1

No time to waste
IT is now more than 100 years since the ILO established standards on women in the
workplace, focusing on maternity protection. A century on, much has changed, and
we can all point to women who are successfully making a living, carving out careers,
doing well in business and taking up leadership positions.
International Women’s Day (observed yesterday) should be the perfect occasion to
celebrate this success and to look forward to a bright and prosperous future for all
women who wish to work.
Unfortunately the reality for so many women is different.
Covid-19 is partly to blame, amplifying pre-existing inequalities and often having a
disproportionate impact on women’s employment. Women are also more at risk of
being pushed out of jobs into the more precarious informal sector or work that
matches neither their skills nor aspirations. However, if we are to be honest, even
before the pandemic hit, the situation was less than rosy.
Gender equality requires a ‘quantum leap’.
Just over a year ago, before most of us had heard of Covid-19, ILO’s flagship report A
Quantum Leap for Gender Equality for the Future of Work highlighted how progress
in closing gender gaps had stalled, and in some cases reversed.
There are numerous factors preventing women from entering, remaining and
progressing in the labour force. Top amongst them is unpaid care work, the burden of
which still rests disproportionately on the shoulders of women worldwide. Between
1997 and 2012 the amount of unpaid care work carried out by women fell by just 15
minutes a day while men did eight minutes a day more. At this rate it will take over
200 years for the gap to close and far longer when Covid-19 impacts are taken into
account.
Women continue to occupy fewer jobs and sectors than men. Those working in the
same occupation as men are still systematically paid less. Globally, according to ILO
data, fewer than one-third of managers are women, although they are likely to be
better educated than their male counterparts. Women with children are further

9-3-2021
 2

penalised with regard to employment, pay and leadership opportunities. These

penalties are carried throughout a woman’s life cycle, often contributing to poverty
during elder years, due to a lack of pensions and social safety nets.
Violence and harassment continue to have a detrimental impact on women’s
participation in employment and their ability to reach their potential. It remains a
depressingly widespread phenomenon, often extending beyond physical spaces into
the digital world.
The good news is we know what needs to be done.
Gender equality in the world of work requires a ‘quantum leap’ and not tentative,
incremental steps. If we are to reap the social and economic benefits this will bring,
then conscious, proactive and concerted efforts are needed. We must all play our part.
That means governments, workers’ and employers’, women’s organisations, schools
and academia, other key partners, you and me.
Following are four key areas to make transformative change for women in the world
of work.
First, we must seek to tackle the huge disparity between women’s and men’s unpaid
care responsibilities. Men need to do more and would benefit from a better work-life
balance. Increased support and investment at workplace level is also vital through
policies that allow a more flexible approach to working hours and careers, as well as
pathways to manage care responsibilities and return to the workforce after care-giving
absences, without unfair penalties.
Second, governments need to adopt (or make changes to) legislation and policies that
enhance women’s access to the labour market as well as higher skilled and better paid
jobs and opportunities. This includes investing in publicly funded, accessible,
professional care services. Many countries have legislation in place but
implementation is weak.
Third, gender-based violence and harassment, including sexual harassment, must be
addressed. ILO’s Violence and Harassment Convention provides a clear framework and
practical actions. Ratification and implementation of the Violence and Harassment
Convention should be at the top of the agenda for every country in the region —
following the lead of Fiji.
Lastly, steps are needed at every level to support women’s voice, representation and
leadership. Discrimination in hiring and promotion must be removed and affirmative
9-3-2021
 3

action considered to close stubborn gender gaps once and for all. We must also reach
out to women everywhere, including those with compounding identities who often
face marginalisation.
The opportunity loss of failing to tackle gender equality at work is enormous. Despite
the cloud cast by Covid-19, there is no time to waste. Now is the time for commitment
to be shown and courageous choices to be made. Together we can narrow inequalities
and break down barriers. By doing so, women everywhere can realise their full
potential in a world of work where no one is left behind.

The writer is ILO’s assistant DG and regional director for Asia and the Pacific.

By: Chihoko Asada-Miyakawa

Source: Dawn

9-3-2021
 4

More democracy, not less

The vultures are out again. The hubris that helped make Pervez Elahi chief minister of
Punjab, the desperation that helped make Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain the actual prime
minister of Pakistan, and the machinations that helped make Sadiq Sanjrani the
chairman of the Senate “for the very first time”, is flexing again.

We now have another tsunami of lamentations about the illnesses that plague
Pakistani democracy. To understand the irony, one may imagine a tumour wagging its
finger at cancer cells for having the audacity to multiply without its permission. Hello?
Oof, cancel culture is such a beauty.

Yousaf Raza Gilani is no Nelson Mandela, and certainly no pinup hero for Pakistani
democrats. But no serious person that broke out into a smile upon learning of his
victory in the Senate race for the Islamabad seat actually believes he is. Many
reformers, strategists, and geniuses are convinced otherwise. Witness the sudden
wave of long-winded whiny uncle posts in your WhatsApp. Poorly written rants don’t
suffice as blueprints for Pakistan’s great new deal. And if Gilani is no Mandela, the rage
against Pakistani ‘democracy’ isn’t the inside of James Madison’s brains either.

The reason Prime Minister Imran Khan is paying the extra baggage fees of carrying
deadweight with toupees in his cabinet is not because the clown car moonlights as a
think tank. It is because we are suffering from a collective breakdown in serious
discourse. At least part of the reason for this is the weaponization of the media.

Traditional media has a lot to introspect about. But the sustained attacks on free
expression globally and locally are not about integrity in analysis, or fidelity in
reporting. The ‘fake news’ propaganda is about weaponizing social media to fight
partisan battles. From the Trumpistas marching on Capitol Hill, to Bolsonaro’s bots in
Brasilia, to Modi’s murderous mann ki baatein, there is an unholy global and local
assault on our cognitive abilities and our central nervous systems. That’s why there
are serious, decent and honest people who can, with a straight face, try to justify and

9-3-2021
 5

defend the sickening assault on former minister for information Marriyum Aurangzeb
outside parliament this weekend.

Partisanship feels so good because it forces binaries. The media is, like all other
businesses, a binary zero-sum game. Either you make money, or your competitor does.
In this race to the bottom, every issue is about whether you are good or evil. Every
issue is about being on the right side of history or the wrong one. Every fight is a fight
to the death. Luckily, the Generation X innovators that wrote the algorithms are also
history’s first ADD generation. The only reason more people don’t die over funny cat
memes, or whether the dress is blue or gold, or just how bad a current account deficit
really is? There is a cognitive surplus of issues to be outraged about, immediately after
the ones you are outraged about right now.

If you want to take a break from the crack pipe, settle down and switch it off. Pakistan’s
Senate elections were as much a magnificent display of the majesty of inclusive federal
design as they were a disturbing reminder of the low-quality human beings that
populate the politician demographic.

Where else in Pakistan does Balochistan have 23 representatives, or nearly a quarter

of the total? How else can Pakistani reformers – when their leaders put their money
where their mouth is – be part of the apex decision-making structures of the country?
How else would someone of the stature of Dr Sania Nishtar become a full cabinet
member, as a senator? How else would the towering Sherry Rehman be able to
command respect from all sides of the political spectrum? Where else can a public
policy warrior like Ayesha Raza Farooq be afforded the chance to share her
experiences and insights as a leader? All of this happens at the Senate of Pakistan.

Obviously, not every senator is a Sania Nishtar. But the Senate is a vehicle for the
inclusion of people of the calibre of Dr Nishtar, Ms Rehman and Ms Farooq. As I write
this on International Women’s Day, it is uplifting to see young Pakistani women assert
their right to free movement, free thought and free expression. Among the Aurat Azad
March are future senators. Some will mellow over time; some will get more radical.
Weak men and the institutions of patriarchy and jahiliya will try to stop them. But
Allah’s mercy, in the long run, will make Pakistani society as much a point of pride as

9-3-2021
 6

Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme, its capacity to respond to calamities and

crises, its heroic soldiers and spies, and its long tradition of political dissenters that
stand up for the rest of us, because not everyone has the courage, or gumption, or
clarity required to identify and articulate the brokenness of things – when it is
required.

Pakistan is at least a quarter century behind in its story of economic growth, and it is
at least as far behind in figuring out its value as a regional magnet for trade and
connectivity. The current military leadership, for all its weaknesses and errors, has
established clarity inside and outside the walls of the establishment: Pakistan is open
for business and gets it. This is why the advances in FATF due diligence and progress
on regional peace are possible. But many a slip doth threaten clarity between the cup
and the lip. This is no time for complacency.

Three examples of the serious potential for progress in today’s polarized circus should
give all Pakistanis reasons for hope, and for caution.

One, the Afghan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement, which was due to expire, has a
short extension. It needs to be expanded and given institutional depth. An additional
hybrid desk at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Commerce, with a
DG, JS, or one-star level officer assigned to coordinate security issues for Afghan trade.
A Pakistan that can nurse and shepherd a new APTTA in the midst of a disjointed and
weak peace process is a Pakistan we can all be proud of.

Two, the Special Technology Zones Authority (STZA), which has a clear vision to
establish islands of investment and growth can also serve many key strategic
objectives, including showcasing Pakistan’s potential as a sink for great power
collaboration, or at least co-existence. But if the SECP and SBP keep making industry-
friendly policy that gets negated by IMF-fearing officials at the FBR and Ministry of
Finance? The STZA will be DOA. It must not become victim to the “rules of business”
and “this is Pakistan, sir”. If Pakistan is to grow, innovations like the STZA must thrive.

Three, the Ehsaas Emergency Cash programme, which paid out Rs12,000 to over 16
million households is the ultimate glue for citizen-state relations. It is not charity, and

9-3-2021
 7

the government of Pakistan was not doing its people favours. It was just Pakistan
working for more Pakistanis than it usually does. Instead of allowing BISP and Ehsaas
to become distracted with a range of less effective social protection instruments – like
food banks, interest free loans, and other conditional transfers – Dr Nishtar and PM
Khan need to find ways of quadrupling, tripling, or at least doubling down on Ehsaas
Emergency Cash. The coming budget will demand pain and sacrifice. Let the fat cats
that can pay millions in bribes suffer for once. A massively expanded Ehsaas
Emergency Cash programme is the clearest and most potent pathway to establishing
the Madina ki Riyasat that even Imran Khan haters secretly wish to see established in
the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

For these three (and numerous other rays of hope), democracy can work, and has
worked, just fine. PM Khan, and the democracy naysayers invested in him should pay
heed.

