A likely US-China detente under Biden?

Part-1
The downward spiral in US–China relations during the Trump era prompted many
to assert that the United States and China were entering a ‘new Cold War’. Actually,
this framing was the result of the Trump administration’s confrontational stance
on China. Yet it appears that the Biden administration’s approach on China could
be pragmatically accommodating. U.S. President Joe Biden on last Wednesday laid
out his immediate vision for America’s role in the world, where the challenge to
tackle China is front and center, as his administration works to develop a long-term
strategy. The 24-page interim national security strategic guidance, which mentions
China and its government some 20 times, “lays out the global landscape as the
Biden administration sees it, explains the priorities of our foreign policy and
specifically how America’s strength to meet the challenges and seize the
opportunities of our time,” U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said hours before
the report’s release.
Rivalry between global power, the United States and emerging global power, China
has become a paradigm of international relations over the past two years. It shapes
both strategic debates and real political, military and economic dynamics. The
dimensions of Sino-American competition over power and status include growing
threat perceptions and an increasingly important political/ ideological component.
From the Chinese perspective, as Hanns Günther Hilpert and Gudrun Wacker show,
the United States will never voluntarily cede significant international influence to
China.
From America’s point of view, in the post-Cold War Era, chief among the many
conundrums is the growing China challenge. As the world’s second largest economy
continues to challenge American power on the global stage, Biden inherits a
massive trust deficit from Trump, and a U.S.-China relationship that has
deteriorated because of some leading factors—the climate change, the US-China
trade deal, and geopolitical rift s like the South China Sea and Hong Kong–relating
to brewing a new cold war between them in the post-pandemic phase.

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President Biden has made clear his commitment to putting the United States on a
path to reaching net-zero emissions by 2050. Factually, China’s record on the clean
energy transition is far better than the US
America regards China as a revisionist power whose long-term aim is global
supremacy. This, as the contribution by Marco Overhaus, Peter Rudolf and Laura
von Daniels demonstrates, is a matter of broad consensus in the United States,
across both main parties and throughout business, politics and society as a whole.
More considered positions do exist, but they tend to be marginalised. Real debate
is confined largely to the question of the means by which the conflict is to be
conducted.
Joe Biden, in his first conversation as president with the Chinese leader Xi Jinping,
spoke of his concern about China’s “coercive and unfair economic practices” as well
as human rights abuses in the Xinjiang region, according to a White House account
of their telephone call.Biden also expressed misgivings about the country’s growing
restrictions on political freedoms in Hong Kong and “increasingly assertive actions
in the region, including toward Taiwan,” in the call. Rob Petty, co-CEO and co-CIO
for Fiera Capital (Asia) is among those who think that Biden’s diplomatic experience
will provide a more positive steer. ‘We expect the tone of US/China relations to
become more professional and less polemical under a Biden administration. The
foreign and trade policy leadership teams in this administration are deeply
experienced internationally and with China specifically,’ he said.
In the Indo-Pacific, new secretary of state Antony Blinken has re-committed the US
to the defence of the Philippines, reaffirmed the strength of the United States-
Thailand defence alliance, rejected China’s maritime claims in the South China Sea,
and pledged to stand with Southeast Asian claimants in the face of Beijing’s
pressure. This followed the Biden administration’s assurances to Japan over the
defence of the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, which
China claims and calls the Diaoyu. Blinken has also underlined the importance of
cooperation, including through multilateral organizations and mechanisms like the
Quad, to tackle shared challenges in his outreach to regional US partners like
Australia, Japan and India.
China’s top diplomat Yang Jiechi recently urged the Biden administration to “rise
above the outdated mentality of zero-sum, major-power rivalry and work with
China to keep the relationship on the right track.” Jiechi reminded the US that
Beijing expects Washington “to honour its commitment under the three Sino-US

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joint communiques” and abide by the ‘One China’ principle, as “these issues
concern China’s core interests, national dignity as well as the sentiments of its 1.4
billion people”, thereby constituting “a red line that must not be crossed.”
Some think that Biden may be able to reverse many of his predecessor’s policies
with the wave of a wand — in the form of executive orders as he has done in
returning to the Paris climate accord on his first day in office — but dealing with
China is an entirely different matter. This challenge involves a delicate balancing
act of upholding democratic values and competing economically and geopolitically,
all the while seeking a path for cooperation on existential issues such as climate
change and the pandemic. The U.S. was seen as ceding leadership to China in
certain areas including in trade with Asian countries, after it withdrew from the
Trans Pacific Partnership under former President Donald Trump, and on climate
change after it pulled out of the Paris Agreement.
Importantly, the deterioration of U.S.-China relations has complicated the capacity
of both sides to work together on climate change, yet such renewed engagement
is vitally important. Reviving climate coordination will depend both upon getting
the mix of competition and collaboration right in the overall relationship and upon
the extent to which both countries are prepared to dramatically ramp up their
climate action. President Biden has made clear his commitment to putting the
United States on a path to reaching net-zero emissions by 2050. Factually, China’s
record on the clean energy transition is far better than the US.
Some American diplomats think that Biden will need to make clear to President Xi
Jinping the centrality of climate change to his national security vision and the
mutual opportunity for the United States and China if they are ready to embrace
aggressive climate action. At the same time, the United States will need to deploy
additional tools, working closely with Europe and other allies, to demonstrate that
anything less than a genuine recognition of the climate imperative will be
unacceptable.
This evaluation of China’s orientation toward the United States remained largely
intact through January 2020, when both sides finalized negotiations on a “phase-
1” trade deal. In the weeks that followed, the bilateral dynamic shifted sharply.
Facing the humanitarian and financial losses resulting from the uncontrolled spread
of COVID-19, President Trump shifted from touting Xi Jinping as his friend to
branding China as his enemy and the source of the pain that many Americans were
feeling. To be continued

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 By: Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi
Source: Daily Times

The writer is an independent ‘IR’ researcher and international law analyst based in
Pakistan.

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 The making of a criminal state (Part I)
Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM’s) Yusuf Raza Gilani bagged 169 votes
against Finance Minister Hafeez Shaikh’s 164in the Senate Elections held on March
3, 2021 with one vote not being cast. At least 7 votes were rejected being wrongly
marked, a clear indication that some ruling party lawmakers changed their loyalty.
PTI’s Fauzia Arshad who contested on the woman seat for Islamabad secured 174
votes, though to win she secured 6 less votes than the reciprocal strength of the
party and allies i.e. 180. This winning margin is sufficient evidence to indicate there
was clear horse-trading on the men’s seats. That money changed hands is shown
in the damning video showing Gilani’s son Ali Haider Gilani giving pointers to
someone on how to waste a Senate vote is case in point. Corruption did take place
and if anyone thinks otherwise, he or she qualifies as a moron. PDM quickly
demanded that Prime Minister Imran Khan resign.
Imran Khan reacted with courage, calling a special session of the National Assembly
(NA) on March 6 to seek a vote of confidence. Imran Khan duly secured the trust
vote by getting 178 votes, six more votes than what he needed and 2 more than
what he got in his election as PM, thereby ending the political uncertainty in the
country. Since this was on “open” vote those who had taken money to sell their
“Zameer” (conscience) showed that besides being greedy they were also cowards.
Not surprisingly the Opposition had boycotted the Assembly proceedings. The PDM
should have attended the session and recorded its protest. However, doing the
right thing is certainly not their forte. Incidentally Nawaz Sharif had gone through
this ‘voluntary’ vote of confidence process after his reinstatement by the Supreme
Court (SC) in 1993.
Both these demands – proportionality and secret vote – are equally part of the
Constitution, both need to be observed. With hindsight, both demands together
don’t make sense because any vote buying during the secret voting process by one
party will and has destroyed the second condition
To quote my article “Blindly following the Constitution,” of Nov 13, 2014, “Indirect
elections for our ‘democratic’ version of the British House of Lords, is a shameful
disgrace. The ‘auction’ for Senate seats is an insult to the name of democracy.
Majority vote and proportional representation are the basic requisites of any

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democracy and secret ballot based on Article 59 (2) of the Constitution.
Proportional representation means that the number of seats of political parties in
the Senate should be according to the number of their seats in the Provincial
Assemblies. Unfortunately, that secrecy of the ballot has in the past been misused
by “horse trading” with bags of money changing hands to buy votes. Some very rich
and influential individuals who otherwise would never have been elected in an
exercise of adult franchise entered the Senate because of their money and/or
power. Our Upper House does not have the reputation should because of blatant
“horse trading” for votes by a number of individuals of bad repute” unquote.
Senate elections are a standing reminder for democracy being hypocrisy. The
Senate must be credible in any federal Republic like Pakistan, all posts being truly
representative of the people.
The govt failed, unfortunately, to get from the SC an open voting process to prevent
vote purchasing and to maintain the proportionality of parties in the National
Assembly in the Senate as well. Both these demands – proportionality and secret
vote – are equally part of the Constitution, both need to be observed. With
hindsight, both demands together don’t make sense because any vote buying
during the secret voting process by one party will and has destroyed the second
condition. Since 1973 this illogical combination of conditions has resulted in loads
of money and favours changing hands and consequently, proportionality was
abused and democracy undermined. Political parties are a major part of the
democratic political system and voting along party lines on fundamental issues is
as much democratic as sticking to the party from which one has been elected is.
While floor crossing has been eradicated, somehow vote buying is regarded by
many as a ‘fundamental right’, incidentally and most shockingly so does the
Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), at least by public perception.
By: Ikram Sehgal
Source: Daily Times

The writer is a defence and security analyst.

