 269
homage rite 159 wedding/s 14, 79, 178, 189, 247, 300, 302, 304,
performance changed from a ritual of magic 305, 330, 338, 345
275 celebration 175, 344
performance embedded with values of adat customs 199
and Islamic religion 275
4 Techniques, repetition, and drill (terminological correlations and clusterings according to

Jones (2002: xi-xii))
abbreviated and ‘optimised’ older movement combat techniques 212
techniques 34 comparative study of techniques 48
cognitive acquisition of techniques 229 competence in detailed observation 385
correct imitation 385 philosophy of techniques 229

faculties of sensory-motor empathy and precision in executing the particular
reflexes function 50 technique 5
fusion of the Sino-Indonesian techniques quick anticipation 385
with Japanese jū-jutsu and sometimes repetitive conditioning 230
boxing 47 sometimes even forbidden 56
imperative to execute potentially lethal tangkisan 191, 404
fight-like movements 211 teaching style 390
knife techniques 212, 243 the way of the fist 48
kuda-kuda 26, 52. See also movement/s training 2, 3, 5, 11, 14, 19, 20, 21, 23, 26, 30, 33,
kuncian 191. See also kuncian 47, 48, 49, 50, 54, 57, 66, 85, 95, 104, 106,
legs postures 52 108, 114, 138, 146, 147, 153, 154, 155, 156,
long-distance techniques 11 213, 214, 218, 219, 224, 225, 226, 228, 229,
melempar 191 230, 242, 243, 255, 256, 257, 267, 279,
menangkis bantingan 191. See also 331, 360, 363, 364, 371, 384, 385, 386,
menangkis 388, 390, 391, 392
observe and imitate, then repeat 391 training sessions at night and outdoors 386
open-hand techniques 223 transcending the technique 391
5 Sparring (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones (2002: xi-xii)). See
also internationalization; competition
adu satu-satu 201 fighting arts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 12, 19, 30, 31, 32, 33,
attack and response manner 229 247, 319
Attack and self defence 179 fight sequences 209, 212
attack-defence moves 279, 387 fight tactics 71
attack-defence sequences 393 mock combat 201
attacks are often aimed slightly off target mock skirmish 199
214 paambek 271
Attacks in silek minang 213 palalu 271
challenge of an unknown adversary 213 pronounced ‘attack and hit’ accents 90
contest of attack and defence 271 pure fighting sequences 387
contest settings 298 purely defensive in nature 388
context of sports competitions 178 training partners of considerable age and
Executive Committee 97 experience 213
6 Entertainment (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones (2002:

xi-xii))
crowd-pleasing displays 223 entertainment for the audience 298
elements of Sundanese traditional culture Pastime of the young 266
that were both Sundanese and
‘exciting’ at the same time 339
7 Seeking internal power (terminological correlations and clusterings according to Jones

(2002: xi-xii))
ascetic practices 224 empowers men to acquire power 331
discipline of embodying the powers of nature harness the powers of nature for their own
in one’s body as a path to spiritual purposes 331
enlightenment 319
influence the performers’ fighting spirit and plate dance on the broken glass 224
inner power 298 psychically disable one’s opponent 274
inner knowledge 329 reduction of the sources for energy 113
inner power 224, 329 social strength represented by the masters of
internal power 2, 10, 13, 16, 134 the martial arts schools 70
itinerant journey and the mystic quest 46 spiritual improvement 294
kanuragan 14 tenaga 49, 188, 215, 224
Mental-spiritual pencak silat 21 tenaga dalam 49, 188, 405
physical and mental power 329
8 Ranking and indication of rank (terminological correlations and clusterings according to

additional military or police rank 17 honour title 17
formal graduations 17 juara umum 108
graduation ceremony 147, 150 mahaguru 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194,
graduation system 17 197, 200
guru 9, 16, 109, 134, 160, 182, 200, 228. See most successful team 108
also under guru pandeka 16, 17, 28, 403
guru basar lima 200 pendekar 16, 17, 27, 56, 403
guru besar 9, 16, 109 pinisepuh 23
guru muda 16 status 6, 90, 157, 246, 266, 280, 330, 337
guru silat 9 use of belt (sabuk) systems 49
guru tua 16
9 Connection with social elites (terminological correlations and clusterings according to

ambition to appear at the presidential niniak mamak 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272,
elections 60 276, 277, 279, 280
bodyguards or soldiers of the local kingdoms patronage from a social elite 258
303 pembina utama 17, 18
elections for the Presidency of Indonesia 18, penobatan 198
259 performance artists that patrons could
former deputy governor of Jakarta 57 choose 246
governor of Central Celebes 57 Pride of the Elders 266
had practised pencak silat when they were pro-national ‘Power People’ 117
young 55 regents were not the only people to hire
highest mentor 17 pencak silat artists 247
installation of a clan elder 361 silat performance is influenced by the
local VIPs 305 adat-diraja 198
10 Medium for education (augmentation by the editors to the terminological correlations and
clusterings according to Jones (2002: xi-xii))
benefits of silat training 157 educational institutions 19, 137
bringing the “field” to the campus 392 education of the fighting arts performer 31
co-educated audience 180 educative movement networks 45
education 5, 19, 31, 50, 52, 53, 66, 68, 70, 137, four years of intensive instruction 197
219, 224, 229, 386 give courses to their employees 68
improving one’s life conduct 13 product-oriented rather than process-orient-

intercultural education 20 ed 224
lack of concentration of the students in the public school system 229
March-April 1998 training sessions religious education 303
70 Sporting Schools of Higher Education 49
leave his village and live abroad to learn life subject for the boys in the schools 52
lessons 386 teaching of pencak in primary and secondary
master and apprentice 393 schools 55
personal improvement of life conduct 10 teaching their children and relatives 154
11 Medium for therapy (augmentation by the editors to the terminological correlations and
clusterings according to Jones (2002: xi-xii))
annual processions to rid a village of evil health therapy 113
spirits 191 herbal medicine 20, 46
balur Cimande 20, 113. See also Cimande oil; mental balance 13
minyak Cimande minyak Cimande 20, 113
behaviour therapy 20 movement therapeutical approaches 113
Cimande oil 20 tranquility of mind 14
healing rites 125
Terms and Associative Expressions
action/s silat aerobics 138

floating spiral actions 129 aesthetic 5, 13, 64, 66, 98, 218, 243, 258, 275,
intended to mimic the movements of 276, 299, 318, 319, 359, 361, 363, 364,
everyday Sundanese characters 339 365, 369, 370, 371, 372, 376
intensification of action and tension 92 aesthetical values 24
organisation of group 31 aesthetics and concepts of Islamic music
actor/s 33, 363, 385, 391, 393 308
actor/s speak in rhymed verse 385 aesthetics of rudat 297
adaptasi 306 dimension 66
adat 183, 191, 217, 226, 265, 266, 268, 269, 275, emphasis 299
276, 280, 309, 310, 386 flow of suspense and tension 98
balai adat 268 of the vocal repertoire 371
di-raja 183, 191 priority on 275
kinship patterns 229 stepping patterns 361
matrilineal customary law 218 subtle aesthetic complexities 370
meniru adat 297 aikido 3, 5, 26
principle of social superiority of seniors Ajeg Bali 309
over youth 16 akulturasi 306, 308
social structures 246, 265 aliran 25, 119, 319, 363, 364, 365, 367, 397. See
traditional law 217 also style/s
adegan 360, 362 Cikalong 6, 25, 78, 93, 247
administration 80, 105, 137, 168, 344 Cimande 6, 10, 14, 20, 23, 25, 48, 83, 84, 85,
of Javanese regents 344 90, 92, 105, 113, 244, 247
adu domba 79, 397 Kari-Madi 84
aerobic 137, 342 perguruan aliran 25
exercise of the average housewife 342 Sabandar 6
Sera(k) 6 ayun 374

Silat Lima 183, 198, 200
Silat Pauh 182 Badminton 101
Silat Sah 191, 197 Bahasa Melayu Tinggi 197
Silat Tua 28, 182 bajidoran 256, 318, 320, 397
Silat Tuo 182 balabeh 276, 277, 278, 279, 283, 363, 364, 365,
Silek Gadang 364, 367 366, 369
Silek Kumango 364 balcony of Mecca 126
Timbangan 26 baleganjur 306, 397
ambek 271, 272, 274, 277, 278, 279, 362, 364 balesuji 301, 304
batuah 271 ballet 33, 367
simbue 271 balletic bras-bas 366, 397
anak mudo 266, 268, 269 bangga 114
anchestor bangsa 7
ancestral heroes 185, 200 bangsawan 186
ancestral masters 148, 150, 159 bansi 209, 389
plea to their ancestors 134 barakbak 90
angklung 328 Barzanji 296, 302
apprentice 231 Kitab al-Barzanji 296
archipelago 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 57, 69, 98, 245, batel 295
290, 292, 295 battle 31, 129, 133
silat 5 musical elements are usually associated
Sulu 7 with 295
areas beat/s 92, 169, 170, 171, 173, 177, 186, 188, 189,
of the body forbidden 152 191, 210, 295, 297, 298, 299, 302, 322,
arja 295 325, 371
art form 12, 24, 77, 80, 97, 100, 108, 113, 114, beating around the bush 226
116, 118, 125, 129, 134, 137, 138, 147, 148, diminuation and accelleration of basic
160, 217, 244, 265, 266, 275, 304, 346, 92
361. See also genre beauty 13, 21, 24, 94, 145, 210, 258, 297, 298
artist-in-residence 388 inherent beauty of silek movements 387
as common to us as water for cleansing our Beaux Arts 167
hands 80 behavio/u/r/s 1, 2, 20, 34, 118, 136, 207, 243,
aspect/s 318, 330, 337, 349, 368, 373
coordinating the rhythmic aspects of the behaviour of secludedness 34
music 321 cultural behaviours 3, 376
two-part aspect 327 observation of nature and animal
atmosphere of ‘revolt’ 105 behaviour 386
audience believe systems
audiences love to add to the atmosphere make-believe 4
244 to face one’s back to a person 368
encompasses all layers of nagari life 269 bende 320, 321
teenagers, young adults and children 341 bersila 125
auditory disturbances 211 bharata natyam 30
authenticity 67, 291, 299, 308, 310, 340, 350 bhinneka tunggal ika 10. See also unity in
autonomy 46, 70, 71, 78, 111, 344 diversity
in the performing arts 344 binary 295, 297, 298, 322, 327
the increase of regional autonomy 70 beat gong cycle 295
binary (cont.) ritual ceremonies 265