The writer is an analyst and commentator.

By: Mosharraf Zaidi

Source: The News

9-3-2021
 8

Modi’s India: An intolerant Hindu state

The liberal, secular India of Nehru and Gandhi is no more. Under the Modi-led BJP
government, India is fast becoming a racist and fascist Hindu nationalist society in
which there is no democratic dissent. The Hindutva brigade is especially targeting
Muslims and other minorities in order to reduce them to the status of second-class
citizens.

According to the latest global survey, India has become one of the world’s least free
democracies. The Freedom in the World 2020 report ranks India at the 83rd position,
along with Timor-Leste and Senegal. This is near the bottom of the list of countries
categorised as “Free”, with only Tunisia receiving a lower score. India’s score fell by
four points to 71, the worst decline among the world’s 25 largest democracies this
year.

The analysis contains a warning about the Indian government’s alarming departures
from democratic norms under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party.
The annulment of autonomy and the subsequent shutdown of Kashmir, the National
Register of Citizens and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, as well as the crackdown on
mass protests have been listed as the main signs of declining freedom in the report,
released by Freedom House, a US-based watchdog, which has been tracking global
political and civil liberties for almost half a century.

To quote the report, “These three actions have shaken the rule of law in India and
threatened the secular and inclusive nature of its political system. While India
continues to earn a ‘Free’ rating and held successful elections last spring, the BJP has
distanced itself from the country’s founding commitment to pluralism and individual
rights, without which democracy cannot long survive.”

Narendra Modi, who is known as the Butcher of Gujarat, has cavalierly rejected
criticism of his racist Hindu nationalist policies, which include a series of new measures
that threaten to disenfranchise India’s Muslim population. The report has slammed
the internet blackout in Kashmir, terming it the longest shutdown ever imposed by a
democracy. The freedom of expression is under threat in India, with journalists,

9-3-2021
 9

academics and others facing harassment and intimidation for exposing the lies and
transgressions of BJP government.

The findings of the global survey are based on the principles enshrined in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in
1948. It covers 195 countries, awarding scores based on political rights indicators such
as the electoral process, political pluralism and participation and government
functioning, as well as civil liberties indicators related to freedom of expression,
religious rights, the rule of law and personal autonomy.

India scored 34 out of 40 points in the political rights category, but only 37 out of 60
in the civil liberties category, for a total score of 71, a drop from last year’s score of 75.
The report treats Indian Illegally Occupied Kashmir as a separate territory, which saw
its total score drop steeply from 49 to 28 this year, moving it from the status of “Partly
Free” to “Not Free”.

The findings of the Freedom Index are endorsed by another report released by The
Economist magazine of London. Each year the Economist Intelligence Unit compiles a
“Democracy Index”, which shows the state of democracy around the world. In the
Economist 2020 report, India was ranked 51st in 2019, with an overall score of 6.9
which has dropped to 6.61. The report observes that there has been significant
“democratic backsliding” by India in the past year, due to which it has been categorised
as a “flawed democracy.” India has fallen from a global ranking of 27 in 2015 to 53. To
quote the report, this is because “democratic norms have been under pressure since
2015 under the leadership of Narendra Modi”.

It is no secret that since Narendra Modi took over in 2014, there has been a steep
decline in democratic freedoms and civil liberties in India. According to the magazine
“by contrast, the scores for some of India’s regional neighbours, such as Bangladesh,
Bhutan and Pakistan, improved marginally in 2020”. In the last few years, India has
seen the increasing influence of religion under the Modi premiership, whose policies
have fomented anti-Muslim feeling and religious strife.

9-3-2021
 10

The EIU report specially refers to the enactment in December 2019 of the Citizenship
(Amendment) Act 2019 which “continued to fuel riots in 2020, with several left dead
following clashes in February in the capital city, New Delhi. The act introduces a
religious element to the conceptualisation of Indian citizenship, a step that many
critics see as undermining the secular basis of the Indian State”.

The magazine indicts Modi for participating in the ground-breaking ceremony at the
site of the destroyed Babri Masjid, and notes that the Ram Mandir’s construction will
further polarise India and strengthen the aggressive Hindu nationalists.

The Economist also ran a story on India recently captioned, “India’s government is
censoring people before they comment”. It quotes Idi Amin, late Ugandan dictator,
who once declared he respected freedom of speech, but could not guarantee freedom
after speech. The magazine says “India’s government has gained a taste for curtailing
freedom before speech.”

According to The Wire, an Indian media outlet, 55 journalists were threatened,

arrested and booked by the Centre and state governments for their reporting on
Covid-19. FIRs have been filed against several journalists of both regional and national
media. Details of the crackdown were published in a report by Delhi-based Rights and
Risk Analysis Group which said that journalists were charged for “exercising freedom
of opinion and expression during the national lockdown between March 25 and May
31, 2020.”

By: Dr Jumma Khan Marri

Source: The Nation

9-3-2021
 11

Beyond the open ballot

THE Senate election is over but the dust is yet to settle. The Islamabad seat didn’t go
the predicted way (mea culpa: I was among the confident few — wrongly so — to
predict its outcome). Yousuf Raza Gilani won the seat in what is being described as
an upset or a surprise. The numbers game on the surface turned out to be less
reliable than the rumblings and activity beneath.
Since then, the government has been on the warpath. The video recording of a
conversation between Gilani’s son and some PTI MNAs has added to the government’s
fire. The opposition has been bolstered by the Islamabad win and doesn’t seem
impressed by the vote of confidence the prime minister took after the embarrassing
defeat.
But the ongoing and unending tussle between the government and opposition aside,
the dust kicked up this year over the Senate election has covered us all. It is one thing
to hear and speculate about the sale and purchase of votes and seats and quite
another to have a recording come to light revealing just how blunt such negotiations
may be.
However, as the other side has rightly alleged, the government (any government) is
guilty of similar acts when it promises development funds in exchange for loyalty.
The fracas over the Senate polls seemed to highlight much more than the vote and its
secrecy.
While this criticism, on both sides, has merit, it is hard to wholeheartedly support the
debate on how to stop such practices. The only solution the political parties have come
up with is ‘the open’ ballot. (The PPP and PML-N had agreed to this in the Charter of
Democracy while the PTI has jumped on the same wagon since it tasted power.) Get
rid of the secret vote by making it traceable or replace the election with a list system
— as with the reserved women seats, parties should be allocated Senate seats on the
basis of their strength in the respective assemblies which would be filled from a list of
names prepared and provided by the parties. There is little doubt that this would be
more ‘transparent’ at some level but it would also increase the party leadership’s
control over who makes it to the Senate. Nominations rather than an election would
be the result. It may curb ‘corruption’ but also encourage authoritarianism. This is not
an easy choice in a country where we already rue the lack of democracy in parties.
9-3-2021
 12

So why not look at the ‘problem’ differently?

The recording of Ali Haider Gilani and the ‘gillay shikway’ (complaints), ostensibly, by
the treasury benches seem to highlight another aspect of our politics — the concerns
of constituency politics.
The ‘inducement’ being offered in the purported tape appeared to be the
development funds controlled by provincial governments — one clip of the recording
which was played on a channel later seemed to indicate that Rs10 crores were being
offered to the MNAs in the guise of development funds.
On the other hand, the prime minister is also said to have reportedly offered
development funds to parliamentarians (which was later denied when the issue was
taken up by the Supreme Court). But this is not where the matter ends — unpack the
reports of the considerable disgruntlement with Imran Khan on the part of the
parliamentarians and it seems similar issues are at stake.
Many backbenchers don’t necessarily want to meet the prime minister for chit-chat or
policy matters or to simply criticise his failure to control inflation. Meetings are sought
for less lofty considerations such as constituency affairs. Development funds and
schemes are issues that always need the prime minister’s immediate attention. And if
there are reports of complaints against Hafeez Sheikh, greater investigation will reveal
he too is unwilling to heed such concerns. He has a reputation of being stingy with
money, as he follows IMF dictates. Conversely, if there is praise for Gilani as prime
minister, it is because he was willing to not just spare time for such matters but also
the funds.
This is not to say that the politicians are wrong for taking an interest in these issues or
Khan is right for ignoring them. Rather, we need to ask why this happens in the first
place. Why should a parliamentarian’s primary concern be basic amenities such as
constructing drains in his constituency? And even if we are to accept this as reality,
why should he or she not get these funds automatically instead of having to be
dependent on the largesse of the prime minister or chief minister?
If our political leadership would provide for constitutionally protected local
governments, along with predetermined financial awards, perhaps our
parliamentarians wouldn’t be seeking government attention and begging or
negotiating for funds. And neither would chief ministers and prime ministers be able
to dole out state funds in exchange for votes or misuse them in other ways such as
9-3-2021
 13

favouring some parliamentarians over others. (It was said in the run-up to the Senate
election that the Punjab chief minister was in Islamabad and held a meeting with
MNAs from his province to ‘address’ their concerns.)
Indeed, for me, the entire fracas over the Senate elections seemed to highlight so
much more than the vote and its secrecy. It simply seems to highlight how funds are
offered or withheld to control behaviour. Consider the PML-N dissidents in Punjab;
they argued more than once that they met the chief minister to discuss matters related
to their constituency.
And this should be addressed by more democracy than more centralisation. Devolve
power down to the local level so that parliamentarians are compelled to focus on
policy over drains and roads. Second, reduce the role of the chief executive in deciding
how many funds go where — and this should include the chief ministers as well as the
prime minister.
This is not to say that this will end the use of money in the Senate election. It will not.
But it is a step in the right direction — a direction which takes us towards the
devolution of power, less centralisation and more democracy. At least, it would be a
direction other than a tight control of the party leadership over individuals.

The writer is a journalist.