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 Challenge of growing threats of climate
change
The non-traditional security threats of the 21st century call for collective responses.
No nation can safeguard its non-traditional security solely through its individual
effort. Robert Boggs, Professor of South Asia Studies, Near East South Asia Center
for Strategic Studies, rightly said: prosperity and non-traditional security grow from
mutually beneficial cooperation with one’s neighbours and other nations around
the world. All of South Asia is now facing a challenge of climate change that is
potentially catastrophic. This climate change threatens to slow the region’s
economic growth, depress standards of living, increase the threat of devastation
and death, and possibly even aggravate intraregional conflict. Some military
analysts call climate change a “threat multiplier” or a “catalyst for conflict.”
Every country on earth faces these threats but South Asia is particularly vulnerable
because of the prevailing low standards of living, the continuing importance of
agriculture for employment and the peculiar weather system created by the
Himalayas and the warm, moist waters of the Indian Ocean.
It is estimated that the total climate change cost in South Asia will increase over
time and will be excessively high in the long term. Resultantly, South Asia could lose
an equivalent 1.8 per cent of its annual gross domestic product (GDP) by 2050,
which will progressively increase to 8.8 per cent by 2100. Moreover, if nothing is
done to slow or reverse climate change, the global economy could lose 2.6 per cent
per year by 2100.
Scientific research has found a causal link between South Asia’s brown cloud and
the increased intensity of cyclones in the northern Indian Ocean region. Warmer
seas will generate more and larger storms
Higher temperatures eventually reduce yields of desirable crops while encouraging
weed and pest proliferation. Changes in precipitation pattern (timing and amount)
increase the likelihood of short-run crop failures and long-run production declines,
posing a serious threat to food security. Climate change can affect energy
generation too – especially hydropower and thermal – and demand. Cyclones and
floods damage infrastructure. The coastal fisheries, forests, salt, minerals, export
processing, harbours and airports on the coastal zones are also at risk. Climate
change will increase the costs of production of such essentials as water, electricity

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and land for all domestic goods or exports like garments, so no industry or sector
will be immune. But one also has to remember the impact on the people:
Livelihoods will become more precarious especially in coastal areas and industries
like farming. Water, energy, and food supplies will become more uncertain – and
possibly more costly. Changing weather patterns may affect health. Deaths from
dengue and malaria and other water-borne diseases are likely to rise particularly
during the monsoon months and extreme weather may force migration as people
move to safer, more secure areas of their country.
South Asia, like other regions, suffers from greenhouse emissions into the
atmosphere from everywhere around the planet. But the huge increase in air
pollution across the subcontinent over the last 60 years has created a huge brown
cloud of particulate matter over the region. India is already the world’s third largest
producer of greenhouse gases, and its carbon emissions are expected to more than
triple within the next twenty years. Scientific research has found a causal link
between South Asia’s brown cloud and the increased intensity of cyclones in the
northern Indian Ocean region. Warmer seas will generate more and larger storms.
These storms, combined with higher sea levels and shallow marine topography, will
increase the destructiveness of storm surges. Countries like Maldives, Sri Lanka and
Bangladesh are likely to be the most seriously affected, but India and Pakistan too
have high population concentrations in low-lying coastal areas.
The fifth report by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change concludes
that continued emission of greenhouse gases will cause further warming and long-
lasting changes in all components of the climate system, increasing the likelihood
of severe, pervasive and irreversible impacts.
Economic diversification is not the key response required. What is needed is for all
sectors of the economy to be prepared to withstand climate change. In agriculture,
for example, new technologies such as rice cultivation systems with more efficient
water and nutrient use should be promoted. Altering planting times, using resistant
varieties, and diversifying crops can help. But it is not only industries themselves,
countries need to look at better management of resources and services. Better
coastal zone management, efforts to protect riverbanks from erosion and building
climate-proofed roads, bridges and other infrastructure is needed. In the water
sector, groundwater should be protected. Better water management and use of
recycled water can also help. And in health, better living conditions, better

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emergency responses, and better surveillance and monitoring of diseases is the
key.
Climate change does not respect borders; countries must work together to share
resources and knowledge to better withstand the impact of climate change. The
region’s adaptation response need not be confined to symptomatic treatment of
threats to traditional patterns of economic activity. More efficient regional
economic diversification can create entirely new patterns and supporting
infrastructure to take their place. In other words, policy makers need to take early
action to adapt to climate risks, and this action needs to be informed by rigorous
and timely evidence. Building resilience to the impacts of climate change requires
identifying the risks and vulnerabilities of the different sector and area
development projects and programs, followed by developing the options for
adaptation and mitigation measures that are socially, environmentally, and
economically sound.
By: Muhammad Nawaz Khan
Source: Daily Times

Writer works for Islamabad Policy Research Institute

12-3-2021
 Some common foibles
Is politics the only activity one should remain engaged in? if one were to look up
dictionary to know what the word ‘politics’ implies, the answer is yes, since politics
has been defined as “the activities associated with the governance or improvement
of a country”. Since all patriotic Pakistanis wish to improve the conditions of their
country, therefore there is no surprise that people take too much interest in
politics, which of course should not be our primary aim. All big and small political
events find their place in the newspapers. In all congregations of people, politics is
the most favourite topic. With the advent of electronic media, politics has become
a catchword in our homes and those of us who do not know the political
environment of the country, are regarded as boorish or outcasts. But there is little
that is done in our individual positions for our own improvement or for the
improvement of the common masses. The practical job of bringing improvement in
society is thought to be the task of their representatives sent to the assemblies
through their vote, but their own political awareness, they think, has virtually
nothing to do with changing their own attitudes.
The obsession in politics only suits the professional politicians, and not the general
public. However the general public must remain abreast of what is going on in
politics of the country, so that when they are called upon to decide as to who
should govern their country, they should be fully aware of the political activities of
various leaders and parties, and their ability to handle the affairs of the state, so
that they vote for the right person. For a common man to engage in political
activities on day to day basis are the sheer waste of time in which most of our idle
people indulge which is neither good for them nor for their country.
Ironically, this fixation on the positive—on what’s better, what’s superior—only
serves to remind us over and over again of what we are not, of what we lack, of
what we should have been but failed to be
We daily watch on TV talk shows where the practice of mud-slinging on other
political parties is a common feature which often leads to bitter skirmishes and
sometime even to violence between them. These talk-shows often get bogged
down to vituperative language even when no big issues are involved. These verbal
bouts instead of making people learn something about political issues provide them
a sour taste of politics. Hence the time taken by these talk-shows only serves to

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waste public time in fruitless and petty discussion of non-issues. Thus for better
training and awareness of the masses in politics, the Channel operators should not
make such shows a routine practice and should allow them only when there is some
important or vital political matter on which public awareness is deemed necessary.
Another malady we suffer from is our too much dependence on self-help guides,
which means our excessive tendency to be positive all the time. In some ways it
cripples our freedom and spontaneity. Improving our lives hinges not on our ability
to turn lemons into lemonade, but on learning to stomach lemons better. We must
know that human beings are flawed and limited. None of us is perfect in our lives.
We must accept our limitations, and by so doing we will also admit our fears, faults
and our uncertainties. We should also confront the painful truths about ourselves
and thus begin our life with honesty, courage and perseverance. And by doing so
we will lead contented and grounded lives. It is said by an eminent critic of human
nature that the desire for more positive experience is itself a negative experience,
and, paradoxically, the acceptance of one’s negative experience is itself a positive
experience.
Our present culture is obsessively focused on unrealistically positive expectations:
We are indoctrinated to be happier, healthier, the stronger, and always better than
the rest. Ironically, this fixation on the positive—on what’s better, what’s
superior—only serves to remind us over and over again of what we are not, of what
we lack, of what we should have been but failed to be. After all, a truly happy
person does not feel the need to stand before others to tell them that he is indeed
happy.
Next is our attitude to money. All of us know that money is a nice thing, but caring
about what you want to do with it, is more important than simply earning money.
One should find meanings in important things on which one has a control and
should not worry about things on which one has no control. Values (like reputation,
or popularity) which are not in one’s control should not be consciously pursued.
Only those values should be pursued which are under one’s control like punctuality
and hard-work etc. and the rest should be given in the care of the Almighty.
By: Zafar Aziz Chaudhry
Source: Daily Times

The writer is a former member of the Provincial Civil Service, and an author of Moments
in Silence.