bi-polar categorisation 308 slaughtering of a cock 10
form 327 cerita silat 12
reiteration of binary contrasts 273 certain shape of timbre in each metric unit
biola 201 86, 170
Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim 8 championship/s 62, 107, 108, 117, 118
blurred genre 3 Asia-Pacific 62
body European 62
mapping on the body memory 364 European Pencak Silat 97, 108, 109
silat-derived body movements 297, 298 international 61, 62
silek body 360, 365, 367 medals and titles 118
bomb attacks on the “Ritz Carlton” and Open Championships 108
“Marriot Hotel” 18 Pencak Silat Seni 116
bombang(an) 87, 90, 105 situation and atmosphere during the World
bond together through shared practice 35 108
Bongor tree 129 world 62, 63, 108
breathing technique 187 changes 32, 33, 62, 64, 66, 77, 93, 95, 104, 110,
circular breathing 160, 210 111, 114, 128, 133, 145, 171, 179, 211, 217,
influence their heart-rate and breathing 219, 224, 229, 231, 252, 254, 297, 321, 391
191 children 9, 21, 28, 158, 205, 215, 218, 225, 300,
Brigadir Jenderal 17 373, 386, 393
broken glass 215, 224 festival for 300
bubuka 92, 93 Chinese opera 30
choreograph/y/er
Buddhist 8, 135, 147, 149, 185, 242. See also
choreographic cognition 230
Hindu-Buddhist
Choreographing the movements 213
kingdom 185
contemporary choreographies 12
Swastika 242
didactical choreography 90
bujang gadih 386
fight choreography 210
buluih 272, 279
silek choreographies practised by the
younger generation 226
cabang 46, 108
tightly fixed choreography and synchro-
cador 114, 397
nised group movements 297
canang satu 176 choreomusical arrangements 256
candomblé 30 choreutic 230, 398
canvas of perceptions 7 Christian minority 8
capoeira 30, 33 cigarette money 324
ceng-ceng 244, 295 circular 64, 160, 189, 210, 271, 274, 276, 280,
ceremon/y/ies 5, 15, 30, 97, 98, 100, 125, 128, 360, 361, 362, 365, 373, 385, 386, 387,
134, 138, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 160, 393, 396. See also circular breathing
187, 200, 202, 205, 219, 222, 243, 247, concept of circular movements 173
268, 302, 305, 308, 323. See also Jones floor pattern 271
(2002:xi-xii): 3. Ritual form 276, 385
ceremony that introduces the silat spatial arrangement 386
performers to the audience 323 staging configuration 360
dedicated to Allah 302 clothing 100, 271, 274, 330, 340, 345, 385. See
initiation ceremonies 10 also deta
kecer mata 10 baju kampret 330
potong ayam 10, 404 batik 308, 344, 346
costume is one more prominent military government 49, 51, 101

aspect 303 imagination 227
defend the penghulu’s vestments 271 new kind of colonialism 346
drumming patterns are played on the period 48, 62, 106
specially constructed voluminous troops 35
trousers 372 colotomic structure 86, 321
galembong 361, 385 common lore of the martial arts of the Malay
handkerchiefs 299 world 9
ikat kepala 330 communist forces 168
kain telepuk 187 community 24, 57, 61, 62, 65, 104, 125, 136,
kaman 303, 307 137, 149, 158, 159, 160, 161, 197, 205, 206,
kapiyo 138 207, 212, 213, 217, 220, 223, 228, 242, 243,
kulung putih, celana putih 307 247, 258, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 275,
likat 138 280, 293, 294, 297, 301, 302, 304, 306,
lue-pak 138 310, 360, 362, 392, 393
metaphorical garment of a penghulu’s outreach activities 392
inner countenance 272 company 168, 367, 371
national political uniform 346 competition 7, 22, 52, 54, 57, 60, 61, 63, 64,
pakaian adat 307, 308 66, 67, 68, 76, 77, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100,
pangsi 330 102, 103, 104, 105, 110, 113, 114, 116, 117,
peci 187, 223, 307, 308 118, 134, 160, 169, 178, 206, 243, 255, 337,
peci-celana 307 346
piece of white cloth 146 categories to be accompanied by music
saluak pengulu 271 95
sarawa galembong 372 chair of the competition 96
sarong 138, 303 choreographed 79
sata-ngae 138 design of the 102, 110
songket 187 design of the competition regulation 102
songkok 187 international 50, 61, 67, 100, 103
sor-kae 138 means to simultaneously handle both
standard formal Muslim costume 307 movement and music within 100
teluk belanga 187 pencak silat 34, 57, 81, 93, 109, 110
traditional silek pants 385 pencak silat art form competitions 113
tue loh bla ngor 138 regulation 93, 94, 96, 98, 102, 103, 110, 114,
turban-like head wrap indicating high 116, 117, 118
office 271 subject of 79
udeng and peci controversy 307, 308 vague criteria in 99
udeng-kain 307 western Olympic sports 101
vestments of the mind 271 without international competitors, there
westernised army-inspired costumes 303 would be no international 103
cock and ram fights 247 concentration 32, 49, 136, 150, 157, 174, 210,
codices 11 212, 223, 375
Colonel 17 maintain concentration in the midst of
colonial 35, 47, 48, 49, 51, 54, 62, 101, 106, 183, noise 211
227 concept/s 4, 6, 10, 14, 15, 16, 18, 22, 76, 90, 94,
act of anti-colonial revenge 347 100, 103, 111, 173, 271, 275, 319, 327, 364,
authorities 47 369
Dutch colonialists 345 ancient Greek andreia 93
concept/s (cont.) key to an omni directional cultural