By: Arifa Noor

Source: Dawn

9-3-2021
 14

Bleak future
Covid-19 was not a “black swan” event – an event that cannot be reasonably
anticipated. As Mike Ryan, executive director of the World Health Organization’s
emergencies programme, made clear in an impassioned address in February, Covid-19
is very much a human-made emergency. By continuing to privilege economic growth
over environmental and social sustainability, “we are creating the conditions in which
epidemics flourish … and taking huge risks with our future”.

Human civilisation is on a collision course with the laws of ecology. Experts have long
warned of zoonotic diseases jumping the species barrier as a result of growing human
encroachment on nature. A 2019 landmark global biodiversity assessment showed
that species and ecosystems are declining at rates “unprecedented in human history”.

Biodiversity loss is accelerating, driven by multiple interrelated forces, all of which are
ultimately produced or greatly amplified by practices that push economic growth.
These include deforestation, agricultural expansion and the intensified consumption
of wild animals.

As governments around the world roll out Covid-19 vaccine programmes and seek to
kickstart their economies back to life, recovery seems to be within reach. However,
hard questions must not be sidestepped. How did this pandemic happen? And how
resilient are we to future global risks, including the possibility of deadlier pandemics?

Importantly, Covid-19 was not a “black swan” event – an event that cannot be
reasonably anticipated. As Mike Ryan, executive director of the World Health
Organization’s emergencies programme, made clear in an impassioned address in
February, Covid-19 is very much a human-made emergency. By continuing to privilege
economic growth over environmental and social sustainability, “we are creating the
conditions in which epidemics flourish … and taking huge risks with our future”.

Human civilisation is on a collision course with the laws of ecology. Experts have long
warned of zoonotic diseases jumping the species barrier as a result of growing human
encroachment on nature. A 2019 landmark global biodiversity assessment showed
that species and ecosystems are declining at rates “unprecedented in human history”.

9-3-2021
 15

Biodiversity loss is accelerating, driven by multiple interrelated forces, all of which are
ultimately produced or greatly amplified by practices that push economic growth.
These include deforestation, agricultural expansion and the intensified consumption
of wild animals.

Climate change often steals the headlines, but it is becoming increasingly clear that
the prospect of mass biodiversity loss is just as catastrophic. Crucially, these two
challenges are deeply interlinked. Global warming is putting massive pressure on many
of our most diverse natural ecosystems. In turn, the decline of these vital ecosystems
weakens their ability to store carbon and provide protection from extreme weather
and other climate-related risks.

These effects cannot be captured in simplified metaphors such as “the war on carbon”,
which may be politically expedient but obscure the complexities involved in protecting
life-sustaining ecosystems. There is no single measurement that captures the “the
variability among living organisms from all sources including … terrestrial, marine and
other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological complexes of which they are part”. In
fact, many of the living organisms on Earth are still unknown to humans.

Although it has long been argued that there are hard limits to unsustainable economic
growth on a finite planet, these arguments have been largely dismissed by western
economic powers. But market forces will not abolish natural scarcity or do away with
planetary limits.

Belatedly, driven in part by growing public awareness of environmental destruction,

economic planners are waking up to our ecological interdependence. As the recent
Dasgupta Review, commissioned by the UK Treasury, puts it: “Our economies,
livelihoods and wellbeing all depend on our most precious asset: nature. We are part
of nature, not separate from it.”

Buoyed by school climate strikes and the declaration of climate and nature
emergencies around the world, UN Secretary General António Guterres has declared
2021 as “the year to reconcile humanity with nature”. However, the lack of progress
is sobering. Of the 20 global biodiversity targets agreed in 2010, none have been fully
met a decade later.

9-3-2021
 16

The international community remains way off track when it comes to implementing
the Paris climate agreement. And although the COVID-19 crisis has led major
economies to make commitments to build back better and greener, much of the
recovery spending is flowing into business-as-usual economies.

How can political reality be brought into alignment with biophysical reality to ensure
our societies do not prosper at the expense of the ecological life support systems upon
which they ultimately depend?

Economist Kate Raworth’s doughnut-shaped economic model for human

development provides one prominent plan of action, placing social and planetary
boundaries at the core of governance redesign. In other words making sure that no
human being is deprived of life’s essentials (food, shelter, healthcare and so on) while
collectively ensuring that we don’t put damaging pressure on Earth’s life-supporting
systems, on which all humans depend (a stable climate, healthy soil, a protective
ozone layer).

But this is just one in a long line of ecological economic blueprints stretching back to
at least the 1960s. The question remains: is society ready to relinquish its deep-seated
will to power over nature for a different accommodation – one where we live in
agreement with nature? As ecologist Gregory Bateson) observed: “The creature that
wins against its environment destroys itself.” The COVID-19 pandemic is a canary in
the coalmine; more are sure to follow.

Excerpted: ‘Global Obsession With Economic Growth Will Increase Risk of Deadly
Pandemics in Future’

By: Tom Pegram And Julia Kreienkamp

Source: The News

9-3-2021
 17

Forever zero
Pakistan’s power sector faces its gravest challenge ever – financial instability of a
quantum that threatens the country’s already over-stretched budgetary resources.

The extent of financial haemorrhaging is simply stunning – Rs486 billion in FY19, Rs538
billion in FY20 and Rs155 billion in five months of FY21. In just 29 months it added an
unaccounted for quasi-fiscal deficit of 2.6 percent of GDP. Quasi-fiscal deficit is an
indirect liability of the state.

The pace of haemorrhaging in the power sector is frightening –Rs40 billion a month.
In nominal terms, a nerve-racking Rs1,180 billion or $7.5 billion have become a new
quasi-fiscal liability of the state, from July 2018 to November 2020. The accumulative
total stock of the power sector payable has risen to an inconceivable Rs2,400 billion.
This stock has commonly come to be known as circular debt – though there is hardly
anything circular about it. The circular debt or the accumulated stock of the power
sector is the liability of the single power sector buyer – the state. The government is
considering paying an amount of Rs450 billion to IPPs to settle part of the stock of the
circular debt.

The build-up of circular debt is principally the result of flaws in the system covering
policy inefficiencies, structural issues, and administrative fault-lines, all over-
shadowed by political economy considerations. Let’s make an exceptionally precise
and objective attempt to structure steps to permanently stem the leakage accruing in
the power sector to near zero.

Policy rectification requires a redesign of three key areas. First, tariff pass-through as
determined by the regulator has to be made automatic. The government inordinately
delays tariff pass-through after determination by the regulator, adding to circular
debt. At the outset, the three tariff notifications (monthly fuel price adjustment;
quarterly adjustment; and yearly base tariff adjustment) must be done by the
government within a stipulated 15-day time period, with an adequate subsidy amount
added to the tariff notification. The permanent solution to rectify the delay in tariff

9-3-2021
 18

implementation is to allow Nepra to directly notify tariff without government

intervention.

The second key policy adjustment is about a larger-than-life subsidy mechanism

marred by under budgeting. More than 60 percent of domestic customers (consuming
up to 300 units) utilize a major portion of the tariff subsidy. Other subsidized
consumers include: Balochistan tube wells (almost 30,000) subsidized with an amount
shared between the federal and Balochistan governments on a 40:60 ratio estimated
at about Rs60 billion; industrial consumers through a subsidized tariff; and five export
sectors provided electricity at a highly subsidized rate 6.5 cents/kwh. These are
substantive subsidies.

Budget FY21, like past budgets, partially covers the ambit of promised subsidies. A
paltry amount of Rs140 billion budgeted as power-sector subsidy is far short of the
estimated need of Rs 430 billion in FY21. The deficit amount, a whopping Rs290 billion,
leads to a build-up of circular debt. Adequate budgeting at the start of the fiscal year
and adjustments over the course of the year must be adhered to as a new policy.
Subsidy verification and payment delays should be avoided. In the medium term, the
government must move to a full cost tariff and direct subsidy to the vulnerable.

The third policy issue is to ensure payment of dues from AJK worth Rs38 billion a year.
Electricity is being supplied at a concessional rate of Rs5.30 per unit while the regulator
notifies a full rate above Rs13.50 per unit. The state continues to partly foot the bill
for difference in the tariffs for many years. The historical Mangla agreement
determining a concessional rate of electricity supply to AJK has expired. The issue of
AJK needs a policy settlement or otherwise adequate budgeting.

At the structural level, the accumulation of circular debt is related to an under-

collection of billed amount and higher technical and distribution losses. In FY20 the
collection was 88.77 percent of the billed amount and the transmission and
distribution losses were 3.5 percent higher than allowed in tariff. Rectification of the
two anomalies can stem a bleeding of Rs200 billion a year. These issues have been
handled through administrative interventions including crackdowns and policing
which have worked only partially.

9-3-2021
 19

A more sustainable solution is to rely on technology through a relentless effort to

move the entire country to smart meters. Such solutions should apply at the grid level
as well. To ease implementation, consumers using a load of 5 kWh and above can be
targeted. These cover 75 percent of the country’s billing but constitute only 25 percent
of total consumers. The irony is that a multilateral loan is parked with Pakistan to
undertake this process for the past three years. Smart metering can help DISCOs move
to a near 100 percent recovery of bills. Balochistan tube-wells’ solarisation is a much-
delayed project, which needs completion at the earliest. The program of reduction in
transmission losses, with targets of 0.75 percent yearly, should be simultaneously
implemented. Lastly, a key administrative issue is the non-recovery of GST payable to
the FBR. The solution requires a change to fix GST on the recovered rather than billed
amount.

The current tariff structure is based on restricting higher use of electricity. This is non-
reflective of the removal of the supply constraint from about two years ago. At a
structural level, the country needs a new tariff regime. One which incentivizes a higher
usage of electricity. This can help reduce the rising tariff as economies of scale will
decrease the fixed capacity payment per unit as it gets spread on a larger number of
units sold in the country. The added expectation is that a lower tariff at higher
consumption levels will also lower the incentive for theft.

The above menu of reforms is likely to make the perturbing financial haemorrhaging
for ever zero. The good news is that they are implementable over a course of 12-24
months. Big ideas like divestment, off-grid solutions and greening can continue on the
side.

The writer is former advisor,Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan.