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 The textbook heist
Part - I
The government is not only proving itself to be a poor provider of education but an
even worse regulator.
At first the Single National Curriculum (SNC) was defended as just a “minimum
standard” and private schools would be able to teach beyond it if they could
manage – which begs the question why it is labeled a curriculum at all. As the
months passed, the government began preparing “model textbooks” that would
serve as a sample implementation of this minimum standard. Schools and
publishers would be allowed to use alternative textbooks as long as they covered
the SNC’s contents.
Some private schools and publishers began work on their own textbooks, but as
more time passed, the goalposts for private schools began to move. A few months
after publicly releasing the SNC, the federal government quietly made amendments
to it, throwing a spanner in the ongoing effort of developing alternative textbooks,
forcing delays and renegotiations with authors.
Since then, Sindh has rejected the SNC; Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the ICT
are rolling it out for the next academic year, August 2021-March 2022. None of the
provinces or the federal government are ready though.
Punjab, eager to toe the federal government’s line on the SNC, took three steps: a)
decreed that for the upcoming school year all schools, public and private, only use
the government’s model textbooks; b) decided to start enforcement of textbook
approvals, asking to vet the entire booklist, by the Punjab Curriculum and Textbook
Board (PCTB), a process that has in the past taken 2-3 years; and c) raised book
approval fees for good measure.
The PCTB is also asking all publishers to prove that their books are following the
SNC, not just at each level of schooling (primary/ middle/ secondary), but at every
grade-level.
On February 11, the Special Secretary (Planning) of Punjab’s School Education
Department issued a notice to collect samples of textbooks of Islamiat, Pakistan
Studies, Urdu and English taught in all private schools from grades 1 to 12 within
five days. These books will now be scrutinized for ‘blasphemous materials.’

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According to some private schools in Okara, the PCTB has threatened to cancel their
registrations if they do not switch to government textbooks. Not only has this put
publishers and distributors sitting on excess private textbook inventory in a fix, it
has also opened the door to bribery.
Publishers asking for book manuscript reviews have been told that the PCTB will
begin accepting manuscripts on April 15, without specifying how long the review
process will take. ICT does not even have a review process in place yet. According
to some private school owners, the National Curriculum Council that prepared the
SNC is yet to hire reviewers. KP is the only province where, according to the same
publishers, the concerned directorate has begun accepting manuscripts for a
review, although publishers are not ready to comment on how seamless that
process will be until they receive results of the first review, the date for which is
not specified yet.
Assume a very modest number of 50 publishers, each with a booklist of 500 books
(plus supplementary books!). The reviewers (let alone the capacity of those
reviewers) needed to complete the PCTB’s typical three-stage review process in the
available time are simply not available in sufficient numbers, and no reviewers have
been hired yet. The whole process adopted so far is clearly ad hoc, lacking
forethought and planning. This sudden enthusiasm for reviewing all textbooks, in
numbers far exceeding the PCTB’s capacity, has the appearance of a ham-fisted
money grab.
According to some, the reason some big chain schools have signed off on the SNC
(a fact often repeated by the government to support its blanket claim that no one
has a problem with the SNC) and are willing to adopt government textbooks is
because they can afford workarounds. Also, the cost of going against the
government is too high for them. Big chain schools in the public eye are more likely
to be targeted for inspection and can purchase government books but prepare their
own supplementary printed materials for regular teaching and learning in the
classroom. Middle-income or stand-alone private schools are not going to be able
to do that. The end result will be fewer publishers getting NOCs for fewer
textbooks, giving schools and teachers fewer options to enrich your child’s learning
experience.
According to a large publisher I talked to, Punjab’s PCTB will be charging the highest
rates for NOCs – between Rs100,000 and Rs150,000 for a single textbook, at
minimum. Even worse, a textbook sold in multiple provinces will require NOCs from

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each. In another blow, inexplicably, the PCTB is also demanding it be paid a royalty
fee (manuscript management cost) of 7.5 percent per printed copy of all private
textbooks. ICT and KP may follow suit. The justification apparently is: ‘we may be
taken to court over one of your books, we need a pool of money to cover eventual
legal expenses.’ The board is also insisting on setting the selling price for books
published by private publishers, asking publishers to specify numbers of copies of
books to be printed. The Punjab Publishers Association has rightly taken the issue
to the court.
As for the quality of reviews, a publisher narrated several experiences from years
past. Review comments are almost never pedagogical in nature. As an example,
one time a PCTB official reviewing Charlotte Bronte’s 1847 classic ‘Jane Eyre’
objected to the mention of the word ‘Bible,’ deeming it culturally inappropriate,
and demanded it be replaced with the term ‘holy book’. So much for inter-faith
harmony, celebration of differences and coexistence. What good can we expect
from a review of thousands of textbooks by a bureaucratic machine made of cogs
as bigoted as this?
It is also worth noting here the cost implications on the government’s end. A certain
provincial textbook board has quoted a 126 percent increase in the annual cost of
the new primary textbooks for all public-school going children. The board claims
that this is because the new textbooks will have a higher page count.
The lack of planning and politically motivated and hurried roll-out is evident from
the delayed start of the next academic year to August 2021, instead of the regular
start in March, just because books are not ready. Even private schools preparing
students for the local school system cannot adhere to the regular academic year’s
timeline because books will not be ready. Schooling has already been hit hard due
to Covid closures. Children will now receive only seven months of instruction in the
next academic year.
A family friend was reminiscing about how schools used to operate in his younger
years. From time to time, schools would notify students of small changes to the
school uniform to necessitate the buying of all new uniforms. A uniform shop would
already be given the new specifications, essentially giving it the monopoly on
supplying new uniforms. The school, or someone at the school, would pocket a
commission on sales of these new uniforms. Then, after notifying students of the
new uniform requirement, a teacher or someone on the school staff would
(helpfully) drop the name of the shop where said new uniform would be available.

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Students and parents wishing to avoid any fuss, would swallow the bitter pill and
cough up for new uniforms. Others, however, would buy their uniform elsewhere
or try (a cheaper) home-made fix. When these students with their workarounds
were found out, they would receive a good beating, for wearing a shirt, pants or tie
of a slightly different shade. In the end, all had to fall in line, some only after taking
a beating, others skipping it.
Publicly, government departments proclaim that private schools, which are
outperforming public schools on every metric on average, may use their own books
and curricula, if only they jump through some hoops. In reality, it is enforcing
previously unenforced rules, raising the cost of doing business, and (specifically in
Punjab’s case) explicitly blocking them from using any textbooks other than their
own – it is making the use of alternative textbooks as difficult and as expensive as
it can. Like school children of yesteryears, private schools are being told to fall in
line, either voluntarily or after taking a beating.
To be continued
By: Dr Ayesha Razzaque
Source: The News
The writer is an independent education researcher and consultant. She has a PhD
in Education from Michigan State University.

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 Promoting democracy
The presidency of Donald Trump in the US was one of the worst expressions of anti-
democratic and nationalist populism across the world. Trump’s ‘America First’
ideology, his disregard of democracy, his attraction to autocratic rulers and his
effort to overturn the results of the presidential election caused massive damage.
The attack on the US Capitol on January 6 made the US system look weak and in
considerable demise.
Now a window of opportunity seems to be opening. In his election campaign,
President Joe Biden pledged that during his first year in office, the US will host a
global ‘Summit for Democracy’ to “renew the spirit and shared purpose of the
nations of the free world”. An interim national security strategic guidance,
published March 3, says that reversing the anti-democratic trend in the world was
essential to US national security.
In a similar vein, the European Union’s representative on foreign affairs, Josep
Borrell, has said that the EU should deepen its cooperation “with fellow
democracies to counter the rise of authoritarianism”. A new action plan adopted
in November puts a high priority on democracy promotion.
The United Kingdom has been pursuing the idea of expanding the membership in
the Group of Seven (G7) bloc of states to Australia, India and South Korea, in order
to form a so-called D10 “club of democracies”. This club, in the UK’s view, should
help lessen reliance on Chinese technology. Reportedly, the UK as host of this year’s
G7 summit plans to give full access to these three new partners.
As Biden has noted, renewing democracy at home is a precondition for regaining
credibility as a promoter of democracy abroad. This applies to all countries that
consider themselves democratic, requiring a reckoning with their shortcomings on
both fronts.
Surveys indicate that large majorities of people in all world regions continue to
believe in democracy. However, there is strong dissatisfaction with how it operates
in practice. Governments are perceived to be failing to address major issues such
as corruption, inequality, the needs of ordinary people or the threat of global
warming.
The attack on the US Capitol prompted German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas to call
for a “joint Marshall Plan for democracy”. He commented that it was necessary to
look into “the roots of the social divisions in our countries”.

