Introduction to comparative

politics
Daniele Caramani

Chapter contents
Introduction
What is comparative
politics? 3
The substance of
comparative politics 6
The method of
comparative politics 13
Conclusion
19

Reader's guide
Comparative politics is oneof the three main disciplines of
political science,
alongside political theory and international relations. It deals with internal
structures (institutions like parliaments and political
executives), individual and collective
actors (voters, parties, social movements, interest
groups) and processes
(policy-making, communication and socialization processes, and political cultures)
The main goal of this empirical discipline is to
describe, explain, and predict
similarities and differences across political systems, be it
countries, regions, cities, or
supra-national political systems (such as empires or the European Union). This can
be done through the intensive analysis of few cases
(or one case) or with large-scale
extensive analyses of many cases, and can be either
synchronic or diachronic
including a temporal dimension). Comparative politics uses both quantitative and
qualitative data. Increasingly, the analysis of domestic politics is challenged by the
growing geographical scope and interdependence between regions and countries
through globalization bringing comparative politics and international relations closer.
 Introduction life?
lhese are
the questions
affect societies
do they
answer.
his book is about s e e k s to
politics. It is a book about a politics
imnportant
the most that comparative these are
important dimensions of political life, no without saying
that
ur
about one It goes made concerns or

specific aspect of political lifle (such a What

decisions are

elections questions. increase taxation is .a

or
policies). Furthermore, it 18 a
life. The
decision to
welfare
parative book, meaning that we look at a variety
everyday the decisions to cut
decision. So
are
of countries from all over the world. workplace,
Ilt is not a political leave from the
maternity
benefits such
as
book about politics military
in one place only. Finaliy, t or carry out
s not only about politics today, but rather about introduce military conscription and invest
neighbouring country,
how intervention in a
politics changed over a period of time be as a s o u r c e
of energy. But also
ginning with the transition to mass democracy in nuclear power The way in
are made is important.
in the
ineteenth century. In sum, it is a book how decisions
authoritative decisions
are made
about the public and
long-term
comparative study of polit which
In democracies we, as citizens, are
ics. varies a great deal.
elections or referenda. If
But what,precisely, is politics? Politics is the hu- directly involved through
with them we can protest through
man
activity of making public and authoritative we are unhappy
or vote differently
decisions. First, they are public because they con- demonstrations, petitions, letters,
cern the whole of a the and 'send the rascals home'. In
next election
society (not just inside groups, at
individuals are excluded
such as decisions in a other types of government
family or university). Political totalitarian regimes). Under
decisions apply to everyone who is part of a given cit- (as in authoritarian or
izenship and/or living in a specific territory (a state). absolute rule the king or queen used to be
inves-

Second, they are authoritative because the govern-
ment that makes such decisions is invested with the
authority (and legitimacy) to make them binding and
compulsory, meaning that they are supported by the
possibility to sanction individuals who do not com-
ply with them. 'Authorities' have the authority-as
it were-to compel or force individuals to comply
through coercive means. Politics is thus the activity
of acquiring (and maintaining) the power of mak-
ing such decisions and of exercising this power. It
is the conflict or competition for power and its use.
Who makes political decisions? How did they acquire
the power of making political decisions? Where does
ted with such a power. And, finally, who makes
or influences decisions also counts. Many
decisions
on the maintenance of generous pension systems
today are supported by elderly age cohorts in dis
agreement with younger ones who pay for them.
Or, as another example, take the decision to intro
duce high taxation for polluting industries. Such a
decision is heavily influenced by lobbies and pres
sure groups and by the protest of ecological activists.
Configurations of power relationships can be very
different but all point to the basic fact that
decisions are made by individuals or groups who acC
political
quired that power-against others-through either

the authority to make decision applying to all come peaceful/democratic or violent means.
and how
from? What decisions have been taken, why,

BOX 1.1 Definition of comparative politics

KEY POINTS
of the three main sub
Comparative politics is
one

fields of political
science (alongside political theory and OPolitics is the human
activity of making and
on internal political authoritative decisions. It is the public
international relations) focusing activity acquiring
of
and processes, and analysing them the power of
structures, actors, making such decisions and of
describing, explaining, and predicting cising this power. It is the conflict or exer
empirically by across polit- for power and its use. competition
(similarities and differences)
their variety
it national political systems, regional, Who decides what, and
ical systems-be political systems. life of societies.
how, is important for the
supra-national
or even
municipal,
 What is Introducti to
comparative politics3
A
science comparative politics?
of
Even
though the questions
politics
broad,they do not cover the addressed above are BOX I.2
Important works in comparative
ical science. whole very politics: Aristotle
Comparative
main subfields in
spectrum
politics is one of
of polit-
the three Aristotle (350 BC),
political science: Ta Politika
(Politics)
comparative politics The typologies
Work are based on a
of
political systerns presented in this
political theory; data compilation of
tions and practices in 158 the constitu-
Greek city-states carried
international relations. by Aristotle's students. This
is now lost
out
collection, unfortunately,
(with the exception of The
Whereas political theory deals with Athens). This work represents the Constitution of
theoretical questions oldest attempt on
normative and record of a
comparative empirical data collection and
(about
justice, etc.), comparative equality, analysis of political institutions. Aristotle
ical
questions. politics deals democracy,
The concern of with empir- three types of Greek distinguished
city-states: those ruled by one
is not comparative politics
primarily whether participation
person, by few persons, and by all citizens. He further
bad thing for is separates the corrupt from the
or a
good a
non-corrupt ones.
ates which forms
of
democracy, but rather investig-
participation people choose to that, because of
use, why young people use more
argue
globalization and increasing
forms of unconventional interdependence and diffusion
participation than older age groups, and if countries,
processes between
there are differences in how comparative politics and international
much groups
participate, lations converge towards one re
say, in elections. Even though single discipline. And,
comparative political
scientists are of course concerned indeed, the greatest scholars bridge the two fields.
also by norm- What is important for the moment is to
ative questions, the understand
discipline as such is empirical that comparative
politics is a discipline that deals
and value-neutral. It is a
discipline that analyses with the very essence of
politics where sovereignty
political phenomena as they appear in the 'real resides-i.e. in the state: questions of
world. power between
groups, the institutional organization of political sys-
On the other hand, whereas international relations tems, and authoritative decisions that affect the whole
deals with interactions between political systems (bal- of a community. For this reason, over centuries of
ance of power, war, trade), comparative politics deals political thought the comparative analysis of the state
with interactions within political systems. Comparat has continuously been at the very heart of political
ive politics does not analyse wars between nations but science. For a long time thinkers have been concerned
rather investigates which party is in government and with the empirical investigation of politics. Scholars
it has voted in favour of military intervention, like Aristotle, Machiavelli, and Montesquieu-with
why many others, see the various boxes in this Introduc-
what kind electoralconstituency has supported this
of
the influence of the arms tion-were interested in the question of how does
party, how strong has been
trade policy, and so on. As a politics work?
industry on foreign or In spite of being a vast and variegated discipline,
concerned with power relation-
subject matter, it is comparative politics constitutes a subdiscipline of
and organizations,
ships between individuals, groups, (either political science in its own right and, as Peter Hall
classes,institutions within political systems has recently asserted, [nlo respectable department of
even sub-national systems
nation-states, empires, science would be without scholars of com-
states or regions). Comparative political
as federated
such
external influences on in- parative politics (Hall 2004: 1). Similarly, Chapter 1
politics does not ignore in this book shows that the most influential polit-
ultimate concern is power
ternal structures, but its ical scientists have been 'comparativists, according
configurations within systems. at different times and countries (see
the d i s t i n c t i o n tto
o two surveys
chapters clarify, Box 1.1).
As subsequent neat. Many
is not so
three disciplines
between these
 4 Daniele Caramani

and ultimately
descriptions

ypes of merely
ideographic of law-lilte
comparative politics
identification

at the
to arrive researchers
aspires
he term 'comparative Through
comparison

way inwlhich the politics' originates iro the cxplanations.

and falsify.
whether associ

enmpirical control, test, verify,

tion how does
politics
investigation ot the causal relationships
between variables

work? carried out. The

is ations and number of cases,
discipline
ferent
of
comparative politics includes three hold true empirically
across a

derived from
traditions (van Biezen and dit The comparative
ofcases is
character
Caramani 2000 properties among the
The first
tradition is oriented the identification of shared N 'small N'
Single countries. This reflectstowards the study ot
or
Whether based
on "large
cases.
the understanding similar or differ-
of
comparative politics in its formative research designs with mostly number of
US, where it years in the ent cases (with
N indicating the
cases
mainly meant the study of political either qualitative or
quant
systems outside the US, often in isolation from considered), and using
one statistical techniques for
another and itative data and logical
or