a way of asserting Malay culture and exchange 36
presence 67 learning 384
Form-Follows-Function 6 milestone 391
four new main categories 100 understandings and misunderstandings
ganda 68, 100 384
Indigenous traditional 11 cultural
individual 10, 30 autonomy 347
main-main kuciang 11 cohesion 115, 310
mandarory movement forms 11 degeneration of ‘traditional’ cultural
modern 10, 21 embedding 111
of action 90 hegemony 346
of four main categories 94 intangible cultural heritage 228
of interaction between music and pencak interrelations 5
silat 31 markers of cultural change 223
of movement and music 327 memory 200, 202
Play like the cats 11 movement repertoires of preceding genera-
regu 68, 100, 109 tions 214
self-propelling prescription 21 polemic 349
seni competition 67, 68, 106 policy 346
silek logic 360, 375 policy, legislation, bureaucracy, and
tanding 68, 100, 113 education 348
the huge warrior 67 practice 229, 309, 329
the warrior in the fight 68 roots 360
self-portrait 310
the warrior of the community 67
threshold of cultural change 219
the warrior of the world 67
transcultural performances of randai 359
traditional local 21, 24
transcultural teaching situations 365
tunggal 10, 68, 100
vital new platform of cultural expression
wiraga 67, 68, 94, 96, 244
280
wiragana 67, 68, 94, 96
world element to export abroad 61
wiralaga 68, 94, 100
culture/s
wiraloka 67, 68, 69, 94, 95, 96, 97
-bound gestures 212
wirama 244
Community-specific gestures 212
wirasa 244
Contrasting mind-sets and body-cultures
wirasanggha 67, 68, 94, 95, 96, 97 365
Confucianism 8 link to culture also remains omnipresent
conversational skill 227 68
corporeal potentiality 256 pencak silat culture 11, 14, 20, 99, 113, 115
correspondences between music and
movement 32 dabuih 209, 217, 219, 220, 223, 224, 398
cosmological associations 9 dakwa 303
council of referees 28 dampeang 31, 265, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276,
coup d’état 59 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 285, 385,
criteria 65, 66, 71, 93, 94, 98, 99, 244 398
of choreographic and musical performance berdampingan 272
dramaturgy 98 dampeang batino 273, 274, 275, 276, 278
cross-cultural 148, 152, 368, 384, 391 dampeang jantan 273, 274, 275, 278
sorak dampeang 274 tari piriang / piring 209, 215, 217, 219, 220,
dance 223, 405
alternative to disreputable dance genres tari rakyat 115
342 tari rawayan 347
baris gede 306 tari tayub 328, 405
classical dance 344, 348 transitions between dances and acted
component of rudat corresponds to the scenes 385
sung words 296 wave dance 359
contemporary dance 33, 160, 230, 280 zapin 198
dance clubs 342 dance genres 115, 317
dancing soldiers 310 dance is music that is not heard 273
dragon dance 30 dangdut 318, 320, 341, 342, 398
Folk Dances 115 dendang 28, 360, 361, 362, 371, 385, 389, 398
form has been crystallised 226 ratok 371
four compass directions dance 150 yo saluang 28
galombang 359, 361, 362, 363, 365, 366, de-regionalisation 258
367, 368, 371, 372, 373, 375, 376, 387, deta 279
393, 404 ambek deta 271, 279
galombang circle 375 destar 271
henna dance 199 lalu deta 271, 277, 278, 279
Hip-hop dances 217 dewan juri 28
inai 189, 198, 199 Dika 129, 130
inai lilin 189 direction 22, 25, 99, 110, 170, 171, 174, 175, 225,
interrelationships between pencak silat 243, 247, 257, 276, 283, 286, 340, 362,
366, 368, 369, 370
and dance forms 115
of the main relationship is centripetal
janger 295, 297
368
joged 198, 299
discourse 1, 201, 202, 214, 296, 309
joged bumbung 299
a discourse of performance than of
lilin genggam 189
semantics 296
new urban style 339
society 1
oray-orayan 322, 326
distal fingers pointing down while proximal
pastime pleasure dance 115
fingers point up 369
patterns 299, 343
djembe 217
plate-dancing 209
doing the new thing but not letting go the
ritual inai dance 198 older 118
Serat Salira 335 drummer is male 341
staged presentation dance 336, 338 drum/s 80, 83, 88, 91, 142, 143, 167, 170, 174,
stick dance 30 175, 176, 177, 186, 188, 194, 195, 207, 212,
Tari Alang Babega 279 246, 247, 254, 256, 257, 280, 295, 320,
Tari Buluih 279 321, 322, 323, 325, 327, 328, 331, 341, 344,
tari gelombang 222, 404. See also 361. See also gandang; gendang;
galombang kendang
tari Hang Tuah-Hang Jebat 198 child 77, 142, 170, 186, 187, 194, 244, 320
tari hiburan 115 mother 77, 142, 170, 186, 187, 194, 244, 320
tari kursus 328, 339, 351 pair of drums 188
tari lilin 186 dua bandingan 176
Tari Manjapuik Jejak Nan Tingga 280 duduk bersanding 199
dunia silat 26, 29, 115, 398. See also of approaching matters slowly and with
kebudayaan Pencak Silat caution 220
Dutch 35, 49, 51, 62, 69, 183, 185, 186, 197, 227, kato malereng 214, 226
245, 246, 294, 303, 345 responsibility for the possible negative
administered schools 49 effects 34
colonial army 35, 303 Talak Cimande 23, 404
colonialists 345 ethnic 78, 100, 110, 179, 293, 317, 335, 341, 344,
colonial officials 197 348, 351, 375, 386, 390
colonial reign in Indonesia 35 balanced involvement of ethnic cultures
Company was fortified by iron 227 79, 100
East India Company 294 intended to erase ethnic elements 110
policy of indirect rule 245 ethnic groups 179, 335
Aceh 56, 126, 129, 240, 392
duty 11, 22, 29, 136, 304
Ambonese 350
dwifungsi 18, 239, 398
Bali Aga 292
Balinese 11, 171, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294,
electronical music instruments 97
295, 296, 299, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306,
embodied 2, 20, 32, 33, 45, 171, 220, 225, 230, 307, 308, 309, 310, 341, 346, 350, 389
266, 303, 364, 366, 375 Batak 6, 56, 341, 350
behaviour 2 Bugis 183, 185, 198, 200, 201, 202, 293, 294,
gestures of daily life within a community 296, 307
225 Chinese 5, 21, 30, 47, 48, 133, 168, 175, 176,
knowledge 45, 225 344, 389
response among seasoned performers Javanese 6, 7, 13, 14, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32,
225 45, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 62, 67, 69, 71, 77,
en dedans 219, 399 78, 79, 83, 91, 100, 105, 107, 116, 126, 135,
en dehors 219, 399 140, 230, 255, 256, 257, 292, 294, 329,
ensemble cohesion 393 335, 336, 341, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348,
enskilment 231 349, 350, 351
entrained Laut 8
body entrained to the silek logic of Madurese 67, 293, 294
movement 365 Malaysians 61, 67
culturally entrained bodies of the silek Mamak 8, 182, 266, 319
minang 219 Minang 24, 108, 178, 205, 214, 215, 227, 265,
era Reformasi 18 272, 273, 350, 359, 360, 367, 384, 386,
erotic 317, 342, 343, 351 389
elements in dance or dance music 343 Minangkabau 11, 13, 15, 16, 24, 26, 28, 29,
in terms of its outright eroticism and links 69, 72, 108, 130, 182, 205, 206, 207, 209,
to prostitution 347 210, 211, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, 222, 223,
triangle 317, 351 224, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 265,
266, 273, 274, 275, 280, 359, 360, 362,
esoteric 2, 274, 280, 362
363, 364, 368, 374, 375, 384, 385, 386,
formulas 274
389, 392
ethic 34, 46, 215, 220
Sundanese 7, 13, 30, 51, 53, 56, 67, 81, 112,
and a social positioning 46
244, 246, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 258,
Cimande Oath 23
259, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 326,
cultural discursive ethic 214 327, 328, 329, 331, 335, 336, 337, 338,
not to display this art to the eyes of others 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346,
34 347, 348, 349, 350, 351
Tharus 30 Pesta Kesenian Bali 305

Torajan 350 figure skating 103
etiquette 207, 226, 387 floor 10, 14, 82, 115, 187, 241, 282, 283, 284,
codes of 215 285, 289, 370
Minangkabau etiquettes 224 design 10, 14, 82, 115, 241. See also patokan;
Europe 9, 27, 35, 62, 63, 67, 106, 107, 108, 258 pola dasar
European opens 62 raising and lowering the body unaided to
war-stricken 35 and from the floor 367
evaluation 93, 95, 99, 100. See also competi- sense of remoteness from the 367
tion flower garden 297
criteria 93 flux of a pendulum finding its plumb 374
design of the evaluation regulations 100 form
evolution of dance 339 circle formation 385, 386
excorporation of music 77 corps-de-ballet 362, 398
expressions of the same inspiration 274 corps-de-randai 362
expressive attitudes which would have episodic 371
delighted any sculptor 13, 227 formalised and marketed 340
forms that descended from animistic
fear-tactics 246 fertility rituals 330
female (women/feminine) 9, 28, 29, 96, 138, galombang wave 13, 359, 404
188, 189, 198, 199, 272, 279, 299, 303, 317, Minangkabau art forms of older prov-
318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 326, 329, enance 360
330, 331, 336, 337, 340, 345, 351, 386 story told in randai 360
characters 9 structural foundation of randai 385
dancers 199, 340, 345. See also ronggeng four aspects 21
felt subjected to an ethnically-sexist of pencak silat 3, 12, 20, 23, 68, 112, 399
Javanese gaze 346 four compass cardinal directions 14, 15, 16,
feminine principle 364 134, 399
impersonators 386 four siblings 14, 399
members of the communities 303 dulur opat kalima pancer 14, 15 389
participants 319 kanda empat 14
performers 96, 317, 318, 322, 329, 330, 331, frolicking squirrel 276, 278
337 full wind rose 15
senior females 266 function
significance of feminine energy 329 as a kind of arts society 266
woman singing and dancing 337 as a responsive interface to conditions in
fencing-master 12 the environment 370
festival 28, 157, 255, 272, 292, 297, 298, 300, colotomic 244
345, 389 combative motoric function 30
all-Indonesian festival of traditional pencak functional layers 321
silat 111 functional logic of silek 364
Apel Besar IPSI 111 functional redundancy 254, 331
Bali Arts 305 functions of randai in the village commu-
Galanggang Jam Gadang 28 nity 386
of Indonesia 345 functions to organise and drive the
Panasonic Jambore Pencak Silat 111 movement 274
Pencak Silat Seni 77, 78, 106, 111, 114, 115, metronomic 327
118 motoric 4, 5, 6, 30
function (cont.) German Third Reich 259