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Indeed, a club of democracies could help identify common challenges and
solutions. As many issues have a cross-border dimension, a transnational
perspective would be vital. The criteria for membership in such a club is a crucial
question. It is not obvious why a club of democracies should be limited to the G7
countries – Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK and the US – plus
Australia, India and South Korea.
By: Andreas Bummel
Source: The News
Excerpted: ‘Time for global democracy promotion to be ramped up’

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 Populism and counter-populism
Populist leaders portray themselves as capable of jolting the failed status quo and
dynastic politics by invoking the rhetoric of the ‘aam admi’, asserting to bring in an
egalitarian society to attract the lower rungs of society. However, once in power,
populists largely end up – with some variation – polarizing society, threatening
democratic institutions and norms, and eroding individual rights and freedom.
Pakistan’s democratic institutions and norms, civil society and liberties and
governance are under the threat of Khan’s populism.
Cas Mudde, a political scientist, argues that populism is a thin-centered ideology
that divides society into two homogeneous and antagonist groups of pure people
(led by a populist) and corrupt elites (generally led by traditional politicians).
Populists construct an ‘enemy’ through rhetoric and slogans that is not an outsider
but their fellow countryfolk that generates polarisation within the society.
For instance, Trump used the ‘Save America’ rhetoric to paint the news media, big
tech organizations, political opposition and the Supreme Court as an ‘enemy’ of
people’s freedom of speech and thought. Modi’s Hindutva ideology clearly
differentiates Hindus as the pure people of India and has portrayed the corrupt
elite of the Indian National Congress as secularists that do not represent Hindus –
the pure people.
In their attempt to construct an ‘enemy’ and implement their agenda of change,
populists start hurting individual and minority rights. Trump’s hostile policies
against Blacks, Muslims and Hispanics, and Bolsonaro’s rhetoric of anti-migration
are cases in point. Moving towards South Asian populism, Khan claimed to stand
for minority rights but had to reverse his decision of appointing economist Atif
Mian in his Economic Advisory Council. His recent reaction to the Hazara
community’s protest over the murdered Hazara miners showed his wavering
commitment towards his claim to support minority rights. In India, the Citizenship
Amendment Act (CAA) is a glaring manifestation of Modi’s anti-pluralistic populism.
Furthermore, Modi’s slogan of ‘Sabka saath sabka vikas’ contradicts his actions of
infringing minority rights.
Slogans are important for populists as they help them connect with the people and
portray them as the only hope to change the system. To assert and implement
those slogans, populists require an authoritarian style of leadership that damages
democratic institutions and norms. Political scientists call populists’ tenure

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‘democratic backsliding’. Populists’ ascendancy to power relies upon using their
rights and free press to express their frustrations with the government and to
mobilise support under democratic pluralistic governments. Once in power, they
turn out to be the real menace to those institutions.
The populist rhetoric of all leaders is based on extensive use of the personal
pronoun to portray themselves as the only agent/leader who can change and
enhanced emphasis on creating a deep divide between corrupt elites and people
of the country. For example, Modi’s ‘I am new India’ was used to bring himself and
his party in equilibrium with the nation. Comparatively, Khan constructed his image
as the ‘Kaptaan’ who is the one capable of driving forward. Such populist
authoritarian leadership comes in direct confrontation with civil society, that is
responsible to defend liberal democracy, and adversely affects civil society and civil
liberties.
Trump’s claim of ‘drain the swamp’ was to overthrow the existing political setup
and then, being an agent of change, revive the system. To fulfil his claim,
authoritative Trump blamed the judiciary, lawyers, political opposition,
bureaucracy and journalists supported by the establishment for all the ills existing
in the system. By the same token, Khan built his rhetoric of ‘Naya Pakistan’ on the
discourse of removing the evil of political corruption and bringing in transparent
governance.
His slogan ‘Naya Pakistan’ met a different fate, though. He promised to bring new
faces to govern Pakistan but landed in government with the same old technocrats
and electables that have been part of every government and who are supported by
powerful quarters. Khan’s larger-than-life claim that his fight is against the corrupt
political elite of Pakistan suffers when he is seen surrounded by friends like Zulfi
Bokhari and Pervez Khattak (under pending NAB investigation), Jahangir Tareen
and Khusro Bakhtiar (top beneficiaries of the sugar crisis), Abdul Razzaq Dawood
(conflict of interest contrary to Khan’s claim of conflict of interest before coming to
power). Khan himself had to pay a meagre fine to regularise his illegal
encroachment to construct his Bani Gala palace.
Evidently, the basic assumptions about populist leaders are that they tend to stay
in power for long and threaten democratic institutions through their authoritarian
style of leadership. Nonetheless, examples of South Korea and South Africa are
important reminders where populist leaders remained under pressure from the
electorate to follow their reform agenda. Hence, citizens have a critical role in

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defending democracy and fundamental rights from being manipulated or
undermined by populism.
Furthermore, Trump’s defeat is an important reminder for populist leaders who,
once in power, tend to undermine democratic institutions and norms. Americans’
rise against Trump’s populism is an encouraging sign for countries with populist
leaders. Nonetheless, to restore the damage done to democracy and address the
deep polarization carried out under the period of populist rule is a daunting
challenge for the counter-populist leader coming to power after a populist rule. The
next elections in Brazil (2022), Philippines (2022) and Pakistan (2023) could prove
critical for such efforts in maintaining and/or restoring democratic institutions and
norms in those countries. Among these, Philippines has an advantage because
presidents there are limited to one six-year term in office thus there is a hope that
after Duterte’s illiberal rule ending in 2022, Philippines could get an opportunity to
restore the damage done by Duterte to institutions if he is not succeeded by
another populist leader.
In Pakistan too, there is hope. Progressively developing as it seems to be, the
Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) emerged as a counter-populist movement
that is questioning ‘Naya Pakistan’ and Khan’s claim to be a people’s leader to
eliminate the common citizen’s economic miseries. The PDM has also challenged
Khan’s reliance on the establishment. Khan’s recent attack on the Election
Commission of Pakistan is also a glaring example of his populist tendencies.
Claiming to be a proponent of free press and the right to dissent before, suddenly
the PM’s thinking seemed to have changed completely; under his government the
media has faced severe restrictions on its independence, including the finances of
media houses being curtailed, journalists censored and even arrest of a media
house owner. This is done to curb any criticism on poor governance and squeezing
the space for the PDM to organize and mobilise public grievances effectively.
And, yet, the PDM is moving forward. Importantly, within the PDM the PPP has an
instrumental role in defending democratic institutions and norms from being
damaged further as the party has continued its emphasis to bring the PDM’s fight
within the remit of constitutional and parliamentary practices such as contesting
by-elections, Senate elections, and in the process constraining space for populism
to inflict lasting damage to Pakistan’s nascent democracy and prevent democracy
backsliding in country.
By: Dr. Salma Shaheen

12-3-2021
 Source: The News
The writer is a London-based writer and teaches at King’s College London.

12-3-2021
 How nations fall
Somewhere deep down in our being, we realise that the election to the Senate seat from
Islamabad was a disaster. Somewhere deep down in our being, we realise that this was
neither elevating for our moral fibre, nor for the promotion of democracy. Somewhere
deep down in our being, we realise that this malaise is reflective of the decay that our
society is so gravely afflicted with. But what we possibly fail to realise is that if we don’t
speak about it now, this grave malady may be rendered incurable.
Nations rise and they fall. While it may take centuries for them to wear even pretensions
of a civilisation, the fall of nations is far quicker. When, owing to certain factors, a nation
is caught in a degenerative spiral, it is well nigh impossible to extricate it from its grievous
consequences. It soon becomes history to be remembered with hardly a charitable word.
The situation in Pakistan is no different at this stage. We are victims of a variety of
afflictions which have been promoted and nurtured through the years of our creation.
This has not been without a motive. It has been done to deprive people of their ethical
base and desensitise them to this being a crime. Consequently, along the way, people
have lost their ability to discern good from evil. In pursuit of their objectives, they feel
they have a license to choose any path that would suit their proclivities. It is immaterial
whether such a license would stand up to even the minimal benchmarks of legality and
morality. As long as it caters to their lustful fancies, it is accepted as fair.
Take the case of the election to the Senate of Mr Yousaf Raza Gilani. He is a former prime
minister who was removed from office when, for over two years running, he refused to
obey the court’s instructions to write a letter to the Swiss authorities to initiate
proceedings in a corruption case involving Asif Ali Zardari. He did this to ensure that the
case would be rendered time-barred after a passage of 10 years so that it could not be
reopened again. There are few instances where a sitting prime minister would have acted
with such brazen disrespect for law and morality.
That is not all. During a visit to Pakistan by the current Turkish president (he was prime
minister then), the Turkish first lady donated an expensive necklace for the 2010
earthquake victims. This necklace disappeared and was later discovered in the custody of
Mr. Gilani who confessed. He was ordered by the FIA to return the necklace or face a legal
case. He opted for the former.
From being punished for contempt of court to behaving like a petty thief to bringing
disrepute to the office of the prime minister and the country, Mr Gilani has now been
elected to the Senate by apparently using the lure of money. His son was caught on video
doing the bargaining which has now been presented before the Election Commission of
Pakistan (ECP) in support of a petition moved to refrain Mr Gilani to be administered the
oath as a member of the Senate. The matter has also been moved in a court of law.

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This is a test case for the ECP, the judicial system and the people of Pakistan. It is to be
seen whether such a person would be able to wade through these barriers to take his
tainted place in the Senate of Pakistan. If that happens, it would be a defeat for all the
institutions whose principal function is to ensure that the process of elections is not
corrupted by use of unfair and foul means. If these institutions were to let him go through,
it would become an unholy precedent with everyone tempted to use similar means for
attaining their respective objectives.
That is potentially a damning spectacle. If such people were to become part of the houses
of our legislature, it would render them criminal, unsuited for defending the interests of
the state and its people. This is the twin scourge that looms over the Senate as a
consequence of this sordid affair.
As this piece is published, it is likely that Mr Gilani would take oath as a member of the
Senate, thus paving the way for others of his ilk to follow the devilish path. We may also
not be surprised if a resolution is moved in the Upper House by suchlike people to draft a
law that would annul the difference between fair and foul. Everything would be legitimate
if it serves the interests of people who are wedded to crime and its resultant gains. As
Elbert Einstein once said, “the world will not be destroyed by those who do evil, but by
those who watch them without doing anything”. Well, here is the making of a classic case
of how nations fall. We are witnessing that happen now.
By: Raoof Hassan
Source: The News
The writer is the special assistant to the PM on information, a political and security
strategist, and the founder of the Regional Peace Institute.