1son. For
involving little, if any, compar- the empirical validity
of hypotheses, this
long comparative testing
in the politics-especially
Anglo-Saxon world-has meant the
tradition ultimately aims at causal explanation.
of study
toreign countries. Still today many courses on
This book takes this latter approach.
comparative politics include 'German Thus, as all scientific disciplines, comparative
Spanish politics', and so on, and many textbooks politics, is combination of substance (the study
are
politics a
structured in 'country chapters'. As Chapter 3 of countries or regions, and their political systems,
discusses, case studies have a useful purpose for actors, and processes) and method (identifying and
comparative analysis, but only when they are put explaining differences and similarities between cases
in
comparative perspective and generate hypo- following established rules and standards of compar-
theses to be tested in
more than one
analytical studies involving ative analysis and using concepts that are applicable
case, such as implicit in more than one case). Comparative politics in-
comparis-
ons, the analysis of deviant cases
(with respect volves the analysis of similarities and diferences
to general laws), and
proving ground for new between cases. Are there differences, how large are
techniques. they, and how can we explain them? Like all sciences,
2. The second tradition is it is only by looking than one case that
methodological and is at more
principally concerned with establishing rules and we can
say something general about the world, i.e.
standards of comparative analysis. This that generalizations can be reached. In
tradition comparative
addresses the question of how comparative ana- politics, as we are going to see, the cases are political
lyses should be carried out in order to enhance systems-mostly nation-states (or countries) but
their potential for the descriptive cumulation of
also regions (sub-national
We do not
or supra-national ones)
comparative information, explanation (to provide always compare the whole of
political
causal explanations and associations between key systems, but sometimes just elements such
tutions
as
insti
variables), and prediction. This strand is con- (parliaments) or actors (parties)
processes or
cerned with rigorous conceptual, logical, and (policy-making).
What does
statistical techniques of analysis, involving also comparative politics do in practice?
issues of measurement and case selection. 1. In the first
place, to compare means that similar-
ities and differences
3. The third tradition of comparative politics is ana- described. Comparative
are

lytical, in that it combines empirical substance politics describes the real world
and, building on
these descriptions,
and method. The body of literature in this tradi- establishes classifications and
tion is primarily
concerned with the identification typologies. For example, we classify different
differences and similarities
of electoral systems. types
and explanation of
between countries and their institutions, actors, 2. Similarities and differences are explained, Why
systematic comparison us- did social revolutions
and processes through take place in France and
c o m m o n phenomenon.
Its principal Russia but not in
ing cases ofa there no socialist Germany
and Japan? Why is
aims to go beyond
explanatory. It party in the US whereas
goal is to be they
 exist in all
other Introcluction to cormparative politics 5
electoral Western
much turnout in the USdemocracies?
lower than and Wliy is
allscientific in
any other Swilzerland so BOX 1.3
Important works in
disciplines,
trying explain these we formulate
to democracy? As in politics: Machiavelli comparative
ation) and use differences hypotheses Niccolo Machiavelli
check whether orempirical data to (totestcontrol vari (written 1513, published
postumously 1532), II Principe (The Prince;
ity. It is
not
through thishypotheses
them--t
hold tue in real
Florence: Bernardo di Giunta)
be inferred, method that This book was novel
causality can
developedgeneralizations
in its time because it told how
ies principlitics
and produced,
improved. For and theor Cessfully from
and republics are
povorned
suc nost
empirically true that example, is it
a rcalist
should be governed in an idcal
persper.tive and not how
they
(PR) tends to proportional
produce more representation makes his argumept
viorld. Machiavelli
througth ezample, taken frorn
systems? fragmented party empirical observations compared with each
3. The Prince he other. In
Comparative politics aims at compares mainly different types of
tions. If we know formulating predic
that PR electoral
principalities (hereditary,
ones), whereas
new, mixed, and ecclesiastic
in The Discourses on
the systems favour
proliferation of parties in the Sopra la Prima Deca di Tito Livio) his
Livy (Discorsi
we have
predicted that the change legislature, could between princely and
republican
comparison
in New Zealand
in 1998 from
of electoral law systematic.
is more
government
to PR would
lead to a more first-past-the-post
system? fragmented party
As a social science, make a
methodological point in
comparative politics is not
discipline that
a

experimental. We cannot to
was not
fully
yet aware of the importance of explicit
go a
laboratory and
artificially change comparison.
an electoral law in order to see if In fact, however,
the number of parties shrinks or single-case studies can be com-
increases. Research parative, at least in an implicit way. Many famous
ers cannot raise levels of
literacy to see if
political case studies are carried out within a
comparative
violence decreases, like a physicist increases heat to
framework, like Tocqueville's Democracy in Amer-
see if water boils faster. John Stuart
Mill, Max Weber, ica (1835). As John Stuart Mill noted in his review
and others all stressed long ago the
impossibility of of the book in 1840, US specificities are
constantly
carrying out experiments in the social sciences (see contrasted to France in a quasi-experimental man-
Chapter 3). In the social sciences we need to look at ner. Similarly, books on single countries in the
different cases (countries or regions) with different 1960s and early 1970s-on Belgium, Italy, Nor-
levels of poverty to see if there is an association way, Spain, Switzerland, etc.-did not only show
between poverty and violence. that 'politics works differently over here' but also
included systematic, if hidden, comparison with
Comparative politics' as a label stresses the analyt-
the better-known cases of the US, Britain, and
and 'quasi-experimental' character of
ical, scientific,
France.
the discipline. Traditionally, the analysis of politics
was carried out through single-case
descriptions: a In practice the label comparative' was needed as a
battlehorse. In an established discipline, in principle,
in Nigeria), a specific party (the
country (politics this label could and should be dropped. Today it goes
German SPD), a leader (the per-
organization of the stressed
without saying that the analysis of political phenom-
Chairman Mao), and so on. As
sonality of meant study- enais comparative, i.e. entails more than
one case. We

above, comparative politics has for long that-since

theretore conclude that--since
should therefore
should comparative
without comparison.
countriesor cultures politics-if we
domestic
ing foreign
books stressing
the supposed politics covers all aspects of
the discipline
There a r e plenty of this or that
term 'comparative', the
forget the obvious term
of
politics simply becomes 'synonymous
uncomparability'
uniqueness' and 1 9 5 0 s - 1 9 6 0 s that the
ofcomparative
was in the
1993:
(Schmitter 1993:
political system. It
com- with the scientific
with the study of
scientific study politics' (Schmitter
of politics'
out systematic can
of the need to carry dimensions of
the dimensions political system can
the political
of the
awareness
increased. The 171). All the
robust theories all is potentially comparative
be compared, so that
parisons for
more
was added
to
before 'politics
comparative' label
 6 Daniele Caramani

politics. As Mair notes,

concerns... the ficlds of'|i|n terms of its substantive ot (using data from just onc country)' (Mair |996:
hardly separable from those comparative
of
politius seem D. All scicntilic analysis of politics iscomparative
Ourt, in that
any focus of politival se ienee tol by definition. The generality of the scope of coverage
either inquiy can be appioached omparative politics leads us now to talk about its
comparativcly Cpploa hed
(usng eross-nalional data) or
of
l
omparave.
substance in more depth.

KEY POINTS

Ootik encc
Othethice main subfelds UThe goals of comparative politics are. , 9 9
and pontKal theonv. alonESIde ntenational relation sCibe diflerenes and similaritics between political
omparatve politics an
empinical science that stud-
is
systems and their features, second, to explair1 the
es
chiei domestiC politics cdifferences; third, to predict which factors rmay cause
Similar or different effects

The substance of
comparative politics
What is compared? the presence not of direct
What does comparative politics
or
democracy institutions,
electoral laws, and so on.
ative politics compare? Compar- The various
compares mainly political systems and, chapters of this book
compare the
mainly, at the national level. The classical cases most important features (the properties or compon-
of
comparative politics are national political ents) of national political
These are (still) the most systems. tions, actors, and
systems: regimes, institu
in the important political units processes. As can be seen in the
contemporary
world. However, national polit- Contents list at the
beginning of the volume the
ical systems the
are not
only cases that
comparative variety of topics is very large and
politics analyses. ics covers-in comparative polit-
On the hand, non-national
principle-all aspects of the
political
one
political systems system. It has been argued that
can be
compared: sub-national regional political comparative politics precisely because
systems (state-level in the a
encompasses 'everything from
substantial point of
US, the German Länder, view, it has no substantial
or
city-states asAristotele did with Greek constitu- specificity, but rather
tions) only
methodological one
a
or
supra-national units such as (1) regions resting comparison,
on
and its status as a
(Western Europe, Central-Eastern
Europe, North
has been
questioned, discipline
(Verba 1985; Dalton especially recent literature
in
America, Latin America, and so on), (2)
political is
1991; Keman 1993a). Yet, there
systems of empires (Ottoman, Habsburg, Russian, a
specificity, and this is the
Chinese, Roman, etc.), (3) international domestic political focus on internal or
organiza processes. There is a
tions (European Union, NAFTA, etc.), and
finally specificity which resides in the substantial
(4) types of political systems rather than
geograph- internal structures,
actors, and
empirical analysis of
ical units (a comparison between democratic true that processes. But it is also
authoritarian regimes in terms of, say, economic
and
and, comparative politics is broad a
over the
decades, it has had discipline
moments in which it
performance). focused
the next twoparticular aspects. This evolution is
on

On the other hand, comparative politics sections describe. what

compares
single elements or components of the political system
rather than the whole system. Researchers compare
From
the structure of parliaments of different countries
or regional governments (or other institutions), they
institutions to functions...
ompare policies (e.g. welfare state or environmental
Comparative politics before the
was
mainly concerned with Second World War
policies), the finances of parties or trade unions, and the
its
institutions. Institutionsanalysis
were
of the state
defined in a
 Introduction t
ompafatve politis
BOX 1.4
Important works in
comparative politics:
Charles de
Secondat, baron de Montesquieu
(On the SpiritMontesquieu
De l'Esprit des Loix
of
(1748) through historical
Geneva: Barrillot et the Laws, exarnples Furthermore, Montequicy
fils) was really a
pioneer of 'political sociology as, first, he
In this very influential analysed the
book in influence of factors such as
time the idea of the which for the first location, and clirmate on a nation's culture geography,
separation powers is
of and, indir
systematically, Montesquieu presented
distinguishes between
ectly, its social and political institutions and, econd, did
publics, monarchies, and despotic regimes.
re- S0 by
applying arr innovative naturalistic and ientific
He describes
comparatively the working of each
method
type of regime