movement arts with a primarily motor Gesamtkunstwerk 93
function of defence 5 global 14, 28, 35, 36, 111, 116, 160, 217, 219, 226
perspectives of primary 179 globalisation 117, 231
network 35
game 206, 368, 370, 372, 375 popular culture 217
silat games 301 glong thon 32, 77, 142
gamelan 34, 83, 86, 97, 119, 171, 295, 296, 320, luuk 32, 77, 142
336, 340, 341, 343, 344, 345, 350, 351, mae 32, 77, 142
399 gong 55, 77, 86, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 148,
degung 343, 344, 345, 350 169, 170, 172, 173, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191,
geguntangan 295 194, 195, 196, 201, 244, 254, 295, 296,
salendro 320, 336, 340, 344 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 326, 328,
gandang 280, 361 338, 340
dol 280 gongan 82, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91
gariniek 371 gong pulu 295
gayong 133, 156, 399 goong 80, 82, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 107,
leeyae 133 320, 321, 323, 328
mat 133, 156 diakhiri goong 86
paelae 133 penca 80, 82, 86, 89
gebyar 114 group version of a cathartic sneeze 373
gelanggang / galanggang 28, 96, 119 guardian 147, 148, 159
Gemeinschaftstanz 243 cultural guardianship 228
gendang 23, 32, 77, 80, 83, 99, 110, 119, 143, moral 301
167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 176, 178, 179, primary guardian of the tempo 341
180, 186, 187, 188, 196, 207, 208, 209, spirits 147, 148
222, 244, 320, 389. See also gandang; gudang pencak silat 6
kendang gulintangan 176, 177
anak 77, 143, 170, 172, 186, 187, 188 gurindam 361, 365
bebano 188 guru 9, 16, 109, 134, 160, 182, 200, 228, 400
ibu 32, 77, 143, 170, 172, 186, 187, 188 gymnastics 12, 49, 50, 103, 242
patingtung 244, 399
penca 23, 80, 83, 320, 401 hadrah 299
silat 77, 99, 110, 167, 168, 169, 173, 178, 179, halal 302, 303
180, 399 harimau 400
tambuah 207, 208, 209, 222 Harimau Tjampa 12
gender 133, 295, 318, 319, 330, 364 Hari Raya 128, 153, 205, 206, 207, 208, 211,
ideology 318, 319, 330 216, 217, 219
-neutral 330, 331 Idul Fitri 205, 216
public sexuality of the female performers harmony 94, 217, 243, 273
330 controlled harmony 31
gender wayang 295, 399 of movement and musical accompaniment
genjringan 116, 244, 399 94
genre 76, 80, 99, 114, 115, 209, 217, 225, 247, healing 20, 125, 134, 148, 160
254, 257, 258, 299, 306, 338, 350, 384, heron 12
388, 390 flying 12
to gain a detailed and active ‘inside’ Fukien boxing of the white 48
understanding of the 391 hikayat 8, 9
Hikayat Hang Tuah 185, 200, 400 Sundanese 13, 335, 346
Himmapan 135 unique engagement with power and 351
himpunan 26, 238. See also perguruan ikan bental 188
Hindu 8, 128, 205, 215, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, ilmu nafas 187. See also breathing technique
296, 299, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, imaginations 2, 22
310, 317 of magic and wonder 2
Balinese customs 291 imitations of the movements from nature and
Balinese family rituals 305 of animals 318
Balinese performing arts 290 Indonesia 6, 7, 9, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24,
-Buddhist tantric practices 328 26, 34, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55,
costume 308 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72,
dharma 46 76, 77, 78, 79, 93, 95, 98, 99, 100, 102,
Hindu/Buddhism 317 103, 104, 106, 108, 110, 112, 115, 116, 118,
island in a sea of Islam 290 125, 128, 130, 133, 136, 182, 197, 198, 205,
names 307 216, 218, 224, 226, 242, 244, 252, 259,
opposition which recalls the Hindu-Bud- 272, 274, 279, 290, 291, 294, 300, 303,
dhist period of Java 53 309, 317, 323, 336, 342, 345, 346, 347,
pre-Hindu-Buddhist 330 349, 384, 389, 390, 391
priests 305 Indonesia Bangkit (“Indonesia Awake”) 259
Holocaust 243 Indonesian
homage 142, 147, 148, 150, 154, 155, 156, 159, Federation of Karate 49
324 Independence 76, 101, 346
paying homage 134, 145, 150, 154, 155, 159 Indonesia Raya 300
indo-rock 36, 400
homogenisation of silat 104
induk organisasi 112
honour 11, 17, 22, 23, 134, 145, 146, 147, 335,
initiated 4, 15, 30, 212, 223, 363, 374
346, 361
instrument 80, 83, 86, 102, 141, 149, 160, 168,
hoodlums 240
188, 209, 244, 321, 328, 340
hulubalang 198
instruments are held to be members of a
family 149
iaidoka 4
instruments will be handled with respect
icon 336
149
icon of Sundanese-ness 336
set of instruments need to be kept together
icon powerful cultural 310 149
icon visual icon of Sundanese identity interaction 3, 32, 45, 82, 95, 98, 213, 230, 255,
348 256, 258, 291, 307, 309, 329, 368, 392
identity 5, 19, 30, 35, 56, 72, 93, 99, 128, 200, align their movements with the regular
202, 224, 226, 231, 246, 291, 292, 302, beat of the gong and the cyclic
306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 317, 336, 338, rhythms played on the drum 200
345, 348, 349, 350, 351 between sound and movement 33, 211,
as Balinese 291 257
group identity 212 correspondence between a punch and an
importance of local 78 accompanying iconic sound 33
Muslim Balinese cultural 290, 303 modulation of attention 210
performing an artistic icon of regional organised interaction shapes humanly
348 organised expressive systems 33
re-interpreting identities 36 performers must attempt to insulate their
source of pride and sense of 349 concentration from musical sounds
strong sense of 341 210
interaction (cont.) Islamic values and philosophies as

sparring routines 330. See also Jones expressed in the art form itself 392
(2002:xi-xii): 5. Sparring kyai 46
structure 82 matrilineal social structure and 386
synchrony with the music could make their new mode of Islam 229
movements predictable 210 non-Islamic and syncretic elements 309
interchangeability 179 nyama slam 291
intercontinental flight 107 penyelamat nama islam 305
inter-Indonesian controversies 99 pesantren 46, 116
interlocking 82, 86, 169, 170, 177, 188, 191, 207, protecting of the credit of 305
210, 295, 306, 321, 326, 327, 328, 372. See relationship between Islam and music
also pattern/s 290
international 7, 11, 12, 21, 22, 28, 29, 45, 50, relationship of pencak silat within 46
54, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 70, 71, Shia branch of 145
76, 77, 81, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, situation with Islamic overtones 326
109, 110, 112, 113, 116, 254, 257, 258, 259,
279 jaipongan 30, 114, 115, 255, 256, 257, 318, 320,
curriculum 258 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342,
Pencak Silat goes to the World 107 343, 345, 346, 347, 349, 350, 351, 400
silat community 104 interrelationships between jaipongan and
interrelationships between fighting arts and pencak silat 338
other arts 30 ja-i-pong 341
intersection 309. See also mincid; limbung; fierce politicisation of 339
barakbak; bombang(an) jalan 372, 373
intra-Indonesian development 117 jampi-jampi 187
irama 96, 100, 119, 306, 365, 400 janang 269, 271
dendang 365 Japan 4, 49, 62, 67, 111, 389
lagu bernuansa Bali 306 Japanese martial arts 48
Islam 8, 14, 15, 46, 47, 125, 126, 129, 130, 159, Japanese occupation 49, 51, 70
182, 205, 275, 290, 291, 293, 294, 303, jū-jutsu 47, 48
309, 317, 318 karate 48, 49, 65.
Bali slam 291 Java 6, 7, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28,
development of radical 59 31, 32, 36, 45, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55,
entry of Islam into West Java 344 56, 57, 58, 66, 67, 68, 69, 76, 77, 78, 79,
fertile niche in 330 80, 82, 86, 91, 92, 99, 104, 105, 107, 108,
Isha prayer 236 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 130, 131, 132, 140, 182,
Islamic art 303 205, 230, 238, 240, 244, 246, 256, 257,
Islamic calendar 220, 300 258, 290, 293, 294, 296, 297, 305, 317,
Islamic celebrations 78, 300 318, 319, 321, 322, 328, 329, 330, 332, 335,
Islamic code of conduct 128, 130 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 344,
Islamic fundamentalism 305 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351
Islamic Kingdom 126 administration of Javanese regents 344
Islamic missionaries 293 dominated by what were essentially
Islamic musical instruments 295 Javanese criteria 99
Islamic names 307 Javacentric 346, 351
Islamic sense of morality 309 Javacentrism 346
Islamic State 53, 126 Javanese hegemony 45
Islamic teachings and cultures 23 Javanese understandings of power 329
Javanisation 10, 22, 45, 51, 68 kendang 31, 32, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85,
Javano-centred Indonesian policy 67 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 99, 100, 107,
Jawi alphabet 128 110, 114, 116, 118, 244, 252, 253, 254, 255,
jewara 56 256, 257, 258, 259, 295, 320, 321, 323,
jidur 295, 296, 298, 301, 302 324, 325, 326, 328, 331, 338, 341, 344. See
gidur 295 also gendang
jiwa 114 anak 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 90, 91, 244,
joget 371 252, 253, 320, 324, 325, 326
jurus 11, 51, 66, 67, 69, 70, 90, 95, 96, 119, 254, a raising and lowering of pressure to the
255, 363. See also Jones (2002: xi-xii): 1. lower tuned skins on both kendang
kata indung and anak by the players’ heels
number of jurus per pola dasar sequence 91
90 ibu 244, 253
vivid series of 90 indung 32, 82, 84, 86, 87, 91, 320, 324, 325,
Jury 96 326
pencak 31, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 91, 92,
kaba 360, 361, 401. See also seni bakaba; 93, 95, 99, 100, 107, 110, 114, 116, 244, 253,
Luck and Loss: Manandin’s Gamble; 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 401
Sabai Nan Aluih; Umbuik Mudo and pentja 118
the Magic Flute kenong 244
kabuki 389 keroncong / krontjong 36, 401
kacapi kesenian 173
-suling 344, 350, 401
ketuk tilu 114, 115, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322,
kalaripayattu 132
323, 324, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331,
kaloh 141
335, 338, 347, 401
ka-loh 140
khasanah 96, 119
kampung 274, 293, 304, 335
khon 153
kampong 293, 301
kinesthetic 12
kanuragan 14. See also Jones (2002:xi-xii): 7.
kinetic 280, 297, 298
Seeking internal power
kinetic elements 298
kapalo mudo 266, 267, 268, 269
king/dom 126, 131, 294, 344
karate 48, 49, 65
Ayutthaya 130
-tenaga dalam 49
karawitan 247 Balinese kingdoms 293, 310
Katen 135 Blambangan 294
kathakali 30 Buleleng 292, 293
kebudayaan pencak silat 11, 115, 401. See also Demak 292
Dunia Silat Gelgel 291, 292, 293, 297, 299, 304, 305
kecak 389 Islamic kingdoms 292
kecapi 97, 119, 252 Javanese kingdoms 293
kedencong 296, 301 Kediri 293
Kejuaraan nasional 56, 401. See also festival King Rama 128, 130, 153
Kejurnas 56, 57, 58 Majapahit 126, 292, 293, 344
kelenang 295 Malacca 126, 156, 185
kelid 48 Mataram 292
kempul 320, 340 Mengwi 294
kempur 295 Pajajaran 344
king/dom (cont.) Wangsit Siliwangi 86