12-3-2021
 Celebrating Mauritius
March 12 is a very significant day in the national history of Africa’s most beautiful
island Mauritius, due to two major events. On March 12, 1968, Mauritius, under
the leadership of what it calls the father of the nation and first prime minister, Sir
Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, achieved independence from British imperialism. Later
on March 12, 1992, exactly 24 years later, Mauritius transformed into a republic
country with the British Commonwealth.
Every year on March 12, a national holiday is observed in Mauritius to mark the
national day. The people of Mauritius used to demonstrate their pride in their
nation by displaying colourful flags across the country. An official flag-raising
ceremony also takes place in the capital city with military parades and live music.
The national flag, consisting of four-color strips, also represents the pluralist society
based on the co-existence and diversity of the population.
Mauritius is a unique country on the world map which is geographically considered
a African country but it has a special affiliation with the people of South Asia socio-
culturally. Urdu is spoken and understood throughout the island of Mauritius. The
majority of the population, consisting of 55 percent, follows Hinduism whereas
other prominent religions include Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and others.
At the time of its discovery by Arab traders in the 9th century, there was nothing
but dense forests and wildlife. Due to its unique geo-strategic position, it also
became a target of Western imperialist powers from Portugal, France and the
Dutch East India Company, during the colonial period. Under British rule, many
people from present-day Pakistan and South Asia immigrated to Mauritius. In the
early 20th century, Mahatma Gandhi also paid a historic visit to Mauritius. During
his two-week visit, he urged the people of Mauritius to transcend all kinds of
prejudices and focus on educating their children.
Mauritius, most favourite destination of world tourists, is also known as an island
of temples, mosques and churches. Ganga Talao, a crater lake situated in a
secluded mountain area, is considered the most sacred holy place in the eyes of
the Hindu community. There are different temples located on the bank of the lake
and are dedicated to lords Shiva, Hanuman, Ganesh and goddess Ganga. On the
occasion of the religious festival Shivaratri, many local pilgrims travel bare feet from
their homes to the lake. The first mosque, now officially known as the Al-Aqsa
Mosque, was built in the early years of the 1800s. The Jummah Mosque in the

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capital city Port Louis was built in the 1850s and is described as one of the most
beautiful religious buildings in Mauritius. The tomb of Jamal Shah, a Sufi saint from
the Indian subcontinent, is also located next to the mosque. There are also many
churches and other worship places across the island.
No doubt, every sovereign country has to offer countless sacrifices in order to
achieve independence. However, after independence only those countries
succeeded to establish internal peaceful societies and earn good name at
international level, which follow the vision of their founding fathers in letter and
spirit. In my view, today's Mauritius, which in the past was influenced by different
global powers, is one of best examples about social harmony, religious tolerance
and prosperity. The Republic of Mauritius constitutionally grants equal civic rights
and religious freedom to all citizens. On the occasions of Eid, Diwali, Christmas and
other holy festivals, public holidays are observed throughout the country.
However, during my last visit, I noticed that the Indian lobby is taking advantage of
the inactiveness of Pakistani embassy and increasing influence there rapidly.
Today, while congratulating the people of Mauritius, I would also like to appeal to
my Pakistani compatriots to analyse that the countries that achieved independence
after us have gone ahead of us in the race for development and prosperity. We
must understand that the secret of Mauritius' development lies in maintaining a
culture of tolerance. We must avail the vast opportunities for bilateral cooperation
with friendly countries like Mauritius. There is also a dire need to revise our foreign
policies according to today's modern era.
By: Dr Ramesh Kumar Vankwani
Source:The News
The writer is a member of the National Assembly and patron-in-chief of the Pakistan
Hindu Council.

12-3-2021
 Gutter politics
The institutions have been forced-muted and neutered under the fear of betraying
partiality
The opposition is 20 seats less than the government in the National Assembly but in a
non-transferable single vote manages to get a majority of five over the government
nominated candidate for Senate. The government scores 16 votes short in a secret ballot.
The vote was preceded by an intense verbal and legal battle between the two sides to
hold an open ballot. The opposition spurned government proposals to amend the
Constitution for a more transparent process through show of hands and wished to retain
the ballot secret as provided under the Constitution. The government prayed before the
court to permit an open ballot to ensure the integrity of the vote but was redirected to
the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). The court avoided being mired in a political
dispute. The ECP stayed with the convention to avoid generating another controversy.
The government was fairly criticised for sleeping over it all this time and acting altruistic
when it found the going tough in a possible defeat on the all-important federal seat,
despite a majority. Why and how did the government come to such pass is another study
of Pakistan’s labyrinthine politics, and as interesting because it underwrites a most
successful political effort at creating and expanding political space where none or very
little had existed before. On the day this piece comes out the opposition may just be
crowning its most remarkable reversal of political fortunes by electing its chairman in the
Senate. The government will have a lot to introspect in why and how its fortunes have
slipped over time.
Back to the ugliness though of how the electoral process is circumvented and
compromised to produce unlikely results. Ideally, a Senate is meant to be proportionally
represented in how the directly elected provincial assemblies are composed save one or
two where ‘magic happens’ or ‘conscience prevails’. I intend the pun. Not entirely though.
There is also a rational explanation to where a senatorial candidate will emerge a winner
when a party lacked basic numbers to make for a seat. It has to do with the transferability
of the vote and priority nomination by a voting member in favour of his preferred choice
after his own party nominee to the Senate has been placed above all. The system then
transfers the preferred vote to others mentioned by the voting member. If enough of such
transferred votes can accumulate to make a full qualifying number an unexpected
candidate may appear a winner.
This is entirely legal in a voting system which holds the sanctity of the vote dear and
expects the member to act per his or her conscience. The trouble is when neither, the
sanctity or the conscience, are in line leaving a lot to lament. The trouble is when both,
sanctity and conscience, are for sale. When it happens openly and gloated upon with

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chest-thumping it marks the depths of depredation and a sorry loss for the society. It
marks the beginning of the end of any value system that was meant to underwrite
democratic probity. It is as bad as raping a lonely traveller in the dark of the night before
the eyes of her very children. It denotes an incremental assault of the system of
governance and its constituting elements. A fish is born with its head rotten. Rest is only
a matter of time.
In the National Assembly where members vote to elect a federal candidate for the Senate
the vote is single and non-transferable, almost a direct election. Ditto when choosing the
chairman Senate. When a surprise emerges as was in the case of Yousuf Raza Gilani, there
has either been a vote of dissent from the ruling party in favour of the opposing candidate,
or votes have been ‘enticed’ away from the ruling party. And this is where the rub has
been for the last couple of weeks.
A video shows the son of Gilani, the Senate candidate, offering inducements to legislators
for vote. The offers made are huge and ask of them to betray their party by either wasting
their vote or voting for Gilani, the opposition’s candidate. In the ultimate count Gilani
managed five votes more than the majority party — seven governmental votes were
wasted while nine out-rightly voted for the opposition candidate, who won. This isn’t new
and has happened before but never with such audacity and impudence.
It would be unfair not to mention the removal of an elected government in Balochistan in
2018 — through a legal, democratic process but externally triggered and manipulated. A
new political party formed of realigned members emerged overnight. The party went on
to win the 2018 elections and nominated their candidate for the position of chairman
Senate who won against all odds. Influence and money, both played their part. The
common thread through these alleged manipulations was the role of a mainstream
political party and its leadership which offered to play proxy for other players. This
narrative hasn’t been denied. Asif Zardari claimed his ‘magic’ had turned things around.
He was also able to get two senators elected from a provincial assembly where the party
did not have votes even for one. Life and politics aren’t as straight as democracy tends to
claim while this kind of ‘magic’ defines the politics we must live under.
In the current spate Zardari believes his candidate won 20 votes less. Such was the extent
of his intrusion into the PTI ranks impacting the integrity of the vote. Bilawal Bhutto, PPP’s
current chairman, states that all that is necessary to win the electoral process will be
employed. Apparently that justifies corrupting the process to gain numbers. PML-N’s
Maryam Nawaz informs that votes for Gilani’s seat were acquired in exchange for a ticket
in the next general elections whenever those are held. After this unexpected reversal the
PTI and Imran Khan too are staking claims on using whatever means necessary to win the
contest for Senate chairman. So much for the integrity and fidelity of the electoral process

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and politics itself. Many alibis for subverting the Constitution and corrupting the system
are making the rounds but the entire process is so blatant it doesn’t even have a pretense.
It is different this time round. Intent is difficult to establish even if every other indicator
is a tell-tale sign of the members selling themselves for money and the leaders short-
circuiting what they have undertaken on oath to safeguard. There is also no remorse over
what has happened.
The courts hide behind the need of maintainable evidence — available videos of the crime
somehow don’t match up to a detailed evidentiary matrix. The ECP doesn’t want to take
sides in this extensively polarised political fight. Seeming neutral thus is safer. The
institutions have been forced-muted and neutered under the fear of betraying partiality.
A highly volatile and hostile political narrative peddled by the opposition seems to have
cowed most institutions into submission. The media cherishes the opportunity to play up
the fracas making for salacious news. The people look on. And all relish the moment
because it somehow equates to fighting the military down into submission. The farce
sustains.
By: Shahzad Chaudhry
Source: The Express Tribune

The writer is a retired air vice marshal and a former ambassador. He tweets @shazchy09
and can be contacted at shhzdchdhry@yahoo.com

12-3-2021
 Modi’s manipulation of caste-based politics
Narendra Modi’s brand of Hindu nationalism is aptly described as an example of
ethnic absolutism. Modi aspires to equalise differences between India’s Hindus,
while simultaneously ostracising the minorities. However, Modi’s position on the
caste issue is also not as progressive as it may seem at an initial glance.

