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BOOK REVIEWS 75
Sullivan's psychological make-up: "Sullivan to the others, I hope to single out the fact that Atlanta, Georgia
was emotionally unable to cope with his own variety was not only a product of [Sullivan's]
belated Romanticism," which resulted in "his random thinking but was, more important, a
obstinate dedication to anachronistic concep- result of emotional reactions to external circum-
tions." However, Menocal's psychological in- stances." Elsewhere, Menocal belittles Sulli-DOLORES HAYDEN, The Grand Domestic
terpretation of Sullivan's "failure" and his van's ability to reshape intellectual currents to
Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for
modernist antagonism toward Sullivan's ro- fit his own aesthetic and messianic ends becauseAmerican Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities,
mantic tendencies restrict our comprehension of his "unsystematic" procedures and his lim-
Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1981, 367
of the significance of Sullivan's place in history. ited formal education resulting in a "superficialpp., 1z5 illus. $19.95.
As George Kubler recognized in The Shape understanding of German transcendentalism."
of Time (1962), biographical-psychological To accuse Sullivan of "random" or "unsys- In this book Dolores Hayden adds a new di-
studies of individual artists limit our knowl- tematic" thinking is shortsighted and mislead-
mension to her earlier work, Seven American
edge of art objects in regard to their expres- ing. Like other avant-garde artists such as his
Utopias, the Architecture of Communitarian
sions of cultural conditions, their relation to French contemporaries, the Symbolist painters,Socialism, z790-z875 (1976) and makes an
the rest of history, and "the continuous nature Sullivan used various disciplines for his own important contribution to the growing litera-
of artistic [and related intellectual] traditions" artistic ends. These artists adapted aspects ofture on domestic architecture. In the past few
(p. 6). Likewise, although Sullivan's autobio- years several books have appeared on this sub-
i9th-century philosophical, aesthetic, and sci-
graphical and theoretical statements facilitate a entific discourse to lend credibility to their mes-
ject. David R. Handlin has offered a compre-
means of interpreting his intentions and artistic sianic self-concept, their belief in an absolute,
hensive social history in The American Home,
behavior, they are insufficient by themselves to their search for a new means of expression, andArchitecture and Society, z8z15-19z5 (1979)
describe how he responded artistically to his the symbolic and edifying values of their art while Gwendolyn Wright injected a feminist
cultural conditions by using late 19th-century works. Most of these artists, like Sullivan, did
analysis in her two studies: Moralism and the
conventions, how his choices among and trans- not have a profound knowledge of the preceptsModel Home, Domestic Architecture and Cul-
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76 JSAH, XLI:1, MARCH 1982
tural Conflict 1873-19 13 (1980) and Building nology and/or cooperative activities. In illumi-non-traditional design solutions improved a
the Dream, A Social History of Housing in nating the female response to American urba-given domestic function. For example, she ex-
America (198 i1). Finally, Suzanne Keller has as- nization, Hayden's work is a valuable contri-amines forms for food preparation: the early
sembled several essays in Building for Women bution to U.S. history and can be compared19th-century Shaker kitchen with space for a
(1981) addressing contemporary issues. In The favorably with Thomas Hines's Burnham ofcommunity work force and efficiency-promot-
Grand Domestic Revolution, Hayden provides Chicago (1974) and Stanley Buder's Pullman,ing inventions; Catherine Beecher's mid-century
a bridge between the general approach of An Experiment in Industrial Order and Com- streamlined workplace; Melusina Fay Pierce's
Handlin and Wright and Keller's modern de- munity Planning, r880-i930 (1967). cooperative arrangements featuring a central
mands. She does this by uncovering a long lost Hayden coined the term "material feminists." housekeeping unit surrounded by kitchenless
tradition, the work of the "material feminists." Her proof for the existence of this tradition is cottages; the cooked food delivery service, an
The material feminists, as defined by Hay- based on her assertion that they were united by aidea premised on dense urban settlements; the
den, were determined to undertake the "com- common premise: environmental determinism.community or public kitchen, also a city phe-
plete transformation of the spatial design and Despite their varied backgrounds and motiva-nomenon; and Charlotte Perkins Gilman's
material culture of American homes, neighbor- tions, they all argued that adjustments to theapartment hotel. She traces other domestic
hoods and cities." They called for functional physical environment would promote sexualconcerns such as child care in a similar fashion.