Email: khaqanhnajeeb@gmail.com

By: Dr Khaqan Hassan Najeeb

Source: The News

9-3-2021
 20

If a horse befriends the grass

THERE’s talk of peace between India and Pakistan, which should be welcomed with
a tight embrace by both sides and by the world at large. If true, the move will be
nothing short of a somersault for hard liners on both sides.

Not long ago, right-wing nationalists had daubed with dark paint the face of my peace
activist friend Sudheendra Kulkarni as he hosted a welcome for Pakistan’s former
foreign minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri in Mumbai. The Gandhian in Kulkarni
refused to surrender. Now, a statement — a detailed joint statement, in fact — on a
new ceasefire along the LoC by the Indian and Pakistani militaries has spurred Mr
Kulkarni to pen another passionate appeal to the two and their foreign friends: Do not
squander the opportunity. He cited Jinnah and Gandhi to press the point.

“Both India and Pakistan are my country,” Kulkarni cited Gandhi as saying. At his prayer
meeting four days before Hindu fanatics killed him, he affirmed: “[T]hough
geographically and politically India is divided in two, at heart we shall be friends and
brothers helping and respecting one another and be one for the outside world.”
Gandhi’s assassins hated him for this.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah also, who Kulkarni describes as Gandhi’s “fellow Kathiawadi and
Father of the Pakistani nation”, desired good-neighbourly relations with India. First US
ambassador to Pakistan Paul Alling asked Jinnah about India-Pakistan relations he
wished to see. “An association similar to that between the US and Canada,” said
Jinnah. Could Kulkarni’s appeal excite India’s ruling party, which harbours worshippers
of Gandhi’s assassin? How will extremists in Pakistan, who regard Jinnah with similar
hostility, respond?

Sullen ties with China would be in keeping with the mood in Washington.

An inherently tricky question in this happy prospect of peace comes from an Urdu
aphorism: if the horse befriends the grass, what would it eat? The allusion here is to
Hindutva. The doctrine is busy dismantling every secular and liberal structure that
shores up Indian democracy. On the other side, Pakistan’s anti-India extremists have
a lot to lose from peace. If Hindutva makes peace with Pakistan what would become

9-3-2021
 21

of its raison d’être — mobilising public opinion for a Hindu rashtra by a toxic targeting
of Muslims as a domestic policy and perpetual hostility with Pakistan as foreign policy?

The late BJP ideologue Arun Jaitley spelled out in confidence to US diplomats the two
ideological essentials in the policy mix of Hindutva. Thanks to Julian Assange’s selfless
work we know what the ingredients are. Manmohan Singh’s 10-year engagement for
peace with Pakistan was hurting the BJP in its vote-rich north Indian constituency. The
hint to Jaitley’s diplomat friends flowered into confirmed fact in the Modi era.

The other ideological (and necessarily cynical) position was about the north-eastern
states, where expulsion of Muslims accused of being Bangladeshis would continue to
be Hindutva’s winning mantra. It was not stated how BJP would handle the adverse
fallout with Dhaka, but the citizenship act has reaffirmed the truth of the strategy.

Other natural questions flow from the prospect of India’s improved relations with
Pakistan. Is it linked with the Biden administration’s quandary in Afghanistan and Iran,
both bordering Pakistan? Could it be possible that there’s peace with Pakistan and
unabated hostility with China, which sees itself as Pakistan’s ‘all-weather friend’? It’s
unlikely that India’s much-touted two-front battle plan would become a single military
front scenario from any peace initiative with Pakistan. All things considered, the
thought makes some very limited sense but in a roundabout Hindutva way. If China
can somehow replace Pakistan as the dominant ogre for India, without necessarily
beating the war drums, which could be costly, it would serve the interest of a new
domestic policy taking shape. Sullen ties with China would also be in keeping with the
mood in Washington.

So what could be the new domestic strategy? If the straws in the wind are an
indication, the BJP’s narrative is shifting from communal Hindu-Muslim binary to one
targeting secularism and its liberal and leftist votaries as the more urgent threat.

Saturday’s Indian Express says that the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, a virulent
Hindutva ideologue, now sees the biggest challenge to India coming from secularism,
evidently a new Hindutva formula, given the fact that its favourite whipping boy has
mostly been India’s Muslims. He made another astounding declaration, according to
the paper. The chief minister “urged people not to lose the harmonious spirit of the

9-3-2021
 22

nation by being involved in petty communal disputes”. Petty communal disputes! That
is new. The chief minister instead warned “those misguiding people for their own
profit and betraying the country.” They will not be spared.

Seen in the backdrop of the near destruction of the BJP’s communal card triggered by
the farmers’ game-changing agitation, Adityanath’s fulminations make sense. The
unending agitation, which shows no signs of relenting on its tough demands is of a
piece with old mass movements when Indian governments were identified as ‘Tata-
Birla ki sarkar’, reference to two main tycoons of the time. Today, the farmers have
put a sharp focus on Mr Modi’s two close businessmen allies, Mukesh Ambani and
Gautam Adani. This has pinched the government hard. And the pain has absolutely
nothing to do with the vote-rich communal binary, now losing steam. The main prop
that launched Mr Modi as prime minister in 2014 — the Hindu-Muslim violence in
Muzaffarnagar — comprised the Hindu farmers of western Uttar Pradesh. They have
joined secular protests swirling in the country.

Adityanath was evidently parroting the new focus of the government’s ire. Among the
few journalists and media outfits standing their ground is the Caravan magazine,
with The Wire news portal not far behind. Both have published accounts of a new
strategy formulated by a group of cabinet ministers last year to “neutralise” those who
set “false narratives” against the government. The horse will not starve. If it’s not grass
then some other fodder will be readied.

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

By: Jawed Naqvi

Source: Dawn

9-3-2021
 23

Rising Islamophobia
From France banning Islamic veiling, and far-right extremists targeting Muslims in
Europe; Rohingya terrorised and kicked out of Myanmar to Indians setting Muslims on
fire for slaughtering cows, Islamophobia is rising. Now, Sri Lanka recently made news
by banning the burial of virus victims of minority Muslims, disregarding their funeral
rites, and practices.

Anti-Muslim feeling has sporadically existed from the days when colonial governments
had classified the Indian-subcontinent population in religious terms and further
bifurcated it into sects of their choice to strengthen the British Raj through the divide
and rule policy. During the process of globalisation—economic, cultural, and
political—Muslim sentiments were deeply hurt, and a worldwide surge in series of
Islamophobic events tells us how disconnected nationalities have come together
against Muslims, and their religion, Islam. The current portrayal of Muslims is a part of
the new racist discourse spread in the post-9/11 era by Islamophobic governments
that used the fear of Islam to fuel anti-Islamic rhetoric for their ends.

Despite having roots in the region from the past millennium, a new form of
Islamophobia is on the rise both in India and Sri Lanka. Earlier last year, the incumbent
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had initially singled out the Tablighi Jamaat congregation
as the main source of coronavirus spread in Delhi. The congregation became the
ultimate punching bag of the hardline Hindu extremists of BJP, who deliberately made
racial comments on Muslims.

The Indian government has invested more time, money, and energies in blaming the
Muslims and putting them in jail for reasons they might not know themselves. Since
BJP taking over the reins in 2014, there has been a rise in racial and incited violence
against the Indian-Muslim community. Before the pandemic, mobs under the
instruction of BJP, and RSS beat Muslim men to death on the pretext of eating cow
meat and converting Hindu girls to Islam. The BJP’s tyrannical rule has further
strengthened since it got re-elected for a second term in 2019 from the support it
garnered through the implementation of the Hindutva agenda.

9-3-2021
 24

It has infamous nationalistic policies, from the criminalisation of Triple talaq,

Implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam, the Citizenship
Amendment Act (CAA), revoking Article 377 in Indian Illegally Occupied Kashmir. Now,
due to the Covid-19 crisis the racial profiling and abuse have reached an
unprecedented level including separating Muslim patients from other religions, refusal
to admit Muslims, and even those admitted are left on their own.

Social media was swamped with anti-Muslim comments by the Indian Hindu
chauvinists, who tagged Muslims as ‘corona jihad’, and some pro-government media
agencies ran an anti-sentimental campaign, and television hosts fabricated false news
that promoted their narrative, including anchor Arnab Goswami who falsely reported
that Tablighi Jamaat Muslims were spitting on doctors to avoid getting tested for the
virus. Disseminating irresponsible and biased discourse has infringed the
constitutional right of the minority Muslims in India and has fuelled hatred for Muslims
in society.

In the wake of the pandemic, the spread, and severity of the virus has raised questions
over the capabilities of governments and their failure to curb the virus. This has
eventually shifted the blame on a minority ethnic group, as the “spreader” of the virus
due to its Islamic practices in India.

New forms of Islamophobia emerging in parts of the world are tarnishing Muslims’
image globally and could have far-reaching implications. There is a need to shun anti-
Muslim bigotry with an effective counter-narrative, and all Muslim countries should
come up with a resolution against countries, promoting an anti-racial narrative against
Muslims.

By: Mohsin Saleem Ullah

Source: The Nation

9-3-2021
 25

Politicising the public

Politics have touched a feverish pitch in the last many months. Political developments
and news, more than any other important subject, have dominated media headlines.
Open the newspapers to scan the leading headlines and one notices politicians of one
party lambasting their opponents for the sake of point-scoring. As a result, people
everywhere seem to discuss nothing but politics. We have become a highly politicised
nation.
While the political wrangling among the politicos is a usual affair, what’s lost in the din
are the basic and most important issues of public welfare such as creating job
opportunities and controlling the rising prices. Especially when democracy is touted
as: government of the people, by the people, for the people. Most worrisome is the
escalating poverty line in the country.
In the 2018 Borgen Project report about Pakistan, those under the poverty line were
at 31.3 percent or 69 million out of the total population of 212.2 million. By the end of
2020, the ratio increased to 40 percent or 87 million by proportion. As reported
recently, the cost of goods and services jumped to 8.7 percent in the last month
according to the Bureau of Statistics.
One of the serious problems is the exodus of people from rural areas to urban centres
in search of employment. Why should young men from Districts Dera Ghazi Khan,
Muzaffargarh, Rajanpur and the rest of the Seraiki belt head to Lahore to find menial
jobs at gas stations and bakeries or sell seasonal fruits on the roadside. Usually these
youngsters can read and write and have spent time in schools and call themselves
under-matric. They could be absorbed in various jobs if the country's backward areas
were industrialised. If the government offered tax incentives and reduced power rates
to set up industrial units in such areas, it could generate employment opportunities
and discourage people from shifting to big cities.
However, a large segment of people who remain unnoticed are those who never had
a chance to go to schools. For instance, the mass movement of people from the
mountain range to which CM Usman Buzdar belongs to Taunsa city is a case in point.
Essentially, Baloch people descend from the mountains to the nearest cities in the
plains to earn their livelihood. The shanty towns that have sprung up in Taunsa present
a scene of neglect.