Modi’s landslide win in the 2019 elections shows how successfully he managed to
discredit the Congress by depicting it as elitist and dynastic. Modi has not only been
able to portray himself as an opponent of dynastic politics but also as a champion
of ordinary people. Many of India’s social elites, who used to support the Congress,
are now comfortably aligned with Hindu nationalists. Modi’s brand of Hindutva
ideology seemingly espouses a unifying agenda of dismantling caste-based
distinctions. Yet, aside from some tokenistic attempts to placate caste differences,
Modi is firmly promoting vested interests of the upper castes.

According to the French scholar of Indian politics, Christophe Jaffrelot, Modi and
the BJP’s success is due to socio-economic concerns, in particular social elites’ fear
of déclassement. Jafferlot considers the rise of Modi a counter-revolution of sorts,
initiated by upper caste Hindus, in which Hindu ultranationalism serves as a
powerful antidote to caste politics and positive discrimination policies.

Jaffrelot demonstrates how new quotas for jobs in the Indian public sector in the
1990s had helped lower castes mobilise politically to improve their socio-economic
status. Meanwhile, upper castes experienced a steady erosion of their position in
the Centre and state governments. The upper castes thus began to back Modi’s BJP
to initiate a subtle counter-revolution against the Hindu majority. Other Backward
Classes (OBCs) were relentlessly convinced to focus on their Hindu identity, which
was said to be facing a threat from minorities (especially Muslims) and from
Pakistan. Given that Modi belongs to an OBC caste himself, he also managed to
dilute India’s positive discrimination system without major backlash.

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It is intriguing to note how Modi managed to roll back gains made by lower castes
under the guise of economic reforms, also being pushed by entities like the World
Bank, which favour privatisation and a rollback of the public sector. Under Modi,
inequality in India has drastically increased. Oxfam estimates that the richest 10%
of Indians account for an increasing percentage of the nation’s wealth each year.
Modi’s brand of capitalism is supported by the likes of obscenely rich people such
as Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani. However, Modi’s pro-rich taxation policies
have compelled India to opt for more indirect taxes which take an undue toll on
poorer people.

It is ironic how the poor and working classes lend support to populist leaders, even
when these leaders evidently work to undermine their interests. This does not only
happen in India. Consider how the real estate billionaire, president Trump,
portrayed himself as an anti-establishment champion. He used fear of the other to
distract his loyalists, even when many of the policies he advocated such as
dismantling healthcare, had direct adverse implications for his loyal base of
supporters. Similarly, Modi presented himself as the son of a tea seller, and a
champion for all Hindus. Yet, despite all his rhetorical concern for the poor, it is the
rich who have been the primary beneficiaries of Modi’s rule. His government
continues reinforcing a jingoistic narrative of India’s rise as a global power, while it
is increasingly intolerant to growing internal criticism.

It is easy to see the glaring problems plaguing India. Yet, the prevalent political
dynamics of India, especially the manipulation of religious ideology to serve
political ends, and the underhanded alliance between populist leadership and local
elites, should provide many useful lessons for Pakistan as well.

By: Shahzad Chaudhry

Source: The Express Tribune

12-3-2021
 The power of Womenomics
Women globally are moving into a growing space as innovators, entrepreneurs,
startup founders, techies, businesswomen, as well as home-based workers. From
their existing roles in traditional economic sectors of agriculture, health, education,
etc., women are now making inroads in the Fourth Industrial Revolution to drive
global and regional knowledge economies of scale.

The idea of women as drivers of a nation’s economy can be understood by

‘Womenomics’ — a term coined by Kathy Matsui, a strategist at Goldman Sachs,
and launched by former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe in 2013 to stimulate
his country’s economic growth and promote gender equality in the workforce.

Womenomics is not just a good social move, it is also good for business: $12 trillion
could be added to the global GDP by 2025 by advancing women’s equality. Yet,
while women’s control of investible wealth is on the rise, major barriers continue
to prevent achieving SDG Goal 5 of Gender Equality in developing economies like
Pakistan. At the global level, women currently represent 38.8% of the global labour
force, and just 20% in Pakistan.

Inequality in opportunity and in working Pakistan’s barriers against women’s

economic empowerment generally include lack of gender-sensitive policies,
income inequality, attitudes/harassment at workplaces, and stereotypes defining
women’s role in society. For those already stepping into the workforce, however,
additional barriers include a lack of gendered infrastructure at workplaces, gender
pay gaps, limited mobility, scarcity of public toilets, denial/discrimination of
professional development and leadership opportunities, job security, and other
occupational hazards.

For Womenomics to become a reality in Pakistan, both traditional and emerging

occupational barriers need to be structurally and systemically addressed.

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Out of the only 13.5 million (20%) women taking part in Pakistan’s labour force,
seven million women working in agriculture fall under the category of contributing
family workers and remain unrecognised and unpaid. The gap between men and
women’s earnings has also increased. In 2018-2019, women earned just 18% of
what men earned. Cultural expectations must also be addressed, as they contribute
to women’s ‘time poverty’. For example, women in Pakistan spend nearly 10 times
the hours as men in unpaid care work.

Meanwhile, in all too many households, women are compelled to give all their
earnings to their family and have no financial independence or freedom to spend
as they choose. This perpetuates a vicious cycle of silent exploitation and abuse —
one where women are made to be completely dependent upon male family
members for good.

Financial inclusion is imperative for women to access loans, credit, and to save for
a more secure future. In Pakistan, however, 94% of adult women do not have a
formal bank account, according to the World Bank. Of late, a number of efforts
have been made to promote women’s financial inclusion in the country. These
include adoption of targets for improving access to bank accounts (at least 20
million adult women should have an active bank account by 2023); improving
financial literacy of women under the State Bank of Pakistan’s National Financial
Literacy Program; and provision of loans of up to Rs5 million for women
entrepreneurs under the Refinance & Credit Guarantee Scheme.

Financial inclusion can benefit greatly from technology. Mobile access can
transform economic isolation into connectivity, thereby empowering women in
rural areas and inhibiting social environments. Unfortunately, there is a 33% gender
gap in mobile usage in Pakistan — something that must be addressed in order to
realise women’s full potential. Similarly, investment in skills and training is the need
of the hour. Women must be imparted skills as ship keepers, business agents, goods
sellers, marketers, stock dealers, investors, etc.

12-3-2021
More research and development are needed on exploring the linkages between
innovation, growth, and women’s economic participation to demonstrate their
direct contribution to the national GDP. The ongoing Covid-19 response and
recovery initiatives have digitised the way things work, with major impact in the
education and health sectors. The key question then is to see how these
revolutionary trends and innovations can foster women-led economic recovery and
growth.

Recognising these needs, UNDP Pakistan is providing economic empowerment

opportunities to women through vocational skills training, startup tool kits, and
support in establishing businesses through partnerships with microfinance
institutions. Our Business Incubation Programme focuses on creating income-
generation opportunities for young women in the Merged Districts of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. Our Youth Innovation Challenge provides grants to women for
youth-led initiatives and enterprises working to solve development challenges in
Balochistan. With the help of the European Union, we have established women’s
dormitory and childcare facility at a Regional Training Centre in Swat, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, for women police officers. We also support Gender Desks in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa’s Merged Districts, Sindh, and Punjab provinces, which serve to link
local women to government service providers and enhance their agency and
mobility.

As part of Pakistan’s national commitment to achieving Agenda 2030 of ‘Leave No

One Behind’ in sustainable development, we have a clear opportunity pathway
ahead of us — invest in women as drivers of Pakistan’s economic growth.

By: Knut Ostby

Source: The Express Tribune

12-3-2021
 A major reset is required
THE government has suffered a significant setback in the recent Senate elections
with one of its candidates, the incumbent finance minister, failing to win a seat.
While the opposition’s vote-buying and horse-trading shenanigans were brazen
and open, the fact remains that in unconstrained voting, free from the straitjacket
of party position and discipline, many PTI legislators would have gone ahead and
cast a vote of no-confidence in the finance minister and his policies. Both the
finance minister and his policies are unpopular and viewed with suspicion for a
number of reasons.

First is Mr Sheikh’s history. He is viewed as being parachuted into the cabinet from
Washington, D.C. (or Dubai), with little or no real stakes in Pakistan. At the end of
each of his tenures under president Musharraf as well as the PPP, he picked up his
bags and left at the end of his term. Unlike his countrymen, he did not face or live
through the consequences of policy decisions taken by him as a minister.