narrow sense
overlapping with
state
powers (legis- it makes
lative, executive, and sense to focus on
major Western countries.
and the
judiciary), civil administration, However, the rise of communist regimes in Eastern
military bureaucracy. The type of
was forma (rather than substantial), using asanalysis
main
Europe (and, later, in China and Central America),
the breakdown of
sources of information constitutional texts, democracy in most of Europe
documents, and jurisprudence. The traditional legal
where fascist dictatorships came to power before the
and Second World War--and in some cases lasted until
narrow emphasis on the
study of formal political the 1970s as in Portugal, Spain, and Latin America
institutions focused, naturally, on the
areas where they first
geographical (Stepan 1971; Linz 1978; O'Donnell and Schmit
developed, namely Western ter 1986), to some extent also in Greece-made it
Europe and North America primarily. cdear that other types of 'political order could exist
While the study of state institutions and bureau- and needed to be understood and explained. After
cracy remains important, the reaction against what the Second World War patterns of de-colonization
was perceived as the legalistic study of politics led to spurred analyses that would go beyond that of
one of the major turns in the discipline which took Anglo-Saxon-style liberal democratic institutions,
place between the late 1920s and the 1960s-a period New patrimonialist regimes emerged in Africa and
considered by many the 'Golden Age' of comparative the Middle East and populist ones in South America
politics (Dalton 1991). The behavioural revolu- (Huntington 1968; ODonnell 1973)
tion-imported from social anthropology, biology, These divergent patterns could not be understood
and sociology-shifted the substance ofcomparative within the narrow categories of Western institutions.
institutions. Pioneers of compar- New categories and new concepts were required, as
politics away from
as Gabriel A.
Almond-founder was more attention to other actors, such as parties
ative politics such
in totalitarian single-party regimes and clans under
of the Committee on Comparative Politics in 1954
patrimonialistic leadership. The mobilization of the
of the American Social Science Re-
(an organization masses that took place in communist and fascist re-
other aspects of
search Council)-started analysing
gimes in Europe, as well as under populism in South
politics than formal institutions, privilege
to concrete

ones, and to observe politics

America, turned attention away from institutions to-
aspects rather than legal ward ideologies, belief systems, and communication.
defined in official texts.
in practice rather than as
The breakdown of democracies in the 1930s motiv-
this revolution? Primarily,
more
What triggered ated comparativists to ask which were the favourable
'new cases, that is, a
attention was devoted to look
conditions for democratic stability and, thus, to
exclusive focus on the West
rejection of the almost into political cultures, social capital, and
traditions
comparativists like
and the developed world. Early
Merriam, A.
Lawrence Lowel, of authority.
James Bryce, Charles the closer analysis of Europe con-
as Philippe Schmitter Finally, even

and Woodrow Wilson-all, shift away from the formal analysis

but not tributed to a
White, European Men,
has noted, Dead, institutions. From the 1960s on, European
1993: 173)-assumed
that the of legal
Boring' (Schmitter scientists started to questionm
toward Western models
of comparative political
world would converge terms of stability anc
of mind, obviously, the supposed 'supremacy-in
order'. With this
state
political
 DOx .S
Important works in
comparative politics: Tocquevi
Alexis Charles Henri
Clérel favourable to the devel-
Democratie en Amérique de Tocqueville (1835) De la geography that were
particularly
Montesquieu
Paris: C. Gosselin) (On Democracy in Tocqueville follows
America, opment of democracy.
institutions to include social and
Although this book represents a ingoing beyond public
he speakS of aristocratic
of 'case study'an Cultural aspects. For example,
democracy in the United States-itt
analysis
is an example of and democratic societies when comparing
France with
Comparison with an absent' case-i.e. Is
example of
was strongly influ-
France and, the US. More generally, Tocqueville
generally, Europe. In his more
enced by the incipient application of
the naturalistic
the implicit comparison he analyses
uniqueness of conditions in American methods to political matters by Montesquieu.
society and

efficiency-of Anglo-Saxon democracies based First, it increased the variety of political systems.
majoritarian institutions and on
Other types of
democracies were not
homogeneous cultures. Second, it pointed to the role of agencies other than
the
imperfect and unstable democracies necessarily
Ssarily institutions, in particular parties and interest groups,

Germany, or Italy. The analyses of of France, the role ofcivil-society organizations, public opinion,
Stein Rokkan Norway by social movements, etc. (Almond 1979: 14). Third, it
(1966), Austria by Gerhard Lehm- introduced a new methodology based on:
bruch (1967),
Switzerland by Jürg Steiner
Belgium by Val Lorwin (1966a and (1974),
erlands by Hans Daalder 1966b), the Neth- the analysis of 'real' behaviour nd roles (in
prac-
(1966), and Arend Lijphart tice rather than in principle) based on
empirical
(1968a)-most published in Robert Dahl's influen- observation;
tial volume Political
Oppositions
cracies (1966)--as well as
in Western Demo- many cases (large N'), i.e. extensive
Canada, South Africa, global large-
scale comparisons;
Lebanon, India, all showed that politics worked dif-
rently from the Anglo-Saxon model. the development of statistical techniques for the
Although ethnically, linguistically, and religiously analysis of large datasets;
divided, these societies were not
only stable and an
extraordinary effort ofof systematic data collection
peaceful but also wealthy and socially just (most across cases
(mostly quantitative),' the creation of
remarkably in the case of the Scandinavian welfare data archives, combined with the
states). On the introduction of
hand, these new cases showed
one
computerization and machine-readable datasets.
that other forms of democracies were viable. Besides
Fourth, a new
the Westminster type of majoritarian
democracy, language-a new framework (Os-
these authors stressed the 'consociational' type with
trom
2007)-namely, systemicfunctionalism, was
patterns of compromise between elites-rather than ported comparative politics. The
in im
competition-amicable agreements', and 'accom-
by the extension of the scope of challenge posed
modation'; in short, alternative practices of politics
elaborate conceptual
a
body
comparison was to
able to
beyond formal institutions and alternative models diversity of cases. Concepts, encompass the
of political order. On the other hand, these new cases izations, indicators, and categories, operational-
stimulated the investigation of the role of cleavage developed for set of measurements
a
Western
that had been
around formal
structures (overlapping vs. cross-cutting pluralism),
cases. It also institutions-did cases-revolving
not fit the
specific policies as in the case of welfare economies, soon became evident that new

role of elite collaboration in the

cepts had a different Western
con-
as well as to the
which later led
world. What Sartori meaning
has
in other
parts of the
political economy of small countries, em (1970: called the
related to'travelling
publications (see e.g. Esping-Andersen
1033) is closely prob-
important of
to
1990; Katzenstein 1985). ies
politics and
appears when the
expansion
of the broaden
are
concepts
applied to cases different and
What have been the consequences which they had from those categor-
ng of the geographical
scope and historical experi-
New cases ledoriginally
to the
been
developed.
around
=nces? phasis on abandonment
institutions and the of the em-
state
because of the
 need for more
the general and universal Introduction to
comparative politics
behavioural
about the revolution do categories. Since
we
9

state
but rather not talk us alive.
(Easton 1953, 1965a). about the any longer Similarly-still
in the shadow of the dark
political memory of the
brcakdown of democratic systems
cover Concepts were redefined
non-Western settings,
and non-state
systenm between the two world wars
through fascism and
communism (and,
taken, polities. Most ofpre-modern,
these socicties how the concern of incidentally, here one also sees
almost
naturally, from the very calegories were
tion of the social practical and
these
applicd one)-in
scholars was an
eminently
These more system by Talcott albstract depic- the
1950s the most
important topic was to understand why
general categories couldParsons (1968). cracies survived while others
some
demo
izations or institutions
Verba's The Civic Culture collapsed.
not be Almond and
but the that did not organ- (1963) is considered as
functional exist
elsewhere
societies and politicalequivalents or tasks needed for
a milestone
precisely because it identified specific
systems to exist. cultural conditions favourable or
Functions dealing with unfavourable to
the survival of democratic stability.
seen as
particularly important. From systemsandwere
bernetics David Easton biology cy- .and back to institutions
(1966) (1965a) and Karl Deutsch . .

imported the idea of

systems, body systems, and the system-ecological
so on-and
It soon also became clear, however, that the
price
survival' as its most identified to be paid for encompassing transcultural and trans-
most
important function. What is the portable concepts was an excessively high level of
important function of our body organs? To abstraction. This framework was not informative
keep

Table I.1 Comparative politics before and after the 'behavioural revolution'

Dimensions of analysis Before After

***

Unit State Political system

**************

Subject matter Regimes and their formal Expansion to all actors involved in the
institutions, leadership. process of political decision-making.

Cases Major democracies: US, Britain, Objective extension of cases

France; analysis of democratic
breakdown in Germany and Italys
authoritarianism in Spain.
(decolonization) and subjective
extension with development of
discipline in various countries:
discovery' of small and welfare
democracies.

West-centric, qualitative New abstract concepts, able to travel

Indicators/variables
categories, typologies. (functionalism); empirical universals
and quantitative variables.
***°********°*'°*"

Narrative accounts and Development of machine-readable

Method juxtappositions between cases. datasets and statistics; quasi-
experimental comparative method.
....

* * *
**°*°°°****°**

Constitutional and legal texts. Individual survey data and aggregate

Data data.

Normative: institutional elitism Empirical: structural functionalism,

systems theory neo-institutionalism,
Theory and pluralism; no elaborate
conceptualization.
rational choice theory.
 Daniele Caramani
enough, culturally biased that the
reawakening
of at-
motivated (as in the of Some authors argue is in fact a
individuals), remote
concrete historical with
casc
rationay
regard to ention to the
state and its
institutions

geographical scope
unlikely to lead to context of
specific politics, all consequence
of this narrowing of i n t r o d u c e d
bysys-
measurable empirically testable statements anu (Mair 1996). The general language
discarded
ative phenomena. Alrcady European functionalisnm--and
which nearly
political scientists
like Rokkan, compir femic
utions-was
needed to encom-

others (and even Lchnnbruch, and the and its instit

stale
orders.
more so arca of polities and political
Europe. Latin specialists from Eastern pass a grealer variety
been reappreciated because
had noted in America, Africa, Asia, the Middle East) Institutions have recently
the functionalism did not for
1960s-1970s that the a-historical
a closer focus. Systemic
categories of
systenmic functionalism of absorbed upward
get institutions; simply, they
were
the did not allow
understanding
precisely the
of concrete
cases-which was into the abstract notions of role,
more
structure and

tion. The
original aim of tlhe behavioural revolu function' (Mair 1996:317). A regionally more
restric-
chapter by Lipset and Rokkan on ted perspective giving up global comparisons
does not
Structures, Party Systems, 'Cleavage
and Voter the same level of abstraction of concepts. The
(1967) is the emblematic Alignments require
history and context back inpiece shift ofsubstantial focus is therefore a consequence of
of research that
puts
the less ambitious theoretical constructions of a discip-
The counter-reaction equation.
starts
to
systemic functionalism line that contents itself with middle-range theories.
precisely in 1967 and involves (1) shift
Stantial focus, (2) of sub-
a The change of substantial focus has been favoured by