9-3-2021
 26

The lopsided policy of urbanisation of cities at the cost of ignoring rural areas by
various governments is mainly responsible for the mass scale movement of population
from rural to urban centres. Hence the cities are expanding haphazardly in all
directions. In the sixties and seventies, Lahore and Gujranwala seemed a large distance
apart but now the two are joined by a contiguous bazaar.
Adding further to the existing haphazard urbanisation of large cities, the prime
minister announced the Ravi City project on the right bank of River Ravi. A huge chunk
of 100,000 acres of irrigated land has been allocated for the project. The famers whose
lands are marked for acquisition are staging protests. The concept of adding a city to
the already overpopulated metropolis makes little sense. A political leader would
carve his/her name in history if s/he established new cities on arid lands. Many such
areas exist along the motorway where only thorny shrubs and Muskeets grow.
Politicians who conceive new ideas and turn them into reality on the ground are not
only remembered by the people but also leave their name in posterity. Ayub Khan may
have been a dictator but the mega hydroelectric projects – the Mangla and Tarbela
dams – built for the nation will always keep him in public memory. Without the two,
the country would have plunged into darkness. Comparatively, generals Zia and
Musharraf ruled for years but they didn’t leave any landmarks behind to show for their
performance.
Whether a dictator or a democrat rules, people living below the poverty line only
remember those who alleviate their miseries. Lofty ideas and hollow political slogans
never fill empty stomachs.

The writer is a freelance columnist based in Lahore.

By: Iftekhar A Khan

Source: The News

9-3-2021
 27

The last darbar at the Governor’s House

The Governor’s House Lahore, which is a relic of our colonial past, has a majestic wood-
panelled Darbar Hall. As student activists of the sixties and seventies, this mansion was
a target of our activism. Most demonstrations that started from the lower or academic
end of the Mall were first lathi charged in front of the General Post Office (GPO)
followed by Regal Chowk and finally Charing Cross. Only once we managed to break
through the three cordons of defence to enter the gates of this sprawling property
spread over 700 kanals of prime city land. Governor Nawab Amir Muhammad Khan of
Kalabagh was a sign of terror in his times. He lived here alone, even his children had
to seek permission to enter his official residence. His moustache was distinct which
earned him the title of ‘Muchal’ (Man with a moustache). His ‘mooch’ exhibited
authority and power, so much so that a private vendor came up with an idea of
marketing a clip-on version. His chants were heard in the main ‘Anarkali Bazaar’; “My
product can ensure respect, power and even authority”. The moment the Nawab Sahib
heard about his unfounded claim he was taken to task and removed from the arena.

The incumbent Governor Chaudhry Muhammad Sarwar also does not reside there like
the Nawab Sahib. The facility is being used only as an office. Last February, I was there
to pay tribute to fellow Comrade Naeem-ul-Haq who had lost his battle with cancer.
His first death anniversary just passed by on the 15th of this month. Though it was a
part of the PTI manifesto to move the office of the Governor and use the facility for
public good, it has not happened. However the attempt to remove the external wall
met with legal resistance as the property came under the ‘Buildings Protection
Ordinance’ passed in the decade of the eighties to preserve the historical buildings on
the Mall. Only the property has to be protected, not its use. When the elected
government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (ZAB) banned the Freemasons Movement, their hall
on 90 Mall was taken over. It is now a part of the Chief Minister’s secretariat. My friend
Dr Salman Shah’s office is located there.

After the fall of the first usurper, the gates of the Governor’s House were opened to
the public. Chancellor Ghulam Mustafa Khar welcomed students to his office. The
‘People’s Government’ (Awami Hukamat) as it was called, was focused on the people.

9-3-2021
 28

Relief was high on their agenda. I clearly remember the last ‘Darbar’ (An executive
court of public hearing) that I attended there with Khar Sahib presiding. He did not ask
for a written request to be forwarded to the Vice Chancellor (VC) and then stalled
there as is the case now, instead an open hearing was held in the Darbar Hall. It was
May 1974, the weather was warm. The classrooms on the Old Campus were cramped
and uncomfortable. A request was made for early summer vacations, instead of July,
August and September to June; July, August was proposed. After the request was
turned down, we marched to the Assembly Hall and met the Education Minister. As
the universities came under the Governor, he requested his intervention. The VC was
summoned, students presented their case. After hearing both sides, consensus was
reached on the vacation dates while the duration remained unchanged. Till today, the
same summer vacation schedule is being followed. The Darbar Hall was put to its
intended use.

Before this ‘Darbar’, another important event took place. The Police force in Punjab
and Frontier (KP now) went on strike. The purpose was to pressurise the elected
government into submission and to keep up with their old ways of public intimidation.
The two young and inexperienced Governors (Mustafa Khar in Punjab and Hayat
Sherpao in Frontier) after consulting with their party workers served an ultimatum to
the striking Policemen; “Show up for work within 48 hours or face dismissal”, as the
strike was declared illegal. The entire force was back within a few hours to face the
taunt of the people; “A Gay O” (Unwilling return). The entire bureaucracy remained
on their toes throughout the tenure of the ‘Awami Hukamat’. However when ZAB
decided to appointed another Nawab, the Governor House changed but by then the
CM Secretariat was organised to take over. Unfortunately today, both are non-
functional. They act as Post Office, where complaints are received and then forwarded,
not addressed. The ‘Darbar Hall’ is now used for official functions only which defeats
its basic purpose. Public complaints are no longer heard and resolved there.

Perhaps the British colonial masters followed the traditions of the Mughal Emperors
whose ‘Darbars’ were famous for dispensing on-the-spot, real-time justice.
Shehanshah Jahangir is remembered for his ‘Adal’ (Justice). According to the legend,
anyone seeking justice could just pull the string to ring the bell. A ‘Darbar’ was

9-3-2021
 29

organised which was presided over by the Emperor in his capacity as the Chief
Executive Officer (CEO). Officials were summoned and asked to explain, they could not
hide behind rules and regulations. On the spot decisions were taken and then
implemented. Such courts were set up for the first time in Riyasat-e-Madina by the
Holy Prophet (PBUH). As Khalifa, Hazrat Ali (RA) then organised them as ‘Muzalim
Courts’ (Courts to counter executive abuse). Accountability of the executive was
ensured while providing relief to the common man.

Under Article 216 of the interim Constitution, Administrative Accountability Courts

were to be established to check executive abuse. In the permanent version, a toned-
down Article 212 was included which the usurper unilaterally removed in July 1979.
Today the entire system is choked. For relief, the public has to go to the court of law,
thereby overloading them in areas that they do not fully comprehend. More than half
of the civil litigation is a result of executive abuse that can be easily corrected within
the executive. While the accountability of the judiciary and armed forces is internal,
the executive has no accountability framework in place. There is no relief mechanism
for the public, who are made to suffer because of executive lapses.

The ‘Darbar Hall’ at the Governor’s House should be restored and used as per design.
As Chancellor, Governor Sahib can restart the traditions set by the elected
representatives of the people in the seventies. An even better option can be to convert
this property in Lahore into the first Administrative Accountability Court of the
province where regular hearings could be held after the restoration of Article 212 of
the original 1973 constitution. The ceremonial office of the Governor can be shifted
either to the Freemasons Hall or GOR on Club Road where extra accommodation exists
(7, 8, 9 Club Road) as both Shehbaz Sharif and Pervaiz Elahi as CMs expanded their
offices unnecessarily. These Colonial era structures have to be put to good use in the
best public interest. If we cannot demolish these relics of the past, let us covert them
to put an end to the colonial era of exploitation and control and replace them with
havens of accountability.

By: Dr Farid Malik

Source: The Nation

9-3-2021
 30

A strong economy
Last week, President Joe Biden’s nominee for US trade representative Katherine Tai –
a well-seasoned trade expert with decades of trade experience – faced the Senate
Finance Committee for confirmation. The job will not be an easy one. As the nation’s
chief trade representative, Tai will inherit a turbulent legacy of trade policy decisions
during a particularly difficult time in which a pandemic continues to ravage countries,
communities and working people across the globe, especially workers of color.

Often, the mainstream narrative on trade promotes an idea that White workers from
the Midwest have suffered most from recent US trade policies. But a growing body of
evidence has shown this is not the case.

A recent report found that US trade policies have had a disproportionately negative
impact on Black and Latino workers, as these workers are more likely to work in
industries and in regions that were hardest hit by trade policies that allowed for job
offshoring and depressed wages.

Decluttr takes in all kinds of tech, refurbishes it till it’s good as new and sells it for a
much more reasonable price compared to the market value.

This research also shows that relative to their share in the labor force, Black and Latino
workers are more likely than their White counterparts to be concentrated in
manufacturing industries most intensely hit by offshoring and import concentration –
including paper manufacturing, chemicals manufacturing, transportation equipment
manufacturing and primary metals manufacturing – due to free trade policies. The
decline in manufacturing from 1960 to 2010 contributed to a 12 percent increase in
the racial wage gap for men, for example.

Subject to Senate approval, Tai would be the first woman of color and first Asian
American to lead USTR. And while representation isn’t the only important thing, it is a
step in the right direction. No policy is race-neutral. Trade policy is no exception.

Tai must work to reverse the harms done by a legacy of trade policies on workers of
color. This legacy includes trade agreements that have continued to undermine the US

9-3-2021
 31

manufacturing sector and a lack of sound industrial policy that could revitalize
communities that have been left behind.