Pattani 77, 125, 126, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, laksamana 9
138, 140, 143, 146, 153, 155, 157, 158, 161, duduk siap laksamana 186, 191, 194
182 lalu 270, 271, 272, 274, 277, 278, 279
Shailendra 293 batuah 271, 277, 278, 279
Singasari 293 simbue 271, 279
Srivijaya 293 ujuang guntiang 279
Sriwijaya 7, 9, 185, 319 langkah 15, 96, 97, 119, 189, 190, 191, 198, 201,
wong Majapahit 292 277, 278, 361, 363, 365, 370, 371, 402
kliningan 328 ampek 15, 402
knowledge 2, 14, 23, 34, 46, 71, 125, 137, 145, limo 15, 402
161, 167, 212, 226, 227, 228, 229, 231, 243, legaran 360, 361, 362
247, 252, 255, 291, 318, 349 legends 125, 132, 152
non-verbal cultural knowledge 225 level 3, 11, 18, 28, 33, 46, 48, 53, 60, 61, 63, 65,
transmission of other much appreciated 69, 70, 71, 72, 109, 110, 111, 112, 137, 148,
knowledge 46 154, 158, 175, 179, 189, 214, 259, 265, 268,
kompang 176 272, 279, 282, 309, 326, 329, 341, 349,
koyah 276, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288 364, 369, 385, 387, 391
kreasi baru 115 ability to see ‘out of the corners of their
kris 126, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, eyes’ 385
164. See also weapon develop a reliable sixth sense 385
keris 242, 271, 388 levels of experience 342
kulanter 32, 80, 82, 83, 244, 320, 325, 341 move “with the circle” 385
kuncian 191, 402 of analysis 33
kung fu 65, 133 life-cycle 323, 338
kunqu 389 lighting 340, 386
kuntao 48, 132 limbung 82, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92
kurang sopan 199 liminal 219, 362, 375
kyogen 389 membrane 362
lingkung seni 339
labai 266 Lohan boxing 48
Laban 230, 373, 374. See also in “Index of lontar 15
names”: Rudolf Laban luambek / ulu’ambek 31, 265, 266, 267, 268,
Labanotation 373 269, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 279,
lability 374, 375 280, 385, 402
laga-laga 268, 269, 270, 272, 274, 276, 277 Luck and Loss: Manandin’s Gamble 390
lagu 86, 92, 174, 186, 188, 189. See also
Indonesia Bangkit; Indonesia Raya madrasah 116
Banda Urang (Our Riches) 335 maenpo 246, 402
Buah Kawung 321, 327 magic 8, 168, 182, 194, 215, 275
Mulang ka asal 250 black magic 275
Kidung 92 magical incantations 274
Kidung IPSI 338 magical sense 274
pembuka 186, 188 negative magic 275
penerus 189 text also reveals traces of association with
rakyat 402 magic 275
silat 174 main-main kuciang 11, 402
Simarantang Tinggi 382, 383 main puteri 168, 402
makyong / makyung / ma-yong 168, 170, 402 heritage 217

malam kesenian 323 society 364
Malaysia 6, 10, 16, 17, 19, 21, 27, 46, 48, 58, 61, Maulud 11, 290, 292, 295, 297, 298, 300, 301,
62, 63, 66, 67, 76, 77, 86, 98, 99, 103, 110, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 315, 316
126, 128, 130, 131, 132, 136, 155, 156, 157, appropriateness and role of the performing
173, 175, 176, 180, 182, 296, 319, 389 arts in Maulud 302
Male (men/masculine) 9, 26, 96, 109, 138, Maulid Shalf al-Anam 302
188, 198, 199, 216, 218, 271, 273, 279, 280, Mawlid 292, 296
290, 295, 297, 299, 303, 306, 318, 319, May 1998 17, 58, 59, 104, 240
322, 323, 326, 329, 330, 331, 336, 337, anti-Chinese riots of 240
338, 340, 341, 342, 345, 351, 364, 386 media 1, 20, 36, 52, 59, 64, 113, 178, 345. See
exclusively male art 9 also playback
male dance 295, 297, 299, 300, 306, 322, boom in cassette popularity 343
339 broad accusations of discrimination were
male dominated movement art 26 hurled at the media 345
male psyche that is patriotic and aggressive cassette tapes 255
273 copy of the casette/disc 97
masculine activity 341 magazine pencak silat 57
masculine identities 317 media information policy 59
masculine power 318, 331 music tapes 95
masculinity and orderliness of the soldiers recorded music 36, 256, 257, 258
303 silat groups that become famous on
sacrosanct male domain 331
television 174
senior males 266
written media 45
troupes were all-male 386
medium 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 30, 31, 50, 78, 92,
manner of an unmistakable strength 30
110, 116, 158, 209, 225, 227, 257, 303, 310,
mantra 160, 187, 265, 275
322, 344
srimuka 187
of body knowledge 225
market 350
of contemplation to performer and
economic market for traditional music and
audience 31
dance 343
of structural organisation 78s
stronghold on the music markets 350
of transfer of internal powers 31. See also
martial art
Chinese martial arts 47, 48 Jones (2002:xi-xii): 7. Seeking internal
had the potential for rebellion 55 power
large-scale performative martial arts primary medium of the body 225
tradition 338 to transfer spiritual and socio-spiritual
martial arts are practised by partners, not energies 31
adversaries 3 Mein Kampf 242, 243
martial arts are the study of conflict 3, melody 82, 86, 92, 140, 142, 207, 212, 223, 252,
313 275, 320, 324, 326, 328, 343, 365, 371,
martial arts for actors 24 372
recent penetration of foreign martial arts certain rule of melodic shapes 174
47 keeping with the needs of melodic
marwas 176, 177 development 273
mass rape of Sino-Indonesian young girls one melody is played throughout the song
59 142
matrilineal 217, 218, 364, 386 membelakangi 368
memory 33, 35, 79, 81, 186, 229, 230, 369, 371 miring 83
collective memory of an interacting group mission 303
of practitioners 214 missionaries 293, 305
episodic memory 229 Moluccas 6, 35
long-term memory 229 mosque 205, 294, 300, 301, 302, 304
systems 33, 35, 229 movement/s. See also Jones (2002:xi-xii): 4.
reiteration of memorised choreography Techniques, repetition, and drill
279 Anggue 279, 284, 285, 286, 287
semantic memory 229, 230, 255 antak tapi 275, 277, 278
short-term memory 211 appropriate gestures of acknowledgment
menek jan 302 213
metaphor 143, 210, 223, 329, 331 arm 338
aural metaphor for death 250 art 5, 6, 12, 15, 19, 21, 30, 31, 35, 76, 78, 93,
for cosmic power 331 107, 115, 116, 253, 255, 338, 385
metaphorical dialogue 226 art in everyday life 6
metaphorical style of discourse 226 bird flapping 154
performance metaphor 246 broeloebat 154
powerful metaphor for the elaborate buelor khalormae 155
séances 220 cabiak 276, 277, 278
recurring motif in the culture’s metaphori- catue langkah 275
cal language 361 choirs 242, 243
meter 170, 173, 189, 194 chopping hand gestures 299
duple meter 173, 178 compulsory 95
triple meter 170, 171, 172, 173 duduk siap laksamana 186, 191, 194
migration 35, 108, 126 expecting music to follow 258
migrated performance culture 106 fighting 82, 132, 133, 140, 152, 154
of (pencak) silat performance cultures 35 formula 14, 15, 16, 134
of these specialists 35 framework to the 91
performance culture in 36 Garuda 155, 259
source of identity within 35 gayong mat 133, 156
military 9, 17, 35, 54, 56, 59, 185, 197, 198, 240, gelek 26, 284, 285, 367
292 gerak 96, 97, 119, 274
and police contexts 35 gerak tipu 274
impression of military discipline 299 Hanuman walk 154
Koninklijk Nederlandsch-Indisch Leger 35. hear the movement through the music
See also in “Index of names”: KNIL 253
KOPASSUS 18 horse jumping 154
KOSTRAD 18 jumping horse 12
Marechaussee 35 kain buruak 276, 277, 278
Militarisation 54 kinlir 154
trial 59 kuda-kuda 26, 52
mimbar 294 langhadan 154
mimetic skill 85 langhathigha 154
mincid 80, 81, 82, 87, 90, 91, 92, 322, 325, 327 langkah 15, 96, 97, 119, 189, 190, 191, 198,
di tempat 90 201, 277, 278, 361, 363, 365, 370, 371
keliling 90 langkah ampek 15
pancer opat 90 langkah empat 15
mirfa 176 langkah lilin 189
langkah limo / lima 15 heighten awareness of the central visual

langkah macan liar 191 field 211
langkah segi tiga 189 heyday of the combination of music and
langkah sentuh 191 pencak silat 80
langkah sinding 189, 190 influence motor recall 211
langkah trisula 191 music accompaniment 32, 77, 78, 79, 80, 95,
lapiah jarami 275, 277, 278 96, 97, 98, 112, 114, 115
leg 129, 303, 338 coordination between performer and 95
meaning in the 3 kinds of 95
murni gerakan silat 297 musical organisation 326
pancer delapan 15, 241 responsibilities of providing and directing
pancer opat 14 95
Parabuju 155 similarities between ketuk tilu and penca
path 368, 369 silat accompaniments 325
piciak kulari 275, 278 unison response sung by audience 274
Praram shoots arrow 154 music support 5, 77, 117
prom si nah 155 genres and instruments of 96
sankha 154 integration of musical 79
satueng-ngah-tiang 154 Muslim
sequences from the four cardinal anti-Muslim sentiment 305, 309
directions of the compass 148 Balinese communities 290, 291, 293, 295,
slight precedence of the voice to the 372 296, 299, 304, 305, 310
suduang aie didiah 275, 278 intermarriage of Muslim men with
symbolic 30, 271 Balinese women 307
tae ngorkayor 155 majority 8
taek roi see 154, 404 performing arts 299
targeted to show skill 5 soldiers 294
thoepoh boelakong 154 Sufi Muslim 200, 202
three distinct movement qualities 373 suspect category in a comparatively
tikaekanae 155 conservative Muslim region 340
tikaekiri 155 -Thai rituals 132
traditions 327, 330, 331, 366 traders 294
trick or ruse 274 traditional cultural practice of Indonesian
tuhuak galah 275, 276, 277, 278 Muslims 309
tupai bagaluik 276, 278 Waktu (Wetu) Telu 308
tutoh 155 mystical offerings 200
twelve basics fighting 155 mysticism 34, 200
unaccompanied phrase of movement best mythical lion 197
described as a bridging phrase 363
vocabulary 2, 299, 327 nation 10, 69, 70, 102, 108, 241, 338, 349
muncak buru 268 -build/ers/ing 102
murid 16, 403 conjunction of nationalism, martial arts,
musholla 298, 299, 300 and militarism 242
music developed nation 72
decreases responsiveness to peripheral interaction with the Indonesian nation
stimuli 211 state 45
ensembles 110, 178, 318 inverse relationship of majority/minority
genres 114, 116 on the national vs. local levels 291
nation (cont.) onomatopoeic 143, 253