(3) change of
a
narrowing
a
of geographical scope, the narrowing of the geographical focus.
methodology, and (4) theoretical turn
a
devoting greater attention to the rationality of actors
and their strategies.
Case-oriented analysis
This narrowing of scope entailed not only the 're-
Bringing the state back in discovery' of the state and its institutions, but also
The shift of substantial methodological change. From a methodological
focus consists of a return
to the point of view the counter-reaction to large-scale
primacy of the state and its main institu- comparisons based on universal concepts came from
tions (Skocpol 1985). In recent
years there has been the development of methods
based on few cases
a
re-establishment of the centrality of institutions
(small N, see Ragin 1987). They revitalize
more
broadly defined as sets of rules, procedures, type of comparative investigation that had
today a
and social norms. In the new-institutionalism long been
the- criticized because few cases did not
ory (March and Olson 1989; Hall and Taylor 1996; allow thetest-
ing of the impact of large numbers of
Thelen 1999; Pierson and
Skocpol 2002; Przeworski factors-the.
2004) institutions
problem that Lijphart (1971, 1975) named few cases,
are seen as the most import- many variables'. This
ant actorsrather than formalities, with autonomy of social
rare
difficulty made the analysis
phenomena, such
possible with statistical techniques. revolutions,
and part of real politics. Institutions, furthermore, as
im-
are seen as
determining the opportunity structures Hence the great
and the limits within which individuals formulate
importance of this 'new comparative
provides the tool for analysing method. It
only few instancesrigorously phenom-
preferences. ena of which

(see below for more details, and occur historically

Grounded theory Chapter 3).
The excessive abstraction of concepts and categories Rational choice theory
in systemic functionalism was countered also by a re- At the end of the
1980s another
turn of attention to varying historical structures, cul- comparative politics turn took
place in
tural elements, and geographic location, and in which ofinstitutions. It was strengthening
the turn
further the place
the specific socio-economic context plays a centralinfluence of rational choice theory by
inthe
comparative
the increasing given by increasing
role (Thelen and Steinmo 1992). Rather than general politics.
universalistic theories, middle-range or 'grounded
Whereas the behavioural
theories are privileged, stressing
the advantages
of models and
concepts from
revolution imported
case studies
or in-depth analyses
of a few countries.
notions of functions and sociology primarily (the
system in particular
fro
 OUS was 'Parc
duivC POntICS

as inspiredOns), the
economics. In addition, ie turn at the
F'earon and laitin
volution, the unlike the
rational choice evelopments
behavioural
in
democratization
(1996)
Przeworski
on
cthnicity,
(1991), Gambetta (1993, 2005) on
around redefinition ofu n does not re- the
a turn mafia and suicide on
more general the revolve Robinson missions, and
Acemoglou
of theory of political, for it
applies ((2006)
2006) on the
origins on
and

of assumptions-that
action-based
applies number on a
a
Rational choice
theory og,
in
of
political rCge
political science
es

be it in equally well to all

human lot the work of william
to owes a

the benaviour, types Riker. He is the founder of

political system, in the media
the
economic world, in he the' R ochester
'Rochcster School'
Schoo' (Riker 1990;
(Munck 2001; Tsebelis 1990). sphere, elsewlhere and Bueno de Mesquita(Ki1999). also Amadac see
or
This theory of action heory comes in 1oday,
a of form-
various formns and degrees
is based
(individuals but also organizationsthesuch on
idea that actors alization. They range from 'hard'
game theoretical
versions, in which the degree of mathenatical form-
parties) are rational and
self-interested. They political
as
alization is very high, to 'softer' versions
to order
alternative are able in which
ferred and then, options from most to least pre-
the basic
assumptions are maintained but in which
imization of theirthrough
their choice, sek there is no formal
the max- theorizing. What is important to
voters are considered
preferences (utility). For example, note is that the rational
to
choice turn did not lead
able a redefinition of comparative politics as a subject
terest is and to
to
identify what their in- matter
that
distinguish the different alternatives precisely because it does
not offer a meta-
political parties offer in their theory that
that is specific to
politics-as did the general
programmes in re-
gard to specific policies. Voters then theory of Easton with its definition of politics as the
maximize their authoritative allocation of values. The subject mat-
utility by voting for the political party whose
policy
promises are closest to their interests. It is rational
terdid not change under the impulse of rational
for choice theory. On the contrary, it has reinforced the
political parties to offer programmes that appeal to a pre-eminence of institutions in comparative polit-
large segment of the electorate as this leads to the max- ics. Rational choice institutionalism, in particular,
imization of votes. It is clear from these
premises that sees institutions as constraints of actors' behaviour
the place for 'sociological' factors on which the beha- (Weingast 2002). An example of this approach is the
vioural revolution insisted-such as socio-economic concept of 'veto player' developed by Tsebelis (2002).
status and cultural traits-assumes a lower key in
rational choice models. These models have been cru- What is left?
cial to understanding the behaviour of a number
As we have seen, there has been an almost cyc
of actors. In the field of party politics, examples lical process. However, comparative politics did not
include work by Downs (1957), Przeworski (Prze-
Other simply return starting point.
to its
worksi and Sprague 1986), and Cox (1997).
1. In spite of the recent narrowing of scope and the
(1979) on peas-
examples include the work of Popkin tendency to concentrate on 'grounded theories,
on markets in Africa,
ants in Vietnam, Bates (1981)

politics: Easton
works in comparative
BOX 1.6 Important
the formal and legal concept
Inquiry This notion soon replaced
Political System: An the field of comparative politics
David Easton (1953) The of state and enlarged
(New York: Alfred framework developed by
Science non-institutional actors. The
into the State of Political to
Easton and his colleagues, andits conceptual compon-
A. Knopf) Easton on loop, black box, etc.) are
series of books by
feedback
the first of a ents (input, output,
volume is the most sys- work remains the las
This
work respresents today commonlanguage. Easton's
His theory o
t h e o r e t i c a l side' a general empirical
the political system.
encompassing
effort on the
Easton
major attempt to develop
tematic and like David
Scholars
revolution. politics.
from
of system
behavioural
of the the notion
Deutsch imported cybernetics).
and Karl W. (most notably,
scientific
disciplines
other
 12 Daniele Caramani
success.
own
victim of its
been a
the work has of polit-
expansion that took place in the 1950s and
Easton's
impregnated
the minds

1960s left behind have wider public, so

CS covered extraordinary variely of top-

an His concepts
well as
those of
the
His
by comparative politics. A glance Ical scientists, as
"beyond
citation'.

the list of
Contents shows how a in a way,
it goes
systematic one,
many features deeply that, extremely
of the also been an
political system altempt has books drafted to-
aC comparative
with: l i v e politics deals
politics deals
alte and
cumulative

l t fditferent
erent types
types of political systems (of which with subscquent of political system,
the nation-state is end. His concept
only the most recent one), wards o n e single and agencies)
whose
ditferent types of (institutions
regimes (democratic and au- as a set
ofstructures
reach the
is to
collective
thoritarian), diverse institutions and structuresS decision-making
function
values (output, i.e.
of
(from parliaments to electoral laws, from and authoritative
allocation
demands
courts to as well as
local
government),various actors and processes receiving support
public policies) a s the
interna-
domestic as well
(parties, trade unions, social movements, the inputs) from the
which it shapes through
outputs
electorate and its values, culture and tional e n v i r o n m e n t
behaviour, of what is
the various forms of includes all aspects
political communication), in the feedback loop, communic
and finally different from
types of policies (how they described in this book for example:
interest
are made in different socialization and behaviour,
systems, the main types of ation to culture,
movements or pressure
policies, and their impact). articulation through parties,
authoritarian
2. Also the in democratic and
great contribution made by the groups, institutions
systemic and policies, as well as the
paradigm has not been lost. We continue to speak regimes, decision-making
in the last
of a political system and use this interaction with other systems-addressed
descriptive tool
to organize the various dimensions
of domestic section of this book.
politics. In fact, the structure and coverage of the 3. The substantive scope has not ceased to grow
book has been designed
accordingly and mirrors and this trend has continued over the most re
the political system as described David Easton
by cent decades. As Chapter 1 discusses, there has
(see Figure I.l and Box I.6).
been a change in focus from 'input' processes
There is a great paradox concerning Easton's in the political system to output processes,
work. It is a monumental theoretical construction namely public policies, the processes of policy-
of the structural-systemic paradigm, still unrivalled making, as well as the outcome and impact
and probably the most important work of empirical of policies. This is the reason
why a specific
theory incduding all actors and processes of polit section of this book is devoted to these
topics.
ical systems. However, recent work would hardly In particular, recent trends of is com- 'what
acknowledge its importance, citations of it are rare, pared include industrial, trade, and economic
and the place of this paradigm in courses on com- policies (aspects stressed in both Chapters 22
parative politics is very limited. On the other hand, it and 24), the reawakening of
ethnic, religious, and
is the last attempt to build a general empirical theory nationalist movements, and trends
towards re-
of politics. Why has such a central work not been gionalization (aspects stressed in Chapters 11, 15,
further and not been cited more often? and17), the increasing role of
pursued pressure groups
incorporatist decision-making negotiations
Environment Chapter 14). (see

Demands New trends include also the

POLITICAL of the increasing awareness
SYSTEM
Decisions
interdependence between national political
Support systems (which is discussed below
more extens-
ively). Chapter 23 analyses the
member-states of the Europeanintegration between
Feedback
addresses the increasing Union; Chapter 24
Environment blurring
aries; and Chapter 25 shows
of national
bound-
how states
Fig. I.1 The political system influence others through
institutional increasingly
Source: Easton (1965)
and peace keeping. engineering
 KEY POINTS Introduction to
comparative politics 13