Related to this is the fact that he is an unelected technocrat. As such, he is

completely aloof and disconnected from the travails of elected PTI colleagues who
have to face angry constituents — whose wrath is stoked by Mr Sheikh’s policies.
Then there is the matter of Mr Sheikh’s predisposition to ‘sleight of hand’. In his
current tenure, he has made considerable noise about, and earned the prime
minister’s plaudits for, budgetary allocation for the government’s Covid response
and economic stimulus — without being as open about the actual spending that he
has allowed (some 66 per cent of the amount allocated has reportedly remained
unutilised).

Perhaps most importantly, the incumbent finance minister appears completely

bereft of ideas on the economy, other than dutifully following the strictures of the
IMF programme.

The government should seize the day, not merely save it.

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It would be tempting to jump to the conclusion that all is lost for the government
in terms of much-needed course correction in its policies, after its failure to win a
majority in the Senate. While the government’s legislative agenda has certainly
suffered a setback, there is still considerable space for improvement in government
performance in key areas that do not require legislation. The following important
areas require a reset and urgent course correction by the government.

Punjab: From growing piles of uncollected garbage, to reports of rampant

nepotism, corruption, maladministration and misgovernance, the paralysis in
Pakistan’s largest province is glaringly obvious, and a source of alarm and extreme
discomfort even for many PTI legislators. Punjab is the key to winning a general
election and forming the government at the centre, and the optics of a
dysfunctional, clueless provincial government has political ramifications at the
national level. Unfortunately, this remains a blind spot for the prime minister who
has anointed a non-performing ‘Mansur Akhtar’ to the top slot and continues to
see him as a ‘Wasim Akram plus plus’.

Read: ‘Alarming slowdown’ in Punjab economic recovery

The misgovernance in Punjab is providing much of the wind in the sails of the
opposition — and is leading to a situation where a significant number of PTI
‘electables’ appear to be preparing to defect to the PML-N at the time of the next
general election.

A clear pathway to economic growth: A flawed appreciation of the economic

situation has become the prime minister’s second big blind spot after Punjab. The
finance minister has failed in providing a comprehensive roadmap for a transition
from stabilisation to growth. In the absence of a growth framework, the economy
is flying on autopilot with the finance minister hoping that growth will
automatically follow stabilisation.

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Perhaps more detrimentally, both the finance minister and the State Bank governor
have played up the short-run pick-up in economic activity as evidence of a
sustained ‘take-off’. This is disingenuous and completely off the mark, as we have
witnessed multiple times in past episodes of stabilisation following an IMF
programme. Not for the first time in our recent history, Pakistani technocrats from
the IFIs brought into these positions have self-servingly sold nascent improvement
in economic indicators which accompany macroeconomic stabilisation, as the ‘real
deal’.

Regional development: Apart from a national growth framework, the government

also needs to roll out specific regional development plans for Gilgit-Baltistan,
Balochistan, ex-Fata and South Punjab. These plans should be dovetailed into an
overarching national growth framework. For Gilgit-Baltistan and Balochistan,
better leveraging and integration of CPEC projects provides a lynchpin for
development. Here too, unfortunately, no movement from the government side is
to be seen.

Controlling inflation: An inability to control food inflation has been the

government’s Achilles heel over the past two years. Unfortunately, the outlook for
inflation is very unfavourable. With the international oil price touching $70 per
barrel, and global prices of a range of commodities from industrial to agricultural
touching bullish peaks due to a combination of supply disruptions and a return of
demand, it is only a matter of time before Pakistan feels the heat.

Politically, the government will either need to subsidise petrol, electricity and food,
or ramp up growth so that plentiful employment opportunities and rising wages
blunt the impact. Instead, it has introduced an amendment to the SBP Act and
bound the central bank to an inflation-targeting objective. An inflation-targeting
framework is completely misplaced and out of context for Pakistan, as I will attempt
to explain in a subsequent column. The clear and present danger is that its
premature adoption threatens to permanently suppress economic growth.

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FBR reforms: While broader SOE reforms may now be out of reach for a
government with a diminished political standing, one area where it can still press
ahead with reform without expending its depleted political capital is a meaningful
and credible restructuring of the Federal Board of Revenue. The government’s
team is involved in tinkering around the edges which is unlikely to change the status
quo. A proper restructuring of the FBR along modern lines will have a significant
long-term pay-off for the economy.

In short, the recent political setback for the government is an opportunity to reset
some of its policies.

The writer is a former member of the prime minister’s economic advisory council,
and heads a macroeconomic consultancy based in Islamabad.

By: Ayesha Mehkari

Source: Dawn

12-3-2021
 Biodiversity crisis
FOR millennia, humans have benefited from nature’s generosity without caring
much for it. Now, this one-sided relationship has become untenable, especially
with an economic paradigm that treats nature with disdain. Human actions are
destroying nature and causing biodiversity loss at an alarming rate. This is double
trouble for a planet already under assault from a ferocious climate crisis. However,
unlike the visible climate devastation, biodiversity loss is silently gnawing at the
fabric of life’s support systems.
Nature’s elaborate arrangement of interdependence among and between species
makes earth habitable by providing indispensable ecosystem services. There are
two main types: ‘provisioning services’ such as food, fuel, timber and drinking
water, etc, and ‘regulating services’ like pollination, air/water filtration and
prevention of natural hazards.

A global assessment by the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and

Ecosystem Services, covering the period between the 1970s and 2050, revealed
that in the last 50 years, the pace of change has been unprecedented. More than
85 per cent wetlands have been lost, while 75pc land and 66pc oceans have been
significantly altered. Consequently, up to a million species of animals and plants
face extinction, leading scientists to fear a sixth mass extinction.

The World Economic Forum’s Global Risks Report 2020 lists biodiversity loss as one
of the top four global risks in likelihood and impact. Changes in land usage have had
the biggest impact as habitats and forests are converted for agricultural purposes.
Meanwhile, the loss in forest cover affects pollination patterns lowering yields of
dependent crops.
Up to a million species of animals and plants face extinction.
On the other hand, the frequency and intensity of floods, landslides and wildfires
keeps surging with the weakening of biodiverse ecosystems that act as nature’s
shields against environmental hazards. Moreover, expansion of infrastructure
contributes to encroachment and fragmentation of wildlife habitats, creating room
for the transmission of diseases from animals to humans. Outbreaks of zoonotic

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diseases such as like Ebola, SARS, and coronavirus highlight the link between health
and environmental conditions.
The United Nation’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development focuses on
coordinated action that considers the impact of biodiversity loss on other
socioeconomic sectors. The biodiversity-specific SDG-14 addresses “life below
water” and SDG-15 “life on land”, but these SDGs are inter-linked so failure in one,
for example poverty or climate, will affect progress in the rest. A number of
countries have devised national action plans under the UN’s Convention on
Biological Diversity, while the UN Environment Programme regularly produces
evidence-based reports for bridging the gap between science and policy.

Despite these arrangements and scores of related international agreements, poor

implementation has marred progress in biodiversity conservation. The Strategic
Plan 2011-2020 of the Convention of Biological Diversity failed to achieve its
targets. This may be because in developing countries, biodiversity conservation
remains low on the list of national priorities. More often than not, a lack of cross-
sectoral dialogue and effective coordination mechanisms hamper mainstreaming
biodiversity into social and economic policies. Harmful subsidies in agriculture,
fossil fuels and fishing add to the complexity of the crisis.

But hope for turning the tide is kept alive by various biodiversity-friendly initiatives.
Africa’s Great Green Wall is an example of political will, partnership and innovation.
With 20-plus partner countries, the initiative is steadily moving towards its 2030
target of restoring 100m hectares of degraded land, generating around 10m jobs
and stabilising economies. The huge swathe of green cover will serve as a carbon
sink for up to 250m tonnes of emissions.

Meanwhile, China has imposed a 10-year ban on fishing to restore biodiversity in

Asia’s longest but depleted Yangtze river. California’s rice fields are flooded with
water after harvesting instead of burning, converting them into seasonal wetlands
covering an area of 300,000 acres, providing respite to migratory bird species. Such
cheap, nature-based and innovative solutions are needed as they are sustainable
and give high returns.

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Pulling the planet back from the brink of devastation will require long-term
collaborative action. The UN General Assembly has declared 2021-2030 to be the
Decade of Ecosystem Restoration. The Food and Agricultural Organisation and
UNEP are collaborating with governments and other stakeholders to develop plans
and strategies for preserving nature. In this battle of existence or extinction, our
destructive relationship with nature must end swiftly if we desire a healthy, safe
and resilient human society.

The writer is director of intergovernmental affairs, United Nations Environment

Programme.