national anthem 300 Orde baru 18. See also New Order
National Calisthenics 242 organisation 5, 7, 17, 18, 31, 46, 47, 48, 51, 55,
national championship 56, 57, 58 56, 57, 61, 89, 99, 111, 112, 240, 255, 266,
national identity 20, 34, 99, 102, 110, 117, 307, 326, 328, 338
338, 349 organisational principles for the grouping
national identity building 20, 99, 110, 338 92
national integrity 117 otonomi daerah 78, 111, 117
national scale 47, 346, 348
National Sports Week 7, 53, 55, 57, 58, 65 Paatjes 35, 403
national unity in sports 102 pakai batik 346
National Week of Sports 102 palace 52, 130, 183, 186, 197, 198, 200
nationale dansen der Manangkabo-Malei- at Daik-Lingga 183, 197
ers, de spiegelgevechten x at Penyengat 183, 197
patriotic songs 349 Daik-Lingga palace 187, 197, 202
Vietnamese National team 108 Istana Damnah 197
navy 9 palad tesaban muang 137
nayaga 95, 118 Pa Macan 329, 403
Nazi 242, 243, 259 Pa Monyet 329, 403
Nazism 242, 243 Pancasila 224, 240, 242, 403
propaganda 242, 243 pancer delapan xxv, 15, 241, 403
Swastika 242 pancer opat 14, 15, 90, 399, 403
negara maju 72
pandak 186
negative connotations 337
Pangka bird 135
Netherlands 28, 35, 36, 57, 61, 62, 63, 103, 106,
panglima 9, 185
107, 108, 257
Panjat Pinang 206
network/s 5, 7, 34, 66, 71
Panji (Sakti) 294
amongst military, police, and civil
Pan-Malay 98, 116. See also Nusantara
instances 239
pantun 28, 187, 199, 228, 296, 403
of performance activities 5
Parahyangan 79
of tight local institutions 34
Pasanggiri 112
neuroanthropolog/y/ical 20, 32, 33
Pasunanda-System 86, 403
New Order 56, 58, 79, 102, 110, 116. See also
orde baru patokan 82, 115, 299
New World 35, 36 pattern/s 16, 90, 113, 116, 143, 169, 170, 172, 173,
niniak mamak 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 177, 272, 322, 323, 324, 326, 343, 346,
276, 277, 279, 280 361, 371, 373
nobat 198 circular floor 271
noh 389 drum pattern called nyered or nyorong
nuclear family structure 217, 219 322
Nusantara 65, 96, 97, 98, 99, 116, 119 duple metric 169
different locations in the regions of 96 hands moved like butterflies 299
music 96 interlocking 177, 207, 210
various degrees of “being interlocking”
October 2002 terrorist bombing in Kuta 305 170
oknum-oknum 242 interlocking movements 210
Olympic Games 100, 101 interlocking rhythmic 295
Anti-Olympic Games 101 irresistible drumming 341
left-right symmetry typical in Western performance/s

performance 366 abstract styles of 33
sequence of many discrete silat poses are both meaningful and attractive 236
299 arrangement 116
paying homage 134, 145, 150, 154, 155, 159 chaos of the tapuak phase 372
pedagogical styles 33 context 31, 77, 78, 109, 110, 111, 116, 178, 299
pedagogy 8, 33, 207, 224, 228, 230, 231 everyday performance opportunity 32
pedanda 305 invites one of the surrounding audience
pee / pi 77, 140, 141 members to dance together with her
Hor 77, 140 299
Ka-loh 141 location of the 299
silat 141 of energy and aesthetics 30
pelaminan 199 opportunity for music performance 110
pelatih 16 performance arts 1, 215, 218, 219, 222, 224
pelog 245, 344, 351 performance culture 13, 26, 36, 116, 117
penangkis 272 performance intelligence 360
penca(k) silat Performance Structure 80
as a highly political medium 18 practice 6, 14, 32, 77, 78, 79, 81, 83, 86, 91,
beladiri 113, 397 92, 93, 106, 110, 111, 114, 118, 178, 337, 338,
buah 174, 247, 319, 364 343, 344, 345, 347, 351, 387
bunga 24, 76, 174, 189, 247 psychology of 376
bungo 210, 212, 364 staged performance 338, 340
ibing keringan 84 synchronous performance 210
ibing penca 331 performer/s 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 17, 24, 28, 81, 82,
olahraga 76, 397 89, 90, 115, 150, 152, 160, 174, 175, 199,
pencak silat-icking 36, 106 212, 213, 244, 247, 252, 253, 254, 298,
pentja/penca 7, 48, 56, 76, 78, 102, 114, 118, 299, 308, 317, 318, 322, 324, 326, 327,
317, 319, 320, 321, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 329, 359, 366, 368, 370, 376, 385, 387,
328, 329, 330, 331, 338, 339, 341, 350, 351 389
practised with instrumental music autonomous master performers 34
accompaniment 55 danced as a pair 299
seni 12, 20, 28, 30, 32, 55, 67, 76, 79, 93, 94, geometry of the performer’s body-space
95, 99, 103, 107, 112, 114, 117, 118, 244, 368
245, 246, 247, 252, 254, 255, 257, 258, preparation focussed not on technique,
259 drilling and memorisation but on
seni budaya 95, 397 cuing, communication and respon-
seni cantik 179 siveness 376
term pencak silat 7 song may have poked fun at the 247
pendatang 291, 309, 310 Western-trained 360
pengantin 189 performing arts 7, 86, 112, 114, 125, 259, 265,
penghibur 246 279, 290, 291, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297,
penghulu 266, 268, 271 300, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 310,
pengurus daerah 104 317, 328, 336, 339, 342, 344, 345, 349
perception 5, 21, 83, 110, 113, 115, 269, 366 potential divisiveness of powerful regional
out of the eyes of the mass 32 349
to enable quicker perception of movement performing gender 351
cues 366 perguruan (BI/BM) 25, 26, 47, 112, 114, 403.
wide focus 385 See also school
perkuera 146, 155 prerecorded 95, 104

permainan (BI) / pamenan (BMin) 266, recording 95
268, 280, 359, 403 poetry 12, 246, 296, 298, 303, 344
PERSILADI = Pertandingan Pencak Silat Cianjur poetry 246
beladiri (pencak silat self defence pola dasar 15, 82, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 403
competition) 112 pole-jump 13
pesilat 22, 64, 66, 67, 84, 90, 91, 96, 107, 109, police 17, 35, 57. See also Military
187, 189, 191, 192, 198, 199, 201, 202 Indonesian 48
pesilat lidah 199 Politeia 31
Pesilat Pledge 22 politic
pesinden 341 national sports politics 45
pet of the family 32 political discouragement of Western
phase 46, 79, 116, 373, 374, 391 popular music 339
momentum of the tapuak phase 374 political gatherings 14
walking phase 373, 374 political officials 345
walking phase as a moment of stillness pop Sunda 343, 350, 403
374 popularity 3, 48, 129, 148, 160, 229, 243, 246,
Philippines 6, 7, 62, 175, 389 328, 338, 341, 342, 343, 346, 350
philosophical 25, 69, 179, 180, 182, 375, 387 white-hot popularity 351
idea 180 Portuguese 185
principles 25 position
wisdom and philosophical musings 387 coronal plane 282, 365
physical en garde posture 369
aggression 1 horizontal plane 367
attack 4 multiple planes 366
consequence 4 sagittal plane 365
contact 271 the western freeze-frame or tableau 374
violence 71 prasasti 293
pitch/es 32, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 142, 143, prescriptive instructions 256
194, 223, 320, 321, 325, 371. See also dual prestige 8, 17, 18, 19, 269
scale realization; intermediate tones; international 103
uparenggaswara; uparengga nada prophesy 146
alteration of the pitches of the two Prophet Muhammad 292
kendang players 91 proverb 219
bending effect 91 alam takembang jadi guru 219
certain shape of timbre in each metric unit diambil dari bawah, dibawah ke atas x
86, 170 ditahu garak yo garik, ditahu angin nan
contour 83, 86, 91 bakisah xix, 16, 398
different pitches 322 di luar mata orang banyak 32
multiple pitch levels 341 indak lakang dek paneh, indak lapuak dek
/timbre and accent contour line 32, 81, hujan 219
83, 85, 86, 87, 91 kalah sama Jawa 346
/timbre contour 86 kompeni babenteng besi 227
playback 81, 95, 96, 97, 106, 108 main-main kuciang 11
accompaniment 97 mempertahan pakaian kebesaran penghulu
equipment 96, 97 271
media 106 musuah indak dicari-cari 228
music 81, 95, 97, 108 pamenan anak mudo 268, 280
pupuik 209, 222, 223, 361 between the supernatural and humans
batang padi 209, 222, 361 148
gadang 209, 223 difficult relationship with their more
pusaka 8 powerful neighbours 344
pusat angin 186 establishing peaceful 307
in jaipongan is between the drummer and
qasidah 303, 404 the dancer 343
quigong 21 model of historical 9
monetary relationship between martial
Ramadan 128, 153 artist and musician 247
ramai/rame 404 multisensory coupling of traditional music
deep visceral and stimulating effect 211 and traditional movement 231
liveliness of the event 210 peripheral relationship of the dancer to the
music had made competition events more music accompaniment 344
lively 114 social relationship between the performers
rampak kendang 341, 404 and their audience 310
randai 28, 36, 169, 173, 217, 271, 272, 274, 275, teacher-student 34
276, 280, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, time that one can spend with a teacher
368, 370, 371, 372, 375, 384, 385, 386, 229
387, 388, 389, 390, 392, 395, 396, 404 relationships theory about music-dance
anak randai 386, 387, 393 211
children of randai 386, 393 religion 7, 45, 68, 126, 129, 155, 206, 217, 224,
randai luambek 271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 280 299, 309, 310
rangkep 91 religious and philosophical frameworks
rantau 404 318
merantau 218, 386, 387 religious studies 386
rashness of youth 14 religious texts 295, 306
rebab 97, 119, 168, 280, 320, 321, 323, 326, 328, reog 328
338, 341 repertory 320, 321, 326
rebana 97, 116, 119, 292, 295, 296, 297, 298, overlap in 327
300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 308, research 6, 13, 17, 20, 28, 33, 65, 79, 80, 85,
404. See also terbangan 104, 106, 112, 160, 161, 169, 203, 291, 293,
besar 295 306, 336, 339, 388
burdah 295, 298, 301 pre-structuring of the research area into
hadrah 295 ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’ 9
re-establishing ties lost a long time ago 36 re-unifying bonds 36
rehearsals with music 255 reyong 295
relationship/s rhythm 48, 85, 90, 94, 96, 143, 160, 169, 170,
basic musical forms and processes 331 188, 189, 194, 210, 223, 244, 247, 252,
between cultural training and the human 295, 323, 364, 371, 386. See also
brain 32 barakbak; bombang(an); limbung;
between drumming and movement 318 mincid; tepak
between music and body movements dance and song proceed according to a
298 breath rhythm 371
between music and movement 247, 255, grouped into a kind of suite 92
256, 257 interlocking rhythmic structure 306
between sound and movement 256 particular rhythmic-melodic unit 365
between the drummer and dancer 342
rhythm (cont.) begin with a 276