Comparative
of national politics is not
such as political systemslimited 1o the
but neludes comparison
nationalsub-national and supia national other unt atand penel anlsi, lerd
theories imitedin spiand hr 1o rounded
organizatiOn single politic al ac egons, iner
and policies As for he tine
With the los. proceses hehav l olhition, al0
ratonal choice
or other
widenng of Imber of
the
AmS atA
penerl al infied thenry of
able in ll times politics applic
regions)
that could the need for more'cases (new stales doninant
and plares Th, ari
increasngy
'tuavel beyond general coneps paradiprn
imported into politiral science
functions iather Westem countries led to
a focus on frOn econornics tat
stresse, the rle f institutions
last two han Comp.rative politic, neludes ubyert
decades, however, d
imstitutiom
teaction
In the matter all
feature of prolitical systems and, rereritly, has
apainst overly is attention
turned
inreasingly tOmarrd,the interaction
between them, approaching internatifisl relations

The method of
Having briefly discussed the
comparative politics
'what' of
we turn now to the
'hov of comparison, on the research
question. WNe first address the
comparative politics compare?comparison. How does problem and formulate the research question; we
then look for the most
appropriate data and meth-
ods to analyse it. The choice of cases
A variety of depends very
methods often on the research
question: there are polit-
I should stress ical phenomena that occur rarely, sometimes
straight away that comparative politics only
once. As Chapter 3 explains, comparative politics
does not relyspecific method, for four reasons
on a
may analyse one single case (a case study). Re-
mainly. search designs be
more or less intensive or
can
1. Depending on the number extensive (depending on the balance between the
of cases included in the
analysis (say, two countries or 150), on the types of number of cases and the number of features ana-
data the analysis deals with (quantitative electoral lysed), it can be synchronic or diachronic, and so
results or qualitative typologies of administrat- on. What matters here is that the research method
ive systems), the time period covered (the most follows the research question.
recent census or longitudinal trends since the mid- 2. Also the dimensions of comparison can be diverse.
nineteenth century), the methods employed are It is wrong to suppose that comparative politics
different. The important point to note is, there is always cross-sectional, that is, that it involves
fore, that which research method is used depends a spatial comparison between countries, regions,

Lazarsfeld et al.
BOX I.7 Important works in comparative politics:

Paul Lazarsfeld, Bernard R. Berelson,

and Hazel application of the positivist approach to politics and has
How the Voter paved the way for countless studies of the determinants
Gaudet (1944) The People's Choice: of people's vote: the crucial questions of what categor
(New
Makes up his Mind in a Presidential Campaign ies of people (classes, professional groups, age cohorts,
York: Columbia University Press)
gender, on) tend to turn out more often and what
and so
of the use of modern
This book is a marvellous example categories of people tend to vote for which parties.
A
multi-variate ana-
bivariate and line
statistical methods, and follow-up volume entitled Voting (1954) pursued this
socialization processes,
lysis of elections, public opinion, datasets and the em-
of research. This book is an example of the 'empirical
and c o m m u n i c a t i o n through
large side' of the behavioural revolution.
It is an
computing techniques.
ployment of rudimentary
 Introduction to comparative politics 13
KEY POINTS

Comparative
of national politics is not limited
Such as
political systems but to the conmparison
sub-national includes other stract and
general analysis led back to grOunded
national organization,and supra national repions, units theorirs limited in spare and tine.
and policies. single political
actors,
inte A s for the behavioural
revoltion, also rational choice
With the widening processes ims at a
(general and unfied theory of politics applhc
or other of the number
of able in all times and
plares This increasingly
regions) the need for more'cases' (new states
that coula travel
is an

(dominant paradigrr irnported into poirKal science

a focus on
beyond Western general concepts from economics that stresse, the role of institutions
functions rather than countries lod to u
Comoaratiye politics includes a
last two decades, institutions. In the
however, a reaction
a
u
features of political systems and, recently, has tur ried
against overly Is attention increasingly tovward, the interaction
between them, approaching internatiornal relations

The method of
Having briefly discussed
comparative politics
the 'what' of
we turn now to the ho of comparison, on the research question. We first address the
comparison. How does
comparative politics compare? problem and formulate the research question; we
then look for the most appropriate data and meth-
ods to analyse it. The choice of cases depends very
A variety of methods often on the research question: there are polit
ical phenomena that occur rarely, sometimes only
I should stress straight away that comparative politics once. As Chapter 3 explains, comparative politics
does not rely on a specific method, for four reasons may analyse one single case (a case study). Re-
mainly. search designs can be more or less intensive or
1. Depending on the number of cases included in the extensive (depending on the balance between the
analysis (say, two countries or 150), on the types of number of cases and the number of features ana-
data the analysis deals with (quantitative electoral lysed), it can be synchronic or diachronic, and so
on. What matters here is that the research method
results or qualitative typologies of administrat
ive systems), the time period covered (the most follows the research question.
recent census or longitudinal trends since the mid- 2. Also the dimensions of comparison can be diverse.
nineteenth century), the methods employed are It is wrong to suppose that comparative politics
is always cross-sectional, that is, that it involves
different. The important point to note is, there-
a spatial comparison between countries, regions,
fore, that which research method is used depends

politics: Lazarsfeld et al.

BOX I.7 Important works in comparative
has
Berelson, and Hazel application of the positivist approach to politics and
Paul Lazarsfeld, Bernard R. determinants
Choice: How the Voter paved the way for countless studies of the
Gaudet (1944) The People's of people's vote: the crucial questions of what categor
Presidential Campaign (New
Makes up his Mind in a
Press)
ies ofpeople (classes, professional groups, age cohorts,
York: Columbia University often and what
gender, and so on) tend to turn out more
the use of modern
marvellous example of which parties. A
This book is a
multi-variate ana-
categories of people tend to vote for
bivariate and this line
statistical methods, and follow-up volume entitled Voting (1954) pursued
sOcialization processes,
opinion, of the 'empirical
lysis of elections, public of research. This book is an example
and the em-

and c o m m u n i c a t i o n through
large datasets side' of the behavioural revolution.
It is an
rudimentary computing techniques.
ployment of
 14 Daniele Car:
aramani
and
d e m o c r a t i s e
early
cas, Or
groups of political 'wliy
did
Britain
1966). To
explain
(cross-sectional) comparison
possible dimensions
systems. In fact,
is only one o
sptla
Sch as

Prussia/ermany
look at
latc?"
(Moore
lactors
that vary

of in the
we
absent
comparison
o u t c o m e s

the (for lillercnt or

across
comparison of the size of national exanipie that is
present cither
did Occurred or

countries). A second
parison is the
legislaturC
dimension of co11 in which
(soincting
the
Csc
outcome
either

otherwise
similar cases.

functional among
methods, looking
cross-process) comparison.
the
(cross-organizational
"Take, as an cxample,or We also oltcn
democracy)
these
in
combine
the Out-
lwo

which
comparison of the liberal and the common factors among
cases
ist
ideologies in iurope. Or the 1 t onational-lor factors are
these
nalfor
co occturred and for in which cascs

policy-nnaking processes in the

comparison ol come
did not take place).
the outcome

mental case of envirOn- absent (and, indeed,

and
military
the US. Or the expenditure policies in, say,
movements
comparison
such as the
of
leadership in social From cases to variables...
civic right
the feminist movement, re
the behavioural
movement, the environmental pro- Comparative politics prior to
tection nmovement, Cvironmental pro-
and
the pacifist
Comparauv that compared few
The movement. volution was typicallya discipline
dimension of research designs.
comparison is, in these three
examples, not territorial. A third cases. Today, we speak of 'smallN'

above, it was thought that the worid

Gomparison is the longitudinal dimension of As explained model
(cross-temporal)
comparison. We can compare institutions, would converge towards the Anglo-Saxon
of democracy and that, consequently, these
were
actors,
processes across time rather than space as. the cases that comparative political scientists shoud
for
example, in the
comparison party of concentrate upon. The number of cases (the 'N°) was
ations in the
nineteenth century (cadre organiz therefore limited to the US, Britain, France, and a
after the First World War parties),
Second World War
(mass parties), after the few other cases such as Canada, sometimes Australia
the 1980s (cartel
(catch-all parties), and since and New Zealand, as well as the 'failed' democracies
parties). of Germay or Italy. Obviously, with such a lim-
3. Units of
analysis can be diverse. As we have seen ited number of cases the employment of statistical
above, 'what is
compared can be either whole research methods
political systems extremely problematic and,
was
or
single actors, institutions, consequently, did not develop.
processes, or trends. The behavioural revolution involved the
4. widening
Comparative research designs can either focus on
of cases, that is, much
greater numbers. On the one
similarities, focus on differences. Sometimes
or hand, this involved a much larger effort of data
we ask
questions about similar outcomes, such as collection. Large datasets were created
also with the
why did social revolutions take place in France, help of the incipient development of
Russia and China?' (Skocpol 1979) or computer tech-
nology. On the other hand, this involved
'why did the need for
democracy resist attacks from anti-system forces comparability of indicators and, as it turned out, the
in countries and not in others?" (Capoccia most general
some
"language was that of It is quantities.
2005). To explain similar outcomes we look for very difficult to establish whether
civic culture, or not
common factors honour, patriotism,
(something that is present in all justice, etc. have the
the cases in which the outcome occurred-eithering
ing in different cultures across same mean-
across the
a revolution democratic breakdown) among
or a possible, however, to measure in all continents. ItIt isis
cases otherwise very different from each other
world the number of countries of the
cars, televisions,
As we will see in Chapter 3, this research design nections, or mobile internet con-
was called by John Stuart Mill the Method of
telephones.
increasing number of cases and Both factors-the
of the
Difference (Przeworksi and Teune 1970 called indicators-led to thequantification
this the Most Similar Systems Design'). and more development
sophisticated statistical of more
became the dominant techniques, which
Sometimes, however, we use the Method of Agree- based on a method.
ethod. Research
Resea
large N therefore designs
ment (or Most Different Systems Design'), in niques such as typically employ tech-
which we ask questions
about ditferent outcomes,
analysis of regression
510n analysis,
analysis. factor
variance, based analysis,
on
numerical coefficients
 BOX 1.8
Important works in Introduction to cornparative politics 15
Anthony Downs comparative politics: Downs
Democracy (New (1957)
York:
An
Economic
This is a
Small book Harper & Theory of
an
enourmous (Downs' PhD Collins) the U%
Onat
approaiches omparatVe politicS, Cspeclally
In
in