Tai should also work to ensure that USTR protects workers and unions in the United
States by developing new rules for foreign investors to hire from local communities
instead of bringing in workers from elsewhere. She should also coordinate with the
Department of Labor, Department of Education and the Department of Commerce to
ensure that Black and Latino workers and communities benefit from these
investments.

Excerpted: ‘How Biden Can Spread the Benefits of Trade to Black Workers’

By: Marc Bayard

Source: The News

9-3-2021
 32

Political see-saw
WE have been witnessing a political see-saw in the country for months now. After
its failed no-confidence move against Senate chairman Sadiq Sanjrani and the long
march in 2019, the opposition appeared to be out of ideas and energy to dislodge
the PTI government which seemed set to complete its term.
The PDM regained its momentum in late 2020 with its public meetings and Nawaz
Sharif’s dramatic taking of sensitive names in the backdrop of the PTI’s weak
performance. The momentum lasted a few weeks only. Its failure to gather a huge
crowd in its Lahore bastion led pundits to see it as over. Its decision to participate in
by- and Senate elections strengthened this view. But such are the tortuous see-saws
of our politics that these two very decisions revived the momentum.
The PTI’s bypoll losses and the clumsy rigging attempt in Daska, likely done sans the
active support of those forces that excel in doing so, put the government on the back
foot. Its retreat was further cemented by its desperate attempts to end secret voting
in Senate polls. The final straw to break the camel’s back was the humiliating defeat
of Finance Minister Hafeez Sheikh in the Senate polls to his former boss Yousuf Raza
Gilani. This was a double blow. It scrambled its plans to continue with Sheikh at a time
when it is talking to the IMF.
More critically, it raised the issue of whether Prime Minister Imran Khan still has a
majority. The PTI tried to answer this question via a vote of confidence. But that came
with a blemish given the use of Article 91 (7) which required the president to say he
thinks (his own) prime minister lacks a majority. The vote also doesn’t change the fact
that Khan has faced questions about his majority. It has sapped his moral and political
standing. He will remain in power but powerless to take major initiatives.

The media has missed the more critical lens

But neither is it smooth sailing for the PDM. Its suddenly softer tone towards key
institutions raises suspicion as do its lack of clarity on future plans. Its moral standing
too took a big hit from the release of the video showing Gilani’s son inducing PTI
legislators, giving rise to comments that this could yet lead to the elder Gilani’s
disqualification. Matters could also swing in the PTI’s favour if it wins the Senate chair’s

9-3-2021
 33

elections. Sadiq Sanjrani’s nomination followed a meeting of Pakistan’s ‘troika’.

Ironically, the PTI can only win by using the same tacky tactics that it accuses the PDM
of using in Gilani’s win. But it is unlikely that the PTI will talk of high principles and
open voting in this election.
Thus, the PDM may yet find that despite gaining momentum from the by- and Senate
elections, as after its public meetings, it still falls short of its aim of dislodging the PTI
if the establishment clings on to the latter despite its poor performance and precarious
National Assembly position. This support reveals the artificial foundation on which the
see-saw moves. We have a political see-saw not because there are two evenly
balanced political forces in contest. We have it because despite being weak, the PTI is
widely seen as being propped up by those who appear to be undermining the public
mandate. In fact, it would not be wrong to say that the main constituency whose
interests the PTI is still serving well today is a section of the establishment.
Much of the critique of the alleged corrupt practices on the part of the PDM for Gilani’s
seat and the PTI in Daska and the Sanjrani no-confidence move earlier has bemoaned
the low morality of the PDM and PTI. It is a fair critique. But even though we must take
immediate strict measures against such practices, expecting them to end soon is
unrealistic. These problems will only gradually reduce over the long run.
However, mainstream media misses the more critical lens through which we must
view such incidents. That goes beyond the morality of politicians and focuses on
establishment politics and how any event affects its iron-clad grip on politics. It is the
more critical lens as this causes much more damage to public welfare than politicians’
intrigues.
So viewed from the lens of morality both the practices adopted by the PTI in the
Sanjrani no-confidence move and by the PDM on the Islamabad seat were bad. But
viewed from the other lens, the former was worse as it increased the establishment’s
hold. Thus, the real issue is not whether the see-saw tilts towards the PDM or PTI. It is
whether it tilts towards establishment or civilian sway. Viewing the matter morally,
one would choose neither the PDM nor PTI as a voter. But viewing it from the other
lens, one would express sympathy, as an analyst, for the PDM aims of civilian sway and
fair polls even if its commitment to these ideals is less than perfect.

9-3-2021
 34

The writer heads INSPIRING Pakistan, a progressive policy unit.

By: Dr Niaz Murtaza

Source: Dawn

9-3-2021
 35

The cost of living and the Iranian regime’s

risky bet
For many years, the Iranian government depended on its domestic capacity to provide
the Iranian people with their primary sources of living, such as food items. The
government has spent a significant percentage of the country’s financial resources to
avoid a shortage of essential items against the backdrop of harsh international
sanctions. Its fear is that social unrest could flare up and spread, threatening the whole
political system. The latest US sanctions have placed further pressure on the
government’s outdated approach, coinciding with the additional negative impact of
external variables such as the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, the decline in oil
prices and the depletion of foreign currencies.
In recent times, protests have surged among Iran’s working class, who make up nearly
half of Iran’s society, over worsening living conditions and low wages amid rising
inflation rates in the country. The Iranian people have expressed their feelings of anger
and frustration to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, demanding, via Iranian lawmakers,
that the minimum wage be doubled. To date, the government has proved to be
incompetent and incapable of dealing with the harsh living conditions experienced by
millions of hardworking Iranians.
The minimum amount required to survive in Iran is estimated at 9 million tomans
($360) per month for a family of four. Yet the minimum wage for workers is 3 million
tomans per month, with 14 million Iranians in this wage category. Millions of retirees
receive pensions that are even lower than this. If we include the families of these
workers, this means that at least 40 million people, or half of Iran’s population, are
living far below the poverty line.
Many or even most Iranian workers are, therefore, forced to seek more than one job
to survive and feed their families. This constant struggle to stay alive has a grave
psychological impact, as well as social and even security ramifications.
While Iran’s rising food cost may be less of a problem in rural areas, where people can
grow their own vegetables and rear livestock, the reality is different for the country’s
urban population, constituting more than three-quarters of Iran’s population. Urban
residents face massive challenges, especially when soaring prices are coupled with
9-3-2021
 36

unemployment, depression, the lack of any social safety net and skyrocketing living
costs. One of the main expenses in urban areas is the cost of renting, which has
increased by more than 85 percent in the capital, Tehran, in a short period, and now
consumes nearly one-third of the average Iranian household’s income.
Considering the sharp decline in the exchange rate of the local currency against the
dollar in the past year, the 70 percent rise in the cost of imported commodities in 2020
had an unmistakably negative impact on the prices of local food items. Imported items
such as livestock and poultry feed, for example, are critical to farmers, and their
additional costs were passed on to already struggling Iranian consumers via price
hikes.
All these factors mean that the Iranian people are suffering from a surge in food prices
generally, leaving the great majority unable to buy dietary staples. This is, of course,
even worse for the poorest, with poultry prices, for example, increasing sixfold
compared to mid-2013 when President Hassan Rouhani took office. Recently, the price
of eggs and red meat has increased by 88 percent and 44 percent respectively in a
single year.
The Iranian people might have been able to offset the negative impact of soaring food
prices on their living standards if there had been an improvement in income levels.
However, incomes have not changed and purchasing power has dropped because
Iran’s local currency has lost its value rapidly. Iranian studies suggest that the
purchasing power of urban dwellers has declined to the levels last seen in 2001.
Despite this grim picture, the Iranian government has continued to bet on the
endurance of the Iranian people to cope with their harsh living conditions, a huge part
of which is a direct result of economic mismanagement, foreign policy misadventures
and the regional expansionist plans of the supreme leader.

Iran’s volatile economic situation and the dire living conditions of the Iranian people
mean that it is not possible to rule out protests breaking out again soon.

Dr. Mohammed Al-Sulami

This is an extremely risky bet, which could see the tables turned on the government
and the system overnight, should socio-economic conditions continue to worsen. As

9-3-2021
 37

was noted in the book “Factional Protests and Social Mobilization in Iran,” published
by the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) in 2019, Iran’s volatile
economic situation and the dire living conditions of the Iranian people mean that it is
not possible to rule out protests breaking out again soon. However, they are likely to
be much more violent, threatening and deadly than those witnessed in the recent past.

• Dr. Mohammed Al-Sulami is President of the International Institute for Iranian

Studies (Rasanah). Twitter: @mohalsulami

By: Dr Muhammad Al- Sulami

Source: Arab News

9-3-2021
 38

The Senate election that shamed Pakistan

The parliament in Pakistan has never played a role in nation-building,
institution-building or formulating policies and in ensuring accountability.
Indeed, in the presence of an overarching role of powerful forces, the relevance
of parliament has been diminishing. There are hardly any noteworthy
achievements in the realm of nation-building attributable to a sovereign
parliament. In this perspective Pakistan stands alone in contrast to other
parliamentary democracies. A country that has been ruled by military generals
for more than half of its existence could not be expected to imbibe the true spirit
of democratic governance and ensure a constructive role for its elected
assemblies.

Last week’s election to the upper house or Senate of Pakistan was another blot
on the so-called democratic institutions of the country. The sale of votes, the
wheeling and dealing, and the hypocrisy was present in such glaring evidence
and was so widely publicised that the whole exercise brought shame to the
country. Allegations of the use of money from the government and the
opposition parties against each other were so vociferous and unashamedly loud
that Pakistanis were embarrassed. Those unconnected with the scheme of
things were shocked at what was happening. There was hardly any effort to
intervene and bring some sanity to the mad race for buying votes in the run up
to the elections. One would wonder why such a panic and anxiety for an
institution that has so little role in vital decision-making or the passage of laws.

The process of offering monetary inducements to ensure support in the Senate

elections was kick-started by the government. As the elections approached
there was a visible discomfort among the government benches fearing that
some of their colleagues would vote against their nominees. Acting on this
impulse to win back the support of its cadres the Prime Minister announced the
allocation of a hefty sum of Rs500 million to each parliamentarian — ostensibly
for “development works in their constituencies”. This set the ball rolling for a
race to offer money for winning support for individual and party candidates.