resist the rhythmic gravitational pull of cleansing the face 212
percussive accompaniment 32 cuci muka 212
rhythmic cycles 320, 324 sambah balenong 276
rhythmic forms 92 sembah mejujung 189, 190
rhythmic formula 81, 82 sembah tangkabur 198
rhythmic skeletal structure 82 sembah type motifs of 276, 404
tapuak 361, 371, 372, 373, 374, 385, 387, 405 turning salutation 276
tapuak galembong 361, 385 welcoming guests 153, 222
two-part rhythm texture 83 samba 30
type of pants-slapping 385 sampelong 209
rice 58, 131, 145, 146, 150, 220, 226, 228, 242, sanggar 197
276, 278, 318, 329, 339, 361 Sarama 142
white and yellow sticky 146 sarunai/serunai/sruné 168, 172, 174, 175, 186,
riots of Semanggi and Trisakti 20 191, 194, 195, 196, 200, 209, 212, 222, 361,
role 389
female impersonators 386 schermmeesters x
gestures of challenge and confrontation school/s. See also in “Index of names”: school
225 all-girl 386
hero 54, 183, 185, 200, 387 and cultural centres 156
heroine 388 logo 330
highly stylised emotional gesture 225 of origin 107
in the roles of female characters 386 pencak silat trainer diploma 66
main hero or heroine 387 scion schools 108
musical roles of these three percussionists sculptor 13
are said to reflect the familial roles searching the arena for a possible competitor
143 90
of mirroring the physical gestures of the secret 47, 48, 191
dancers 328 secretive about their skills 224
of women performers 329 secret moves 191
troupes were all-male 386 security 54, 56, 57, 183
ronggeng 320, 321, 322, 329, 337, 338, 339, see the enemy 4
341, 342, 343, 347, 351, 404 Sejarah Melayu 185
dances of the ronggeng-traditions 317 sekhe 307
modern versions of dancing with 320 selamat 150, 151
rubato 143, 371 self-defence 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 19, 20, 21, 23,
rudat / rodat 290, 292, 295, 296, 297, 298, 24, 25, 26, 30, 32, 34, 36, 111, 112, 128, 179,
299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 182, 189, 199, 294, 317, 326, 327
310, 404 acquisition of practical physical and
rudatun 297 mental skills for 319
seni bakaba 360
Sabai Nan Aluih 388 sense 4, 6, 47, 50, 56, 78, 91, 102, 150, 159, 179,
salendro 245, 320, 322, 336, 340, 344, 404 209, 231, 268, 269, 271, 303, 309, 317,
saluang 28, 108, 209, 362, 389. See also suling 322, 345, 347, 350, 359, 366, 367, 368,
panjang 209 370, 372, 374, 375, 387, 393
pauah 209 of call and answer 372
sirompak 209 of precariousness 366
salutation 276, 277, 279, 282, 289 sensitivity to the musical sounds 253
Serambi Mekah 126 sound system 340

sex 330 Southeast Asia economic crisis 58
anti-pornography law 309 space 32, 50, 56, 64, 173, 175, 211, 222, 229,
division of sexes 26 230, 242, 247, 257, 259, 289, 300, 301,
mixed-sex dancing 198 359, 362, 363, 364, 366, 367, 369, 372,
sexual appeal 342 374, 375
Undang-Undang Anti Pornografi dan courtesy space between the dancers and
Pornoaksi 309 the front row 362
vulgar sexuality 342 spatial factors of the lingkaran 363
shadow fighting 12 spirit 31, 114, 149, 159, 269
shaman 134, 149 anticipates the choice of attack 279
shehnai 140 blend of metallurgy and spirituality 136
silat. See also penca(k) silat cimuntu 205, 206
belawanan 183, 191, 201 cultural and spiritual capital of the
buah or fruits of silek 364 Javanese 69
kayor 133 explanatory spirit 159
kembangan silat 364 jantan and batino 273, 274, 400
kris 136, 137, 138, 153 memukul 189, 191
langkah lilin 186 memukul kepala dan dagu 191
lilin sembah 186, 189 menangkis 189, 191
lima 183, 198, 200 menghindar 189, 191
seni bersilat lidah 199, 404 sacred journey 228
seni silat cantik 167, 174 social spirituality 14
seni silat sabar menanti 189 spirits of the ancestral heroes 198, 200
pengantin 183, 189, 201 spiritual aspects 113
penghormatan 183, 199, 201, 202 spiritual bond 304
shaman 149, 157, 158, 159 spiritual ‘envelope’ 31
silek galombang / gelombang 220, 222, synergy between Yin and Yang 273
223, 224, 404 spiritual dimensions 3
silek Minang 20, 255, 319, 327 spontaneity 340
taghina 134 sport/s 7, 21, 22, 23, 25, 34, 35, 50, 52, 53, 54,
tari eena 133 60, 64, 65, 66, 72, 76, 77, 93, 95, 100, 101,
tari lagoh galae 133 102, 103, 110, 112, 113, 114, 116, 125, 132,
yatoh 133 137, 160, 178, 179, 207, 242
yawor 134 category 76, 95
singa 185 design a new sport from pencak silat 102
siswa 16 efforts of formalisation for the 66
slendro 404. See also salendro meeting intended to foster good health
sokok 300, 301, 304 341
base 300 modern competitive 34
taluh 300, 301 set of sporting rules 93
somersault 191, 193 sporting events 54, 56, 100, 125
song 142, 147, 148, 211, 223, 245, 247, 274, 320, sportisation 60, 66, 71
322, 324, 327, 338, 343, 360, 361, 363, tourism 61
365, 371. See also lagu stage 4, 5, 11, 53, 71, 154, 186, 268, 276, 279,
sonic 82, 83, 85, 210, 252, 281, 325, 348 280, 336, 337, 339, 340, 342, 345, 362,
character 85 363, 364, 368, 369, 388, 391
texture 82, 83, 210 intelligence 368
stance 13, 154, 339, 348, 363, 364, 365, 366, of protection 136
367 symbolize the never-ending nature of the
deeply grounded stance 367 silat 145
standing like in a horse rider’s seat 26 symbols of birth and life 300
standardisation 11, 45, 56, 65, 66, 67, 69, 111, symbol/s 136, 242, 268, 269, 318, 348
242, 257 synchronity
aspects of technical 100 collective synchronicity 370
status 6, 90, 157, 246, 266, 280, 330, 337 system/s 46, 49, 68, 70, 71, 72, 100, 104, 159,
grand status of the penghulu in society 229, 230, 306, 330, 346, 348, 373, 390
271 of movement 3
storehouse of pencak silat 6 of teaching 35
stretching and warm-ups 49, 50 systematics of a fighting system 25
structure 30, 48, 61, 65, 82, 91, 170, 171, 265, techniques and transmission systems 45
266, 295, 298, 343, 386, 390
deep structured loyalty 18 t’ai chi ch’uan 5, 21, 48
impact structure 91 tabla 91
interrelation structure 100 tae bo 5
majority/minority structure 309 tae kwon do 65
of the learning process 386 taiso 49
stsenichnost 368 tajam 214
style/s 10, 14, 15, 20, 23, 25, 26, 28, 51, 78, 83, talempong 207, 208, 209, 212, 222, 231, 361,
84, 92, 93, 105, 108, 113, 135, 138, 144, 150, 387, 389
167, 169, 170, 174, 182, 183, 191, 197, 198, talempong paciek 207, 208, 209, 212, 222,
200, 213, 222, 224, 227, 240, 243, 244,
231
246, 247, 252, 257, 280, 290, 306, 335,
tali angin 186
336, 339, 340, 341, 342, 347, 351, 363,
tari 108, 115, 186, 198, 199, 209, 215, 217, 219,
371, 391
220, 222, 223, 328, 339, 347, 351, 359,
reflect the locally prevalent silek 385
361, 365, 366, 367, 368, 371, 372, 373,
the schools are many, but the styles are few
375, 376, 393
25
ibing 319, 331, 400
stylised 2, 3, 11, 30, 227, 254, 339, 363, 387
ngibing 299
behavior 2
tarompet 80, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 91, 107,
fighting movements 3
movements that alternate between stylised 244, 252, 254, 320, 321, 324, 326, 327,
walking and dramatic posing 336 405. See also terompet
stylisation 2, 16, 30, 388 tasa 207, 208, 209, 212
subak 307 tatalu 92, 93
suku 386 tawak 295
suling 97, 119, 252, 295, 350. See also saluang tawak-tawak 177
sultan 183, 185, 186, 189, 197, 198. See also in tayuban 317, 318
“Index of names”: Sultan teaching model 229, 254
sunai 77, 140, 143, 160 team sailing 5
sunat 205, 217, 219. See also Jones (2002:xi- technical approach to solving a problem 81
xii): 3. Ritual Techno music 97
sunwa 77, 140, 143 tembang 336, 338, 345
surau 217, 218, 219, 386 Sunda 336, 338, 345, 405
symbol/ic tempo 87, 133, 134, 140, 142, 144, 145, 160, 170,
and functional meanings 78 178, 186, 188, 189, 223, 295, 298, 299, 321,
movements 30, 271 324, 325, 370, 371
primary guardian of the 341 ‘Pre Hindu-Buddhist roots’ theory 10