By: Ali Jamal

Source: Dawn

12-3-2021
 Humanising school-based education
EVERY year, a few million wide-eyed five-year-olds across the country eagerly or
begrudgingly take their first steps in the institution in which they are expected to spend
a large part of the next decade. An institution that is fundamentally designed to help them
learn. But does the education system consider the question of whether what and how
they learn is centred on fulfilling their basic human needs?
While local and international assessments indicate that a large part of Pakistan’s young
population is struggling, policy interventions have traditionally focused on raising
academic achievement through increasingly rigorous standards and assessment
measures. They have given impetus to the argument for preparing students to pass exams
instead of focusing on learning and well-being, perhaps paradoxically contributing to our
stagnated academic outcomes.
And yet, the status quo continues to prevail. Sitting through a lesson in a public school
classroom, it is not hard to surmise that not much of significance is happening. Five hours
a day, year after year, children sit in one place from one gruelling period to another,
passively listening to or dutifully parroting their teacher, wearily bent over their
textbooks, and for the most part, rehearsing for a fate-determining exam.
Not many will disagree with the proposition that the purpose of school-based education
should not be to produce a conveyor belt of students who score well on their exams based
on memorised knowledge of isolated facts. Education should not aim to create yes-men
trained to go through the regimented norms of standing or sitting in military line
formations showing unquestioning deference, or produce conformists unprepared for life
after school. Or create spaces where children are made to collectively leap up and sing
out a protracted greeting in front of an authority figure, recite rote-memorised text on
demand, or be verbally or physically assailed for failure — all seemingly part of an
antiquated view of schooling, centred on archaic ways of exhibiting respect, order and
discipline.

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Instead of a vehement focus on academic achievement, parents, schools and policy
experts can prioritise child welfare.
In 2019, when I asked parents across rural Punjab and Sindh about their hopes and
aspirations for their school-going children, most said one of two things: ‘parha likha ho’
(be literate) and ‘acha insaan baney’ (become a good human being). The former is
understandable. One needs literacy skills and intellectual knowledge, coupled with the
ability to think, reflect and reason in order to advance in life. The latter is critical for a
more humane world and a more content life — but is conspicuous by its absence in our
schools.
Both can be connected and embedded in instruction, assessment and school structures
— to help children become kind, capable, conscientious human beings, who are civic-
minded and socially adept, and able to solve problems, persevere in the face of
challenges, thrive in a rapidly changing, polarised world and lead happy, healthy, self-
fulfilled lives. And an essential first step towards this goal is to redesign and humanise
schooling. A human-centred approach sees children not as passive beings to be
transfused with knowledge but individuals with unique needs, interests and experiences
valuable for knowledge creation; human beings to be guided with care, respect and
encouragement and not be subjected to fear of authority.
Humanising or student-centred instruction, backed by decades of research, sees the child
as an active member of the learning process that entails a range of skills and knowledge
indispensable to future adults in their personal and professional lives, and meaningful in
their childhood. Teachers must engage children in ‘hands-on’ experiential, inquiry-based
and interdisciplinary learning, reflection and dialogue; and children must experience joy
and derive meaning and real-world relevance from the content they are taught.
To support this pedagogy (empirically proven to boost learning outcomes and retention),
learning spaces must be flexible and allow for cooperative learning, where students can
move, see and interact with each other instead of being stationed at their desks all in one
direction. And for learning to be meaningful, we must engage the child in the language
they are most comfortable speaking in, while incorporating additional languages
gradually.
A 10-minute drive away from the Kartarpur Corridor, in a small two-room public school
adopted by the education non-profit, The Citizens Foundation, teachers begin the day
with an informal sit-down with their students. This is an opportunity for them to discuss
how they feel and have a face-to-face conversation on what’s on their mind, what
challenges they have been experiencing and how they can help each other through them.

12-3-2021
This is an acknowledgement from the teacher that the children she teaches are human
beings with social and emotional needs and deserve to be treated as such. A wealth of
global evidence indicates that to improve teacher-student relationships, well-being and
academic achievement, it is critical to incorporate interventions targeted at fostering
socio-emotional competence including skills such as empathy, self-regulation and
communication) during the school day.
And finally, we must reconsider our visceral attachment to high-stakes assessments.
These are demonstrably anxiety-inducing and demotivating, and force schools to adopt a
solely mechanical focus on test preparation. And, based on evidence, as educationist Alfie
Kohn says, these have “approximately the same effect on learning that a noose has on
breathing”. A more humane approach would insist on assessments being predominantly
diagnostic — to tell us where the child needs support and meaningful feedback, and help
us adapt instruction to better assist them. And instead of testing mere recall and a
superficial understanding of facts, it is imperative to focus more on skills such as critical
and reflective thinking through year-round measures including projects and work
portfolios.
Ultimately, if we want to see children succeed in and outside school, ensure their well-
being, help instil good values, and help build a more humane world, we must
acknowledge, support and respect them as real human beings. In this way, instead of a
vehement focus on academic achievement, parents, schools and policy experts can
prioritise child welfare, both current and future, and help bring play, meaning, joy and
laughter into our schools where they belong.

The writer is involved in the non-profit education sector.

By: Jamil Ahmad

Source: Dawn

12-3-2021
 Unfair assault on institutions
THE failure of the government to get Finance Minister Abdul Hafeez Sheikh elected
as a senator from Islamabad appears to have caused a great shock to the prime
minister who has resumed his offensive against any election or selection by secret
balloting. He has been calling for open balloting in all elections for quite some time
now, but, in keeping with his style of advancing proposals for change without
actually offering a rationale for it, he has yet to support his plea with a cogent
argument.

The main problem that Prime Minister Imran Khan faces in his campaign to get the
system of secret voting abandoned is that this method has become a universal
practice and it is followed by underdeveloped and developed countries both. Many
states have encountered difficulties in making secret voting work satisfactorily but
the best response has been to remove the difficulties instead of opting for open
balloting. Pakistani supporters of the open ballot would indeed be doing the nation
a great favour if they could tell us as to how many democratic states have switched
over to this form of voting.

The Pakistan electorate has a rich experience of elections through secret balloting.
That a great many voters make wrong choices or sell their votes for some
consideration or the other is quite well known. But that has nothing to do with the
system of balloting, and open balloting will not automatically end such electoral
malpractices.

An important question is whether the proposal to switch over to open balloting is

backed by any research or study in Pakistan or in any other country. Or is it based
solely on the opinion of one or more political leaders?

The attempt to tilt at windmills is not warranted as the rulers face no difficulty in
acting on their policies.

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If the move to adopt open balloting is not backed by an academic exercise of
standard quality then the first thing the government should do is to create a
commission to discover the contribution to democratic progress that the system of
open balloting is expected to make.

That open balloting does not guarantee free and fair voting has often been
demonstrated. If an ordinary citizen finds that his decision to vote for a particular
candidate becomes known to a rival candidate’s watchman, who may have the
power to harm him, it is obvious that he would prefer to save his life and surrender
his freedom of choice.

In the course of his assault on various institutions, the prime minister has deemed
it necessary to have a dig at the Election Commission of Pakistan too and to ask it
to explain why it was not possible to prepare ballot papers that satisfy the
government’s (questionable) desire to know how a person had voted. This was an
extraordinary demand and perhaps unlawful too. The ECP is not bound to carry out
the executive’s bidding if it is not legally defensible. Besides, the objective — the
government’s desire to know how a person has voted — has absolutely no place in
any democratic dispensation.

Unfortunately, the shock caused by the defeat of the finance minister at the hands
of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has generated a wave of despair in the
ruling coalition. The latest proof of this development is the declaration by a
government spokesperson that from now on the government would respond to the
opposition’s malevolence with matching medicine of its own.

This is quite an extraordinary situation. It appears that the head of government is

threatening institutions of governance which he is required to protect and use in
the interest of the people. Some of these institutions, such as the ECP, can deliver
only when their autonomy is inviolable in letter and spirit.

12-3-2021
Indeed, much of the ongoing sabre-rattling is unnecessary. The government will
only harm itself by trying to fight shadows. It faces no real threat from the
opposition, at least not in the immediate future. Now is the time to replace
governance by rhetoric with governance that puts people-friendly initiatives at the
centre — governance that should offer the nation legitimate hope of a much-
needed turnaround in the situation. Instead, the government seems to have
increased its problems by assuming that everything that the previous
administrations had done was wrong and that all precedents have to be discarded.

No government can proceed on the strength of such assumptions: the failure to get
the finance minister elected to the Senate from Islamabad was a minor setback that
a strong government could have taken in its stride. Regrettably, the government
deemed it prudent to overreact and unnecessarily sought to prove that the prime
minister was firmly in the saddle. There was no point in seeking a vote of confidence
from parliament as nobody had hinted at the government’s loss of such confidence.

When the prime minister started attacking the institutions of governance, people
were amazed that the defender of these institutions was thoughtlessly cutting the
branch of the tree on which the edifice of governance rested.

Any informed observer of national politics would be able to tell the prime minister
that the attempt to tilt at windmills is not warranted as the government faces no
difficulty in carrying out its policies. Indeed, the fears the government betrays now
and then suggest weaknesses of which the people are not aware. The institutions
that the prime minister has attacked are vital pillars of governance. Pulling them
down will only lead to the government’s collapse and that would serve nobody’s
purpose.

The government’s desire to appear to be different to the regimes it denounces with

regularity is understandable but change for the sake of change could destabilise
the system altogether. We already find some governments equating constructive
change with frequent transfers of administrators.

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The prime minister’s assault on institutions of governance without offering better
and workable alternatives was like flogging an exhausted horse without any
possibility of a useful outcome.

By: I.A Rehman

Source: Dawn

12-3-2021