tional choice impact, showing thedissertation) Although thi

aon) that hadd
fields oof (onparative approarh
hard inpact al an in
theory for the great potential ofthad fields
economic models for the study of politics. ItIM tot
sludies still
ta
politics, in the field of clectoral
as well Oofs introdr introdhc ed rernai it
f the most one
irmportarnt wors,
as the
deductive analysis actors' alongside
alotg,siae that of
MauricDyerget ard si9 1anti Sartori,
politics. Today, rational analytical ripour in behaviou spirirng, opioneering, research
spring surh as that rif Gary Cox
choice models comparative n
O Voling behaviour, and the
On yg
are one
of inpact of oertrif,il
yiten%
the ponCs
allowing the causal
political phenomena association
to between social and
This trend turned be 'quantified'. Thesc authors focus on the
complex constellations
and shifted it attention that factors build
togcther rather than
towards variables. away from cases of cach factor
on the inpact
designs became extensive: Intensive rescarch one-by-one.
ables. Ragin (1987) many cases and few vari- Methodologically
this is a reaction
against early
defines the writings the comparative method in the social
on
design as
'variable-oriented', large-N research sciences which made
many cases, we
finally know implying that, with against
strong arguments precisely
configurative or combinatorial
historical, cultural, very little about the which
analyses in
and large number of potential explicative vari-
a
the countries. Not
socio-economic context of ables were listed
only did
concepts become (e.g. Przeworski and Teune 1970).
creasingly abstract in the search for the most in- On the contrary, the focus was on
parsimonious
most
comparable, and most equivalent concepts,general, explanatory designs, that is, a few key variables
the but whose impact should be tested on as
analysis itself referred increasingly to abstract re- many cases
lationships between variables (political as
possible. In two famous articles, Arend Lijphart
For example, we would know that
phenomena). (1971, 1975) suggested increasing the number of
levels are associated with higher turnouthigher literacy cases (for example,
by selecting several time points)
rates, but we and decreasing the number of variables by focusing
would be ignorant about
patterns in single countries. on similar cases (thus reducing the number of factors
that vary across them), looking at key explanatory
and back to cases factors, and combining them.
As we saw above, comparative methods developed
More recently there has been a return to 'small N' and in a period when social sciences were looking for
case-oriented research designs and, today, the com- a general language, that is, theoretical and operat-
parative method is in fact equated with the qualitative ive concepts that could be used without substantial,
techniques based on John Stuart Mill's Methods of temporal, or spatial limitations. Such a move implied
and Difference and on the search for 'replacing proper names with variables' (Przeworski
Agreement
sufficient and necessary conditions. Theda Skocpol and Teune 1970), defining concepts able to travel
(Sartori 1970), and using 'sets of universals applic-
(1984), David Collier (1991) and, most prominently,
able to all political systems (Almond 1966; Lasswell
Charles Ragin with his pioneering The Comnparative
Method (1987), showed that rigorous empirical
tests 1968). In addition, because of the:small number of
cases for many research questions, a parsimonious
also when the number of
cases
could be carried out
also invoked. This has led to 'a
2008). use of variables was
is small (for overview see Caramani
an
stresses intrinsic
advant- strongargumentagainst... "configurative" or"con
This methodological shift 1971: 690) unable to give
of few cases.
Case-oriented scholars textual analysis' (Lijphart later, a
later,
ages of the study allow for in-depth rise to generalizing statements. Thirty years
years
methods in
methods
stress that small-N comparisons combinations of of the recent debates around
large part of
or reaction,
analyses in which configurations are seen the social sciences focus on the opposite
Cases
in explanations.
privileged from the variable-oriented
factors are variables. namely a swing away
divided into isolated
as 'wholes' rather than
 16 Daniele Caramani

BOX I.9 Important works in comparative politics: Almond and Verba the
analyses
it
paradigm,
Gabriel A.
behavioural
systems and, in
the
Almond and
Culture: Political Sidney Verba (1963) TIne ivic Within

of political
culture in
political

'civic
culture' plays
Nations (Princeton:Attitudes and Democracy in Five function
central role that
the
This book
the systems.
Princeton University Press) puticular, political
and social
This book was of
dernocratic

values, trust,
the first seminal in the
survival
studies on
dtic use of attempt to make sysie opened the way
to Ingiehart
individual-level data collected comparatively prominently by
Ronald

through Survey capital pursucd

rnost

techniques.
inaividual data collection 4
It is a
phenomenal
h eflort
o m e n a l effort
in
in
and Robert Putnan
and analysis, in the US, the UR,
Germany, Italy, and Mexico, at the dawn of the
computer
needed
To act states
approach in which with the welfare state.
properties
more
thicker' nmiddle-range contexts. are analysed in further
their knowledge of
the society and the
to improve
The to rule and govern.
eritique of
case-oriented approaches de- economy they were supposed
towards
nounces areturn to the obviously gave
a big push
notes, this
past. As John Goldthorpe Democratization
became
represents a revival of holism against which
Przeworski and Teune (1970) had
the development of statistics as governments
directed their accountable through universal suffrage; they had to
work, stressing variables collection of
replacing perform, which involved systematic
a
addition, even if one concentrates'proper
names. In
that is, to increase
on 'whole' cases, information. To meet this need,
one still refers to a meth-
number of their features or at their 'cybernetic capacity (Flora 1977: 114),
tributes. Comparison can take have
place only when one ods and techniques for gathering information
compares cases values of shared properties or at- progressively improved.
tributes, that is, variables (Goldthorpe 2000; see also Primarily, mass statistics were collected for prac-
Bartolini 1993: 137). The accusation is that we are tical and pragmatic reasons linked to the econonmic
ing back to holism. And, again, we observe a cyclical
g0
and military action of governments requiring in-
pattern in the development of the method of com-
formation about their environment. The privileged
parative politics just as we did for the development contents of national statistics relate to the direct
of its subject matter. activity of the state: security and finance (milit-
ary and criminal statistics, and statistics relating to
From aggregate to individual income and expense items, taxation, and natural
resources). With the growth of welfare states, the
data.. transformation of the population and health issues
For a long time, the only available data were those are monitored very closely: birth rates,
collected as official statistics. The term 'statistics itself health, and mental illness (often mortality,
linked to crime
goes back to the seventeenth century and the German statistics in the last
century under the heading of
School of Statistics. Etymologically, the term means moral' statistics or 'deviant'
behaviour). As far as
'science of the state and its purpose is, as it were, political statistics are concerned, they were
o analyse state matters. Statistics started develop- included under the usually
heading of juridical statistics.
ng during the formation of the modern mercantilist The presence of
polítical statistics is, however, less
nation-states and flourished in the course common than that of other
uropean
categories, in
f the nineteenth century when the great economic electoral statistics
concerned whichparticular
as
are
ansformations (industrialization) and population much linked are
very
ovements (urbanization) strengthened the need
to
democratization
attempts to legitimize regimes (seeprocesses
Caramaniand
2000:
and to
to
complexX societies. 1005-15).
r states to monitor increasingly
The same period saw the development ofthe liberal The landmark of this
discussed in Chapters 4 and 8, the
this development
development has been
tion-state, which, as intervention in the soci- or
organization
ten
of
regular censuses-every
increased its
gressively was accentuated the
years depending on the -every five
and economy,
a tendency
which was accentuated the
establishment of the
annual country-and
publication of
 introductio to
gree of uring count hese
neignbourir often
nclude statistic
nparative politic 17

standardization
comparisons. of quiring a certain they do not include
political data. We do not
These data are information to allow for
de
know, for example, what the party
preference of
because they are called aggregate or
a
respondent is. The behavioural revolution in-
available at some troduced surveys
provinces, regions, whole countries. territorialecological data collect individual
as a

data
systematic instrument to
ate data are level: data. As
as
opposed to aggregate
election results. Typical Chapter 17 shows, political culture can-
individuals vote because
We never aggreg-
know how
not be
analysed without this type of data, which
we know
aggregates: voting
is
the number secret. However,
can be found
throughout thec world in surveys
cific such
constituency
and candidates
and the of voters in
number of votes for a spe-
the World Value
as

ers, European Social

Survey, Eurobaromet
in that
parties Survey (certainly the highest
be
aggregated into upperconstituency. These data can quality data so far), Latinobarometers, etc.
whole levels (entire 3. The collection of
country). Similarly, we often haveregions or the individual data involved much
larger datasets. Whereas institutional information
employment rates, population density,
in
data for un-
or data about
political parties involves a limited
given sector (for
a
employment
level of territorial units. example, agriculture) at the number of cases, there are thousands of individu-
als included in a
With the behavioural survey. This amount of data can
be dealt with only
dominant approach revolution, however, the through the computerization of
the social sciences which
to data collection changed began in the 1950s. The
radically. behavioural revolution involved the analysis of in-
dividual data througha new electronic computing
1. Scientific researchers became more
official statistics which, sceptical about technology. Certainly, in the past there had been
especially pre- or non-
in examples of extraordinary data analysis without
democratic states, may be subject to
This data on elections and all
manipulation. computers. Durkheim's Le Suicide (1897) is a
concerns
aspects of breathtaking example of comparative multivari-
civil rights, but also data on economic ate analysis ofa huge amount of data presented in
perform-
ance (unemployment, GDP, etc.). The creation tables and figures on suicide in Europe without the
of large datasets by university researchers inde- auxiliary help of computers. Every social scientist
should admire this effort. Another such example
pendent politics is therefore one of the most
from
is Almond and Verba's The Civic Culture (1963)
important aspects of the behavioural revolution. with individual-level data for five countries (see
2. Official statistics do not include all variables of Box I.9). Yet, computerization put this typeof
interest to researchers. On the one hand, official
analysis within the reach of all researchers, first
statistics do not include
information on polit-
through mainframe systems (usually in a uni-
are included-the
ical actors and-when they versity) and, in the late 1980s, through personal
An example software designed
risk of manipulation remains strong. computers (PCs) and statistical
their members, and for them. Today every undergraduate student has
is data o n political parties, on his
difficult to obtain and rarely Excel, SPSS, SAS, Stata, or other packages
their finances (very
m o r e import
other hand, and or her laptop.
reliable). On the information
not include devastating for
1950 proved to be devastating
for ana-
ana-
official statistics do 4. The year
he year
antly, attitudes and
data. This was the year
when
individuals' values, opinions, insti- lysis with aggregate
on
in political his fan:ous article
and trust William S. Robinson published
(Robinson 1950). This
competence
beliefs, and masses

between elites about 'ecological fallacy'

tutions,
differences
official statist- undermined the assumption
that correl-
Through article units
preferences.
in political whether an
individual
ations observed at
the level of aggregated
know Problems
would not values, the individual level.
IcSs we
attitudes,
post-material could be inferred at to infer
authoritarian
and so on.
inference arise in the attempt
has religious, of ecological with
she is strongly this reached on the
basis of analyses
whether he or of data on
conclusions
Put
closest type individual level.
the primarily units down to the
Census data are
c o n c e r n
territorial
they
intormation,
but, first, individuals
and, second,
than
rather
households
 18
Daniele Caramani