changes in physical structures. They sought to equality. They held that once women were re- As she documents individual experiments
relocate domestic activities so as to free females lieved of the weight of uncompensated domes-Hayden evaluates them. Each has one of two
from unpaid, household labor. Finally, they tic responsibilities, they would be free for moreresults. Either it heightens individualism by
demanded control over the ensuing designs. socially desirable work. Unfortunately, this as-lightening some aspects of the workload through
In this exhaustive survey, Hayden examines sumption also held the seeds of failure. By link-spatial re-organization and the use of technol-
every material feminist experiment and exposi- ing the environment with economic indepen-ogy or it socializes domestic activities by offer-
tion in a three-generation period between the dence in a causal relationship, the theoristsing collective solutions. Hayden favors the lat-
end of the Civil War and the beginning of the made a strategic mistake. As long as womenter. Her assessment is based on two strongly
Depression. She has classified her topic under were economically and politically impotent,held values, one architectural and the other so-
four categories: communitarian socialism and they were powerless to implement their propo- cial. In her view, the cooperative approaches
domestic feminism, cooperative housekeeping, sitions; thus their demands remained dreams.offer equal if not better performance in pro-
urban reform efforts, and experiments in the The theorists were always hampered in imple-perly designed buildings. Furthermore, they are
tradition of Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Gilman menting their ideas because the sole measure of not exploitative. Hayden rightly concludes that
(1860-1935) wrote extensively on women andsuccess, the monetary standard, would natu-the real value of the material feminists was their
society in the early zoth century. Although otherrally favor the "costless" (i.e., unpaid) tradi-"two insights into women's oppression, a spa-
scholars have offered partial accounts of manytional solution over the experiment. In these
tial critique of the home as an isolated domestic
of these items, Hayden's book is the first com- circumstances the recommended changes wereworkplace and an economic critique of unpaid
prehensive assemblage which demonstrates rarely considered economically feasible by menhousehold work."
their evolution as a continuous stream. who held power in late 19th- and early zoth- Like Catherine Bauer, one of her predeces-
Hayden has selected a sensible time period century America. sors in the zoth-century housing reform move-
for her study. In the 6o years prior to the De- In Hayden's view, however, these difficulties ment, Hayden makes her judgments within a
pression, America was transformed from a rural only partially explain why material feminismlarger political framework. Bauer successfully
to an urban nation. The movement into an in- remained a minority tradition. She employs aargued, in the early thirties, that public housing
dustrially-based economy and rapid populationconspiracy theory blaming government andwould not become an American phenomenon
growth (the urban population grew from io mil-business for promoting economic growthwithout the support of the American labor
lion in 1870 to 54 million in 19z20) occurred atthrough production of consumer goods, not- movement. This is echoed in Hayden's parting
this time. Responses to these changes took variedably products used by the non-working house-words in the Grand Domestic Revolution:
forms. In the city, real estate speculators usedwife. Although this disappointingly simplisticMany current feminist campaigns tend to di-
mass production techniques to create the tene-proposition lacks the subtlety of interpretation vide housewives and employed women; they
ment in order to house the burgeoning popula-that otherwise characterizes Hayden's work, itappear to attack women's sphere, not extend it.
tion. In the realm of thought, philosophersnonetheless provides a framework for under-Employed women do not encourage each other
erected utopian communities to solve urban-re- standing material feminism as social criticism. to think of themselves as housewives although
lated problems. Concurrently a subtle change Despite the above-mentioned weakness inthey usually have a second unpaid job at home.
in the status of women occurred; many entered the author's argument, her uncovering of the
Housewives sometimes oppose the employment
of women as harmful to woman's sphere and
the urban work force. Working class womenlost feminist tradition represents far more than
social reproduction, although in 1970 the av-
found jobs in factories while those of the mid-a narrative of historical curiosities. It provideserage American Woman could expect to spend
dle and upper classes earned college or univer-the basis for a modern feminist analysis of ar-zz.9 years of her life in the paid labor force.
sity degrees and attempted to enter the profes- chitecture and planning, one which has increas- Clearly a more synthetic feminist organizing
sions. In college, office, or factory, these womening relevance in the late zoth century as thestrategy will make it clear that employed women
encountered new opportunities to experienceeconomic questions involved in women's issuesand housewives have an overwhelming mutual
the effects of group behavior and frequentlyare slowly being resolved. Clearly women, par-interest in the creation of homelike neighbor-
sought to formulate collective solutions toticularly employed women and their families,hoods which do not spearate home and work as
capitalism has done.
problems encountered in the urban environ-are a critical mass. These women constitute a
ments where the majority lived. Their move-work force of 41 million and contribute, on theHayden's appeal is exciting and her vision is
ment into municipal housekeeping activities isaverage, 25 percent of the nation's family in-
a beginning. Not all contemporary supporters
of domestic reform share her advocacy of a so-
an example of this phenomenon. Hayden pro-come. Given this new role, they have particular
vides other examples when she demonstratesspatial demands which must be defined and ac-cialist solution. Nonetheless, the lack of agree-
how women, discontented with the routine, in- commodated. Hayden's impeccable scholar- ment on method and form will not prevent fur-
ther serious thinking and action on the issue.
efficient and isolated nature of domestic work, ship and thought-provoking suggestions initiate
proffered new housekeeping methods. Theythis process. For example, at the present time, in New York
Hayden's method is to demonstrate how
based their suggestions on contemporary tech- a Ford Foundation-funded Women and Hous-
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BOOK REVIEWS 77
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