9-3-2021
 39

Videos of the government party, i.e. PTI members, accepting money to the tune
of millions of rupees — all cash — in the 2018 elections were displayed on TV
channels to the huge embarrassment of government leaders. From that point
onwards there was a relentless pursuit of members of the provincial assemblies
and National Assembly offering all sorts of incentives. The ugly drama unfolded
before the whole nation but those in this business were unmoved as if it was
business as usual.

Money was not the only ‘weapon’ of choice. Other methods like pressuring
members, offering lucrative assignments, withdrawing favours in case of
‘disloyalty’ etc were used to ‘enforce discipline’. The despicable saga created
waves of anger, desperation, frustration and in some cases laughter and
mockery.

Any country that takes pride in democratic governance, pluralism, participative

decision-making would take steps to guard against the possibility of the abuse
of its elective systems against any fraudulent practices or the use of money. But
hardly any notice is taken of the widespread use of money or ‘pressure’ for
getting or buying votes in Pakistan. That is a sad commentary on the collective
judgment of our political class. When such practices are taken for granted and
no one is penalised or no course correction is resorted to, the collective
conscience of society would be called into question. But would anyone listen?

Why do people invest such large sums of money in getting elected to a house
that, as said before, has little role in policy formulation or law making? One
answer is that there is investment and then there is recovery. The recovery takes
different forms. The other is that membership of such an august house confers
status, privileges and influence and that explains why the super-rich make such
endeavours to win seats. It is not surprising why the assemblies or the Senate
are packed with millionaires. In Pakistan’s context the political parties, and
particularly the ruling PTI, have always shown such a warmth towards the ultra-
rich, hoping that their assets would come in handy to steer the party while
needing resources. As a matter of fact, the ‘riches and wealth’ of individuals has

9-3-2021
 40

always been an indispensable ingredient in evaluating or judging their

credentials in the eyes of the top PTI leadership.

For now, this lamentable story would go on. There is no likelihood of any
rationality being brought into the system. It would require a herculean effort,
sacrifices and setting of examples for others to follow if the electoral system is
to be cleansed of the abominable practices of corruption and deceptions.

By: Rustam Shah Mehmood

Source: Express Tribune

9-3-2021
 41

Hard and soft conspiracies

Some conspiracy theories are easy to spot. Like the fact that someone may believe the
moon landing on July 20, 1969 was all staged and filmed in a desert in Nevada. Or that
someone may believe that the coronavirus is an international conspiracy against
Muslims, or that the Covid vaccine will insert a chip into our bodies and cause
infertility. All these are what I call “hard conspiracies” — with the believers clearly
affirming their faith in them. These theories are also easy to dismiss and rebut because
of the clear position the believers in the theories take.

The more difficult ones to deal with are soft conspiracy theories. Here the believers do
not clearly admit their position, or do not outright deny the existence of a scientific
fact. A soft conspiracy theory would be something like a belief that somehow
Pakistanis are immune from Covid-19. Or people believing that while Covid is real,
there is no real reason to wear masks. Or believing that somehow, we are extra special,
if we wear a mask some of the time, or just keep it around, it will be good enough.
These are not hard conspiracy theories as per se, but a belief about ourselves (and the
virus) that is both utter nonsense and dangerous to not just our society but the whole
world. While we continue to pay the price in myriad ways (e.g. the uptick in cases once
again, or the latest PSL embarrassment last week), because the belief is soft, it is
harder to argue against. Just because the belief is soft, however, does not mean the
consequences are any less serious.

Perhaps the biggest peddler of this soft conspiracy theory is our political elite. If there
was any doubt that they are disconnected from the concerns of the people, their
recent behaviour should convince the naysayers. The parliamentarians refused to
wear a mask last week during the chaotic Senate elections. There was no enforcement
of SOPs by the very government officials that designed them. The Minister of Health
can say one thing, but his colleagues choose to do what they have always done —
nothing! People were meeting each other as if it was Eid (or mourning depending upon
your political viewpoint) and sitting next to each other for extended periods without a
mask. It was easy to spot in any picture frame the lone person wearing a mask. Among
the cabinet members, the only person was the former finance minister. Even the

9-3-2021
 42

minister of science did not wear one. We do not know how many of the ministers or
parliamentarians have secretly gotten the vaccine, but we do know that even if they
did, or have had the disease, there is no reason not to wear the mask. There is no
logical explanation for this behaviour except a firm belief in the soft conspiracy that
we are unique, special, and above the weaklings of the world who are suffering from
Covid.

A similar situation has played out in the school-opening debate. While the discussion
about opening primary and secondary schools is happening the world over (with
arguments on both sides), there is absolutely no good reason to open the institutions
of higher education with no regard for hybrid education, limited class size or online
learning. Economic arguments should be used with honesty and not as a euphemism
for our soft conspiracy theories — or this naïve belief that “we will be fine”.

In indoor meetings by the ruling party or outdoor press conferences by the opposition,
the general refusal to wear a mask is not only a mockery of public health, but a general
admission of our own idiocy. Unfortunately, in a battle between science and
conspiracy theories, we already know who is going to win.

The writer is a Howard Hughes Medical Institute professor of Biomedical Engineering, International Health
and Medicine at Boston University. He tweets @mhzaman

By: M.Hamid Zaman

Source: Express Tribune

9-3-2021
 43

Senate, politics and IMF programme

A vote of confidence from the National Assembly has calmed the nerves of those who
were fearing a political turmoil. But those with their hand on the economic pulse are
still nervous. They are worried about the uncertain future of Pakistan’s economic czar,
Dr Hafeez Shaikh, and possible derailment of the IMF programme.

On the political chessboard, the next challenge is the election of chairman Senate.
Given the numbers in the upper house, Yousaf Raza Gilani stands a good chance to
win. An opposition-ruled Senate can potentially disrupt the government’s economic
reform agenda.

Firstly, on Hafeez Shaikh’s future as Finance Minister, the constitutional provisions and
court rulings are quite clear. As per Article 91(9) of the Constitution, he can only
remain the Finance Minister for six months without getting elected to the parliament.
He can therefore only continue till June 11, 2021, barely enough to present the next
budget in the Assembly.

While he can continue thereafter as the Advisor on Finance, he won’t be able to head
either the National Finance Commission (as per Article 185), or the Economic
Coordination Committee, as per the ruling of Islamabad High Court. The Prime
Minister will either have to head these bodies himself or appoint a new finance
minister. Considering that PM has asked Dr Shaikh to continue, chances are that very
soon the government will find him another slot in the National Assembly or Senate.

The second issue is the IMF programme. In February, Pakistan reached a staff-level
agreement, which is now awaiting approval from IMF’s Executive Board. Pakistan has
agreed to a number of reforms, some of which are prior actions for the release of the
next tranche. These include increase in electricity prices, development of a circular
debt management plan, changes in the NEPRA Act and elimination of tax exemptions.
The electricity prices have been increased once, and are expected to see another
increase in the next few months. The circular debt management plan is near
finalisation and will soon be approved by the cabinet. Removal of 80 tax exemptions

9-3-2021
 44

have been approved by the PM and will soon be presented to the National Assembly,
where the ruling party has a clear majority.

But the trickiest bit is the NEPRA Act amendments. The proposed changes will
empower NEPRA to determine and notify quarterly tariffs, ensure timely submissions
of petitions by DISCOs, eliminate the gap between regular annual tariff determination
and notification by the government and reinstate the power of the government to levy
surcharges. In simple words, the government will lose its discretion to delay or avoid
passing on the cost of inefficiencies and subsidies to the public, to prevent
accumulation of circular debt.

There is no incentive for the opposition to agree to these necessary yet unpopular
changes. An opposition-controlled Senate will therefore be the biggest obstacle to
approval of these amendments as well as subsequent changes in the OGRA and SBP
laws.

To deal with this, the government will have the following options: first, to go through
a presidential ordinance which will be temporary and not acceptable to the IMF;
second, to indirectly use the establishment’s influence which would need a quid pro
quo. The third could be to call a joint session of the two houses under Article 70 of the
Constitution, which would solve the problem but with a delay. The fourth could be to
engage with the opposition, which seems unlikely and the last could be to go back to
IMF and renegotiate, which seems off the table.

In the short run, the government may therefore have to go with a joint session
approach, but in the longer run, it will need to resort to political engagement and
dialogue to build consensus around key economic reforms.

The writer is a public policy expert and an honorary Fellow of Consortium for Development Policy
Research. He tweets @hasaankhawar

By: Hasaan Khawar

Source: Express Tribune

9-3-2021
 45

Toothless mandate of Daycare Centres Act

Have you ever wondered how many Pakistani women can participate in economic
activities to produce quality products and services if they are provided daycare
facilities?
The Day Care Centres Bill, introduced by Senator Qurutulain Marri on November 12,
2018, was to bind public and private organisations to establish daycare centres to
facilitate working women. However, there is no mechanism to monitor, facilitate, and
implement the recommendations of that act.
Pakistan has slipped from the global ranking of 143 in 2016 to the global ranking of
151 in the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gap report of 2020. Pakistan’s global
ranking in Economic Participation and Opportunity is 150, showing very limited
economic opportunities for women in Pakistan at 32.7 per cent, and in Educational
Attainment Pakistan’s global ranking is 143.
Females make up half of the population of Pakistan. The participation of working
women as breadwinners or secondary wage earners has progressively increased in
urban Pakistan. The early years of a child are of vital importance. They need constant
care, support, vigilance, and supervision. Women are the one who bears the child,
feeds them and nurtures them.
Early childhood training plays an important role in healthy brain development and
fuels the cognitive abilities of children. Medical science proves that parents’ early
bonding can affect their child’s emotional behaviour, learning skills, growth, and
development. The first three years are the dominating years for brain development.
Different psychological and behavioural issues in children emerge from neglected
parental care and attention.
A study of Nepal reveals that the eldest daughter is held responsible for taking care of
the younger siblings and managing household chores for helping their working
mothers. Similar conditions prevail in other South-East Asian countries, and the
primary childcare responsibility is transferred to grandparents, aunts, neighbours, and
older children of working mothers.