tension 12, 91, 211, 212, 213, 223, 259, 308, 309, ‘standing armies’ theory 9
373, 374, 375 time
creation of a specific 91 formal time aspects 97
tepak 80, 81, 82, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 105, motor response time 210
244, 324, 325, 326, 327, 330, 331, 338, timekeeper 96
405. See also tapuak tongkat 11. See also weapon
Ciwaringin 331 topeng 322, 339, 405
cycles 89 banjet 339
dua 82, 90, 92, 93, 244, 324, 326, 327, 338 Betawi 322
fast padungdung 92 tournament 269, 372
Golempang 93, 105, 325 opening protocols of a silek tournament
hiji 105 361
opat 93 silek tournament 368
padungdung 92, 93, 325, 330, 338 traces of indigenous belief systems 317
padungdung gancang 92, 93 trade route 228
padungung anca/kendor 92 tradition 99, 103, 128, 136, 148, 153, 161, 167,
Paleredan 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 105 189, 197, 206, 210, 217, 220, 223, 224, 226,
salancar 90, 92, 105 227, 228, 231, 247, 256, 269, 279, 280,
slow padungdung 92 292, 293, 296, 305, 308, 309, 310, 337,
takes on a rolling quality, with a regular 342, 350, 390
rhythm and medium tempo 91 tradition/s
tilu 82, 87, 92, 93, 325, 326, 338 customs and traditions 386
terbangan 116, 244. See also rebana preservation of oral tradition 72
terompet 55, 97, 119 traditionalists vs. modernists 308
tetawak 186, 187, 188, 196 trance-like displays 209, 220
text 21, 68, 70, 76, 94, 101, 118, 265, 273, 274, transcription 81, 82, 87, 89, 143, 144, 177, 194
275, 276, 277, 281, 303, 371 transform 71
number of syllables per line of 275 transformed into dance 297
textual clues 275 transition/s 19, 219, 277, 278, 279, 321, 376
Thai 32, 125, 128, 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, from the surau and onto the performance
143, 147, 148, 152, 157, 159, 161 stage 219
kick boxing 147, 152 transience of cultural life 227
theatre 1, 5, 6, 24, 30, 46, 115, 185, 186, 202, transmission 11, 33, 46, 50, 69, 72, 109, 157,
207, 217, 294, 295, 360, 384, 385, 386, 224, 228, 229, 231, 255, 258
388, 389, 390, 393 of skills 228
dance theatre 12, 26, 28, 30, 36 transvestites 206
puppet theatre 336, 344 tuan said 198
randai 28, 36, 169, 173, 217, 271, 272, 274, tuition fee 155
275, 276, 280, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, tukang 271, 273, 371, 385
364, 368, 370, 371, 372, 375, 384, 385, aliah 271
386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 392, 395, 396 goreh 385
theatre form 115, 186, 217, 360, 390 tuning 177, 178, 344, 351
Theme from Jack Johnson 86 degung 351
thinking 157, 230 diatonic 344, 351
modalities of 25 madenda 344
move without 254 system 344. See also pelog; salendro;
three theories 7, 9 slendro
uang rokok 324 abah-abah 303

ujuang guntiang 271, 278 cheers of approval 78
Umbuik Mudo and the Magic Flute 390 cue-caller 371
unity 23, 25, 93, 100, 144, 243, 273, 275, 362, dancer yelps a cue 363
371, 374 interject vocally with shouts and shrieks
in diversity 10, 100, 239 250
of musical, gymnastical, and martial intermediate tones 83
activities 93 laughter of children 255
upareggaswara 83 master of shouts 385
uparengga nada 83 pencak silat does not use shouts 65
shouts of adults 255
value 13, 46, 214, 218, 226, 280, 349, 359, 364 yelps 371, 372
cultural/religious value systems 386
of Sundanese performing arts 349 wai kru 15, 134, 147, 159, 405
of the four aspects 25 watchmen of the ideal polis 31
variation 15, 32, 94, 212, 274, 275, 276, 365, wayang 34, 126, 168, 336, 389
369 golek 336, 405
little improvisation or individual 297 kulit 168, 405
verbal 55, 65, 148, 199. See also vocal listrik 389
view 14, 55, 71, 98, 103, 134, 161, 170, 182, 220, weapon 104, 135, 136, 152, 223. See also kris
221, 243, 308, 322, 368, 376, 391 dagger 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 153, 271,
peripheral field of 366 301, 388
violin 201. See also biola golok 104
virtue 93, 150 sacred pedang 301
and bravery 93 tongkat 11
visual 16, 33, 170, 210, 230, 254, 259, 280, 348 toya 104
visual cue 210 We Will Rock You 259
vital 6, 189, 190, 202, 280, 303, 336, 365, 385, “whip up” the arena 79. See also ramai/rame
393 wirepuller 18
vital organs 365 world
vocabulary 86, 259, 280, 321, 363, 367, 374, of silat 6, 26, 36, 115. See also dunia silat
375 pencak silat world 28, 29, 78, 107, 240
encounter between the silek vocabulary and wu shu 30
the Western body 360
vocal 83, 95, 265, 272, 277, 280, 281, 285, 295,
298, 302, 306, 338, 371, 385, 388, 391.
See also dampeang; dendang

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© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004308756_001

Brill’s Southeast Asian Library

M.C. Ricklefs (National University of Singapore)

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/seal

The Fighting Art of Pencak Silat

Uwe U. Paetzold and Paul H. Mason

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Paetzold, Uwe, editor. Mason, Paul H., editor.

Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

1 The Standardisation of Pencak Silat: Javanisation, Nationalism, and

2 The Music in Pencak Silat Arts Tournaments is Gone – A Critical

3 Silat: A Muslim Traditional Martial Art in Southern Thailand 125

4 Gendang Silat: Observations from Stong (Kelantan) and from Kuala

5 Hang Tuah and the Distinctive Art of Self-Defence Culture in the

6 Silek Minang in West Sumatra, Indonesia 205

7 Pencak Silat Seni in West Java, Indonesia 235

8 Dampeang: Social and Textual Structure in the Performance of

9 Dancing Soldiers: Rudat for Maulud Festivals in Muslim Balinese

10 Sundanese Penca Silat and Dance Drumming in West Java 317

11 Dancing Toward Autonomy: Jaipongan and the Assertion of

12 The Galombang Wave and the Silek Body 359

13 Adaptation of Silek and Randai for Performer Training in the USA:

sational framework to pursue the project. He wants to thank Sean Williams

Organisation of This Volume

Combining approaches from ethnomusicology, ethnochoreology, performance

1. The Development of Pencak Silat

Part 1. The Development of Pencak Silat

Part 2. Regional Studies on Pencak Silat and Its Music

Multi-faceted appearances of music in the long standing traditions of pencak

Part 3. Studies on Movement Arts Based on or Related to “Silat”

Zahara Kamal and Indija Mahjoeddin

Part 4. ‘Insiders’ and ‘Outsiders’ Applying the Silat Logic of Body

A Note on Spelling, Abbreviations, and Acronyms

Spelling: A big challenge in dealing with any kind of volume on Southeast

Index of Terms and Expressions, Index of Names, and Glossary

The present volume offers a mesmerising richness of phenomena and their

In spite of the enormous advancements in digital social media, we are well

1 Ancillary Online Media (Companion Website)

Further, we have set up a “Progress Information Board” which is accessible via

2 Ancillary Offline Media

• (Band/Volume 1) West-Sumatra - Tänze und Bewegungskünste der Pencak /

List of Figures, Maps and Tables

11.1 Mira Tejaningrum in one of jaipongan’s dramatic poses, Bandung, June

1.1 Comprehensive list of IPSI and Persilat sports events 58

Group on “Musical Instruments” and a member of a number of other interna-

Putting the Obscure into the Public: Pencak Silat

The Cultural Salience of Self-Defence Arts

Fighting, self-defence and physical aggression are habitually overlooked in

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004308756_002

uninitiated. These kinds of arts may be seen as somehow consisting of a mirac-

To achieve these characteristics, the particular performer has to achieve mas-

Further Movement Arts Characterised Primarily by Motor Function

Fighting arts are generally not choreographically dependent on other move-

in which it is maintained, it serves as a vital force penetrating these cultures in

Regional Similarities and Differences

Theories on the history of (Pencak) Silat

and rationale are closely associated with Sumatrans’ ancient indigenous

What is (Pencak) Silat Today ?

5 see: “7. Seeking internal power” below

qualification, akin to the concepts of jurus, or jurusan, of traditional pencak

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