BOX I.10
Important works in compararative politics: Rokkan
Stein Rokkan
(1970) democratiz-

Universitetsforlaget) Citizens, Elections, Parties (Oslo:

nation-building,
state formation,
patterns of of party systems
and electoral
This book is ation, and the structuring 'comparative his-
a
collection of tradition of
alignments. In the great
Icles and
chapters, previously published art which belong also
Reinhart Bendix,
and pieces, complemented
and conference by unpublished bits torical sociology' (to
Moore, and others),
his work
never wrote an papers by Stein Rokkan (who Otto Hintze, Barrington
and has
to work
authored monograph but rather encompasses centuries
of political development
over and over
again his
preferred scholars. It led to the
'historical
Rokkan's work writings). Nonetheless, inspired generations of
Theda Skocpol and
tive picture of aprovides the most systematic compara-
neo-institutionalism' in the work of
huge amount
Similarities and differences of empirical material on Charles Tilly.
between countries in their

Simply, what is true on an

aggregated
ecessarly true at the individual
level is not
level. Robinson
at the University of Mannheim), and the Norwegian
Data Archive (at the University of Bergen). Data
showed that through
aggregate data (based on
counties and states in the archives developed in all countries are linked to-
US) there was a strong gether in a global network (see the Online Resource
correlation between race and levels
of literacy, but Centre). Such efforts led to major publications of
this correlation
disappeared when individual data
were used. The effect aggregate data collections with documentation, most
of this article was
the term disruptive, notably the three editions of the World Handbook
ecological fallacy' became popular, and of Political and Social Indicators (Russett et al. 1964;
analyses based on ecological data were for
discredited. long Taylor and Hudson 1972; Taylor and Jodice 1983)
but also other
projects (see the Yale Political Data
Program'; Deutsch et al. 1966). These publications
. and back to aggregate data are
updated today through the internet resources of
the ICPSR.
The reaction to this 'shock' began almost immedi- International organizations such
ately, with methodological work attempting to find the United
as
Nations, the World Trade
solutions to 'ecological fallacy. Crucial events for Bank, the International
Organization, the World
the recovery of ecological techniques and
aggregate and Agriculture
Monetary Fund, the UN Food
data were the International Social Science Consor- Health
Organization (FAO), and World
tium (ISSC) Symposium held at Yale in 1963 and Organization (WHO), the Organization
for
Security and Co-operation in
the International Sociology Association (ISA) World so forth, also Europe (OSCE), and
Congress held in Evian in 196. These important
contributed to the creation of
comparative datasets with large
meetings led to collective publications devoted to sectors of aggregate data in their
competence. The Online
comparing nations with aggregate data (see Merritt
and Rokkan 1966; Dogan and Rokkan 1969; for recent
provides all the links to these datasets.Resource Centre
But perhaps the
main reason
discussions of ecological data analysis see Berglund
logical data analysis resides in thefor a 'recovery'
of eco-
and Thomsen 1990; King 1997; King et al. 2004).6 of individual-level intrinsic weaknesses
data. Data based
the reaction to Robinson's
blow
data involved the creation of inter-
als
cultural traits, values, and Weltanschausindividu-
on

to ecological
national networks for the collection of comparable
more
exposed to the
not apply as universall 'travelling problem',
and do
hard data' worldwide. International data archives lem of hoped. This proh-
were set up. The most important
ones are today the
landmark "ethno-centrism was
already
Inter-University Consortium for
Political and Social in which it publication
of The Civic present in the
Culture in 1963
became clear that
of Michigan), the ear that, for
pride had a different
Research (1CPSR at the University
the Mann- tion like the US and meaning in a civic,
example,
national
Data Archive (at the University of Essex), in an political na-
Centre for European
Social Research (MZES, Germany. The Western ethnic, cultural nation
eim concepts developed to like
guide
 Introduction to comparative politics 19
BOX I.11
Important works in
Gosta
comparative politics: Esping-Andersen
WelfareEsping-Andersen
Capitalism
(1990) The Three Worlds of
state the latest stage
This is the book (Cambridge: Polity Press) ern
as in the construction of the mod-
nation-state, where social rights complement political
that best illustrates
ative the shift in and civic rights (as
politics from input compar distinguished by T. H.
Marshal). This
processes to public policies. work has insipired large research
presents atypology and It
programrnes, namely on
anexplanationofwhat
ueed tne most encompassing
can be
con
of all public policies after
varieties of capitalism (e g Susan
Strange's work), inter-
the national political economy
Second World War-the (e.g. Peter Hall), as well as on
development of the welfare welfare states (c.g. Peter Flora)

data collection worldwide had a

high degree of sub- The 'hard' aggregate data have therefore not
jectivity and were not always useful data disap-
(Sartori 1970). Concepts like trust and containers peared and, on the contrary, provide more solid bases
honour, for than individual-level data for international long-term
example., do not have the same
meaning in all parts
of the world. comparisons.
In addition, it is more difficult to build
time series with individual data. long
data that we can collect from the
Only aggregate
nineteenth century (for example,
beginning of the KEY POINTS

percentages about
national languages or religious Comparative politics employs statistical techniques
groups)
allow us to
understand topics that need a
long-term perspect-
when research designs include many cases and

ive-such as state formation and democratization. quantitative indicators (variable-oriented, large-N

studies), or comparative methods when research
This was particularly true during the 1960s and
designs include few cases and qualitative indicators
1970s when 'developmental and modernization aap-
(case-oriented, small-N studies). Case studies, too,
proaches were used to understand newly decolonized can be carried out in a comparative perspective.
countries. Panel studies- surveys carried out with The dimensions of comparison are multiple: spatial,
the same group of respondents over protracted peri- temporal, and functiornal.
ods of time- are extremely costly (and, anyway, do O The purpose of comparative politics is descriptive,
explanatory, and predictory. To this end research
not allow us to go back in time). And the use
designs can aim either at selecting similar cases
of existing surveys for comparative purposes is not and explain their different outcomes (Most Sim-
straightforward. Intelligence services, especially US ilar Systems Designs, the "Method of Difference)
in Europe after
ones, carried out a number of surveys or at selecting different cases and explain similar
attitudes,
the Marshall Plan to investigate the public's outcomes (Most Different Systems Designs, the
democratic values, the poten "Method of Agreement).
its propensity to favour
fascist return. These OComparative politics uses aggregate, individual, and
tial of a communist menace or
fragmented,with different text data.
early studies, however, are
respondents.
different groups or
questions asked and

Conclusion
on various
indicators at the end
Comparative tables of
also inserted a number
The variety of comparative of the volume. We have
show how societies and polit-
Trends, tigures which
recent dec-
politics cal systems have changed
ical
over the most
over r

approaches,
methods, and data of "Trends' figures
rigures are
across the book,
scattered across t
The great variety of of the
ades. "Trends'
ades. iles on
small files
smal on
matches the great variety are the various 'Country profiles',
profiles,
comparative politics and political
as are
around the world.
cultures,
economies, the most diverse political systems
world's societies, inserted a
number of
we have
systems.
In this book
 ol
Ied c or
In thal
the s y s t c m s ,

clectoual
forth.
his book rests on the methwdoloy t so
of
n.alions,
nd

b r o a d n c S s
of its
substantintial focus
nat
cverything'is comparable lhe lanpe stat o d e n

only
the politics a
this he not
Parisons through both paur and n C o i 1 p a r a t i v e

tme I1 is
thal Ives features of the
based topics tical
are on the nica that ihere alr n the
m l
the
varicty
(what

comparison FveTthng 7 t
r n
wonld

ler
of grre
e ac
l ompared, which hunits are compared,
at any
point in tme 117 n p l e , mparahie
This
variety appears alsoin
va
ases).
AnaltKal onmparsan 1ever Om]ats easts d
how many
(what
mcthodology
is emplqve
yed,
design
S Countrirs but rather properties (or \
the
rescarch
and
dimens/ons
ofcomnar
r
turnout cvels ani the alles for eahasewhethe strategies
rescarch
in the theoretie.
ir

urout levels
wlich
we use) and ical
a7 high 1 ln mdng co of data
ison, the type (trom
institutionalism to a-
ra