9-3-2021
 46

A cost-benefit comparison done in the banking sector of California by Cynthia Ransom

and Sandra Burud indicated increased employee productivity, decreased absenteeism,
and reduced operational cost with on-site daycare centers.
Rachel Connelly, Deborah S DeGraff, and Rachel A Willis, author of the book Kids at
Work: The Value of Employer-Sponsored On-Site Child Care Centers, mentioned the
effectiveness, profitability, and affordability of on-premise daycare centres.
The female workforce plays an important role in the economic development of any
country. According to the International Labor Force (ILO) report, the ratio of female
workforce participation has increased to 25 per cent in recent years, yet the
contribution of the Pakistani female workforce to the national economy is about 30.14
per cent, and only 25 per cent of the women with a university degree are working.
The World Bank’s development initiative in Latin America and the Caribbean for
educating and providing skills training to women while providing transportation and
daycare facilities increased women’s decision to follow their career and led to a decline
in poverty.
The International Monetary fund reports that by decreasing the gender gap, Pakistan
can raise its GDP by 30 per cent.
The Women’s Day was celebrated across the world yesterday i.e. March 8, 2021. The
UN women theme for the Day this year is “Women in leadership: Achieving an equal
future in a COVID-19 world” and is meant to celebrate the contributions of women
and girls towards overcoming the challenges of Covid-19 and creating an equitable,
sustainable, and humane world.
Women heads of states, giving priority to lives over economic outcomes, performed
better than their male counterparts in dealing with the historic public health and
economic challenges caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, proving that gender does
matter in making vital public decisions.
Various experts observe that economic growth is inversely proportional to gender
inequality. Gender inequality hits economic growth directly, and women’s
empowerment can bring enormous social and economic benefits.
The Day Care Centres Act, 2018 binds all public and private organisations to establish
daycare centres, yet a survey of the current situation of implementing the said act
reveals a dismal picture. Most of the public and private organisations still lack a
daycare facility. There are very few public and private organisations that provide a
9-3-2021
 47

quality daycare centre to facilitate Pakistan’s working women. Some of the daycare
centres are not affordable, some provide poor services in terms of hygiene and
nutrition, and a few are reported to be outright abusive.
Investment in women’s economic empowerment is essential to bring sustainable and
equitable progress for our globalised economy.
The federal and provincial governments in Pakistan must establish a body comprising
government officials and civil society members to monitor, facilitate, and enforce the
Day Care Centres Act, 2018 in public and private organisations to facilitate working
women.
Pakistan loses a leader when a Pakistani woman fails to serve the nation because of
the lack of a daycare facility.

The writer is a radiologist and Founder President of Pink Pakistan Trust. She can be reached
at dr.zubaidaqazi@gmail.com

By: Dr Zubaida Qazi

Source: Express Tribune

9-3-2021
 48

The UK government is standing by as Covid

sets back women's equality
t’s almost impossible to imagine that on this day last year I ledhundreds of women
marching shoulder to shoulder through London’s streets. On International Women’s
Day feminists come together to find our voice, find our power and find the strength to
carry us through the other 364 days of the year that are largely the purview of men.
Back then, we didn’t know that a pandemic was about to fundamentally change all of
our lives, but we could have grimly predicted how damaging its effects would prove to
be for women. When the chips were down, we were confronted with the fragility of
women’s equality.

You didn’t have to be an epidemiologist to understand that the impact of the virus,
and any efforts to control it, would fall unevenly on people according to their status in
the economy and society. And you didn’t need a crystal ball to know that the
Conservative government would bypass any opportunity to acknowledge and address
those inequalities, even when lives were at stake. Their priority at every stage has been
to deliver the kind of support that can most easily be taken away.

Women make up most of the UK’s key workers, especially in schools, hospitals and
care homes. In return for this hard and hazardous work in our health, social care,
education and childcare sectors, they get low pay and job insecurity. This financial
precarity meant many women couldn’t take time off work when they fell ill with Covid,
and low earnings meant that others didn’t even qualify for statutory sick pay.

Last week the government announced a “rise” for NHS workers that actually amounts
to a pay cut in real terms, and social care workers, who didn’t even get a mention in
the budget, are still expected to survive on less than a real living wage. Without irony,
the Conservatives are implementing exactly the kind of measures that fatally wounded
our social infrastructure, drove huge vacancies in our “essential” workforce and made
us vulnerable to this crisis in the first place.

Away from the workplace, women also faced abuse and injustices in their own homes.
As soon as the need for lockdown became clear, we knew that women at risk from

9-3-2021
 49

domestic violence would be trapped at home with their abusers and cut off from
support networks. Yet still our government failed to provide the funding necessary to
guarantee safe refuge to women and children fleeing violence. The home secretary’s
promise to survivors that they are “not alone” rings hollow in the face of more than
100 femicides, and counting.

The other thing we knew from the outset was that limiting attendance at schools,
nurseries and local care services at the same time as limiting access to paid and unpaid
care would result in women taking on more unpaid labour – at the expense of their
work, financial security and wellbeing. Half of mothers have taken on more childcare
responsibilities during lockdown compared with less than a quarter of fathers, while
55% of those caring for sick and disabled relatives full-time, on a meagre £67.25 a
week, feel overwhelmed.

The result is plain to see with women more likely to reduce their hours, take furlough
and quit work. With some shops and restaurants unlikely to survive the months of
lockdown, and childcare providers facing a cash crisis due to lost income, we are likely
to see more women being pushed out of the workforce.

All of this was predictable, but none of it was inevitable. Other countries, notably those
with female leaders, made different choices. The government could have given
parents a legal right to shared furlough, instead of letting seven out of 10
mothers have their requests denied; they could have given single parents extra annual
leave; they could have given early years providers the financial and practical support
they needed to stay open.

At every stage, the government has had the opportunity not just to follow the science
but to avoid inequality. Instead it is knowingly allowing inequality to grow and gains to
recede. That’s why this International Women’s Day, however far apart we may be, we
must stick together.

9-3-2021
 50

• Mandu Reid is leader of the Women’s Equality party and candidate for London
mayor

By: Mandu Reid

Source: The Guardian

9-3-2021
 51

As China tensions linger, Biden prepares for

first summit with key Asia-Pacific leaders
The leaders of the United States, Japan, India and Australia will meet in a virtual
summit this week, a source in Japan with direct knowledge of the talks told CNN on
Tuesday.

It will be the first time talks have been held between the heads of state of the four-
member Quad and comes as all four countries see heightened tensions with China
over a variety of issues.

"It's confirmed the Quad meeting will happen soon, likely on Friday," the source said.

The Quad, or Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, is an informal strategic forum for the
four nations involved and has featured semi-regular summits and information
exchanges.

But the meetings have never featured the four heads of state, currently US President
Joe Biden, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga, Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi and Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison.

While not a formal military alliance like NATO, the Quad is seen by some as a potential
counterweight to growing Chinese influence and alleged aggression in the Asia-Pacific
region. The collation has been denounced by Beijing as an anti-China bloc.

"The Quad is very central to the United States' and our thinking about the region,"
Morrison said.

"This will become a feature of Indo-Pacific engagement. But it's not going to be a big
bureaucracy with a big secretariat and those sorts of things. It will be four leaders, four
countries, working together constructively for the peace, prosperity and stability of
the Indo-Pacific, which is good for everyone in the Indo-Pacific," the Australian PM
said.

9-3-2021
 52

On the military portion of the Quad, cooperation has been increasing over the past
year through bilateral agreements between Quad partners and joint military drills.

Last November, Australia joined the annual Malabar exercises with the US, Japan and
India. Conducted annually since 1992, the maneuvers have grown in size and
complexity in recent years to address what the US Navy has previously described as a
"variety of shared threats to maritime security in the Indo-Asia Pacific."

Ships from the Indian Navy, Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) and the US
Navy sail in formation during Malabar 2018.

Ships from the Indian Navy, Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) and the US
Navy sail in formation during Malabar 2018.

The participation of Australia meant all four members of the Quad were involved in
the drills for the first time since 2007.

All four have seen turbulent relations with China over the past few years.

Indian and Chinese troops were involved in a military clash along the Line of Actual
Control -- the de facto border between the two countries in the Himalayas -- in June,
which left troops dead on both sides after hand-to-hand combat.

Relations between Beijing and New Delhi have been frosty since, with both trade and
technology disputes arising.

Japan and China remain at odds over the disputed Senkaku Islands. Beijing has
increased the presence of its coast guard vessels near the uninhabited East China Sea
islands, which are known as the Diaoyus in China.

The US, meanwhile, has increased the tempo of its naval and air missions in the South
China Sea, while pushing back at Beijing's claims to the vast waterway. It has also
stepped up support of self-governed Taiwan, which Beijing claims as its sovereign
territory.

Asia and China have been a key foreign policy focus of the Biden administration since
it took office on January 20.

9-3-2021
 53

Last week, a State Department official and a diplomat from Asia said US Secretary of
State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin will travel to Japan and
South Korea from March 14 to 18.

It will be the first international trip by Biden Cabinet officials since the US President's
inauguration.

Japanese leader expected to visit Washington

On Monday, Japan said Prime Minister Suga will visit the White House at the "earliest
possible time," while taking the Covid-19 situation into account, according to Chief
Cabinet Secretary Katsunobu Kato.

Kato said in a daily press briefing Monday the Japan-US summit meeting would
happen, but the date and details have not been decided.

Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga speaks during a news conference after a
Parliament session in Tokyo on December 4, 2020.

Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga speaks during a news conference after a
Parliament session in Tokyo on December 4, 2020.

If confirmed, Suga will be the first international leader to visit the White House under
the Biden administration.

Blinken this month cited the US relationship with Beijing as "the biggest geopolitical
test of the 21st century." He said there is a need to engage China from a position of
strength which can only be done alongside allies and partners.

"China is the only country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system -- all the rules,
values, and relationships that make the world work the way we want it to," Blinken
said in the speech about the Biden administration's national security strategy.

By: Brad Lendon and Selina Wang

Source: CNN
9-3-2021