tes h o u s , ttmout ajphesonlh where thete ate frameworks we apply

emarat clections the level ol gcncrali a see the fve T's distinguished in
tional choice theory;
the spatial and temporal o j p e of the comparison of
this variety
becomes even larger
Turnout is limitcd (there would be no po1nt in ana Chapter 2). Today, 'invades' the dis.
increasingly
TSng turnout in rancc under Louis XIV or in China as comparative politics
ofinternational
relations (and vice versa). The
dav Thc cmpirival material resented in all tables cipline
two become m o r e and more
and hgures boundaries between the
throughout this book relics, thercfore, on and current
these methodological pinciples. blurred. Yet, in spite of fragmentation
What does the world look like? In what kind of
changes towards the overlap with other disciplines,
worid do we live? Ccrtainly, it is a world that has the intent ofcomparative politics is that of a rigorous
changed enormous!y over time and in which large scientific and empirical field of study: description,
difierences persist. explanation, and prediction.
The nineteenth century witnessed what is
prob-
ably the greatest change in the
political organization
oi human societies with the
development of mod- From divergence to
ern nation-states and democracies. There was no
previous experience of mass
democracy based on
principles of fundamental equality between indi-
Convergence...
iduals, civic liberties,
political rights, and open
Comparative politics was born out of diversity. There
would be no
participation to the political process and to social wel- comparative politics without the di-
fare. The scope of
this change was matched versity of political systems and their features. The
Industrial Revolution during the same onlyby
the literature up to the 1950s assumed that
is a unique period. This be a there would
period in our history and we should be convergence towards the model of
aware of its Western liberal the major
exceptional character but also of its short- democracies. But it is
ness. It is therefore
crucial to cOver the trary the fact that no
no
on the con-
development
of the nation-state and mass
democracy over nearly
been
of
divergence (in convergence
the form of
occurred, there has
has
200 years. In spite of the
many differences between political order), that led to alternative models
countries, this change has alfected the of comparative politics. the actual
This Introduction
entire world.
Is it still like
development
stressed the great variety
to
omparative politics has that?
Currently
vergence very strong. The trends towards con-
ol
what-alter all-is a are
huge field of study that coVers all 1989 and end of the Cold war
aspects of do- the
mestic politics, with many areas ol
subdisciplines which
specialization and power that of disappearance
embodied one of the the leading super
War
ase reected in the
large num. political nmodels, major
Central and "Third Wave of alternative
ber of chapters n
(Coniparative Politi(s, The iOn in the
varietyand the
Consequent spec ali/alon and
mentation of the field-1s the main reasn fray
great
towards niarket Eastern Europe,
the
democratiza
lication of economy pressurc
is difficult to single out the most
ost
important book iportant
wlhy it ike world coming
China, the trade and from
from th the intensi-
intensi
tercd through this books
(see the various boxes scattered
Intro through promote merous globalization
promote democracy
numerous in
counuy a
duction). Each subdiscipline has its 'classic' work: demoeratic
democratic initiatives to 'expor
in in Africa 'expOTt
port and
Africa and a
tre all consolidation
patterns of in L
and
nd the
Latin Middle
Middle East,
East;
America-these
worldwide cor America
 The role of
Introduction
question inconmparative
to
into comparative politics
world thatpolitics is 21
verse.
a thus called
What is the is less and less Most
c0untries are today
in future of di- ingly sulbject open systems incrcas-
all
a
globalized world? comparative
politics also
to external
inluences:
'quasi-experimental'
tions
Conmparative
methods basespolitics-like
leaning from the
ion, For practices
borrowing but
of others and
on the
co-variation its
explana example, il is plausible to imila
quite between developinent suppose that the
naturally, leads to focus phenomena which, is
of welfare
allected by dilfusion
states in various
countries
analytical cases. Yet. how does difterences between
on
and 22, 1or processes (sce Chapters 20
with the existence such examples of diffusion processes
of diseipline deal
a

commonalities. pallerns policy transfers and policy through

mogenization, and ditfusion of ho- Iries). There are factors of learning bct ween coun-
comparative politics was built effects?
the
Furthermore, belong to some
c0ordination when
they
on
assumption that cases-i.e. nationalmethodological tion (the overarching integrating organiza-
European Union, for
of each other. political sys-
tems-are
it has been independent
in
Chapter 23) well cases cxample,
as
shown as

less concerned with

the
Traditionally, as
conquest, colonialism, economic
of imposition
by
common aspects and
interactions.' explanation of cussed in Chapter 4, dependency (as dis-
As Sorensen notes of many current states were
at the other states before part
t)he standard image beginning of Chapter 24, secession). Finally, our current
of the world, more than ever,
sovereign nation-state experiences
migrations see Comparative migrations
is that of data on (for
an
entity within well-defined territorial table 14 at the
borders: a national end of this volume).
polity, a national economy, and
national community of a The risk for
citizens', and on this premise comparative politics is-methodolo-
comparative politics researchers thought that gically speaking-ofending up with 'N=1'. Przewor-
could 'safely they ski and Teune in their classic
book on the
ignore what takes place outside of method ask: 'how many comparative
the borders of the countries independent events can we
they were studying. observe? If the similarity within a
Although comparative politics has also considered is a result of diffusion, there
group of systems
other types of is only
states (city-states
in Ancient Greece ent observation' (1970: 52).
one
independ-
and Renaissance Italy, Our current method-
empires such as the Roman, ology is fit to analyse conmon
not
the Chinese, and the
Habsburg), and although the developments,
behavioural revolution replaced the concept of 'state
changes without variation between cases, and situ-
ations of dependence between them. The
(limited in time and space) with that of problem
'political sys- obviously increases with transnationalization pro
tem' (allowing the comparison of sub-national and cesses, the amelioration of communication,
spread
supra-national regional systems), its main concern of information, and acceleration of exchanges. In
has for long remained the study of the Westphalian an
increasingly interdependent world, comparative
territorial state. political scientists realize that social phenomena are
It is, however, increasingly difficult to maintain not isolated and self-contained, but rather are aftected
such a position and, indeed, the literature has ad- by events occurring within other societies, not neces-
dressed these issues. In recent years there has been a sarily neighbouring countries but also more remote
resurgence of interest in the so-called Galton's prob- locations. And, with a 'shrinking world', the problem
lem', that is, the methodological issue raised at the end is stronger today than in the past.
of the nineteenth century by the polymath and an
thropologist Francis Galton concerning associations ..and back to divergence?
between phenomena that are, in fact, the result of dif-
fusion effects between cases-ultimately, therefore, The last section ofthe book addresses precisely these
spurious associations. Contagion processes among questions with chapters on integration, globalization,
and promotion of democracy in non-Nestern parts
cases violate the assumption ofindependence anmong
of the world. This is where comparative politics and
units of analysis. Units of analysis-be it organ their
isolated from international relations become contiguous and
izations or territorial units-are not
eftorts, in the future, will increasingly be
common
phenonmena
one another. In termporal developments etforts.
the other.
spread from o n e case to
 ifficult to detect.
diff
22 Daniele Caramani is
t h a t it politics ou
world
over;short
to say
this is
in
developments
All at
looking few cases only.
cyclical, and by
or this book lopts a
time
Nonetheless, one should not forget that wlhile there why
of r e a s o n s

re processes Convergence and homogenization, periods beginning of mod.

one
of the the
from
nere are signals pointing also in other, This is p e r s p e c t i v e

f o r m a t i o n
tional states, nass
o n g - t e r m
rections. Examples inchude the renewed rone ofnatio
p o l i t i c s - t h e industrialization
as
in t nineteenth
parts ofthe world, such crn
Muslim and c r o s s - c o u n t r y
a yareas,
s inbutsome
also in the US; thecmergence of democracies,
broad
ountry pe
perspect-
as a mnieur c
well
anternative forms of
neo-populist "Bolivarian ac c e n t u r y - a s
reculer pour auter
cracies in expression
French further) was
order
Latin America, particularly in
Boliva a ive. The
backwards
in to Jump
enezuela; differentiation at the sub-national leve one of the foundin
hat (to step Rokkan's, ding
points to the resurgence-as a parallel
proces favourite of Stein
to the a of parative politics.
discipline
weakening of the Westphalian nation-stat
pioneers
of the at the futur
aused by for looking
supra-national integration-of new ie firm ground
To have a of this book
gionalist phenomena with the philosophy
also,
ethno-linguistic suppor well with
lt fits very of comparative politice
supra-national integration, when and where the mission
takes too. Basically, one needs a little
s u m m a r i z e d as
place, occurs to different degrees and at differ-
ent paces; could be simply
finally, cultural fault lines pull the world
apart while it perspective.
integrates economically.

Further reading
ldssics or comparative politics are shown in the boxes in this Introduction. Those books should be on every

Comparative political scientist's shelves.

Overviews of the discipline
Blondel, Jean (1999) 'Then and Now: Comparative Politics', Political
Studies, 47(1): 152-60.
Daalder, Hans (1993) The Development of
the Study of Comparative Politics', in Keman (ed.), Comparative
Politics (Amsterdam: Free University Press),
11-30
Dalton, Russell J. (1991) 'Comparative Politics
of the Industrial Democracies: From the Golden Age to Island
Hopping', in William Crotty (ed.), Political
Science(Evanston, l.: Northwestern University Press), 15-43.
Eckstein, Henry (1963) A Perspective on Comparative Politics, Past
and Present', in
E. Apter (eds.), Comparative Politics: A Reader
(New York: Free Press), 3-32. Henry Eckstein and David
Mait. Peter (1996) 'Comparative Politics: An
Overview, in Robert E. G0odin
(eds A New Handbook of Political Science (Oxford: Oxford and.Hans-Dieter Klingemann
Doanwski Ronald (1993) 'Comparative Politics, in Ada W. Finifter University Press), 309-35.
Discipline (Washington, DC: American Political science (ed.), Political Sciernce: The
Association), State of the
iiane (1993) 431-50.
"Comparative
Politics, in Joel Krieger (ed.),
World (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 171-7. The Oxford
Companion to Politics of the
Verba, Sidney (1985) Comparative Politics: Where have we Been
(ed.), New Directions in
Comparative Politics (Boulder, Colo.; Where are we Going?', in
Westview Press), Howard J. Wiarda
Recent treatments of comparative politics as a discipline 26-38.
Almond, Gabriel A. (1990) A Discipline vided: Schools and Sects in Political
Calif: Sage). Science
Chilcote, Ronald H. (1994) Theories of Comparative Politics: (Newbury Park,
Colo.: Westview Press, 2nd edn).
The Search for a
- and
Paradigm Reconsidered
(2000) Comparative inguiry in nlitics Political Economy (Boulder,
(Boulder, Colo.:
Westview Press)